281 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXII N° 3-4, Mei-Augustus 2015 282 HOOFDARTIKELEN REMARKS on HITTITE AUGUR RITUALS and RITUALS FROM
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281 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXXII N° 3-4, mei-augustus 2015 282 HOOFDARTIKELEN REMARKS ON HITTITE AUGUR RITUALS AND RITUALS FROM ARZAWA1) Alfonso ARCHI Roma This article will address the Hittite augur rituals, taking the book DieRitualederAuguren by D. Bawanypeck (hence- forth: Rituale) as a starting point.2) It will place these rituals in a wider perspective in light of the recent discussion on the identification of the language and culture of western Anatolia in relation to the ‘eastern’ Luwians. In Rituale, all Hittite rituals performed by augurs have been collected. Only one of the altogether seven discussed texts (to which one has to add the ritual of Pupuwanni, pp. 273-289!) is explicitly said to be a ritual from the land of Arzawa: Text VI (KUB 7.54 I 1- II 6, CTH 425.1 with three duplicates, see p. 126), a ritual concerning a plague in a military encampment, mentions that it is the ritual of “Maddunani the augur (LÚIGI.DÙ), a man from Arzawa”. Text VII (KUB 7.54 II 7-IV, CTH 425.2 with one duplicate, see p. 137) is a ritual performed by ‘Dandanku the augur (LÚMUŠEN.DÙ)’ which relates to the same subject as the previous ritual and is similar in structure as well. It is there- fore likely to also have originated in Arzawa, although the augur’s origin is not given. In general, all these rituals per- formed by augurs are held to belong to western Anatolia, in particular to Arzawa (see e. g. Haas 2003a: 29-31). In this article, I will first discuss the rituals said explicity to be from Arzawa and Kizzuwatna and then the rituals of the augurs. 1. RitualsfromArzawaandritualsfromKizzuwatna A list of eight rituals from Arzawa was first given by Heinrich Otten (1973: 81-82); this list has later been aug- mented to thirteen by Bawanypeck 2005 (including a brief description of each ritual). 1) This is a review article of BAWANYPECK, D. — DieRitualeder Auguren (Texte der Hethiter 25). Universitätsverlag Winter, Heidelberg 2005. (21 cm, XVI, 396): ISBN 3-8253-5113-0. 2) This book has already received several reviews: A. Mouton, RA 100 (2006) 184-185; S. Alaura, SMEA 48 (2006) 307-311; P. Taracha, ZA 98 (2008) 152-155 and G. Beckman, OLZ 104 (2009) 455-56. 998291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd8291_Bior2015_3-4_01.indd 278278 88/10/15/10/15 009:069:06 283 HITTITE AUGUR RITUALS AND RITUALS FROM ARZAWA 284 Arzawa has been considered a Luwian country since the documents of this genre, and in a different language, could very beginning of Hittite studies, because in the HittiteLaws have been acquired by the Hittites. The strong political rela- § 19a “the land of Luwiya” in manuscript A, in O(ld) tions between Hatti and Kizzuwatna in the Early Empire S(cript) — therefore no later than around the time of Tele- period, starting with Tuthaliya I, together with the attraction pinu — was substituted by “the land of Arzawa” in manu- of the Hurrian culture, favoured the acquisition of an entire script B, M(iddle)/N(ew) S(cript). Recently, however, Ilya library of religious documents for Tašmi-šarri/Tuthaliya II/ Yakubovich (2010: 100-103) has remarked that: III. Following a Hurrian interpretation of the religious expe- rience, they had to establish a cult subspecieHurricafor the “in contrast to the ritual texts from Kizzuwatna, (the body of the Arzawa ritual) does not contain any vernacular passage… Storm-god in Sapinuwa, where the king resided. A Hurrian (which is) in sharp contrast with the abundance of Luvian pas- or a Hittite bilingual scribe copied (in MH script) a kaluti sages that are embedded in Kizzuwatna rituals and reflect “circle” of gods who formed the train of Teššup, whose ori- situational code-switching to the local vernacular.” (It is evi- gin was in Aleppo and subsequently adopted in Kizzuwatna. dent that) “the interpretation of these facts depends on the This kaluti was later made in three versions for the archives transmission history of the Arzawa rituals, for which one can of Hattusa, and was defined as that of “Teššup of the city of reconstruct two different scenarios. On the one hand, it is pos- Sapinuwa” (Giorgieri, e.a. 2003, with references to the Hat- sible to hypothesize that they were originally collected and/or tusa manuscripts). A bilingual edition of the itkalzi ritual in compiled by Arzawa scribes, and then copied for the Hittite twenty-two tablets, with the Hittite version in the right col- royal archives after the annexation of Arzawa … On the other hand, one can conjecture that certain Arzawa ritual specialists umn, was drawn up by a bilingual