Pre sure Groups and Government Poljçy on Education, 1800 - 1839 by Mi hael Wa hington Thesis submitted in requirement for the Ph.D. degree in the Faculty of Education, the University of Sheffield, December 1988. CONTENTS Page Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Chapter 2: RelIgious Groups 29 Chapter 3: The Utilitarians and Radicals 73 Chapter 4: Robert Owen 109 Chapter 5: Co-operation and Working Class Movements 137 Chapter 6: Henry Brougham 158 Chapter 7: The Charity Comissions 1819-1837 194 Cha ter 8: Adult Education 214 Chapter 9: The Statistical Societies 242 Chapter 1 : Ireland 278 Chapter 11: Conclusi n 310 Bibli graphy 328 Appendix I British and Foreign Sc ool Society fficers, 1814 334 Appendix II Extracts from the B.F.S.S. Memorial to Earl Grey, 1834 335 Appendix III Report of the State of Education in Birmingham, 1840 336 Appendix IV Report from a comittee on Petition for the Education of the Poor in Ireland, 1814. 337 (i ) ABBREVIATIONS Add. Mss Additional Manuscripts Collection, British Museum Library B.P.I. Birmingham Philosophical Institution BSF.S.SI British and Foreign School Society C.S.E. Central Society of Education C C. Charity Comission D.N.B. Dictionary of National Biography E. R. Edinburgh Review J.S. .L. Journal of the Statistical Society of London P.P. Parliamentary Papers Q. R. Quarterly Review • . •K. Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge • .1. Univer ity College London, Brougham Collection W. R. We t in ter Review (ii) ACKN OWLE DGEMENTS I would like to thank Professor J.P.C. Roach for his advice and patient supervision of my work. For the assistance I have received In gaining access to materia1, thanks go to the staff of the British Museum Library, University College Library, Liverpool Picton Library, Liverpool Institute of Education, Manchester, Wolverhampton and Birmingham Central Libraries, The National S ciety and Mr. Bartle and Miss Collins of the British and Foreign School Society Archives Centre. (111) Pressure Groups and Government Policy on Education, 1800-1839 by Michael Washington ABSTRACT This study examines the roles of the principal groups and individuals, who, during the years 1800-1839, promoted the education of the poor and pressurised governments with the notion that the state ought to ac ept responsibility for the formation of a nationa1 system. Their m tives were primarily religious, philanthropic or political with a degree of self-interest in the desire to preserve order in society. The religious interests are examined mainly through the work of the British and Foreign Sch ol Society, which served the Dissenter traditi ns, and the Nati nal S ciety which defended the prerogative of the Establi h d Church t superintend the education of the people. The tilitarians and Radicals were imp rtant for the practica1 expression f their philos phical and political ideas led them to make a considerable c ntributi n to the provision schools. They also had the inspiration and organising ability of Jam s Mill and Francis Place. The ideas of Robert Owen are considered because he was a pressure figure for a few years, but his work also sowed the seeds of Co-operation and w rking-cla s movements, which made an impact during the 1830's. As the populati n slowly improved in standard of learning, the development of Mechanics' Institutes, the Society for the Difflision of Useful Knowledge and the foundation of University College are viewed as part of a strategy for the general promotion of adult education1 The dominant personality of Henry Brougham is evident in much of this study. He instituted the Charity Commissions in 1819, was spokesman (iv) for education in Parliament for many years, anj was a link between the different groups because of his involvement in so many. During the 1830's the new science of statistics emerged and the Statistical Societies were important for their presentation of data on education1 The existence of a National Board of Education in Ireland after 1831 placed the province ahead of England and the influences from this experiment, mediated to Parliament by Thomas Wyse and others, all helped to pressurise the governments of the day, whose policy had been to encourage voluntary effort and to avoid the imposition of central administrative control. •1 CHAPTER 1 Introduction The Industrial Revolution had caused significant changes to the fabric of life in England. The prospect of new forms of acquiring wealth had challenged the traditional agricultural base of society and placed new demands upon the workforces which were not necessarily beneficial to all sectors of the population. The growth of industrial centres required a re-distribution of the populace, which subsequently altered the demographic characteristics of some localities. In the pursuit of work among the new indistries, people had drifted from the countryside towards manufacturing towns and cities such as Leeds, Manchester, Birmingham and parts of London. Instead of