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This Work Is Protected by Copyright and Other Intellectual Property Rights This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights and duplication or sale of all or part is not permitted, except that material may be duplicated by you for research, private study, criticism/review or educational purposes. Electronic or print copies are for your own personal, non- commercial use and shall not be passed to any other individual. No quotation may be published without proper acknowledgement. For any other use, or to quote extensively from the work, permission must be obtained from the copyright holder/s. UNIVERSITY OF KEELE The Recording of the Non-Classic Blues Genre, 1923-1942 Stefan Klima Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of American Studies, June, 1980. Table of Contents page Abstract i Introductory Note iii Chapter I The Recording Industry 1 Chapter II Music to the Companies 37 Chapter III What the Industry Required 59 Chapter IV The Music and the Musicians 73 Chapter V Extra Musical Conflict: Radio, the Juke- Box Industry, ASCAP, BMI, AFM, and the Federal Government 104 Chapter VI The Divergence of Definition 123 Chapter VII Recording as a Cultural Object 156 Chapter VIII Conclusion 189 Bibliography: Books 193 Articles 201 Reference Sourcebooks 205 Unpublished Material 207 Correspondence 208 -i- Abstract It remains as historical coincidence that the invention of a recording and reproduction machine occured at a time when the blues, as the first black American secular music, had developed to the stage where the term was in common parlance within black communities. The irony of this coincidence is that an industry which steered close to the segregation and discrimination of white American society, had, in part, to turn to the discriminated to help it survive. In the decades that followed the industry grew to an incredible size, merging with other industries to become a powerful force in the entertainments industry of America. Such was the political and economic might that it occasioned Federal intervention on a number of occasions. For the black citizen two things changed: he/she moved from belonging to an audience in a small community to becoming a consumer in an industrial society and on a continental scale. As a performer, he or she had the potential of becoming totally absorbed in the white-controlled entertainment world. Because this entertain- ment was exclusively for members of its cultural group, the place of blacks living and working in a dominant culture cannot be ignored. The basic understanding of this study is that music is more than sounds made to vibrate the air, that extra- musical forces acting on the music and its performer, its performance and its consumption are equally vital. The process of recording was a dynamic one. From embryonic 11 - - ignorance it learned quickly, reaching a position where it could return some of what it had assimilated. Yet once recording was a permanent feature on the musical landscape, that landscape remained forever altered. iii - - Introductory Note This study is presented in two parts. The first volume makes up the main body of the text whilst the second, accompanying, volume is an analysis of the Godrich and Dixon discography, Blues and Gospel Recording 1902-1942. The results are shown as a series of graphs, each one numbered and labelled. With the exception of the first two, the graphs cover three topics: a) the performance of eleven recording labels, the total for each label, and the numbers for all the recording locations. They include recordings issued, recordings unissued, and the number of artists, for each year; b) the numbers marketed by the non-recording labels, where the material came from, and the number of artists, for each year; and c) the level of recording activity in the twenty-nine known, and one unknown, locations, the number issued, the number not issued, and the number of artists, for each year. The reference point for discussion is taken from the beginning of recording in 1923, because evidence of what kind of music and performance before this date is slight, points made about the pre-recorded milieu are seen in the light of a recorded context. iv - - Whilst the first five chapters document a kind of chronological history of the development of this blues genre with the mass communications industry, of which recording was a small part, chapters six and seven discuss the role of the music and performer/audience in a culture and cultural context. CHAPTER I The Recording Industry -1- Thomas Edison's failure to secure patent rights in America for his invention of the tin-foil cylinder phonograph gave rise to his first competitor, Alexander Graham Bell, and 1) the eventual foundation of the Columbia record label. When Edison patented first in Britain, five months before doing so in America, in December 1877, the United States Patent Office disallowed his patent because of "... the then novel reason that the English patent covering the same claims 1) Bell received a $25,000 award from the French Academy of Science for his invention of the telephone with which he set up the Volta Laboratory Association. He engaged his brother, and scientist, Charles Sumner Tainter, to work on the phonograph, basing their idea on the British Edison patent. By 1888, after a number of improvements, they set about manufacturing and marketing the new graphophones, which is what they named their machines. Details and information on the early development of the American Record industry taken from From Tin-Foil to Stereo; Oliver Read and Walter L. Welch, (Indianapolis, Howard W. Sarns & Co. Ltd., 1959) -2- constituted prior publication. 