sign in sign up
<<
Home , Arzawa, Augur, Hapalla, Luwian religion, Runtiya, Sapinuwa

281 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXII N° 3-4, mei- 2015 282

HOOFDARTIKELEN

REMARKS ON HITTITE AUGUR AND RITUALS FROM ARZAWA1)

Alfonso ARCHI Roma

This article will address the Hittite augur rituals, taking the book DieRitualederAuguren by D. Bawanypeck (hence- forth: Rituale) as a starting point.2) It will place these rituals in a wider perspective in light of the recent discussion on the identification of the language and culture of western in relation to the ‘eastern’ . In Rituale, all Hittite rituals performed by augurs have been collected. Only one of the altogether seven discussed texts (to which one has to add the of Pupuwanni, pp. 273-289!) is explicitly said to be a ritual from the land of : Text VI (KUB 7.54 I 1- II 6, CTH 425.1 with three duplicates, see p. 126), a ritual concerning a plague in a military encampment, mentions that it is the ritual of “Maddunani the augur (LÚIGI.DÙ), a man from Arzawa”. Text VII (KUB 7.54 II 7-IV, CTH 425.2 with one duplicate, see p. 137) is a ritual performed by ‘Dandanku the augur (LÚMUŠEN.DÙ)’ which relates to the same subject as the previous ritual and is similar in structure as well. It is there- fore likely to also have originated in Arzawa, although the augur’s origin is not given. In general, all these rituals per- formed by augurs are held to belong to western Anatolia, in particular to Arzawa (see e. g. Haas2003a: 29-31). In this article, I will first discuss the rituals said explicity to be from Arzawa and and then the rituals of the augurs. 1. RitualsfromArzawaandritualsfromKizzuwatna A list of eight rituals from Arzawa was first given by Heinrich Otten (1973: 81-82); this list has later been aug- mented to thirteen by Bawanypeck 2005 (including a brief description of each ritual).

1) This is a review article of BAWANYPECK, D. — DieRitualeder Auguren (Texte der Hethiter 25). Universitätsverlag Winter, Heidelberg 2005. (21 cm, XVI, 396): ISBN 3-8253-5113-0. 2) This book has already received several reviews: A. Mouton, RA 100 (2006) 184-185; S. Alaura, SMEA 48 (2006) 307-311; P. Taracha, ZA 98 (2008) 152-155 and G. Beckman, OLZ 104 (2009) 455-56.

998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 278278 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06 283 HITTITE AUGUR RITUALS AND RITUALS FROM ARZAWA 284

