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The Recording of the Non-Classic Blues Genre, 1923-1942

Stefan Klima

Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of American Studies, June, 1980. Table of Contents

page

Abstract i

Introductory Note iii

Chapter I The Recording Industry 1

Chapter II Music to the Companies 37

Chapter III What the Industry Required 59

Chapter IV

The Music and the Musicians 73

Chapter V Extra Musical Conflict: Radio, the Juke- Box Industry, ASCAP, BMI, AFM, and the Federal Government 104

Chapter VI

The Divergence of Definition 123

Chapter VII

Recording as a Cultural Object 156

Chapter VIII Conclusion 189

Bibliography: Books 193 Articles 201 Reference Sourcebooks 205 Unpublished Material 207 Correspondence 208 -i-

Abstract

It remains as historical coincidence that the invention of a recording and reproduction machine occured at a time when the blues, as the first black American secular music, had developed to the stage where the term was in common parlance within black communities.

The irony of this coincidence is that an industry which steered close to the segregation and discrimination of white American society, had, in part, to turn to the discriminated to help it survive. In the decades that followed the industry grew to an incredible size, merging with other industries to become a powerful force in the entertainments industry of America. Such was the political and economic might that it occasioned Federal intervention on a number of occasions. For the black citizen two things changed: he/she moved from belonging to an audience in a small community to becoming a consumer in an industrial society and on a continental scale. As a performer, he or she had the potential of becoming totally absorbed in the white-controlled entertainment world. Because this entertainment was exclusively for members of its cultural group, the place of blacks living and working in a dominant culture cannot be ignored.

The basic understanding of this study is that music is more than sounds made to vibrate the air, that extra- musical forces acting on the music and its performer, its performance and its consumption are equally vital. The process of recording was a dynamic one. From embryonic 11 - -

ignorance it learned quickly, reaching a position where it could return some of what it had assimilated. Yet once recording was a permanent feature on the musical landscape, that landscape remained forever altered. iii - -

Introductory Note

This study is presented in two parts. The first volume makes up the main body of the text whilst the second, accompanying, volume is an analysis of the Godrich and Dixon discography, Blues and Gospel Recording 1902-1942.

The results are shown as a series of graphs, each one numbered and labelled.

With the exception of the first two, the graphs cover

three topics:

a) the performance of eleven recording labels, the total

for each label, and the numbers for all the recording

locations. They include recordings issued, recordings

unissued, and the number of artists, for each year;

b) the numbers marketed by the non-recording labels, where

the material came from, and the number of artists, for

each year;

and

c) the level of recording activity in the twenty-nine

known, and one unknown, locations, the number issued,

the number not issued, and the number of artists, for

each year.

The reference point for discussion is taken from the

beginning of recording in 1923, because evidence of what

kind of music and performance before this date is slight,

points made about the pre-recorded milieu are seen in

the light of a recorded context. iv - -

Whilst the first five chapters document a kind of chronological history of the development of this blues genre with the mass communications industry, of which recording was a small part, chapters six and seven discuss the role of the music and performer/audience in a culture and cultural context. CHAPTER I

The Recording Industry -1-

Thomas Edison's failure to secure patent rights in

America for his invention of the tin-foil cylinder phonograph gave rise to his first competitor, Alexander Graham Bell, and 1) the eventual foundation of the Columbia record label.

When Edison patented first in Britain, five months before doing so in America, in December 1877, the United States

Patent Office disallowed his patent because of "... the then novel reason that the English patent covering the same claims

1) Bell received a $25,000 award from the French Academy of Science for his invention of the telephone with which he set up the Volta Laboratory Association. He engaged his brother, and scientist, Charles Sumner Tainter, to work on the phonograph, basing their idea on the British Edison patent. By 1888, after a number of improvements, they set about manufacturing and marketing the new graphophones, which is what they named their machines. Details and information on the early development of the American Record industry taken from From Tin-Foil to Stereo; Oliver Read and Walter L. Welch, (Indianapolis, Howard W. Sarns & Co. Ltd., 1959) -2-

constituted prior publication. 12) Whilst his original intention was to use the machine as a stenographers aid, distributing them on a rental basis, Bell immediately went into the production of machines to record and reproduce music.

In 1886 he formed the American Graphophone Company in

Bridgeport, Connecticut, and licensed two distribution 3) operations: the Columbia Phonograph Company with rights for sales in the three States of Virginia, Delaware and the

District of Columbia; and the North American Phonograph

Company for the rest of the nation. North American was owned by capitalist Jesse Lippincott who purchased the rights to some of Edison's patents as well as distribution. When, in 1893, Lippincott died, Columbia took control of total sales in the United States of its own company product as well as its rival Edison. It also bought out its parent company only to be repurchased two years later, with the same men controlling both. Bell's decision was fortuitous; by 1891, the only way companies were to remain in business was to turn to the field of entertainment. Indeed, one of the Association points raised at the first National Phonograph 29,1890, the convention held in Chicago in May 28 and was trend for machines for entertainment purposes. industrial In 1895, what became Columbia's major the disc competitor Victor, entered with the manufacture of began two years record by Emile Berliner, who experiments

2) Ibid., p. 26. following 3) Columbia, founded in 1888, incorporated the United States Supreme year, was organised by a group of industrial Court reporters. With the confusion and rivalry to Columbia of the early years, many cases went court and the lengthy skillfully used its legislative expertise and hearings to its advantage. -3-

in Philadelphia. earlier Berliner designed gramaphones

specifically to reproduce music, but, unlike his rivals, his envisioned apparatus as a toy. He set up the United States Gramaphone Company and sought outside help to his 4) exploit machines commercially. A number of technical

problems led him to the machine shop of Eldridge R. Johnson in Camden, New Jersey. Johnson was offered a partnership in a new company, the Berliner Gramaphone Company, to manufacture the improved machines and disc records. By 1898 sales

were high and American Graphophone entered the disc market.

In 1899, Johnson formed the Consolidated Talking Machine

Company to distribute his machines and discs. He ended his

business relationship with Berliner the following year,

when Berliner was given an injunction against marketing

his products in the American market. Finally, in 1901,

Johnson formed the Victor TaIldng Machine Company to manu-

facture his improved machines. Thus at the beginning of

the twentieth century, Victor and Columbia became market

leaders; by 1902 they held monopolies on the disc manufacturing

process.

Developments in wireless communication were almost

two decades behind recording and reproduction of sound. Yet

the rapid progress and success of commercial radio after 1922

gave the recording industry unexpected and fatal competition.

Indeed, the recording industry was looking for new markets; radio was one factor which acted as a catalyst. Radio,

4) Berliner was joined by Will and Fred Gaisberg, who raised a working capital of $25,000 from Philadelphia investors. The Gaisbergs had previously worked in Bell's Volta Laboratory. -4-

initially moved into the Southern music genre, particularly white rural music, before the record industry realised the potential of this market. The exploitation "... came at the precise moment when the record business as a whole was experiencing a sharp down turn of sales, due largely to the competition Business dropped of radio. ... off tre- mendously in 1923 and 1924 as radio became an established 5) facet of American entertainment. " The transition from radio to broadcasting as a concept was not as simple as envisaged by David Sarnoff, one-time Marconi employee, and later vice-president of the Radio Corporation of America, R. C. A.

Two months before the first commercial radio broadcast,

Sarnoff wrote in June 1922 that broadcasting "... represents a job of entertaining, informing and educating the nation, and should therefore be distinctly regarded as a public 6) service. " The principal difficulty was finance. Sarnoff wanted the money to come from "... those who desire profits directly or indirectly from the business resulting from radio broadcasting: manufacturer, national distributor, wholesale distributor, retail dealer, licensee. ") Radio broadcasting did not become a public service and the industry failed to note Sarnoff's suggestion. It was to be financed by

5) Country Music USA, Bill C. Malone; (Austin, University of Texas Press, for American Folklore Society, 1968)ßp. 37.

6) Letter to E. W. Rice, 17 June 1922. Quoted by Asa Briggs, The History of Broadcasting in the United Kingdom, Voll: The Birth of Broadcasting, (London, Oxford University Press 1961, )p. 59.

7) Memorandum, June 17 1922. Quoted by Llewellyn White, The American Radio, (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1947) p. 27. -5-

8) advertising.

Marconi organised an American subsidiary four years

after his first successful wireless transmission in Italy in

1895, which gave him a seven year lead over his American rivals.

Yet by the end of the first world war, the three major

telecommunications companies, General Electric (GE),

Westinghouse, and American Telephone and Telegraph (AT & T),

controlled significant technology, by individual research or

through purchase of rights to basic patents. They were, never-

theless, all dependent upon each other and a number of

Marconi devices; a position which the war itself, the

American Government and the Navy Department, brought redress.

The attempt by Congress to maintain a Government monopoly of

wireless communication after WWI brought an outcry from 9) amateur and private industry. The alternative was the

founding of RCA on October 17,1919, after an idea by chairman

of GE, Owen Young, which bought up Marconi's American interest,

thereby eliminating foreign competition, and the manufacture

and distribution of equipment was to be controlled by the 10) three telecommunications companies, and RCA. Such was the

8) Advertising for broadcasting was frowned upon by the then Secretary of the Department of Commerce, Herbert Hoover, who stated, at the first American Radio Conference in 1922, that it was "... inconceivable that we could allow so great a possibility for service to be drowned in .. 63. advertising chatter. " Quoted by Asa Briggs, op. cit., p. Companies selling radio sets echoed equal protestations, 'debased'". arguing that "... broadcasting was being Llewellyn-White, op. cit., p. 29.

9) Asa Briggs, op. cit., p. 60.

10) GE and Westinghouse were to manufacture radio sets; RCA would distribute them; AT &T would manufacture, and lease or sell, transmitting equipment. Because of patent control, all broadcasters were compelled to use products of the four companies. -6-

control of the market that the government filed an anti- trust suit against the four in 1930. GE and Westinghouse were forced to give up their RCA stock, and exclusive inter- licensing had to end.

Commercial radio broadcasting began in 192211), but it took another four years for American radio to raise itself from the turmoil, despite internal and external attempts at some form of organisation. All the while it was making a huge income, such that by 1924, sales in radio receivers alone 12) were approaching $50m.

