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Painful Aesthetics: Embodiment, Appropriation, and Fame in the Production of a Global Tattoo Community

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Painful Aesthetics: Embodiment, Appropriation, and Fame in the Production of a Global Tattoo Community Painful Aesthetics: Embodiment, Appropriation, and Fame in the Production of a Global Tattoo Community Cyril Siorat Thesis submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Anthropology Department Goldsmiths College University of London February 2010 1 Acknowledgements This research has been funded partly by departmental bursary from the anthropology department at Goldsmiths College, University of London, and I am grateful for their financial contribution. For their always astute comments, endless patience, and unwavering support I thank my two supervisors: Prof. Nicholas Thomas and Dr Roger Sansi-Roca. To all my informants who generously engaged with my questions and queries through the years, you have all given a distinct perspective to my analysis and understanding of the global tattoo community. Special thanks to Chime, Roonui and Purutu on the island of Moorea who have, since the late 1980's, been kinsmen, friends and guides, similarly, to Al Te Wake and Steve in AotearoalNew Zealand, and to Furry in Kiddlington, Markus (and all the crew at 'Kids Love Ink Deptford'), and Xed Le Head at Into You, London. I am deeply indebted to my parents Danie and Rolls Siorat who have been inspirational and a crucial source of emotional support during my different projects and my return to education. Moreover, I may not have been able to complete this thesis without their fmancial support. I must also acknowledge Dr Anna Cole for her support of this project in its early stage, her belief in my academic abilities, and for her encouragement during the emotionally complicated fieldwork period. To all my fellow research students who contributed during my time at Goldsmiths College, I warmly thank you for all your comments and suggestions, as well as your support. Here, I am also personally grateful to Dr Emma-Jayne Abbots for her friendship, support, honesty, good humour and for sharing her love of cricket and good food. I would also like to thank all the academic and clerical staff of the anthropology department at Goldsmiths College, University of London. This includes special acknowledgements to Brian Morris, Pat Caplan, Keith Hart, Victoria Goddard, Sophie Day, Emma Tarlo, Rebecca Cassidy, Chris Wright, Sari Wastell, Catherine Alexander, Nici Nelson, Stephen Nuggent, Frances Pine, Simon Cohn, Jean Besson, Alpa Shah, Mao Mollona, Hugh, Cauvery, Sam and John Hutnyk. Finally, I would like to give a very special thank you to my partner and fiancee, Joanna Carter, for her understanding, tenderness, empathy and patience with me during these long and complicated years. 2 Abstract This study is concerned with the ways in which a number of individuals, from diverse socio-cultural backgrounds, create and maintain a series of networks on a global stage based on the shared practice and business of tattooing. Tattoo artists and their fans are all involved in numerous interlinked movements during which they engage in a succession of exchange relationships with tattooees but also with other tattoo artists. The two main locations this research focuses on are the island of Moorea in French Polynesia and Northern Europe. The research considers the importance of events such as international tattoo conventions and festivals in the determination of status in the hierarchical structure of the global tattoo community on both the local but also global levels. Despite the creation of a global community, such cross-cultural interactions are not without raising issues regarding cultural appropriation and claims to a particular local authenticity. In that sense, the global tattoo community is involved in several tensions as well as numerous collaborative projects and business partnerships. It is through all these transactional processes that this community can take form for individuals from diverse socio-cultural backgrounds. Tattoos enable individuals to act upon others' decision making, to entice them into an exchange relationship which will inevitably create some form of reciprocity, and a dialogical process of creation and maintenance of personal and collective valuation. This is because both parties become reciprocal agents of each other's value definition. Some chapters look at individuals and their actions on both the local and global stages, while others review the role of the tattoo media and of other publications related to the tattooing practice in this process of representation and creation of a global tattoo community. 