Arzawa has been considered a Luwian country since the documents of this genre, and in a different language, could very beginning of Hittite studies, because in the HittiteLaws have been acquired by the . The strong political rela- § 19a “the land of Luwiya” in manuscript A, in O(ld) tions between Hatti and Kizzuwatna in the Early Empire S(cript) — therefore no later than around the time of Tele- period, starting with Tuthaliya I, together with the attraction pinu — was substituted by “the land of Arzawa” in manu- of the Hurrian culture, favoured the acquisition of an entire script B, M(iddle)/N(ew) S(cript). Recently, however, Ilya library of religious documents for Tašmi-šarri/Tuthaliya II/ Yakubovich (2010: 100-103) has remarked that: III. Following a Hurrian interpretation of the religious expe- rience, they had to establish a cult subspecieHurricafor the “in contrast to the ritual texts from Kizzuwatna, (the body of the Arzawa ritual) does not contain any vernacular passage… Storm-god in Sapinuwa, where the king resided. A Hurrian (which is) in sharp contrast with the abundance of Luvian pas- or a Hittite bilingual scribe copied (in MH script) a kaluti sages that are embedded in Kizzuwatna rituals and reflect “circle” of gods who formed the train of Teššup, whose ori- situational code-switching to the local vernacular.” (It is evi- gin was in and subsequently adopted in Kizzuwatna. dent that) “the interpretation of these facts depends on the This kaluti was later made in three versions for the archives transmission history of the Arzawa rituals, for which one can of , and was defined as that of “Teššup of the city of reconstruct two different scenarios. On the one hand, it is pos- Sapinuwa” (Giorgieri, e.a. 2003, with references to the Hat- sible to hypothesize that they were originally collected and/or tusa manuscripts). A bilingual edition of the itkalzi ritual in compiled by Arzawa scribes, and then copied for the Hittite twenty-two tablets, with the Hittite version in the right col- royal archives after the annexation of Arzawa … On the other hand, one can conjecture that certain Arzawa ritual specialists umn, was drawn up by a bilingual Hittite scribe, in MH practiced at the court of Hattusa, or at least visited it, which script. The scribe(s) responsible for this therefore had at his/ allowed the Hittite scribes to record their lore.” their disposal a manuscript from Kizzuwatna: such a com- plex liturgy is not suitable for an oral transmission. This Yakubovich prefers the second possibility and argues that ritual was later written down in a much shorter version of ten the fact that the Arzawa rituals do not include passages with tablets for Hattusa (de Martino e.a. 2003). A short offering incantations in Luwian (or in any other foreign language) is ritual addressed to “Teššup of salvation and well-being(?)” due to “the inability of Hattusa scribes, many of whom were was created in favour of Tašmi-šarri by a scribe who wrote Hittite and Luvian bilingualists, to understand the native lan- in MH script using a syllabary which “displays similarities guage of Arzawa ritualists” active in the Hittite capital (see to that of Hurrian texts from the late Middle Hittite period also Yakubovich 2013). found at Hattusa”. The text opens with the prescription in He believes in fact that in the western , which were Hittite: “Thereupon he applies the gangati-plant by saying occupied during the first millennium by and to the bread in the following way …”, and a Hurrian recita- a Luwoid language was in use, and “not Luwian in the nar- tion follows. The text then continues in Hittite: “At this row sense”. His main argument is that elements such as point he makes a round of offerings to the gods”, and the Kupanta- and -aradu are not found in the anthroponymy of words which follow are in Hurrian. The third section in Hur- the Luwian areas in central and eastern Anatolia. One may rian also has an introduction in Hittite: “At this point he calls be convinced by his thesis or not, but a supposed difficulty the circle of gods in and he calls the name of the patient” in understanding the Arzawa dialect in Hattusa is not a con- — who was the king himself — “To the eye of the sacrificer vincing argument, because Hittite religious texts have invo- Tašmi-šarri …” (Wilhelm & Süel 2003). The scribe and cations to the gods and formulae in several different author of this text (if different from the other two) was also languages, not only in Hattic (many gods of the official cult bilingual: perhaps a member of a second generation belong- were of Hattian origin), but also in Hurrian, a peculiar form ing to a small group of Kizzuwatnean experts in Hurrian of Babylonian, Palaic ( was roughly in the area of religious texts at the service of the Hittite court, who was ) and Luwian: the dialect in use in Kizzuwatna trained at the Hattusa scribal school, and had original docu- ( and ), as well as the distinct dialect of mentary material at his disposal. Istanuwa (in the north-west of the Sangarios valley). Some of the scribes of the Hattusa tablets have a Hurrian Further, elements of the so-called Empire Luwian appear in name, but only in the case of Hubiti, who wrote the version later documents of various genres such as transcripts of law- of the itkalzi-ritual for the capital, and that of Talmi-Teššup, suits. With many political centres and in absence of an who wrote the version of the (ḫ)išuwa-festival requested by authority which could impose a normalization at least for a queen Puduhepa, they had to necessarily have a Hurrian litterary or chancellery language, it is certain that the dialect competence. The Hurrian names of the scribes active at Hat- of Arzawa must have been different from that of Kizzuwatna. tusa have been collected by L. Mascheroni (1984). However, it is difficult to believe that a Hittite scribe would While KUB 47.41, a fragment in Middle Assyrian ductus, have been greatly impressed, for example, by the fact that the seems to be the only preserved foreign Vorlage in the Hat- Proto-Lycian of the second millennium preserved a genitive tusa archives of a Hurrian ritual which was translated or plural in -ẽ (< i. e. *-ōm) and a four-vowel system (/a/, /e/, rewritten in Hittite (see Klinger 2001: 200), the tablets KUB /i/, /u/), while Luwian had a three-vowel system, data which 45.3 (+) KUB 47.3, containing the āllanuwašši(yaš) ritual of are of the highest interest, instead, for a linguist of our time Giziya of Alalaḫ, together with KUB 45.21 and KBo (see Melchert 2003: 175). 23.23+KBo 33.118 containing the ritual of Allaituraḫḫi of The absence of sections written in a foreign language in Mukiš, seem to present cases similar to those of the docu- the Arzawa rituals, unlike those from Kizzuwatna, rather has ments from Sapinuwa. The MH ductus would date all those to be explained by their different transmission. manuscripts to a period previous to ’s con- The first three Hurrian religous texts from Sapinuwa quest of Mukiš (Miller 2004: 506-507 with n. 924). Hittite (north-east of Hattusa) which have been recently published, scribes, having at their disposal copies of these two Hurrian can contribute to explaining one of the ways through which rituals which probably stemmed from Kizzuwatna, re-edited

998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 279279 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06 285 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2015 286