The phenomenal success of radio and Hollywood parallelled a sharp decline in the recording industry; the latter in partial response to the former, but also because the industry, to some degree, had become complacent with its own products and with the popularity of radio, which it believed to be short-lived. Radio also introduced the electric age to mass entertainment, which for a number of years the record industry could not compete with its acoustical product, and thereby suffered. Technical development, using electricity in 1926, and the introduction of all electric radio-phonograph stimulated sales in records, but also took away the lead radio technology had over the all acoustic technology of 13) the record industry. Both Columbia and Victor went bankrupt; in 1923 and 1926 respectively because their conservative

11) AT &T set up station WEAF in New York City; Westinghouse had stations in Newark, Chicago, Philadelphia and Boston; RCA co-owned station WJZ in Newark, with Westinghouse; and GE owned station WGY in Schenectachy, New York State. Llewellyn-White, op. cit., p. 13

12) Llewellyn-White, ibid., p. 31.

13) Edward A. Kahn II, The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in' Society. Ph. D. Thesis, Anthropology, UCLA 1970, pp. 10 - 10 5. -7-

approach added to the competition of the other media. The bankruptcy of Columbia and Victor came at a time when the American economy was experiencing one of its finest moments. After a two-year slump the whole of the 1920's up to 1929, was the 'prosperity decade', although not without minor blurs in 1924 and 1927.13a) The Depression decade never really recovered until the outset of World War II,

despite gradual improvement after 1933, and-more so after

1937.

One important point about the 1920's prosperity is,

in fact, highlighted by the way the two companies re-

appeared and eventually dominated mass communications

and entertainment. That point was the business ethic which

introduced high materialism and consumerism as a virtue.

Protected by the Harding/Coolidge administration, though no

less so by Hoover's, private enterprise moved swiftly into

takeovers "The itself company and mergers. war ... speeded

both popular acceptance and acceptance in the business world

of the virtues of large-scale amalgamated, oligopolistic ) industries ºº13b ,,. In 1924, the English subsidiary of Columbia, bought the bankrupt parent company and re-organised it into the Columbia

Phonograph Company Incorporated. It did so because the English

Company was interested in the new technique of electric recording, which was being offered to Victor and the banking

13a) George Soule, Prosperity Decade (Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1962). Also Peter N. Carroll and David W. Noble, The Free and the Unfree (Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, 1977).

13b) William E. Leuchtenberg, The Perils of Prosperity, 1914-32 (University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1958). -8-

syndicate in control of the bankrupt American Columbia.

GE, who controlled the rights, did not allow foreign use of the technique, and as the banking syndicate showed no interest, English Columbia acquired an American company to 14) gain access to the process. In April, 1928, Columbia 15) affiliated with the United Independant Broadcasters (UIB) and formed the Columbia Phonograph Broadcasting System,

Incorporated, a short-lived venture for Columbia, who with- drew after financial losses. UIB bought outstanding stock and changed the name of its network to the Columbia Broad- casting System (CBS). In 1932 the English Columbia sold its

American interests to radio manufacturers, Grigsby-Grunow

Incorporated, who after amassing huge profits went bankrupt two years later. Columbia was bought by a banking syndicate,

Sacro Enterprises and resold to the Brunswick Radio

Corporation, a company owned by Consolidated Film Industries

Incorporated. Finally in 1938, CBS bought Columbia from

Consolidated Films and it became part of the Columbia Record 16) Division.

The Victor Talking Machine Company, on going bankrupt, immediately went into the control of a banking syndicate.

14) John Godrich and Robert M. W. Dixon, Recording the Blues London, Studio Vista, 1970, p. 35.

15) It was incorporated by radio program promoter George A. Coats and Arthur Judson, manager of the Philadelphia Symphony Orchestra. after their attempt at forming a talent agency, the Judson Radio Program Corporation, failed. UIB bought radio time, sold it to advertisers and made programs for broadcasters. Llewellyn-White, op. cit., p. 33

16) Llewellyn-White, op. cit., pp. 33-35. Read and Welch, op. cit., pp. 290-295; p. 404. -9-

Three years later, in 1929, it was purchased by RCA, as 17) part of its expansion and diversification program.

The same year of Victor's bankruptcy, RCA formed the first

network radio system, the National Broadcasting Corporation,

NBC, in which it held 50% of the shares, GE 30%, and

Westinghouse, 20%; AT &T had left the syndicate for

contractual reasons. RCA bought station WEAF from AT &T

for one million dollars, on guarantee that its former

owner desist from broadcasting for seven years and that it

lease its telephone lines to NBC. Until then, RCA had to

rely on the inferior telegraph lines of Western Union and 18) Postal Telegraph, which were never designed for human voice.

In 1928, RCA formed the Radio-Keith-Orpheum Corporation and

entered into film production/distribution and theatre

ownership for the next fifteen years. By 1930 it had total

control of NBC and was manufacturing radio equipment, following

agreement with GE and Westinghouse. In 1942 RCA Victor

became the RCA Victor Division of RCA, producing "... radio

sets, tubes, records, Victrolas, transcriptions and "19) Other, electronic and communications equipment. smaller, the companies became interested in the recording part of

entertainment industry, which in most cases was an obvious

direction for diversification. Their involvement in the

entertainment or furniture business - and phonograph household and machines were thought of as pieces of equipment by up a record marketed as such - developed simply setting inroads into label and selling their products. Their prod- Victor Columbia; uction was much more dynamic than either or

AT & T, RCA, 17) The money came from the Rockefeller wing of 289. GE and Westinghouse. Read and Welch, op. cit., p. 18) Llewellyn-White, op. cit., p. 32. 1-u) Liý=Aý1un7White, op. cit., p. 32. - 10 - being small concerns they could be less inhibited about their image public and certainly more courageous and industrious in their zeal to capture some of the market. The format for these smaller labels was threefold:

companies found musicians/singers and recorded them for distribution on their own labels; companies establishing labels to cheaper sell products duplicated off their more label; expensive and those who arranged to sell recordings by made others, at a cheaper price and under their own label. company The latter, because of their principle 20) business outlets, became known as the 'dime-store' labels. Both Victor and Columbia were forced to establish a cheaper label when the price of records saw them losing some of the market as competition sold at a lower cost. In 1933 Victor brought out its Bluebird label, and Columbia, as part of the Consolidated Films stable transformed one of its purchases, the Okeh label, into the cheaper label.

Two companies formed labels in 1915, Okeh and Gennett, although their entry into the blues genre was a little later.

The Okeh label was financed by a German record corporation to gain access to the American market, and in fact, was the first of the two companies who began exclusively as recording companies. It lasted for eleven years when it was subsequently sold to Columbia, in 1926. General Phonograph, who owned. Okeh, were unable to purchase rights to the electric recording process, which left them virtually unable to compete with either Victor or Columbia, and forced their sale to Columbia. For three years each label was managed sep-

20) Godrich and Dixon, op. cit., p. 78. - 11 -

21) erately before merging operations. The Gennett label was owned by the Starr Piano Company of Richmond, Indiana. In 1925 the company formed their cheaper label, Champion, with which they made recordings as well as duplicating Gennett material. The company went bankrupt in 1934 and sold the Champion label, as well as some Gennett master 22) recordings, to the Decca Company, the following year.

The Paramount label, begun in 1916, belonged to the

New York Recording Laboratories of Port Washington, Wisconsin, itself a subsidiary of the Wisconsin Chair Company of New

York and Port Washington. Before its bankruptcy in 1932, it succeeded in establishing three cheaper labels, Bluebird, 23) unconnected with Victor, National and Broadway.

Also in 1916, the Vocalion label had been launched by the Aeolian Company, manufacturers of pianos and organs.

Before it became involved with the blues genre it was sold to a competitor, Brunswick-Balke-Collender, who began by making billiard tables and bowling balls but expanded into the production of phonograph machines and records in 1920, and black music in 1926, with their Race Record Division.

The company did, in fact, manufacture and market the first

21) Godrich and Dixon, ibid., p. 41; Roland Clifford Foreman, Jazz and Blues Records 1920-1932, Ph. D. Thesis (University of Illinois, Urbana, 1968), p. 210.

22) Despite the existence of its Champion label, Gennett issued seven recordings on another cheap label, Superior. Within a decade of bankruptcy, there was a short-lived attempt to revive the label. A music publisher, singer and 1920s music promoter, Joe Davis, negotiated to buy Gennett's pressing plant to use war-time shellac, which was heavily rationed. Only eight issues were released, some, old Gennett material, and some new recordings. The label's nomenclature changed to Joe Davis, but operations had ended.

23) Broadway duplicated Paramount material in the years 1924, 1926 to 1929, incl. All discographical information taken from Blues and Gospel Recordings 1902-1942; John Godrich Storyville Publications and R. M. W. Dixon, London, - 12 -

electric radio-phonograph, in 1927. They were also unable to use electric recording techniques but their initial entry into radio-phonograph forced the other manufacturers to follow 24 suit. Byy 1929 RCA gained control of this market. The two labels survived for less than a decade when, in 1929, they were sold to the movie company, Warner Brothers,

who in turn, formed their cheap Melotone label to market duplicated Brunswick and Vocalion material. Two years later

all three labels were sold to a second movie company,

Consolidated Film Industries, who formed the Brunswick

Record Corporation to control all their music business.

Consolidated Film already held interest in the music in-

dustry through its purchase of the American Record Cor-

poration (ARC) the previous year, in October 1930.25) The

second company solely concerned with recording and marketing

was Decca, formed with English capital in 1934.

Whilst all these companies were in competition, one

issue held them together for a short time. In 1918 Victor

issued a suit to the Starr Piano Company over infringements

of certain rights for a method of cutting records. Emile

Berliner had developed the lateral recording technique for

his discs, whilst cylinders were recorded vertically. By

1902, Victor and Columbia, who controlled the market for

lateral cut discs, sued other manufacturers who had to rely

24) Read and Welch, op. cit., p. 270

25) ARC was formed in 1929 by the merger of the Plaza Music Company with its Jewel, Domino, Oriole, Banner and Regal labels, the Pathe Phonograph and Radio Corporation Perfect, the Cameo with labels, Pathe Actuelle and and Record Corporation and its Cameo, Romeo and Variety labels. - 13 -

on the older technique which was of little use on Victor and Columbia phonograph. In the event of the 1918 court case, the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the Starr Piano

Company. Because the ruling affected all other small companies, the case promoted friendly relationships between companies such that many labels used Gennett recording studios, at times exclusively, even when Gennett no longer issued material.

A number of labels were operated explicitly for the cheaper and less specialised end of the market, competing with each other, but to a lesser degree than the competition with the major record labels from whom they received and duplicated material. Thus, the American Record Corporation

(ARC), within one year of organisation, distributed four labels to dime-store chains - Banner, Oriole, Perfect and Romeo, later Melotone was added in 1932. Chain stores saw a formidible rise in number. In ten years up to 1929 they had increased units from 29,000 to 160,000, providing a sizeable market for cheaper records. The retail store,

Montgomery-Ward issued its own cheap priced label for six years between 1935 and 1940, using Bluebird material exclusively. The mail-order firm of Sears-Roebuck who

11 the "26) its . aimed at rural population ... sold own labels, Silvertone, 1924 to 1927, using Gennett and Paramount material, Supertone, 1927 to 1933, using Gennett and

Vocalion, and Conqueror, 1927 to 1941 using material from the

Gennett, Vocalion, ARC, Okeh and Bluebird catalogues.