prospering, many found themselves In areas unequipped for an expanding population and the social effects of industrialism, ThEre was no administration to deal with massive numbers In overcrowded town areas. The increasing population merely exacerbated existing problems of the destitute, crime, disorder and placed additional burdens upon a Poor Law System which, founded upon a parochial system, could not keep pace with the social maladies which arose. Internal social pressures were not the only concern. By the end of the 18th Century, England was faced by the worry that the growing numbers of the labouring poor might succumb to the revolutionary influences emanating from the Continent. There was a genuine fear that massive discontent could lead the labouring classes to follow the French example and create an uprising which would overthrow the social order. Therefore, What was needed was control of the people's minds. It was necessary that they should be Instilled with certain standards of conduct which would ensure the survival of the established order of society. The 2 struggling Poor Law System could not combat crime and unrest on Its own and, therefore, some turned to education as a possible answer. There was, however, no national system of education, nor any prospect of one at the turn of the century. In the stable hierarchy of society, with accessibility to power, wealth and privileged facilities dependent upon status, education, in the tradition of Public and Gramar Schools, was mainly the preserve Of the upper classes, with some degree of access for the newer middle classes who rose upon the wealth of manufacture. For the remainder of the population, there existed little more than the rudimentary learning for the performance of a job. Such knowledge could be acquired from fathers or senior workmen. Beyond the child-minding quality of dame schools and token efforts based upon the parish church, there was considerable reluctance to provide broad education. This attitude was based upon rigid conservatism which feared that education might provide a man with skills or knowledge which could raise him above his station in society, thereby creating a further disruptive element to traditional mores. Education was not a clear-cut Issue It was treated as an Inherited right for some and also as a special coninodity, which could be purchased if desired, or if it could be afforded. With the prevailing economic philosophy of laissez-faire, people with power and in influential positions guarded their independence and were generally resentful of government interference. There was a reluctance to part with money without some return upon investment and men were unwilling to pay government levies of that rate was turned to help someone who was apparently not helping himself. People were expected to pay for services,including education. Many of the poorer classes were excluded,therefore,by financial circumstances as much as by lack of interest. 3 Nevertheless, some efforts had been made to improve the condition of the poor. Tir predicament had been a long-term concern but the changes caused by Industrialisation had intensified the problem. With the emphasis upon maintaining social order, it was appropriate that early initiatives had stemed from the understanding that religious Principles, the traditional pillars of society, were absent from the lives of many of the poor and from the belief that a concerted effort to encourage a life-style which adhered to Christian principles would relieve the problems. As early as 1698, the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge had accepted the need to spread knowledge of Christian principles among the poor and had been promoting its work ever since. The 18th Century had seen some interest In the establishment of Charity Schools, yet, as the century had progressed, these institutions had proved less effective in making an impact upon th.e broader problems. The rise of Methodism brought religion anew to some Industrial areas and with It the Implied necessity of some educational attainment in order to acconinodate reading of the Bible, Hence, in the 1780's there was a p pular trend to set up Sunday Schools, which provided useful occupation of the labourer's one free day and did not interfere with the demands of manufacturers, This work was promoted by Robert Raikes and assisted by the establishment of the Society for the Foundation of Sunday Schools in 1785. The Gentleman's Magazine supported the movement with publicity, but,apart from the efforts of religious sects, Sunday Schools were the only educational endeavour to be adopted on any scale. Their basic purpose was to strengthen religious teaching and practice, thereby providing some restraint upon possible unruly social elements. The Government made no attempt to participate. Similarly, the Established Church, content In her dominant Influence over life in 4 general, showed no Inclination to Institute radically new developments.