them with the prescriptions for the practitioners in Hittite and the other lands of Luwiya. Although Suppiluliuma I cam- the magical invocations in Hurrian (see respectively: Salvini paigned against Arzawa, it was his son Mursili II who suc- & Wegner, 1986: 263-275 and Haas & Wegner 1986: ceeded in compelling the kings of that region to accept Hit- 48-64). For other “eastern” rituals, such as the “Two tablets: tite domination, overcoming all resistance in his campaigns Words of Eḫal-Teššup, the diviner (LÚḪAL) of Halap”, reg- of the third and fourth years, and crushing the rebellion of istered in the catalogue KUB 30.51(+) II 14 (see Dardano Mashuiluwa king of Mira, who had married Muwatti, a 2006: 130), it is impossible to trace the route via which they daughter of Suppiluliuma I, in his twelfth year (see Klengel arrived in Hattusa. 1999: 188-192, 194-195; Hawkins 1998: 14-15). The reception of the Luwian rituals from Kizzuwatna with All the Arzawa rituals (unlike those from Kizzuwatna) had sections in the may have taken place in a a short redactional history, being written in N(ew) S(cript), similar way. Some rituals seem to go back to the 15th cen- with the exception of those of Malli and Paskuwatti, and tury (Late Old Hittite?) and the entire corpus received its most of them may have a direct connection with the situation final redaction “before 1400” (Early Empire, see Starke of the time of Mursili II (this last point has been convinc- 1985: 21-31). They were most probably drawn up by Hittite ingly argued by Collins 2010: 56-59). In particular, eight scribes using material from Kizzuwatna; in some other cases rituals (all in NS) concern the case of a plague, the disaster they must have been recorded directly from a practitioner (on which Mursili II had to face for more than twenty years. this procedure, see Haas 1994: 884; Trémouille 2000, in par- Also, ritual no. 13 may be dated to this king, because he ticular pp. 81, 83; and a detailed discussion by Miller 2004: needed a mantalli-rite according to an oracular enquiry. 469-532). It is, therefore, a different means of transmission that Yakubovich (2010: 275-277) in contrast argues that all explains why these rituals (differently from those from Kiz- these rituals (differently from those with Hurrian elements) zuwatna) “do not contain incantations in any form of Luvian reflect migration of practitioners to Hattusa, where they were and remarkably few Luvianisms” (see Melchert 2013: 170- for first time recorded by scribes. Kizzuwatna had, however, 172, where the Luwianism in the Arzawa rituals are col- a scribal school which used Akkadian for political relations lected). Mursili II (whose daughter Massanauzzi was given with Hatti and some neighbouring Syrian states and Hurrian in marriage to a member of the familiy of Manapa-Tarhunta, at least for religious duties. It is thus also quite possible that king of the Seha River Land, probably Masturi), asked that some genres of documents were written in Luwian, perhaps “the deity of Ahhiyawa, the deity of Lazpa (Lesbos)” be under the influence of the Hattusa scribal school, which used brought to him, “because the illness still oppressed” him, so to draw up documents in its own local language. that he could devote rites to them, KBo 5.6(+) II 57’-64’ The kingdom of Arzawa, whose core was the fertile Mean- (Sommer 1932, 282-283; for an English translation see der valley, had to suffer the attack of Hattusili I; it was sub- Beckman, Bryce & Cline 2011: 192-195). The request must sequently defeated by Tuthaliya I and again by Tuthaliya II(/ have been made to the king of the Seha River land (the Her- III). During the reign of this last king, it was Arzawa which mos valley), which lay in front of Lesbos. It is quite plausible ventured to attack Hatti: “from the Lower land, the enemy that Mursili also sent expert scribes to record rituals against of the Land Arzawa came and he too ravaged the Hatti lands the plague in Arzawa. Those scribes (Hittite and Luwian and made Tuwanuwa and Uda his Frontier” (edict of Hat- bilingual or not) thought it suitable to draw up the composi- tusili III, KBo VI 28 obv. 8-9; see Goetze 1940: 21-22). A tions which had to be used in the city of their king in Hittite, letter from Sarissa confirms hostile actions by Kupanta- the language of written communication. Kurunta of Mira and his son (Süel 2001). The status of the The origin of the augur Dandanku, author of a ritual king of Arzawa was so high in that period, that Amenophis against plague (CTH 425.2, no. 7 here below) is not given. III requested from king Tarhundaradu that a dynastic alliance Although it is not certain that all the augur’s rituals origi- be established with Arzawa, and asked to receive from him nated in Arzawa, as Bawanypeck has argued, it seems that some Kaska-men, indicating the influence that this kingdom this was the case at least for this ritual (see below, section extended over a part of middle Anatolia. This political situ- 2). In the Dandanku ritual it is Jarri, a Luwian War god ation may explain why manuscript B (MS?) of the Laws provided with a chariot drawn by horses, who provoked the substitutes in § 19a “Luwiya” of manuscript A (OS) with plague, assisted by his Heptad: the Marwainzi “the Darks” “Arzawa”: “If a Luwian steals a (free) person, man or (an epithet with a Luwian ending, see Bawanypeck 2006: woman, from Hattusa, and leads him away to the land of 138-141 §§ 3-4). He receives the appellative of “Lord of the Luwiya/Arzawa…” (on this paragraph, see recently J. D. Bow”, and it is with his arrows that he hits the enemy lands Hawkins (2013, see pp. 32-35). The scribe of B (writing at (ibid. 144-145 §§ 13-14; Kümmel, 1967: 101). Jarri is the time of Tuthaliya II or Suppiluliuma I) had at first (§ 19a) sometimes invoked together with Santas, another Luwian the impulse to harmonize the text of the Laws with the con- War god (Melchert 2002: 241-251 has proposed that he temporary political situation; then he chose, instead, to fol- should be equated with the Lycian Hãtahe). It is difficult, low manuscript A in the following parallel paragraphs 19b, therefore, to avoid the idea that these elements are merged 20, 21 (and in 5). Luwiya meant the linguistic and political in the figure of Apollo, the god who provoked and elimi- continuum on the other of the Halys bend at the time of nated plague (Homer, Iliad 1, 48-67, 450-456), when the Mursili I (i. e. manuscript A). It was not an enemy land: § 23 Greeks came in contact with the Asianic (Luwian) popula- (A and B) distinguish between “Luwiya” and “enemy coun- tion of the Aegean coasts. The same functions were in fact try”, but the Hittite domination was not so firmly established attributed to the Kreto-Mysian Apollo Smintheús (“Mouse”). there as in Hatti (inside the Halys bend). During the Early In the ritual of Ambazzi (of western Luwian origin) against Empire that region was completely assimilated, and the an illness provoked by some Luwian spirits (see below, no. major independent state at that time in the south-western 14), the illness of a person is transmitted to “an evil per- regions was Arzawa, which shared a linguistic affinity with son”, and also to a mouse, which has to eliminate the