26) Bill C. Malone, op. cit., pp. 106-107. - 14 -

One final group of very short-lived labels appeared within the basic structure. The procedure was to acquire a number of master recordings and/or make a number of recordings themselves, and then they disappeared. The St.

Louis Music Company set up a Herwin label in 1925 for sales principally through farm journals, taking all its product from larger companies. Despite a low retail price, sales were too low and with the Depression it had to sell out to

Paramount five years later. The Chicago Record Company, founded by a former Paramount employee, issued a Black Patti label in 1927, but it lasted for less than one year with only thirteen issues, eight using Gennett material. In 1929

QRS Records, initially manufacturers of piano rolls, made 27) twenty-two recordings. The Variety label appeared in

1939 by a former Victor employee as a contender for a major

competitor to the Bluebird, Decca and Vocalion labels, but only managed to issue recordings previously made by Para- 28) mount, Gennett and Champion.

Thus, until the end of the Depression, the company/ market structure was forever changing, more because of the

appearance and disappearance of the various companies and their labels, than market dynamics. But by 1934 three

companies owned and controlled all the record labels - Decca,

27) The initials and other details of QRS remain a mystery. All that is known is that it had studios in Long Island City. Paramount later reissued some of their material.

28) Other labels who issued no more than a handful were: Verve 1924; Buddy 1925; Pathe and Tempo 1927; Wax Shop 1928; Century 1928 and 1930; Steiner-Davis 1929; Jewel and Savoy 1930; Asch 1941,1942; RCA and Capital 1942. - 15 -

RCA Victor, and Consolidated Film Industries. Even the sale of all its music holdings to CBS, by Consolidated Film did nothing to upset the equilibrium. Yet it was a structure with less than a decade of stability. In its first twenty-year period, over seven and a half thousand recordings made were by approximately three hundred product names;

over one thousand never got issued and over fifteen hundred

were duplicated onto dime-store and mail-order labels,

as well as the cheaper subsidiary labels. At times the

single recording was released sevenfold.

Data on annual sales figures, company income and

expenditure are almost all unavailable, but some picture

of the period can be traced. The relationship between

record sales, prices and recording activity was not always

linear, although., for example, did reflect the obvious low

level of activity and thus, income, during the Depression.

Price changes were effected to recapture a fading market as well as increase competition. The consumer was helped in

the market by introduction, and widespread us. e, of credit

facilities,, which then enabled companies to expand further.

The prevailing attitude which went with. credit was to look upon hardship "... as a thing to be avoided by living in the here and now, utilising instalment credit and other devices to telescope the future into the present. T28a) Advertising and the notion of obsolescence accompanied this attitude to raise the volume of durable products, and company profits even higher. Indeed, it rose to such a level that it had more than it needed because industry failed to re-direct profit into wages and its own investment at

28a) William E. Leuchtenberg, Perils of Prosperity, p. 174 - 16 -

a practical rate.

By the end of 1921, when the economy was facing a slump,

the black consumer had proved itself an economic force and

the industry had its first year of exploiting a new product and a new market. Government requirements for

WWI stimulated the economy which encouraged northern migration of southern Blacks. That, and continued industrial

employment of unskilled labour after the war, provided

a measure of wealth for black Americans, higher than they

had previously experienced but always on a smaller scale

of white employment. By 1920 the black population was

about ten million and provided a sizeable market as an ethnic 28b) group. Sales from the early black recordings for this

market were phenomenal, to the surprise of companies who

remained impressed enough to record a music they always 28c) considered a risk but had surrounded them for Years. 29), Total sales from recording had passed the $100m. mark

a figure the industry never managed to repeat until the

post-war period (see Graph No. 1).

Records retailed at 75 cents, although when recordings

of black female vaudeville singers were first sold to black

28b) Donald R. McCoy, Coming of Age (Penguin Books, Har- mondsworth, 1973); Harold G. Vatter and Thomas Palm (eds. ) The Economics of Black America (Harecourt, Brace, Jovanovich, Inc., New York, 1972).

28c) Perry Bradford, Down with the Blues (Oak Publications, New York, 1965).

29) Figures provided by the Recording Industry of America Association, New York. - 17 -

consumers, they retailed at 85 cents. In 1922 Columbia and Victor cut their price to 75 cents, predicting sales 30) of $l00m. figure they ,a never altered even at the sacrifice of the market; Okeh maintained this price level until

1932.31) Gennett, who began at 50 cents, was forced up to market level because, unable to purchase rights to electric recording, could only pay a license fee which affected costs. Nevertheless, it brought out its Champion label to retail at 35 cents each, or three for one dollar. It was the norm for all the other companies. Decca's policy was to compete immediately in this end of the market, and three years later, in 1937, it lowered its prices to 25 cents, a 32) move quickly followed by the other companies. All the dime-store, mail-order labels, except Perfect at 35 cents, retailed at 20 cents each with reductions for multiple orders at the time of the Depression. They began in 1926/27 at 39 cents but when Consolidated Film bought the ARC, Bruns- wick-Balke-Collender group of labels it made two changes;

Vocalion now became the groues 35 cent label, and Perfect joined the rest of the dime-store mail-order price bracket.

When CBS bought all Consolidated Film's music interests, it

30) John Hammond, "An Experience in Jazz History""from Dominique Rene de Larma, ed., Black Music In Our Culture, Kent State University Press, 1970 p. 44.

31) R. C. Foreman, op. cit., p. 190

32) Arnold Passman, Deejays (Macmillan & Co., New York, 1971) pp. 27/28.

33) Samuel B. Charters, Sears Roebuck Sells the Country Blues from Record Research (Brooklyn, New York, Record Research Publications, 1960, March/April) No. 27, p. 3. - 18 -

34) ended all their dime-store mail-order business.

There were three peak periods during this recording era:

34) Figures showing actual sales of blues recordings and income derived are not available, except estimates for Victor and Columbia. Average estimated sales figures for Columbia were as follows:

mid 1924 10,000 early 1925 10,000 late 1925 16,000 early 1927 9,000 April 1928 7,000 late 1928 6,000 March 1929 5,000 March 1930 2,000 May 1931 600 mid 1931 400

Source: Dan Mahoney, The Columbia 13/14000-D Series: A Numerical Listing, 2nd edition, (-Stanhope, New Jersey, Walter C. Allen, 1966).

Approximate dollar volume of sales for Victor as follows:

1921 $51m. 1923 $44m. 1925 $20m. 1927 $48m. 1931 $22.5m.

Source: Godrich and Dixon, op. cit., pp. 42,76. Read and Welch, op. cit., p. 291

Read and Welch break down their 1931 figure thus: Victor 30m; ARC 17m; Brunswick 12.5m. By the end of 1932, sales were down to 10m. In 1938 it rises to 35.5m., with almost 10% taken by popular music, not defined, thus: Decca 12m; Victor 13m; Columbia 7m. op. cit., pp. 290-297. These figures in fact contradict those provided by Recording Industry Association of America. Victor's increase in sales for the latter part of the decade was due, in part, to the introduction of its Orthophonic phonograph, their first electric machine which had a much improved sound quality. Foreman, op. cit., p. 183. - 19 -

in 1929, the highest; during and including the years 1935 to

1937; and 1941, each coinciding with the econor:: ic successes of the two decades. When the first three recordings were 35) made in 1.923 the income derived from total record sales was falling until 1926 when it gradually increased:

1,923, $79.2m.; 1926, $70.4m.; 1929, $74.8m. At the 1929 peak, 754 recordings of the blues genre were made, with only

91 remaining on company shelves. After that, both recordings

and total income fell sharply as the Depression hit the

industry. Figures showing overall recording activity for

each year are as follows: Year Recordings Issued Recordings Unissued Total

1923 3 0 3 1924 37 4 41 1925 31 5 36 1926 129 14 143 1927 269 135 404 1928 271 232 503 1929 546 208 754 1930 403 245 648 1931 260 69 329 1932 196 22 218 1933 178 0 178 1934 426 36 462 1935 579 117 696 1936 478 175 653 1937 534 102 636 1938 421 46 467 1939 336 63 399 1940 377 14 391 1941 530 3 533 1942 131 0 131

Table 1. (see Graph No. 2)

35) Two recordings were made by Guilford 'Peachtree' Payne by the Okeh label in Chicago, about the end of October. One recording was made by J. Churchill for Paramount, also in Chicago, sometime in December. - 20 -

By 1933, income was down to $5.5m., the lowest the industry

ever faced. Table II below shows percentage level of blues recording compared to the highest peak of 1929:

1923 0.3 1924 5.4 1925 4.5 1926 18.9 1927 53.5 1928 66.7 1929 100.0 1930 85.9 1931 43.6 1932 28.4 1933 23.6 1934 61.3 1935 93.3 1936 86.6 1937 84.3 1938 61.5 1939 52.9 1940 51.8 1941 70.5 1942 17.1 Table II.

Thus, at the height of the Depression recording was less than one quarter of the highest point. Each peak was followed by

a sharp decline, and each was smaller than the previous one.

Although blues recording following the Depression was quite erratic overall, income from record sales rose annually, quite slowly for a number of years, from $5.5m in 1933 to $13.2m. in 1937, and then quite rapidly, due more and more to the rise of white popular music. Not all recordings made were. issued. Overall, 14.1% never left the company stocks, and it was not always the case that the confident - 21 -

periods resulted in a more exacting selection process. The three peak periods did have high rates of rejections, but it during 1933 was that the industry was most careful about releasing the product - the market had contracted enormously. All in all, there were two trends; the one leading up to 1933, the other following. Unissued recordings climbed until 1928, where it remained at a fairly even level, in until 1933 almost one-third of recordings remained on the shelves. With industrial re-adjustment following the Depression, the percentage of unissued recordings, particularly after the second peak, grew smaller and smaller.