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS TITLE PAGE 1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 2 ABSTRACT 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS 4 1: INTRODUCTION 1.1 futroduction 9 1.2 fuformants 11 1.3 Tattoo Community 12 1.4 Tattooing in Europe and North America 14 1.5 French Polynesia 16 1.6 Identities in French Polynesia 19 1.7 Theoretical Framework 22 1.8 Thesis Outline 32 2: METHODOLOGY 2.1 futroduction 37 2.2 Multi-Sited Nature of the Field 38 2.3 Personal Positioning 39 2.4 Participant Observation 41 2.5 futemal Analytical Distance 42 2.6 Dialogical Relationships 43 2.7 Embodied Knowledge 44 2.8 Conclusion 47 4 3: POLYNESIAN TATTOO HISTORY, TIKI & THE TATTOO FETISH 3.1 Introduction 48 3.2 Tattooing in the Pre-Contact Period 48 3.3 Tattooing After European Contacts 52 3.4 The Cultural Renewal of the Tattooing Practice 53 3.5 From Local to Global Fame 55 3.6 French Media and the Tattoo Renewal 58 3.7 Idols: Religion or Culture? 61 3.8 Tiki 63 3.9 The Tattoo Fetish 67 3.10 Conclusion 71 4: THE TAPUTAPUATEA TATTOO FESTIVAL & POLYNESIAN TATTOO CONVENTIONS 4.1 Introduction 72 4.2 The Taputapuatea Tattoo Festival 73 4.3 Zulueta on the Taputapuatea Festival 76 4.4 The Pitou Project 78 4.5 New tattoo Conventions 80 4.6 The Charter of Good Behaviour 83 4.7 Fame, Agency and Objectification 86 4.8 Conclusion 93 5: THE USES & CONSEQUENCES OF BOOKS ON POLYNESIAN TATTOOS IN THE 1990'S 5.1 Introduction 95 5.2 TataulI'atouage Polynesien 1992 96 5 5.3 Tahiti Tattoos 1998 100 5.4 Te Patu Tiki; Le Tatouage aux Iles Marquises 1998 109 5.5 Tatu Art No2 2000 110 5.6 Conclusion 115 6: EUROPEAN TATTOO CONVENTIONS: COMMUNITY & MONKEY BUSINESS 6.1 Introduction 117 6.2 Community, Change and Tattoo Conventions 117 6.3 The Social and Financial Aspects of Tattoo Conventions 119 6.4 Idealised Communitas & Monkey Business 121 6.5 The Tattoo Convention's Entry 123 6.6 The Tattooing Areas 125 6.7 The Trading Areas 128 6.8 Performances in Tattoo Conventions 129 6.9 Tattoo Competitions 130 6.10 Tattoo Convention: Modem day Carnival or Tournament of Value? 132 6.11 Tattoo Conventions in Tattoo Magazines 137 6.12 Conclusion 140 7: MEMORIAL TATTOOS & THE SOCIAL ROLE OF TATTOO ARTISTS 7.1 Introduction 142 7.2 Commemorative Tattoos: Death in the Skin 142 7.3 Gain & Loss 146 7.4 Memorial Tattoos in French Polynesia & The Touristic Memory of Moorea 149 7.5 Biographical Tattoos & The Biographies of Tattoos 156 7.6 The Social Role of Tattoo Artists 159 6 7.7 The Value of Pain & Suffering 162 7.8 Conclusion 164 8: APPROPRIATION & OBJECTIFICATION: THE COMMODIFICATION OF NEO- TRIBAL TATTOOS 8.1 Introduction 166 8.2 Appropriation 167 8.3 Appropriation & Primitivism 169 8.4 Fame & Appropriation in the Context of Tattoo Conventions 173 8.5 William's Maori Tattoo & Appropriation 176 8.6 Tattoo & Commodity 179 8.7 Alienability 181 8.8 Authenticity 187 8.9 Conclusion 190 9: TATTOO MUSEUMS 9.1 Introduction 192 9.2 Tattoo Museums 192 9.3 The Moko Museum 195 9.4 Underground Arts 196 9.5 Steve 197 9.6 The Moko Museum's Photos Collection 198 9.7 The Historical Boards Project 200 9.8 Al Te Wake 203 9.9 The Wooden Pillars Project 205 9.10 Recognition Issues 209 9.11 Collection, Curiosity & Museums 210 7 9.12 Conclusion 214 10: CONCLUSION 215 BIBLIOGRAPHY 231 APPENDICES: A: Map of the World 239 B: Map of French Polynesia 240 C: Tavana Salmon in Morvan (1992) 241 D: in Morvan (1992) 242 E: ibid 243 F: ibid 244 G: ibid 245 H: Front Cover of Barbieri (1998) 246 I: in Barbieri (1998) 247 J: ibid 248 K: ibid 249 L: ibid 250 M: ibid 251 N: Raymond Graffe in Gotz (2000) 252 0: in Gotz (2000) 253 P: ibid 254 Q: ibid 255 R: ibid 256 S: ibid 257 T: Chime 258 8 Chapter One: Introduction. 1.1 Introduction In 1988, my parents relocated to French Polynesia and I accompanied them there and stayed for a year on the island of Moorea, a few miles off the main island of Tahiti. During my time there, I became a close friend and assistant to a local Polynesian tattoo artist called Chime (see appendix T). There were only a handful of people tattooing at that time in Moorea. They mostly tattooed local people and a very small number of visiting tourists. None of them had a tattoo shop and all tattooed either by hand with clusters of sewing needles or with the needle attached to an electric razor adapted to be used as a tattoo machine. The ink used was writing ink; either China or Indian ink. Tattooing was still quite rare at that time and tattooed people were usually either cultural agents (mainly traditional dancers and craftsmen) or independentist political activists, or both. On my following visits to Moorea (1993, 1996, 1999, 2000, 2001, and 2003), I witnessed tattooing become somewhat more pervasive in the local cultural landscape, the number of tattooees but also tattoo artists increased exponentially, and some individuals, like Chime, became worldwide famous tattoo artists who are flown to major cities around the world to participate in international events, such as tattoo conventions.
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