998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 280280 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06 287 HITTITE AUGUR RITUALS AND RITUALS FROM ARZAWA 288

illness: “I have taken the evil off you and attached it to this 14. (?) The ritual of Ambazzi, a woman of unknown origin, mouse. Let this mouse carry it to the high mountains, the CTH 391, and the related CTH 429 (both written in NS), deep valleys, the far-away roads”, §§ 9, 10, 19, 20. “Two addressed to the evil spirits Zarniza, Tarpatassa (a pure mice” are then sacrificed, their blood is poured on Luwian adjectival form from tarpat-), Alauwaima/i (a bread, parts of the bodies are roasted, and then all that is Luwian participle from allawaiu-?, see Melchert 1993: given to be eaten by the demons Tarpatassa and Mamma, 9) and Mamma on the occasion of the inan illness, has § 41 (Christiansen 2006: 38-45, 54-55). Therefore, accord- to be considered to originate in the south-western or ing to this ritual, mice had the power to provoke illness and western regions. Although its manuscripts are in NS, the plague and to clean it, as well as Apollo Smintheús of the grammatical and writing forms point to a longer written eastern Greek tradition, as noted above (cfr. Puhvel, HED tradition, which could go back perhaps to the Early K, 60). Empire (Christiansen 2006: 322-328). The illness has to Altogether, the Arzawa rituals include: abandon the patient by going to another (evil) person, CTH 391 II 20-22 (pp. 42-43): “From him draw out the 1. Ashella, the man of : “When the year has taken evil pull (i.e. pulled muscle, paralysis?) from his head, a bad turn and in the army a plague occurs …” (CTH his hands, his feet, and give it to the evil men, to the 394). adversaries!”. 2. Pulisa [the man…]: “[When the king] strikes an enemy land and marches [away from the border of the enemy The objects and procedures of these rituals are summa- land …]… and among the people a plague occurs …” rized in Bawanypeck 2005. The ritualistic features are very (CTH 407). similar to those of the rituals from the Lower Land and Kiz- 3. Uhhamuwa, the man of Arzawa: “If in the land there is zuwatna. The plague rituals of Ashella, Pulisa and Uhha- continual dying and if some god of the enemy has muwa (nos. 1-3) use the scapegoat rite. In those of Madun- caused it …” (CTH 410). nanni and Dandanku (nos. 6-7) the army is purified by 4. Tapalazunawali, the man of Arzawa: “If a plague in the passing between the two severed halves of an animal, to land or in the army occurs …” (CTH 424.1). which the plague is transferred. It is not possible to ascertain 5. [PN of A]rz[awa]: “[If in the land,] in a city, in a for- to which of the two typologies the other three plague rituals tress [a plague] occurs …” (424.2) KUB 41.17 II 1’-17’ (nos. 4-5, 8) belong, which also needed a ram and in one case // KBo 22.121 I 1-16 (Del Monte 1995: 174). also a (Bawanypeck 2005: 4-9). The practice of transfer- 6. Maddunani the augur (LÚIGI.DÙ), the man of Arzawa: ring evil from the patient to another subject is very common “When in the army a plague occurs …” (CTH 425.1). in rituals. Kümmel (1967: 188-198) discussed this topic in 7. Dandanku the augur (LÚMUŠEN.DÙ) (from Arzawa?): an admirable way. This practice was in use already in the “When in the army they are dying …” (CTH 425.2). Old Hittite period (see Haas 2003b: 131-141; Taracha 2000: 8. Tarhantupaddu, the man of Arzawa: for the king, “When 209-212). Gurney (1977: 47-58), who quotes sections of in the land they are dying …” (CTH 470.89). many rituals, has stressed that the term for “(ritual) substi- tute” in the Hittite texts is tarpanalla/i-, tarpassa- (both with The rituals not concerning a plague are: gloss), or (Hurrian) puhugari-, while the function of nak- kussi- is “to be let go’”, that is “carrier”, abstracts nakkusa- 9. Alli, the “Old Woman” of Arzawa: against witchcraft. tar, Luw. nakkussahit- (Laroche 1986: 137-140). Janowski This is the only certain Arzawa ritual with a complex & Wilhelm (1993: 109-169) have discussed several passages textual tradition with two manuscripts in MS and others of rituals including those from Kizzuwatna, stressing that the in NS (CTH 402). nakkussi- rite was common in the whole of Lower Anatolia, 10. Paskuwatti, the woman of Arzawa: against sexual impo- as was the scapegoat ritual in northern Syria () and in tence (the manuscript is in NS) (CTH 406). Peled 2010 the . They suggest to derive the Hurrian term azasḫu and Miller 2010 have argued that this ritual has to be from the same Semitic root as Azazel, to which the scapegoat interpreted instead as an antidote to homosexual behav- going into the wilderness is addressed according to Leviticus iour. It is, however, a well-known fact that homosexual- 16. All available material has been examined in detail more ity was basically ignored until very recent times, and not recently by R. Strauß (2006: 119-133), who could add evi- only in western societies. Moreover, this hypothesis dence that the scapegoat rite has already been attested for would deprive ancient western and central Anatolian northern Syria in the 24th century BC in the marriage ritual men of the only known antidote of that time against for the royal couple of (Zatelli 1998: 254-263). The impotence, while in Mesopotamia they had many incan- Sumerian expression máš-ḫul-dúb- “goat destroys evil”, tations and rituals to restore sexual potency, which was refers to goats delivered for rituals for the purpose of elimi- felt as a rather disturbing malaise (see in general Biggs, nating evil. It is attested in the III period and in several RlA 7: 17-18 and RlA 10: 604-05). later Mesopotamian rituals. This evidence, already consid- 11. The ritual of Adda, the man of Arzawa (Bo 3483): ered by Kümmel 1967: 189, has been the object of a study unpublished. by Cavigneaux (1995). 12. The inventory tablet KBo 31.6 III 14’-15’ registers a The earliest occurrence of a human scapegoat ritual in the ritual against witchcraft by NÍG.GA.GUŠKIN, the Greek world is known from Hipponax of Ephesos (sixth cen- woman of Arzawa. tury). Therefore Collins 2010: 61-63, suggests that this ritual 13. In III 11’-13’ of the same inventory a mantalli-ritual on practice, in use in Greece for purifying cities (see Bremmer behalf of the queen is mentioned by NÍG.GA.GUŠKIN, 1983: 299-320), could have been transmitted from Arzawa. which is surely the same person (Dardano 2006: 182- In light of the fact that the scapegoat ritual was known not 183). only in most of Anatolia, but also in Northern Syria from the