The record labels can be considered as either functional recording or non. Because the chain-store, mail-order labels never actually did their own recording they belong to the latter - all their material came from other labels. In fact, only Champion, and later Bluebird, functioned as recording labels despite being cheap price labels of companies. The Starr Piano Company who owned Champion, discontinued its expensive Gennett label, from which initially all Champion's product was derived, in 1930. And for the next six years, the last two with Decca, it recorded its own material. Bluebird, on the other hand, functioned as a recording label from the outset. Table III below shows the number of recordings issued and not issued, and the percentage of issued to each total for the number of years in operation for each recording label: - 22 -

Issued Not Issued Total % Issued Number of Years

Vocalion 1,367 289 1,656 82.6 15 Bluebird 1,363 47 1,410 96.7 10 Decca 837 60 897 93.3 8 Okeh 653 100 753 86.8 18 Paramount 679 20 699 97.1 10 Columbia 445 112 557 79.9 18 Victor 413 68 481 85.9 11 ARC 300 260 560 53.6 10 Gennett 141 99 240 58.7 7 Brunswick 167 12 179 93.2 5 Champion 118 9 127 93.2 7

Table III

Quantitatively, of the above labels Paramount eleven , and Bluebird were the most impressive in terms of issued material,

and both in the same time-span. For its contribution to the

recorded blues genre Paramount stands alone and in one sense

after bankruptcy, it was replaced by Bluebird as industrial

forerunner, though never quite of the same calibre of

material. But, by that time, the mid-1930s, the nature of

recording and the audience/music milieu had changed to such

an extent that direct comparison is not totally justified.

Paramount made 699 recordings in the ten years beginning

1923. It was the only label never to make recordings outside

its own or hired studios. All the singeimusicians were brought or sent to studios in Chicago, New York and Grafton.

Until 1929 all recordings took place in Chicago, whilst its

Grafton studios were being constructed. During this period,

Gennett's studios in Richmond were used. By 1930,

Paramount's busiest year with 123 recordings by twenty-seven product names, Grafton was fully operational and all work was - 23 -

carried out there, albeit for only two years. /See Graphs 3-7 for Paramount/.

Because of the eventual purchasing of the Okeh, Columbia,

Vocalion and ARC labels by Consolidated Film Industries, it

is useful to compare activities of each before considering the details of recording patterns. Okeh not only pioneered the

recording of the blues genre, but was the first to record

singers/musicians outside their studio headquarters in the

north. Columbia's purchase of its Okeh label in 1926 brought

about a substantial increase in recording activity by both

labels. Yet six years later when sold to Grimsby-Grunlow,

recording virtually ceased. Recording performance improved

only slightly when Consolidated Film took control: it was much

better with CBS, in 1939 for two years. Lee Graphs 8-16 for

Okeh; 16-25 for Columbia/. For Vocalion and ARC, they ended

activity with the re-emergence of Columbia and Okeh.

Vocalion began blues recording in 1926 when part of the

Brunswick-Baulke-Collander group; in fact it increased

steadily and continued so after purchase by Warner Brothers.

Only when Consolidated Films bought it did recording

activity slow down during the Depression, as did ARC. And

when Consolidated Film's policy of maintaining a low profile

with Columbia and Okeh, did Vocalion and ARC work swiftly.

In 1934 Vocalion reached its peak with over two hundred

to less recordings.. then getting progressively less active,

than forty in 1940. From then on work ceased. ARC had a 150 shorter life with a peak in 1936 of under recordings.

The following year it performed a little lower at 120,

/See Graphs 26-41 for whereafter all recording ended. label Vocalion; 42-54 for ARC/. Comparing each with respect - 24 -

to performance, ARC fared the worst, in fact, it had the worst record of all the companies with 46.4% of its recordings being issued. never In its first two years of operation, nothing was put on the market, and between 1933 and 1935, as much was withheld as was marketed. Only Okeh fell below the average non-issue rate of 14.1%; its level was 13.2% Columbia whilst kept 20.1% of its product and Vocalion 17.4%

Gennett had studios in Richmond, Indiana, where the major its portion of work took place, albeit for a short seven years. /See Graphs 55-60 for Gennett. Its best years were all

before the Depression, in 1927 and the two years of 1929,

1930, which is really when it ended recording. With the

exception of four recordings released on the Gennett label

in 1932, all its recordings were made for its cheaper Champion

label. Each modest success for both Gennett and Champion

was followed by a slump.

The label only travelled South once, to Birmingham,

Alabama, in August 1927, for thirteen recordings, eight of

which never got issued. Indeed, as a functioning record label

Gennett was placed quite low, with 41.3% of its material

never reaching the market. With Champion it was less

selective, although the picture is a little complicated due

to seven years of duplication of Gennett material and material

taken also from Paramount masters, originally recorded at

Richmond, as well as recordings made specifically for itself.

When, in fact, the company issued all its material during and

after the Depression there were no withholdings; it was no

longer in a financial position to make choices. /gee Graphs

61-67 for Champion/. The Brunswick label had the shortest - 25 -

life, span of five years, between 1927 and 1931. It began slowly and reached a peak in 1929 very quickly, after which it to Warner was sold Brothers and recording came to a virtual standstill. When Consolidated Film bought Brunswick the label disappeared. In all it had a good level of activity, 6.8% only of material remained unmarketed. Before sale to Warner Brothers, Brunswick went South once, to New Orleans

in December 1928 to record four songs by Bo Chatman. Warners sent a recording team during both years of ownership: to

Memphis in September 1929 and February 1930; to Dallas

and Kansas City in November 1929; and Dallas again in

November 1930. Almost one quarter of Brunswick's issued material was recorded in the South. 1See Graphs 68-75%.

Decca's entrance in blues recording was very impressive.

In its first year it had almost 13% of the market with 77

recordings - all but two were issued. In f act, its overall performance was equally impressive; overall, 6.7% of

recordings remained unissued, less than half the average.

The company basically operated between New York and Chicago.

The latter was its first headquarters, then in 1936 they moved eastwards. The following year Decca had its most successful year as a label. The move, however,

augered a fall in output. After 1937 Decca slowed down recording of blues until the end of the decade when its interest in recording moved to white popular music, particularly Bing Crosby. It too only undertook one journey

South, in March 1936 to New Orleans to record four songs by

Walter Vincson and three by Oscar Woods; all were issued.

Lee Graphs 76-807.

As two functioning record labels, Victor's efforts were - 26 -

modest, its whilst cheaper label, Bluebird, was very im- Bluebird pressive. put on the market almost 97% of all its recordings and Victor 86%, the latter beginning blues recording in the year of its bankruptcy, 1926. Once RCA bought them its good start dwindled until it stopped in 1933, the Bluebird year was incorporated. For the next six years there was no activity on the Victor label and its return in 1940 made little impression on the market. Bluebird, on the other hand, began slowly, then had four very industrious

followed by years, a two year recession - 1939 and 1940. The next four years were, in fact, its best; it too was followed by a sharp decline. /See Graphs 81-93 for Victor; 94-107 for

Bluebird/.

The four cheaper labels of Banner, Oriole, Perfect and

Romeo had all issued a very small number of blues before their parent companies merged into ARC; all their material came from the Vocalion stock. In 1928 each label issued two recordings by Leroy Carr and one by Tampa Red. The following year they issued one by Tampa Red. Both these artists were very popular during this period, a trend the chain-store, mail-order labels adhered to. The year following incorporation and sale to

Consolidated Films, they increased their marketing to forty;

Banner the exception for this one year. Melotone was added to the stable in 1931, after sale by Warner Brothers and with a little adjustment, all five labels had basically the same labels output. Whilst all the functional record slowed five labels, down production during the Depression, these in 1932, increased their with Gennett's Champion label lesser Victor marketing, using Vocalion, and to a extent, - 27 -

36) material. During the least active year, 1933, only Vocalion, with forty-eight releases from sixty-two

recordings, ARC with two releases from thirty-six

recordings, and Okeh with four, marketed product to compete the against cheaper labels, who were using already marketed material. The only other successful mail-order label was Conqueror, beginning to market in 1927, albeit at a very

slow rate - no more than three annually for the next five years.

It continued until 1941, comparatively quite long, with a

succession of rises and falls in output. /See Graphs 102-

152 for all the cheaper labels/.

The number of known locations where recording took 37 1 ace was twenty-nine, in nineteen different states.

Geographically, they were spread, with the exception of

Hollywood, California, no further west than Illinois in the

North and Texas in the South. Again, with the exception of

California, the locations were spread over six northern

states and twelve southern, with 81.5% of recordings taking

36) Except for 1931 and 1935, all their product came from previously recorded Vocalion material, recording in Chicago, New York and Memphis. Others came from six ARC New York recordings in 1931 and ten ARC New York recordings in 1935. In both cases both labels belonged to Consolidated Films. Melotone used all ARC material: two New York recordings in 1931; six Chicago recordings in 1934; and ten New York recordings in 1935.

37) One unknown location is listed, but could be one known location. - 28 -

place in the north. Table IV below lists the locations, their and states, in order of marketed recordings:

Chicago Illinois New York New York State Memphis Tennessee Richmond Indiana Atlanta Georgia Aurora Illinois San Antonio Texas Grafton Wisconsin Dallas Texas New Orleans Louisiana Jackson Mississippi St. Louis Missouri Birmingham Alabama Fort Worth Texas Charlotte North Carolina Long Island City New York State Louisville Kentucky Hattisburg Mississippi Augusta Georgia Camden New Jersey Indianapolis Indiana Columbia South Carolina Cincinatti Ohio Streveport Louisiana

Table IV

Recordings made on southern field trips were all sent back

to parent companies, all located in the North. Whatever

decisions were made regarding the marketing of recorded

products the difference between unreleased recordings made

in the Notth, and those in the South was small, only 3.3%.

Table V below lists the state of issues and unissued

the North N, the recordings made annually, in - and

South - S: - 29 -

Issued Unissued N S N S 1923 3 0 0 0 1924 22 4 15 0 1925 29 5 2 0 1926 114 14 15 0 1927 231 99 38 36 1928 237 187 34 45 1929 488 175 58 33 1930 340 213 63 32 1931 213 61 47 8 1932 171 22 25 0 1933 127 0 51 0 1934 337 33 89 3 1935 477 61 102 56 1936 404 151 74 24 1937 490 80 44 22 1938 378 45 43 1 1939 328 47 8 16 1940 364 12 13 2 1941 404 0 46 3 1942 99* 0 32 0

Table V* includes two recordings from Hollywood, California.

Chicago, was the city where almost fifty percent of all

recordings were carried out. In view of its association

with a development of jazz, and all record companies, at

some time, owning and hiring studios in the city, the figure may not appear too surprising. The pattern of recording in

Chicago, did in fact, reflect the pattern of total operations

/See Graphs 163-191 for Chicago and all other locations.

There were three periods of activity: from the beginnings in

1923 to 1932; 1932 to 1938; and 1938 to 1942. And as in the overall pattern, Chicago had peaks of activity in 1929,1935 - 30 -

and 1941, each followed by a sharp decline; the difference though was that for Chicago each peak was higher than the preceding one. Despite most recordings taking place in 1941,

it was the period of least selectivity of marketable product.