Hittite scribe, in MH practiced at the court of Hattusa, or at least visited it, which script. The scribe(s) responsible for this therefore had at his/ allowed the Hittite scribes to record their lore.” their disposal a manuscript from Kizzuwatna: such a com- plex liturgy is not suitable for an oral transmission. This Yakubovich prefers the second possibility and argues that ritual was later written down in a much shorter version of ten the fact that the Arzawa rituals do not include passages with tablets for Hattusa (de Martino e.a. 2003). A short offering incantations in Luwian (or in any other foreign language) is ritual addressed to “Teššup of salvation and well-being(?)” due to “the inability of Hattusa scribes, many of whom were was created in favour of Tašmi-šarri by a scribe who wrote Hittite and Luvian bilingualists, to understand the native lan- in MH script using a syllabary which “displays similarities guage of Arzawa ritualists” active in the Hittite capital (see to that of Hurrian texts from the late Middle Hittite period also Yakubovich 2013). found at Hattusa”. The text opens with the prescription in He believes in fact that in the western regions, which were Hittite: “Thereupon he applies the gangati-plant by saying occupied during the first millennium by Lydians and Carians to the bread in the following way …”, and a Hurrian recita- a Luwoid language was in use, and “not Luwian in the nar- tion follows. The text then continues in Hittite: “At this row sense”. His main argument is that elements such as point he makes a round of offerings to the gods”, and the Kupanta- and -aradu are not found in the anthroponymy of words which follow are in Hurrian. The third section in Hur- the Luwian areas in central and eastern Anatolia. One may rian also has an introduction in Hittite: “At this point he calls be convinced by his thesis or not, but a supposed difficulty the circle of gods in and he calls the name of the patient” in understanding the Arzawa dialect in Hattusa is not a con- — who was the king himself — “To the eye of the sacrificer vincing argument, because Hittite religious texts have invo- Tašmi-šarri …” (Wilhelm & Süel 2003). The scribe and cations to the gods and magic formulae in several different author of this text (if different from the other two) was also languages, not only in Hattic (many gods of the official cult bilingual: perhaps a member of a second generation belong- were of Hattian origin), but also in Hurrian, a peculiar form ing to a small group of Kizzuwatnean experts in Hurrian of Babylonian, Palaic (Pala was roughly in the area of religious texts at the service of the Hittite court, who was Paphlagonia) and Luwian: the dialect in use in Kizzuwatna trained at the Hattusa scribal school, and had original docu- (Cilicia and Cappadocia), as well as the distinct dialect of mentary material at his disposal. Istanuwa (in the north-west region of the Sangarios valley). Some of the scribes of the Hattusa tablets have a Hurrian Further, elements of the so-called Empire Luwian appear in name, but only in the case of Hubiti, who wrote the version later documents of various genres such as transcripts of law- of the itkalzi-ritual for the capital, and that of Talmi-Teššup, suits. With many political centres and in absence of an who wrote the version of the (ḫ)išuwa-festival requested by authority which could impose a normalization at least for a queen Puduhepa, they had to necessarily have a Hurrian litterary or chancellery language, it is certain that the dialect competence. The Hurrian names of the scribes active at Hat- of Arzawa must have been different from that of Kizzuwatna. tusa have been collected by L. Mascheroni (1984). However, it is difficult to believe that a Hittite scribe would While KUB 47.41, a fragment in Middle Assyrian ductus, have been greatly impressed, for example, by the fact that the seems to be the only preserved foreign Vorlage in the Hat- Proto-Lycian of the second millennium preserved a genitive tusa archives of a Hurrian ritual which was translated or plural in -ẽ (< i. e. *-ōm) and a four-vowel system (/a/, /e/, rewritten in Hittite (see Klinger 2001: 200), the tablets KUB /i/, /u/), while Luwian had a three-vowel system, data which 45.3 (+) KUB 47.3, containing the āllanuwašši(yaš) ritual of are of the highest interest, instead, for a linguist of our time Giziya of Alalaḫ, together with KUB 45.21 and KBo (see Melchert 2003: 175). 23.23+KBo 33.118 containing the ritual of Allaituraḫḫi of The absence of sections written in a foreign language in Mukiš, seem to present cases similar to those of the docu- the Arzawa rituals, unlike those from Kizzuwatna, rather has ments from Sapinuwa. The MH ductus would date all those to be explained by their different transmission.