998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 281281 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06 289 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2015 290

24th century, and even in Mesopotamia of the Sumerian DÙ KUR URU[…])”, CTH 408 (this title is preserved in ver- period, it is perhaps better to consider it as a magic practice sion B Vs 1), which had to be performed “if the gods are aroused independently in several different areas. ‘charmed’ (UḪ7-antes) towards someone, or a man has abused him (lit. ‘his/her mantel has lifted up’)”. Both ver- 2. Theritualsoftheaugurs sions (A and B), written in NS, have been edited by Bawan- Bawanypeck argues that the seven rituals of the augurs ypeck elsewhere her volume, pp. 273-289). The gods which she has edited in her RitualederAuguren (henceforth: addressed in this case are the Storm-god, the Sun-god, Rituale) constitute a coherent body of magic praxis which the Tutelary god KAL/LAMMA, the Fate-goddesses and the “sich in Westen Anatoliens ausgebildet hat und anderen Tarawes-goddesses (attested also in Luwian texts as Ritualen aus Arzawa eng verbunden ist” (p. 299). Maddu- Darauwanzi). nani, the author of the ritual CTH 425.1 (no. 6 above), was The god KAL/LAMMA (Hitt. Innara, Luw. Kuruntiya, in fact an augur (LÚIGI.DÙ) from Arzawa; we may safely and in the first millennium), to whom the rituals II, assume that also Dandanku, LÚMUŠEN.DÙ, the author of III, IV, and V are addressed (in no. V, together with the Sala- CTH 425.2 (no. 7), was from that land because the two ritu- wanes), was diffused throughout Anatolia as a hunting god; als are so similar (texts VI and VII in Rituale). the attribute of KUŠkuršaš “of the hunting bag”, however, The occasion for ritual I by Hūwarlū, LÚMUŠEN.DÙ, originally belonged to the Hattian-Hittite cult (Otten 1959: (CTH 398), is given by “terrifying (hatugaes; i.e. adversary) 351-359). Hattian gods, such as Kappariyamu and Kantipu- ”, therefore implying the competence of an augur. itti, were also represented by a KUŠkuršaš (Popko 1978: 112; Although the two manuscripts are in NS, they could be cop- Haas 1994: 450). While this epithet could have spread in the ies of an older Vorlage (Rituale, p. 49). Luwian regions, it is somewhat improbable that this ritual Ritual II (CTH 393) against impotence (therefore not would have been originally written in Arzawa. requested by an evil ) is included here because its author is “Anniwiyani, the mother of Armati, the augur Summing up, a) the eight Arzawa rituals against a plague (LÚMUŠEN.DÙ), the servant of Hūrlū”, and this last person (nos. 1-8 above) have a short textual tradition and refer to a is probably the Hūwarlū of the previous ritual. Again, the particular, dramatic historical event which stretched over two manuscript are in NS, but could be copies of an older more than 20 years, dated to Mursili II, who subdued the Vorlage (p. 49). The name of the author is Luwian (Anni- kingdom of Arzawa. Most probably, they were directly col- wiya-ni). The ritual is said to be (I 1) that “of dKAL/LAMMA lected by Hittite scribes in Arzawa, with which also dynastic lulimi: the Tutelary god effeminate” (a Luwian epithet), who alliances were formed; a sister of Mursili (not necessarily has to abandon the petitioner and whose place has to be taken daughter of the same mother) having married the king of by his opposite, dKAL/LAMMA innarawant- “the Tutelary Mira, and Massanauzzi, his daughter, having married the god male” (a Hittite epithet) (I 28-29). The god who is king of the Seha River Land. The ritual with the mantalli-rite invoked several times is again the Tutelary god, but in the (no. 13), known to us only by an inventory, as well as no. 12 form of dKAL/LAMMA KUŠkuršaš “of the hunting bag” (III by the same author, probably came to Hattusa in the same 4, 37, 43, IV 3, 21, 22, 28, 36), see below. way. The ritual against sexual impotence by Paskuatti of Also the three following rituals (III, CTH 433.1; IV, CTH Arzawa (no. 10) also has a short textual tradition. The 433. 2; V, CTH 433.3), against witchcraft, are addressed to archives of Hattusa already owned a ritual on the same sub- dKAL/LAMMA KUŠkuršaš. The manuscript of no. III is in ject by Anniwiyani, which most probably goes back to the NS, but presents older writing forms (pp. 82-84). The manu- Early Empire, received from the Lower or the Western scripts of nos. IV and V A are in MS (pp. 102-105, 119-120). Luwian area (Rituale no. II). The ritual of Alli, the Old All these three rituals were performed by an “Old Woman” Woman of Arzawa (no. 9) and also that of Ambazzi (of in the presence of augurs (LÚ.MEŠMUŠEN.DÙ) whose func- unknown origin), both against witchcraft, date back to the tion is not given (in no. V the performers have not been Early Empire. preserved). The pun in no. III, I 14-15 is not to be related to b) Bawanypeck, and previously Haas (now with the the origin of the ritual: “If (someone) of the town of Lalanda approval Hutter 2003: 236-237) have attributed all the rituals says (something), it has to be released (la-la-at-ta-ru). If which mention augurs (LÚMUŠEN.DÙ; LÚIGI.DÙ in no. 6 = (someone) of the town of Wattarwa says (something), it has VI) to the Arzawa regions. This is explicitly stated only for to become water (wa-at-ta-ri-it-ta-ru)”. Wattarwa is just a that of Maddunani (no. 6 = VI) and is quite probably valid word for “source”, and can be applied to several towns. for that of Dandanku because they share some similarities Lalanda was a town in the west, close to the land of Hapalla (no. 7 = VII). In all other cases it is just a deduction because bordering Arzawa (Mira and the Seha-river Land), and pos- of the presence of the augurs. Their function is stated in no. sibly to be identified with Greek Lalandos, north-west of I: a ritual performed on the occasion of unfavourable omina Afyon (Frantz-Szabó & Ünal, RlA 6: 437); here, however, by evil birds. In the other rituals the augurs just assist the Old the play on words is simply the connection by assonance of Woman, having to establish some procedures by the observa- the name of the town with the verb la(i)- “to untie; release tion of the flight of birds (this is explicitly stated in no. II: (from sorcery)” quoted in an incrementative form. Bawan- “They observe the (s). Whenever the birds give a favour- ypeck (pp. 80-81) quotes a pertinent passage from the able omen, they go into the town”, Bawanypeck, Rituale, Tunnawi(ya) ritual (with Luwian elements) where the same 56-57, ll. 24-25). assonance is used: “Great God, you came from the town of c) A. Mouton and I. Rutherford (2013) were able to pro- Lanta, and you have released… (la-a-is-wa)”, KUB 9.34 III duce a good argument in favour of Bawanypeck’s thesis: 28-29 (Hutter 1988, 38-39). “this association between bird and Arzawa is consist- To these rituals, one has to add that of the Old Woman ent with the distribution of references to bird oracles in Pupuwanni and “the augur of the Land of [… (LÚMUŠEN. another genre of Hittite texts: diplomatic treaties. In two