It was a period of debatable creativeness, which, in part,

explains the low ratio of issued to non-issued recordings.

The highest unissued period was the immediate post-Depression

period when the volume of recording activity was highest,

whereas the pre-Depression had the lowest.

New York shares, with Chicago, the position of having all

the companies record there at some time, although by no means

at the same volume. Only 17.6% of all recording took place

in New York, but more material remained unmarketed - at 21.3%

it stood twice as much as Chicago. Recording was much more

erratic in New York. It too can be divided into three periods

but not in the same as Chicago: pre-Depression; Depression;

and post-Depression.

In its first period, 1924 to 1930, there were two peaks

in 1926 and 1929, with fifty and sixty recordings respectively. heights In 1930 the city had its lowest productivity, despite the Each true in which the market was then enjoying. peak, by decline. succeeding periods also, was followed a sharp

During the Depression, however, recordings increased, rapidly 1934, the latter in 1931 and 1932, more gradual in 1933 and the going its highest peak at 145 recordings. Whilst market was in New York kept through its second peak period, recordings 1940. The falling, except for two good years of 1938 and the decline in 1941 was very sharp, when, paradoxically, market

last War II experienced its pre-World peak. - 31 -

The high level of productivity during and immediately the after Depression, unique to New York, was also a time of high unreleased product. The figures for unmarketed material during 1933,1934 and 1935 are respectively, 32.5%, 44.8% 42.5%, and which were much higher than the market norm. The post-Depression figures did reflect market trends for the given period.

The activities in the other twenty-seven locations appear quite erratic. Aurora, Grafton and Richmond, all situated

in the North, were associated with particular companies and

labels. Gennett and Champion owned the Richmond studios, yet

in 1929 Paramount had the highest productivity with over

120 recordings. Overall, recordings took place for eleven years. Aurora was used almost exclusively by Bluebird for 38) over 300 recordings, in the two years of 1937 and 1938.

Paramount had studios in Grafton, built in 1929, which it used exclusively, until its bankruptcy. Virtually everything recorded at Grafton and Aurora reached the market; Richmond recordings faired less well, approximately 25% remained on 39) company shelves.

In only five other locations did recordings number higher

Antonio, New Orleans, than one hundred - Memphis, Atlanta, San These too, and Dallas, - all in the South. places, were associated with particular company labels, once field recordings took place.

Recording in the South, and to an extent the North, was basically carried out in two periods: between 1924 and 1932; and from 1934 to 1938,1933 being the pivotal year - the year

38) Decca made two recordings in 1937, after which their studio headquarters had moved to New York. No one else used the Aurora studios. 39 The figures are Aurora 1.6%; Grafton 1.4%; Richmond 24%. - 32 -

of least overall activity, and the year no field recordings took place. Post-Depression Northern recording actually had a second period, 1939-1942. And the relationship between different labels to Northern made and Southern made, recordings, during both periods is interesting. The industry relied much more on the South during the pre-Depression, for its products - almost one third penetration. The two largest and most conservative companies, Victor and Columbia, relied heavily on the South, deriving almost 75% and 60% respectively for their pre-Depression markets. Despite the lower contribution, unreleased material in pre-Depression

South was higher than for Northern recordings, 16.4% to 13.3%.

After the Depression, the South provided a much smaller contribution, almost one-third its pre-Depression level, whilst rejections rose to 20%. Productivity also revived once the industry picked up after the Depression, but it was in the

North, particularly in the studio headquarters located in

Chicago and New York, that precedence occurred. Table VI below lists the number of recordings made by the eleven labels in the pre- and post-Depression periods in the north and south:

Pre-Depression Post-Depression NS NS

Vocalion 499 56 782 207 Bluebird 0 0 1,172 238 Decca 0 0 890 7 Paramount 699 0 0 0 Okeh 211 236 298 4 ARC 73 0 385 70 Columbia 112 246 186 23 Gennett 204 13 0 0 Brunswick 137 43 0 0 Champion 70 0 57 0 Victor 66 359 45 0 - 33 -

For percentages of marketed material for each label 40) see footnote 40. Overall, 41.4% of recordings were made before the Depression with 69.7% recorded in the North. It

higher in was the post-Depression period, 87.3% made in the North. The post-Depression North was also the highest in terms of marketing, when during the same period, material from 41) the South suffered most. Okeh's pioneering journey

to Atlanta made a precedent which, all but Paramount,

followed and created a pattern by systematic return journeys,

also copied by other companies. Once Southern field recordings

was established, the industry was becoming more confident

and aggressive. For the two years, 1925 and 1926, Columbia and

Okeh, both part of the Columbia group, held a monopoly of

southern recordings, although, until 1929 they travelled and

worked as separate labels, with material tending to remain

with one of the two labels. Later, recordings were made

without reference to particular labels, until it was marketed.

40) % Issued Pre-Depression Post-Depression Vocalion 87.2 79.0 Bluebird 0 96.7 Decca 0 93.3 Paramount 97.1 0 Okeh 59.0 94.3 ARC 60.2 60.4 Columbia 80.4 75.1 Gennett 58.7 0 Brunswick 93.2 0 Champion 84.7 100.0 Victor 80.2 19.1

41) The actual percentages, given the average unissued rate of 14.1% overall, were: pre-Depression North, 13.8%; post-Depression North, 11.8%; pre-Depression South, 16.5%; post-Depression South, 22.4%. - 34 -

Okeh and Columbia also had a virtual monopoly with Atlanta, as a recording centre. Visits were made twice a year;

February, March, April, and August, September, October,

usually the months taken up. In the good years of 1928 to 1930, 42) the visits began earlier and ended later of course,

with the Depression journeys South were cut to three months in 1931, and only one in 1932 - February, June and October

for the former, conveniently spaced apart, and in February 43) for the latter.

Victor was the second company to journey South, in 1927;

it was a necessary manoeuvre for its survival in the blues

market. Gennett and Vocalion soon followed; Brunswick

went first in 1928, then twice with Vocalion in 1929 and 1930.

Victor went straight to Memphis and New Orleans, in direct

competition with the Columbia group. Memphis had a great

attraction for Victor for the next four years, visiting twice

a year to exploit the jug band music particularly.

Atlanta was also a favourite visiting place, twice in 1927

and once in 1928,1929 and 1932. In fact Memphis and Atlanta

were the principle centres for pre-Depression recording in the

South, with Dallas, New Orleans and San Antonio having 44) secondary interest.

42) In 1929, February, May and July were spent away from Atlanta;, in 1930 they were January, March and August. 43) The two labels also made the following journeys: St. Louis in November 1925 and April/May 1927; Memphis in February 1928; Streveport in February 1930; Jackson in December 1930; New Orleans in April 1926 and December 1928. 44) Visits of comparative insignificance were: St. Louis in 1925 and 1927, both by Okeh; Charlotte and Savanah in 1927 by Victor; Birmingham in 1927 by Brunswick; Indianapolis in 1928 by Vocalion; Knoxville in 1929 by Vocalion; Streve ort in 1930 by Okeh; ,, ouisvi e in 1931 by Victor. - 35 -

Only two companies, RCA Victor with Bluebird, and Consolidated Film Industries with Vocalion and ARC, made any

serious efforts at field recordings after the Depression. Decca travelled once to New Orleans in 1936 and CBS sent down

a recording team to Memphis in July 1939 for material

eventually issued on all its four labels. Bluebird had a

virtual monopoly in San Antonio for five years but forayed

into New Orleans in 1935 and 1936, Charlotte in 1936 and 1937,

Atlanta in 1940, and Dallas in 1941. Consolidated Films

concentrated on the Texas region, taking in San Antonio, 45) Fort Worth and Dallas, until CBS bought up their labels.

As recording policy developed the emphasis shifted when

the economic climate moved into and out of the Depression.

Geographically until the Depression the south-east and mid-

west and the Texas region were primary locations for the 46) industry the Louisiana , with south-west and secondary. It altered after the Depression so that primary interest

focused on Texas, particularly San Antonio, with New Orleans

taking second place. Atlanta and Memphis held no importance

whatsoever, except for the brief CBS Memphis visit. Table VII

below shows the shift in numbers for the five major Southern

cities before and after the Depression:

45) Between 1935 and 1937 Consolidated Films extended their Southern recording program to include Jackson, Augusta, Hattisburg, Birmingham, Columbia and Hot Springs.

46) Other small locations were: Jackson 1935 and 1936 by Vocalion St. Louis 1934 by Vocalion Augusta 1936 by Vocalion Birmingham 1937 by Vocalion Columbia 1938 by Vocalion Hotsprings 1937 by ARC Hattisburg 1936 by ARC - 36 -

Precordings Pre-Depression Post-Depression Atlanta 309 14 Memphis 133 69 San Antonio 99 144 Dallas 66 59 New Orleans 16 105

And whilst this shift in location occured in the South,

Chicago, remained, as ever, the principal northern recording centre in the whole country. CHAPTER II

Music to the Companies - 37 -

The music that eventually reached the recording companies was brought out of its rural and urban milieu by a small group of men, almost all of them white, who were employed directly

as recording managers or indirectly, as talent scouts. A

certain amount of rationalisation of material came under their work-load, and in effect these men, at times unconsciously,

acted as artist and repertoire men, taking decisions about material and singer/musician. As an employee of General

Phonograph and its Okeh label, Ralph Peer was the first to realise the potential of the black purchasing power when he first recorded Mamie Smith in July, 1920, although it was not without a struggle by Perry Bradford, who penned the songs

Smith recorded. Peer's entrepreneurship exploited what he understood of economic changes which occured in the rural South because of the first world war and its concomitant migration to the northern factories. But he also witnessed a measure of rising economic standards when cheap labour attracted some - 38 -

industry to the South, "... the standard of living of all these in people the southern states was raised and then they could

buy records they could buy because - phonographs ..., of this

that accidental Negro recording by Mamie Smith got its

tremendous start. We didn't know it, we didn't know where 1) these records were going. " Peer's naivity reflected the

general riaivity and lack of direction of the recording

industry. It was, despite its age, still very immature and

uncertain. There was indeed a great deal of searching for

fresh products and new discoveries, to fill an expanding

market and serve as a survival mechanism. Ultimately, it

was the discovery of the music of the poor working class

of black and white, of both urban and rural cultures,

consciously Southern in derivation, which the industry

exploited and effected direct, as well as influencing,

stylistic changes. It then sold this music to the same socio-

economic group.