12) Whilst his original intention was to use the machine as a stenographers aid, distributing them on a rental basis, Bell immediately went into the production of machines to record and reproduce music. In 1886 he formed the American Graphophone Company in Bridgeport, Connecticut, and licensed two distribution 3) operations: the Columbia Phonograph Company with rights for sales in the three States of Virginia, Delaware and the District of Columbia; and the North American Phonograph Company for the rest of the nation. North American was owned by capitalist Jesse Lippincott who purchased the rights to some of Edison's patents as well as distribution. When, in 1893, Lippincott died, Columbia took control of total sales in the United States of its own company product as well as its rival Edison. It also bought out its parent company only to be repurchased two years later, with the same men controlling both. Bell's decision was fortuitous; by 1891, the only way companies were to remain in business was to turn to the field of entertainment. Indeed, one of the Association points raised at the first National Phonograph 29,1890, the convention held in Chicago in May 28 and was trend for machines for entertainment purposes. industrial In 1895, what became Columbia's major the disc competitor Victor, entered with the manufacture of began two years record by Emile Berliner, who experiments 2) Ibid., p. 26. following 3) Columbia, founded in 1888, incorporated the United States Supreme year, was organised by a group of industrial Court reporters. With the confusion and rivalry to Columbia of the early years, many cases went court and the lengthy skillfully used its legislative expertise and hearings to its advantage. -3- in Philadelphia. earlier Berliner designed gramaphones specifically to reproduce music, but, unlike his rivals, his envisioned apparatus as a toy. He set up the United States Gramaphone Company and sought outside help to his 4) exploit machines commercially. A number of technical problems led him to the machine shop of Eldridge R. Johnson in Camden, New Jersey. Johnson was offered a partnership in a new company, the Berliner Gramaphone Company, to manu- facture the improved machines and disc records. By 1898 sales were high and American Graphophone entered the disc market. In 1899, Johnson formed the Consolidated Talking Machine Company to distribute his machines and discs. He ended his business relationship with Berliner the following year, when Berliner was given an injunction against marketing his products in the American market. Finally, in 1901, Johnson formed the Victor TaIldng Machine Company to manu- facture his improved machines. Thus at the beginning of the twentieth century, Victor and Columbia became market leaders; by 1902 they held monopolies on the disc manufacturing process. Developments in wireless communication were almost two decades behind recording and reproduction of sound. Yet the rapid progress and success of commercial radio after 1922 gave the recording industry unexpected and fatal competition. Indeed, the recording industry was looking for new markets; radio was one factor which acted as a catalyst. Radio, 4) Berliner was joined by Will and Fred Gaisberg, who raised a working capital of $25,000 from Philadelphia investors. The Gaisbergs had previously worked in Bell's Volta Laboratory. -4- initially moved into the Southern music genre, particularly white rural music, before the record industry realised the potential of this market. The exploitation "... came at the precise moment when the record business as a whole was experiencing a sharp down turn of sales, due largely to the competition Business dropped of radio. ... off tre- mendously in 1923 and 1924 as radio became an established 5) facet of American entertainment. " The transition from radio to broadcasting as a concept was not as simple as envisaged by David Sarnoff, one-time Marconi employee, and later vice-president of the Radio Corporation of America, R. C. A. Two months before the first commercial radio broadcast, Sarnoff wrote in June 1922 that broadcasting "... represents a job of entertaining, informing and educating the nation, and should therefore be distinctly regarded as a public 6) service.
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