998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 282282 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06 291 HITTITE AUGUR RITUALS AND RITUALS FROM ARZAWA 292

treaties from the 13th century BC, other states are warned Beckman, G.M., Bryce, T.R. & Cline, E.H., TheAhhiyawaTexts, that if anyone revolts against Hattusa these states are obliged Atlanta 2011. to send support to Hattusa at once, and must not take the bird Biggs, R.D. 1987-1990, Liebeszauber, RlA 7: 17-18. first. Both states are in the West: the Arzawan states Biggs, R.D. 2003-2005, Potenzerhöhung, RlA 10: 604-605. Bremmer, J. 1983, Scapegoat Rituals in Ancient Greece, Harvard of Mira-Kuwaliya, and ” (pp. 331-332). It is very StudiesinClassicalPhilology 87: 299-320. likely that (the based on the study of the Cavigneaux, A. 1995, MÁŠ-ḪUL-DÚB-BA, in: U. Finkbeiner, flight of birds) was particularly developed in the Luwian R. Dittmann & H. Hauptmann (eds.), BeiträgezurKulturge- regions: as Mouton and Rutherford (ibid.) have stressed, schichte Vorderasiens. Festschrift für Rainer Michael many of the technical terms associated with it are Luwian. It Boehmer, Mainz 1995: 53-67. is, however, a matter of fact, that augury was one of the divi- Christiansen, B. 2006, DieRitualtraditionderAmbazzi.Einephi- natory techniques attested in Hatti from the Early Empire, lologischeBearbeitungundentstehungsgeschichtlicheAnalyse therefore quite surely already during the Old Kingdom. The derRitualtexteCTH391, CTH429undCTH463 (StBoT 48), relevant texts are presented by Th. P. J. van den Hout (2001, Wiesbaden. Collins, B.J. 2010, Hittite Religion and the West, in: Y. Cohen, add KBo 22.263, see Van den Hout 2002). A. Gilan & J. L. Miller (eds.), PaxHethitica.Studiesonthe The most probable scenario is therefore the following: HittitesandtheirNeighboursinHonourofItamarSinger 1) Augury developed in Luwian lands: some technical (StBoT 51), Wiesbaden: 54-66. terms are Luwian. The two diplomatic treaties confirm Dardano, P. 2006, DiehethitischenTontafelkatalogeausḪattuša that in Arzawa (as in other Luwian areas) this was a (CTH276-282) (StBoT 47), Wiesbaden 2006. popular technique. de Martino, S., L. Murat, L. & Süel, A. 2013, The Eleventh Tablet 2) The Hittites adopted from those Luwian areas (not nec- of the itkalzi Ritual from Šapinuwa, KASKAL 10: 131-148. essarily those under the Arzawan domination) this tech- del Monte, G. 1995, Un rituale contro la peste: la tavola antologica nique as well as rituals in which augurs were involved: KUB XLI 17 e frammenti collegati, EgittoeVicinoOriente 18: 173-182. some of them, with a longer written transmission, have Frantz-Szabó, G. & Ünal, A. 1980-1983, “Lalanda”, RlA 6, 437. a Vorlage in MS. Therefore, reached Hat- Giorgieri, M., Murat, L. & Süel, A. 2013, The kaluti-List of the tusa not later than the Early Empire. Storm-god of Šapinuwa from Ortaköy (Or. 90/175) and its 3) The lower and western Luwian lands did not have their Parallels from Boğazköy, KASKAL 10: 169-179. own literary tradition, differently from Kizzuwatna. For Goetze, A. 1940, Kizzuwatna, New Haven. diplomatic relations king Tarhundaradu of Arzawa (a Gurney, O.R. 1977, SomeAspectsofHittiteReligion, Oxford. contemporary of Tuthaliya II/III) had at his service at Haas, V. 1994, GeschichtederhethitischenReligion, Leiden — least one scribe who had command of the Hittite lan- New York — Köln. guage — and