Given the fact that recording techniques and reproduction

were almost a generation in age, it remained simply a matter

of time before the music of this group would be exploited, des-

pite the stigma attached to a 'low-culture' classification of

this type of American music. Peer perceptively understood this

and was courageous enough to take on the risk: "Somebody had to

discover it, and I did discover it and I figured that if I

hadn't somebody else would have figured it out, because

as the standard of living went up the people would notice

there was a bigger demand for records and they'd eventually 2) give them the artists they wanted.

1) Ralph Peer interview in The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in Society. Edward A. Kahn II. Ph. D. Thesis, Anthropology, UCLA, 1970 p. 185.

ýO i 5 ,, p. ý - 39 -

Ralph Peer initiated field recordings down South, following an announcement to his distributors of his company's decision to "... begin a series of vocal recordings in order to stimulate sales. "3) He was persuaded by their Atlanta wholesale distributor, Polk Brockman, to visit the South and record a local white singer/musician. This, his first authorised field recording, in fact, produced the first recordings to be released of black musicians outside the 4) traditional centres of New York and Chicago. An account of this trip was reported in the trade journal, Talking

Machine World, prosaically entitled, "R. S. Peer Makes Atlanta

Trip". The following issue wrote of "... special recordings 5) 11 made. It was Peer, as general sales manager, who made the decision whether recordings would, or would not, be released onto the market. His background gave him considerable experience to make that judgement, despite having no knowledge of music. He grew up in Independence, Missouri, where his father owned a retail store selling, amongst other things, records and phonographs. In his early teens he worked for the Columbia Record Company, with whom his father did business as a dealer. In 1926, after establishing a catalogue of black and white recorded material for the

Okeh label, he became employed by the Victor label, who were

3) Ibid., p. 98

4) Victor had earlier recorded rural musicians but "... their corporate image held back follow-up after April, 1923 release. " Ibid., p. 98.

5) R. C. Foreman, Jazz and Blues Records 1920-1932, Ph. D. Thesis (Urbana University of Illinois 1968) pp. 150-153. The incident was also included in a short article in the Atlanta Journal, June 15,1923. - 40 -

6) struggling for a share of the market of black music. When Columbia began recording this blues genre, the hired company a white impressario, Frank Walker, who, unlike Peer, had a fondness for both black and white music.

Brunswick and Vocalion began by placing a former Columbia employee, Jack Kapp, in charge of their Race Record

Division. Eight years later, in 1934, Kapp was put in charge of the newly formed Decca label. To locate and record 7), black artists, Kapp hired Mayo Williams as talent scout and both were fortunate to employ pianist Roosevelt

Sykes who made suggestions and judgements about musicians with whom he came into contact. Williams was one of the few black members of the music industry who did not perform.

He began his career as the recording manager for Paramount in Chicago and built up a very strong catalogue of black rural recordings, making it the most important company in the market in the pre-Depression period. In 1927,

Williams embarked on his own Chicago-based record company, but lasted less than one year, when he was immediately hired as talent scout for Vocalion under Kapp. For the next seven years they built up an impressive catalogue of

6) Godrich and Dixon, Recording the Blues, (London, Studio Vista, 1970) p. 43. Peer saw that competition in the classic blues market was hopeless for Victor, who were several years behind the other labels; therefore rural music was his only alternative. Kahn states that Victor were still afraid of damaging their public image by pursuing rural recordings. "... Peer informed them that they would not cost as much in technical quality as Caruso. They gave him $60 to go to Bristol, Virginia; Charlotte, North Carolina; Savannah, Georgia. " p. 100.

7) Information concerning company employees from Godrich and Dixon, ibid. - 41 -

black of music for the label and continued in the same $ vein for Decca.

These men, Peer, Walker, Kapp and Williams were directly involved with the industry. It was an involvement which provided them with a professional livelihood and as such, it remained their primary function. A secondary level of activity, vis-a-vis the industry, was established with the retail traders. They, more than anyone, kept a pulse on the music of a particular geographical region, and thus were able to provide the companies with material. In this respect there were two important agents for the discovery of rural music, each working in a different part of the South, both important stylistic regions.

Henry Speir was a white music store proprietor living and working in Jackson, Mississippi, who sent singers and musicians to studios in the north, and on occasion, was engaged in the recording itself. The full extent of his work was exemplary; in a twenty-year period he had delivered some of the finest Mississippi blues performers to every major recording location. Speir held no allegiance to any particular company or label, instead he "... sent artists

but everywhere, and tried to work with all companies, ... probably did send the best artists to Grafton, Wisconsin -

Paramount Record Company "9) He had the ... a particularly

8) Williams also acted as a manager for some of the musicians he got recorded, though this appeared to be a minor role for him. In 1934 he managed two big selling artists, Amos Easton and Peetie Wheatstraw. He also managed Johnny Temple, by the fact that it ended in 1937. Godrich and Dixon, ibid., pp. 81-82. The authors do not indicate the kind of relationship or responsibilities, nor how long each lasted.

9) Gayle Dean Wardlow, "Legends of the Lost" from Back Woods Blues, ed. Simon Napier, (London, Blues Unlimited u- lication, 1968, )p. 26. - 42 -

close working relationship with talent scout, Art Laibly.

John Baxter Long acted as a talent scout and artist and repertoire man, during the 1930s and 1940s, in the south- eastern states, particularly North Carolina. He earned his living primarily as a manager of a chain-store in

Kinston, North Carolina and later as the proprietor of his

own store. In both cases, records and phonographs were

part of his merchandise. He had a long association with ARC,

and enjoyed very much the music he heard and sent to the 10) studios.

One other figure of importance in the pre World War II

period was Lester Melrose. From his birth in Olney, Illinois,

he had had various store jobs before setting up, with his

brother, a music store in South Chicago in 1922. He had early

success in music publication, particularly with jazz music. In

1926 he sold his share of the business and began his career ") as an agent for the record companies. By 1930 he had

become a recording director for ARC; in 1938 assumed the same

role for RCA Victor's cheaper Bluebird label. Between March

1934 and February 1951 he had "... recorded at least 90

percent of all rhythm and blues talent for RCA Victor and 12) in his Columbia records. Melrose was primarily interested

own music publishing business, "... promoting blues recording Wabash Duchess sessions seems to have been to enlarge the and he became Music catalogs he operated. In so doing, a powerful

10) Kip Lornell, "Living Blues Interview", Living Blues Publication XI. 29, Chicago, J. B. Long, Sept. -Oct. 1976, p. 13.

11) Arnold Shaw, Honkers and Shouters, (New York, Collier Books, 1978), p. 24.

12) Mike Rowe, Chicago Breakdown (London, Eddison Press Ltd., 1973), p. 17. - 43 -

13) figure on the Chicago recording scene. "

With the exception of Mayo Williams, the decisions taken by the companies as to who would or would not be recorded were all taken by white men. All but one of the companies 14), were white financed and a hierarchical structure bringing music to the companies, developed. At the apex was the musical director who made the final decisions about releasing a product on the market, decisions based on years of experience. The director relied upon his own paid talent scouts to locate musicians and singers, and they in turn, decided who to select and which songs were worth recording.

Further down, and in greater number, were the store pro- prietors and semi-professional scouts. This was at grass roots level, often the best position to realise the popularity of different kinds of music of their location. Their position was an important one; those companies who did little or no field recording relied upon their knowledge of local

13) Bob Koester, Lester Melrose, An Appreciation from The American Folk Music Occasional, Chris Strachwitz and Pete Welding, eds., (New York, Oak Publications, 1970), p. 59.

14) The Black Swan label was the only black-owned record company, set up by Henry Pace in 1921. Pace was once a partner of the W. C. Handy music publishing business. Pace's philosophy was to exploit the black American market: "There are 12,000,000 colored people in the U. S. and in that number there is hid a wonderful amount of musical ability. We propose to spare no expense in the search for and developing the best singers and musicians among the 12,000,000. " His intention to record all manner of black vocal entertainment fell because of economics, and he had to rely on blues, particularly female vaudeville artists. He broke with his philosophy in April 1922, when he recorded white musicians. Godrich and Dixon, op. cit., pp. 14-15. - 44 -

15) musical demand to supply them with product.

The dichotomy in decision making was between personal

choice based upon individual taste and acting purely from

business instinct, where taste left no impression or where

none was needed. Judgement combined quality of performance

with commercial possibilities, though at times, and particu-

larly at the close of the period, in Chicago, commerce over-

ruled performance integrity.

The kinds of relationship each level held with companies

differed, for a number of reasons. It differed partly because

those at, or near to, the top, were paid specifically to

search out product to stimulate sales. Those lower down

relied on another source of income and had a much freer

and less exhausting time, where talent searching was more often

left to chance and luck and not dictated to by pressure of

work. Some, to their credit, were very industrious and

devoted a great deal of time to their interest, one not

always motivated by financial gain, although it was always

awarded for their efforts. Success established informal

relationships between company employees and field agents,

which developed into a network of contacts and feedback and

thereby issued confidence and credibility in the potential learned of new material. In turn, the field agents quickly fact what companies required and would accept. This gave locations. them some recognition and respect in their particular

15) Arnold Shaw cites two examples: Jesse Stone, a St. Louis talent for music store proprietor who also acted as scout Okeh Records, suggested Lonnie Johnson, after winning a Washington Theatre. In singing contest at the Booker T. discovered by the 1929 pianist Roosevelt Sykes was owner New Orleans of the Deluxe music shop in on whose Arnold Shaw, 14. piano Sykes often played. op. cit., p. - 45 -

It also gave them some degree of power which aspiring recording artists were subject to.

Equally varied were the relationships between performers

and talent agents. At the local level it was much closer

and more informal, often quite casual and not well defined.

Interest and motivation overlapped, with certain precedents

giving impetus to recording activity. Melrose in particular

was especially concerned about his publishing house which

would benefit by the musicians of his choice, as recording

director, recording those songs his house held copyright for.

Informality often affected a managerial type relationship

with concern over material in its pre-recorded state. This

was particularly evident in the Southern regions. In the North,

however, company employees took on a quasi-managerial

responsibility to certain recording performers which

committed them to the respective label.

At first companies had no idea where and what to record.

Peer took the advice of Brockman and sent down two engineers,

Charles Hibbard and Pete Decker, from New York, with

newly designed recording equipment. Field trips, however,

were never undertaken for one particular music; blues,

religious songs, sermons, white rural music, novelty pieces,

and songs of the various ethnic groups made up the repertoire

of master recordings.

Recording managers found their performers and material

in a number of ways, but they all basically followed the same

pattern. Brockman organised the search and recording schedule.

With the first southern recording he relied upon the advice

of local record dealers who "... knew what Brockman wanted.