therefore probably came from Hatti —, as Haas, V. 2003a,MateriaMagicaetMedicaHethitica, Berlin — New York. is shown by the Amarna letter EA 32 addressed to Haas, V. 2003b, Betrachtungen zur Traditiongeschichte hethitischer Amenophis III. This compelled the Egyptian chancellery Rituale am Beispiel des ‘Sündenbock’-Motivs, in: G. Beck- to answer in the (EA 31), which in this man, R. Beal, G. McMahon (eds.), HittiteStudiesinHonorof case reflects linguistic interference with Egyptian (Starke HarryA.HoffnerJr.ontheOccasionofHis65thBirthday, 1981: 221-231; on the problem of possible interference Winona Lake, Indiana: 131-141. in the diplomatic correspondence, see in general Haas, V. & Wegner, I. 1986, DieRitualederBeschwörerinnen Melchert, in print). The centres where one could become SALŠU.GI (ChS I/5), Roma. acquainted with the diplomatic linguafranca, Akkadian, Hawkins, J.D. 1998, King of Mira: ‘Tarkondemos’, were too far away. The letters of Mashuiluwa, king of Boğazköy sealings and Karabel, AnatolianStudies 48: 1-31. Hawkins, J.D. 2013, Luwians versus Hittite, in: A. Mouton, Mira (KBo 18.15), those of Manapa-Tarhunta (KUB I. Rutherford & I. Yakubovich (eds.) LuwianIdentities.Cul- 19.5 + 19.79) and Masturi (KUB 23.100), kings of the ture, Language and Religion Between Anatolia and the Seha River Land, — all of the period of Mursili II — are Aegean, Leiden — Boston: 25-40. in the Hittite of the Hattusa chancellery. Most of the Hutter, M. 1988, Behexung,EntsühnungundHeilung, Freiburg Arzawa rituals date to that period. The fact that in Schweiz. Arzawa they only had the possibility of expressing Hutter, M. 2003, Aspects of , in: H. C. Melchert themselves in a written form in Hittite explains why the (ed.), TheLuwians, Leiden — Boston: 211-280. Luwian rituals from the Lower Land and Arzawa do not Janowski B. & Wilhelm G. 1993, Der Bock, der die Sünden hin- include Luwian passages: the Hittite scribes who austrägt, in: B. Janowski, K. Koch, G. Wilhelm (eds.), Reli- gionsgeschichtlicheBeziehungenzwischenKleinasien, Nor- recorded them used their own language of written com- dsyrienunddemAltenTestament, Freiburg Schweiz: 109-169. munication. The rituals from Kizzuwatna, instead, were Klengel, H. 1999, GeschichtedeshethitischenReiches, Leiden — obtained during the period of the Early Empire (some of Boston — Köln. them perhaps even earlier), probably (at least in part) Klinger, J. 2001, Die hurritische Tradition in Ḫattuša und das Cor- from the writing school of that kingdom, from which the pus hurritischer Texte, in: Th. Richter, D. Prechel, J. Klinger Hittites acquired also some complex Hurrian rituals for (eds.), Kulturgeschichten.AltorientalischenStudienfürVolk- their king to be celebrated at Sapinuwa and Hattusa. ertHaaszum65.Geburstag, Saarbrücken: 197-208. This is the reason why these rituals preserve their crucial Kümmel, H.M. 1967, ErsatzritualefürdenhethitischenKönig sections in the original language: Luwian. (StBoT 3), Wiesbaden. Laroche, E. 1986, Hittite nakkuš—nakkuššiš, in: H. A. Hoffner, G. M. Beckman (eds.), Kaniššuwar. A Tribute to Hans Bawanypeck, D. 2005, Arzawäische Ritualpraktiken — Informa- G.GüterbockonHisSeventy-fifthBirthday, Chicago: 137- tionen aus Ḫattuša, in: D. Prechel (ed.), MotivationundMech- 140. anismendesKulturkontaktesinderspätenBronzezeit, Firenze Mascheroni, L. 1984, “Scribi hurriti a Boğazöy”, SMEA 24: 151- 2005: 1-18. 173.

998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 283283 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06 293 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2015 294

Melchert, H.C. 1993: LuvianLexicon, Chapel Hill A. Mouton, I. Rutherford, I. Yakubovich (eds.) LuwianIdenti- N.C. ties.Culture, LanguageandReligionBetweenAnatoliaand Melchert, H.C, 2002, The God Sanda in ?, in: P. Taracha theAegean, Leiden — Boston: 108-121. (ed.), SilvaAnatolica.AnatolianStudiesPresentedtoMaciej Zatelli, I. 1998, The Origin of the Biblical Scapegoat Ritual: The PopkoontheOccasionofHis65thBirthday, Warsaw: 241- Evidence of Two Ebla Texts, VT 48: 254-263. 251. Melchert, H.C. 2003, Language, in: H. C. Melchert (ed.), The Luwians, Leiden — Boston. Melchert, H.C. 2013, Luvian Language in ‘Luvian’ Rituals in Hattuša, in: B. J. Collins & P. Michalowski (eds.), Beyond Hatti.ATributetoGaryBeckman, Atlanta: 159-172. Melchert, H. C. (in print), Mycenaean and Hittite Diplomatic Cor- respondence: Fact and Fiction, in A. Teffeteller (ed.), Myce- naeansandAnatoliansintheLateBronzeAge: TheAhhijawa Question. Miller, J.L. 2004, StudiesintheOrigins, DevelopmentandInter- pretationoftheKizzuwatnaRituals (StBoT 46), Wiesbaden. Miller, J.L. 2010, Paskuwatti’s Ritual: Remedy for Impotence or Antidote to Homosexuality?, JANER 10: 83-89. Mouton, A. & Rutherford, I. 2013, Luwian Religion, a Research Project: The Case of ‛Hittite’ Augury, in: A. Mouton, I. Rutherford, I. Yakubovich (eds.) LuwianIdentities.Culture, LanguageandReligionBetweenAnatoliaandtheAegean, Leiden — Boston: 329-344. Otten, H. 1959, Ritual bei Erneuerung von Kultsymbolen heth- itischer Schutzgottheiten, R. von Kienle et al. (eds.), Fest- schriftJohannesFriedrichzum65.Geburtstag, Heidelberg: 351-359. Otten, H. 1973, Das Ritual der AIlī aus Arzawa”, Rev. of: L. Jakob- Rost , Das Ritual der Malli aus Arzawa gegen Behexung (KUBXXIV9+), Heidelberg, ZA63: 76-82. Peled, I. 2010, “The Use of Pleasure, Constraints of Desire: Anni- wiyani’s Ritual and Sexuality in Hittite Magical Ceremonies”, in: A. Süel (ed.), ActsoftheVIIthInternationalCongressof Hittitology, Çorum: 623-636. Popko, M. 1978, KultobjekteinderhethitischenReligion, War- szawa. Salvini, M & Wegner, I. 1986, DieRitualedesAZU-Priesters (ChS I/2), Roma. Sommer, F. 1932, DieAḫḫijavā-Urkunden, München. Starke, F. 1985, Die keilschrift-luwischen Texte in Umschrift (StBoT 30), Wiesbaden. Starke, F. 1981, Zur Deutung der Arzaṷa Briefstelle VBoT 1, 25-27, ZA 71: 221-231. Strauß, R. 2006, ReinigungsritualeausKizzuwatna, Berlin - New York 2006. Süel, A. 2001, Ortaköy Tabletleri Ișiğinda Batı Anadolu İle İlgili Bazı Konular Ūzerine, in: G. Wilhelm (ed.), AktendesIV. Internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie: Würzburg (StBoT 45),Wiesbaden: 670-678. Taracha, P. 2000, Ersetzen undEntsühnen, ErsetzenundEntsüh- nen.DasmittelhethitischeErsatzritualfürdenGroßkönig Tuthalija(CTH*488.4)undverwandteTexte (CHANE 5), Leiden — Boston - Köln. Trémouille, M.C. 2000, Les rituels magiques Hittites: aspects formels et techniques, in: LaMagie. Actesducolloqueinter- nationaledeMontpellier 25-271999. Tome I. Dumonde BabylonienaumondeHellénistique, Montpellier: 77-94. van den Hout, Th. P. J. 2001, Bemerkungen zu älteren hethitischen Orakeltexten, in: Th. Richter, D. Prechel, J. Klinger (eds.), Kulturgeschichten.AltorientalischenStudienfürV.Haas, 423- 440. van den Hout, Th. P. J. 2002, Another Middle Hittite Oracle Frag- ment, N.A.B.U. 2002/42. Wilhelm, G. & Süel, A. 2013, The Hittite-Hurrian Offering Ritual for Tašmišarri Or.97/1, KASKAL 10: 149-168. Yakubovich, I. 2010, SociolinguisticsoftheLuvianLanguage, Lei- den — Boston. Yakubovich, I. 2013, ‘Appendix’ to “Anatolian Names in -wiya and the Structure of Empire Luwian Onomastics”, in:

998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 284284 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06