He would rent an empty room or vacant warehouse, audition the - 46 -

people privately and arrange for his choice to be recorded at some other central place, sometimes as much as several months later. "16)

His employer, Peer, exercised a number of other strategies to locate material, relying heavily on interested parties: local record dealers and wholesalers; the advice of previously recorded performers; radio station

employees; and advertising in the local press. Advertising

journalism became quite an effective medium, used by all the 17) companies.

Frank Walker did virtually the same, relying on

advertising before arrival, to stimulate interest, besides

following up information given by musicians to whom he often

gave credit. Auditions took place, and then selection,

followed by recording. Walker preferred an informal atmosphere, reasoning that a better atmosphere was conducive to 18) better recordings. Recording units travelled around the

southern states for two or three months at a time. One

point Walker was ever at pains to minimise was any kind of

racial intermix during sessions.

The bulk of the music and performers was found by the

local agents and scouts, particularly before the mid-

1930s, after which the small group of Chicago based musicians

16) Edward A. Kahn, op. cit., p. 100-

17) An article from the Bristol News Bulletin headed "Mountain Songs Recorded Here By Victor Co. ", told of the payments made to hillbilly singer, E. 'Pop' Stoneman. Stoneman had been offered $100 for each day of recording whilst his accompanists received $25. The story acted as a catalyst in the surrounding region and the event attracted many others. Ibid, p. 102.

18) R. C. Foreman, op. cit., pp. 161-162. - 47 -

became prominent. J. B. Long's first involvement was actually with white musicians but his description throws light on his method:

"Well, anyway, the farmer was in a hurry to go back home after he sold his tobacco, and his wife tried to shop for the family. He'd always tell her to hurry up. Well, I got this old phonograph out and began to pile a few records in. They sat over there and their wives'd come and they'd say, "Come on, let's go". And he was listening to the record business there -a few records we had. So from that basis on I ordered a few records and they began to buy 'em and sell 'em there. Everybody thought that the radios'd kill the record business, but I satisfied so many people that I went ahead and ordered more and more. And of course the big deal was that Lumberton Wreck, when the farmers were going to Lumberton to sell tobacco from Seven Springs. We had for ... so many requests 'Lumberton Wreck'. I notified all the record companies I could think of and know of and none of 'em had ever heard of it. So therefore I was sellin' so many records down there in Kinston and the American Record Company said they would be glad to record the song if I could fine somebody that would make it. And so I decided then to pull a fiddler's convention and let 'em see who would be the best and then give 'em the song. " (19)

In 1935 he was sent to manage another store in Durham,

North Carolina, where he continued his interest in music

and his search for musicians. His efforts to secure trading

with the local farmers led him to a black blind singer/

guitarist, Blind Boy Fuller, with whom a special and model

relationship developed. Long's initial response was

"... he I told him, I said, 'I'm positive, could sing ...

down here at the United Dollar Store - departmental store.

Come by and see me. I want to talk to you. You've got a

pretty good voice and I'd like to talk to you about going in making records if you can do it. 1120)

Long's interest went further and a working relationship developed which involved many other musicians. Having decided

19) Kip Lornell, op. cit., p. 13.

20) Ibid., p. 14. - 48 -

the potential of a find he made contact with a recording company. For his first session in New York for ARC, he made sure he had enough musicians and songs to justify the journey north. He "... wrote in and told 'em I believe I had some 21) talent that they could use and what it was. " His success acted as a nucleus to the surrounding region of blues performers. Auditions were few; singer and guitar player

Brownie McGhee, simply walked into Long's store on heresay.

"He told that he had heard ... me I could get him on the record company. I said, 'Well, I'll hear you', and he and his harmonica player, we went back in the back. I had a machine back there in the back and he played me 'Me and My Dog'. 22) That sold me. He played three or so more and so I made it. "

His success strengthened his relationship with ARC such that

"... I'd they'd take they did that whoever recommend, ... on ) that basis of what I'd say. 1123

Long never fully explained his assessment of a good performer or performance, nor the requirements of the companies.

He was certainly more interested in what he considered to be a good voice than any musical accompaniment. His interest and encouragement for Fuller was because of Fuller's voice,

"... somebody else could always play a guitar with him

/i. e. of equal skill7 but he can't sing. Half the guitar 24) players can't sing. " His only specific reference to voice

21) Ibid., p. 14

22) Ibid., pp. 14-15.

23) Ibid., p. 19.

24) Ibid., p. 18. - 49 - quality, although vague, was to the Reverend Gary Davis, ".. 25) he had a strain in it. " Yet when the situation merited it,

Long had the insight to match singer and musician, who in combination, ". the would each .. make other one come out """26)

Long took great care that the musicians and performers had a repertoire, thatthey knew their songs and were well rehearsed. He wrote down the stanzas as a memory aid, and, at times, whispered lyrics to blind performers. Before an

ARC session in New York for Blind Boy Fuller, Long rehearsed by "... writin' and talkin' to him. I'd get him to sing it and I'd put down No. 1,2,3,4 /stanza order/ you see, and then when the lights was gettin' ready to go off, you'd have to hold him like that - the tighter you'd hold 27) him, so he'd know that was time to end it up. " His extraordinary concern for the performers went to lengths of personal responsibility for delivery to studios, wherever they were located, even devoting his vacation periods, when his wife would take care of the store. His wife also involved herself with the performers; "... she got interested in 'em because when I brought 'em out here and she'd feed 'em, you know, and I'd make 'em practice and get ready to go and I got 28) my outline of 'em. "

All this extra-musical welfare was nurtured by a strong belief in the value of the performers, reflected in the mutual

dismiss he 25) Ibid., pp. 14-15. Long did not hesitate to those felt were inferior, as in the case of two singers, Willie Trice and Floyd Council, who "... just didn't have ". they it didn't have the expression ... although ... Ibid., 19. were recorded under different circumstances. p.

26) Ibid., p. 15.

27) Ibid., p. 14.

28) Ibid., p. 17. - 50 -

respect held by performers who seldom gainsaid his instruction and recommendations, particularly his belief in the benefit of incessant practice and fresh ideas. Writing to ARC about

Fuller he decided that "... this blues singer knew all the songs that everybody has, but if he could just get some new ones why he'd be one of the best singers that I believe they had on the market. And it took him about four months, maybe six months workin' before he really got to where I thought he 29) was ready. "

Long's overall attitude was a combination of belief in, and commitment to, a performer, with his entrepreneurial inclination and business acumen -a mixture which he never selfishly exploited. He was never myopic in his dealings with performers and record companies, particularly when he saw prospects at any opportunity his advice was always to

". put on a good performance -a lot of these talent 30) scouts are there. "

The informality of his relationships bore witness to trust which played down any managerial formality. He never produced contracts and informed companies that "... they had 31) to ", they did not no authority sign ... up ... which challenge. Performers in their turn saw him as a kind of benefactor, socially and financially, though Long lent out money on the basis of future recordings. On a number of

29) Ibid., p. 16.

30) Ibid., p. 15.

31) Ibid., p. 16. - 51 -

occasions he acted as guarantor for those indicted for 32) murder.

What benefits did Long enjoy? He was a white Southerner and very fond of music, though never able to perform. His taste was catholic, able to absorb the different kinds of musical offerings of black and white, secular and religious, groups, in rural North Carolina, where he lived and worked

all his life. He was also a business man, but unable to

realise the opportunity of belonging professionally to any

recording company, denying him his private ambition "... to

have had four or five states, three or four states down South

do Scout And the I didn't know there to work. on pay roll. ... 33) was that much music in it, the field then, you see. "

Selling records was a part of his livelihood, sharing in the

his interest. He the production , realised potential of

recordings and his recruiting ability, with his personal

taste, almost always guaranteed product. Pecuniary reward

was small, for all his endeavours, though he managed to

secure some money from copyright of recorded songs. He always

insisted on non-ownership of songs and ignorance of the legal

aspects of copyright lost him benefits which were duly his.

Nevertheless, Long received the occasional sum from companies I fairly in gratitude of success; "... Two or three times, got I in good-size what you call bonus checks that way.... got

because when its dead two or three years on the stuff ... little /the song/, its dead. "34) Expenses, plus a extra

32) Ibid., pp. 17 and 21.

33) Ibid., p. 22.

34) Ibid., p. 19. - 52 -

$250 were always given, averaging - 300.

Henry Speir was more dynamic and enterprising but did not equal the trust nor found as great a friendship with performers he found. He certainly had business connections with the major recording managers in the North, who accepted all his suggestions. Speir was much more organised in his searchings. On a specific visit, or checking a rumour, he would drive hundreds of miles to listen to performers.

If impressed he would give encouragement and forward promises: "You sound pretty good. You know, I make records; if you keep practising and get your songs real good and come to Jackson in a couple of days, I see that you get recorded. 1135) Speir often ran tests on equipment he kept in his own home, which were later sent North. Otherwise he would drive musicians to recording sessions personally. He worked closely with a chain of local talent scouts throughout the Southern states, when for a number of years he ran a special train from Fort Worth in Texas, to New York, 36) collecting performers along the way.

Some of the performers Speir knew were often a source of information which gave results. One of his favourite discoveries, Skip James, described Speir's method of handling incumbents, 1931:

"... he heard of me playin' pretty good and he sent for me. I went and responded to his request, and so he asked me to play a piece or two for him. I played a he have tomorrow piece - he said, well was gonna a contest - "We've lots of musicians here, and we want to try to get

35) Gayle Dean Wardlow, "Legends of the Lost", from Back Woods Blues, ed., Simon A. Napier (London, Blues Unlimited Publications, 1968), p. 26.

36) Ibid., pp. 27-28. - 53 -

some records made and how about signin' a contract to record that song? He said, 'Have ' I I didn't you recorded any? ... say think I was eligible or qualified enough. He said, '0h, I think Come here tomorrow so .... around and you'll go through examination'. So I went. Quite a few were there, and the first piece I played, he stopped me. I played about two verses of that song and he stopped me. He said, 'I think you made a hit, Skip. pretty good ... How about Where signin' a contract. ... you wants to go on to make these records? ' I said, 'Where is your ' He company ... your establishment? said, 'Grafton, Mississippi. How ... about goin' up there? ' I said 'I don't care. ' He said 'Well can you sign a contract for two years? ' I told him 'Yeah'. He said, 'Well, we'll get ready then. Come by tomorrow, we'll sign a contract and everything - we'll get ready'. " (37)

Speir would be paid for expenses and often remained on hand during the actual recording, although no details of his involvement are available.

Arthur Sotherby with whom Speir and Long both worked was employed as a talent scout for Columbia and Paramount, travelling throughout the South from 1925, to search for black and white material. Born the son of an Episcopalian minister in Bristol, England, he settled in America close to Port 38) Washington home of the Wisconsin Chair Company, with whom he was employed for a number of years. Sotherby learnt his business from the bottom, beginning as a record wholesaler in various states, and finding dealers for the new label, particularly in the North. He was then placed in charge of Paramount's New York studios, when in 1929 he left to join the QRS label. His last employment until 1952 was with the Plaza Music Company, one of the companies which

37) Richard Spotswood, "Skip James Talkin'" from Nothing But the Blues, (London, Hanover Books Ltd., 1971) p. 233.

38) Bill C. Malone, Country Music USA, Austin, University of Texas Press, for the American Folklore Society, 1968, p. 178. - 54 -

merged into ARC. In this role he assumed responsibility for many recordings, some he actually supervised. He certainly took the decision for acceptance or rejection of recommendations offered by his talent scouts, and the final 39) marketing policies were his.

Before acting as talent scout for Okeh, Polk Brockman worked in the phonograph department of his father's furniture store in Atlanta. By 1921 it outstripped the rest of the store and became Okeh's largest retail outlet, with branches in Richmond, Cincinatti, New Orleans,

Memphis and Dallas. Brockman's interest was purely financial; 40) the music meant little to him. Material was found in a number of ways: weekly attendance at Atlanta's main black theatre and churches; and approaching street musicians directly.

He never met with refusal and always carried out test recordings freely. If any contract was signed, it was for a fixed sum of money and no royalties. Supervision of sessions was one of his roles although Brockman discouraged drinking in the studio, a policy almost unique to him. Performers were usually given free reign but when he felt it necessary,

Brockman was "... not above putting words in their mouths on occasion. 41)

Lester Melrose operated in Chicago, the largest recording centre, where he searched for material himself,

39) Bruce Bastin and John Carley, "Uncle Art's Logbook Blues", Blues Unlimited, (London, Blues Unlimited Publications, June-July, 1974), pp. 12,13.

40) Roger S. Brown, "Recording Pioneer Polk Brockman", Living Blues (Chicago, Living Blues Publication No. 23., September-October, 1975), p. 31.

41) Ibid., p. 31. - 55 -

or received direct requests for specific performers he was acquainted with. This was particularly so of ARC. He worked hard in his endeavours, systematically visiting clubs, taverns and booze joints, exploiting the end of Prohibition to great advantage: "... in February of 1934, taverns were opening up 42) and nearly all of them had juke-boxes for entertainment. "

He occasionally journeyed South despite the chagrin of plantation owners who mistrusted his objectives and caused him endless problems. The owners were aware of the fact that the farm workers often refused to return to the plantation life, after experiencing life in the northern cities43) He realised the need for recorded music to fill consumer demand and initiated commercial dealings with the two largest companies,

RCA Victor and Columbia. To test their response he issued a proposal that he could provide "... certain blues talent ready to record and that I could locate any amount of rhythm-and-blues talent to meet their demands 144) The response was immediate and positive.

Melrose's commercial instinct strongly influenced his handling of musicians and recording sessions. When he selected songs to records he had only ".., one thought in mind; the public. 1145) Yet his-ignorance of the performance process provided him with-his-greatest difficulty, because he mistook each recorded take as a mistaken recording, not

42) Lester Melrose, "My Life in Recording', from The Folk Music Occasional, eds-., Chris Strachwitz and Pete Welding. (New York, Oak Publications-, 1970), p. 60.

43) Pianist, Roosevelt Sykes made similar observations; Con- versation with the Blues, by Paul Oliver (London, Jazz Book Club, 1967), p. 15.

44) Lester Melrose, op. cit., p. 61.

45) Ibid., p. 61. - 56 -

realising that each performance was an individual song

/see last chapter/. His solution was to record a song at least four times and then to select what he considered the best verses before recording his final production, altering lyrics if he felt it necessary. His explanation was that "... that's the way I done that's the the them done and way rest of ... ) 1.46 nobody perfect ...

Much of the blues scene in pre-war Chicago was in the hands of Melrose, and he had considerable sway over many musicians and recording sessions. In fact, he organised a close-knit group to record on each other's recordings, going as far as paying rent for one of the most popular performers, 47) Tampa Red thereby guaranteeing a permanent rehearsal place.

It was so tightly bound that Melrose was able to bring together a unit for a recording session within thirty minutes.

An element of sheer luck brought recording fame to quite a number of performers, though it appears likely, for the more remarkable ones, that it would have been simply a matter of time through systematic search or supplied information. The famous pre-Depression performer Blind Lemon

Jefferson was recommended by a music store employee, and part- time musician, of a Dallas store to Mayo Williams in the

Chicago Paramount studios in 1925.48) Five years later, singer/guitarist Booker White was seen carrying a guitar along a road, when he was requested to perform a song by a furniture store owner, Ralph Lembo, in Itta Bena, Mississippi. On the

46) Mike Leadbitter, "Big Boy Crudup", from Blues Unlimited, Nr. 75., (London, Blues Unlimited Publications, 1970) p. 17.

47) Jim and Amy O'Neal, "Eddie Boyd Interview', ' from Living Blues No. 36., (Chicago, Living Blues Publication, January- February, 1978), p. 17.

48 Robert M. W. Dixon and J. Godrich, Recording the Blues, t Stu io Vista, 1970), p. 34. Lon on, - 57 -

strength of the song, White was offered a recording session 49) and payment of $800 for eight songs. Memphis Minnie was heard outside a barbershop in Memphis by a Columbia talent 50) scout. And the gifted Robert Johnson was introduced to

ARC recording engineer Don Law by a company salesman, Ernie 51) Oerthe. On occasion, the desire to record was strong enough to make personal requests for audition. Big Bill

Broonzy eventually made his debut in 1926 for Paramount after persistent requests; the recordings, however, remained 52) unissued.

Speir, Long and Melrose carried out the bulk of their work in the post-Depression period, keeping basically to

their respective regions - Mississippi, the South-East, and

Chicago. Their relationships with the performers they dis-

covered was of a much longer-lasting kind than occured between

Peer, Walker, the myriad of talent scouts and their discoveries.

Peer and Walker, in contrast worked in the pre-Depression period and tended to record in the field more than occured later.

49) David Evans, "Booker White". from Nothing But the Blues, ed. Mike Leadsitter, (London, Hanover Books, 1971), p. 250. White recorded nine sides for Victor in Memphis, three were issued and he received $240.

50) Arnold Shaw, op. cit., p. 23.

51) Paul Oliver, The Story of the Blues, (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd., 1972), p. 119.

52) Arnold Shaw, op. cit., p. 23. Presumably the numerous talent scouts received some benefit for their efforts although no evidence reveals what kind. If a distributor "... would agree to take five thousand copies of the the LVictor/ would record record ... company almost anybody. " For Victor that was the minimum cost effective. Samuel B. Charters, The Country Blues, (London, Michael Joseph, 1959), p. 71. - 58 -

Time was an important factor between the two. Speir, Long and

Melrose had the opportunity to develop a potential performer to fill the requirements of the industry, by then well established. For those starting at recordings and travelling

South, meetings were brief and relationships could not be

developed. Decisions following audition needed to be fast.

Each recording unit spent a minimum amount of time at their

stop-offs and much was recorded to justify expense and

account for selection processes back at the studio head-

quarters. Methods in urbanised areas of the South showed no

great difference to those of the North - clubs, taverns, street

performances were all systematically sifted and the

ubiquitous need for new discovery, fresh product. Even

in small townships and rural parts the social/cultural

requirements for entertainment provided ready outlets for

performers to be sought out, although as Ralph Peer's efforts

demonstrated quickly, the attraction that recording had

acted as a magnet for potential recording talent. CHAPTER III

What the Industry Required - 59 -

The needs of the industry were invariably linked to the ways the music was discovered and marketed. This dictated the selection process both before and after recording.

Whatever the time taken for the initial cutting of the disc, the finished product was never beyond the three to three-and- ') a-half minute threshold. That was of fundamental importance, originating out of the technical limitations of the cutting process. With the rise of the juke-box industry Lee Chapter V/ the time factor lessened considerably, to less than two minutes, so as to extract the highest possible financial return from a single recording. The necessity for such a short period greatly influenced stylistic changes to the music, and in the

1) Booker White explained recording procedure of ".., just three minutes, and they had those lights to go on when you was to start, and a blue light which goes on when you know you've got to finish. ", from Dick Flohil, "Bukka T. White, The Man from Mississippi", CODA, Vol. 8 Nr. 11, (Toronto, January-February, 1969), p. 4. - 60 -

event of a song over-stepping the time limit, recording simply stopped at an appropriate point.

Commercial necessity stressed the need for "... four different original songs. By 'original' it was meant that none of the singer's four songs could show the influence of

By the 'different' anything recorded or published previously. ...

the companies meant that the singer could not duplicate any

lyrics or musical figures in his songs. 112) This concept totally

misunderstood the blues composition/performance process,

particularly before recording was established; then again

it was never strictly adhered to. When the industry had

in its grasp a hierarchy of recording artists there developed

a group of 'star' talent and it found that it had on its

hands, performers quite able to produce much more than the

required four songs. A consciousness arose within the

companies which they wanted to exploit, and which brought

about a new set of requirements to further influence

succeeding recording needs. Thus, by the late 1920s, the

companies "... had a desire to come up with new popular

hits, rather than copies of older songs, for the latter 3) rarely sold as well as original versions. " Considering

the limited structure of the blues form, it meant a consider- found able undertaking, one which the industry seldom

successful. had In 1928, when Tampa Red and Georgia Tom a success the with their song "It's Tight Like That', song was to recorded by the two in a number of other versions capitalise

2) David Evans, "Folk, Commercial and Folkloristic Aesthetics in the Blues", from Jazz Research/Jazz Forschung, III, (Graz, 1969), p. 18.

3) Ibid., p. 18. - 61 -

on the first success4); other companies also recorded their version of the song. Thus Lonnie Johnson with Spencer

Williams recorded a version titled, "It Feels So Good";

The Mississippi Sheiks recorded theirs as, "LoogaLike 5) That". A similar situation occured with the Leroy Carr/

Scrapper Blackwell recording of "How Long How Long" in the

same year. Therefore, the concept of originality was in

practical terms very flexible, adapting itself quite readily

to commercial pressure. By altering the original wording the

companies could satisfy the copyright laws and publish the

songs themselves, eliminating royalty payments to the

original 'composers'. And they held control of ownership of

a number of key blues recordings all associated with

particular performers, all of some stature, which could,

and were, copied to fill a consumer demand, although the

tendency was to over-saturate the market.

The over-riding and conscious need for new material

4) Two unissued recordings of "How Long How Long Blues" by Carr/Blackwell were made in November 1928. The next 3 issued. The month, two more - number 2 and part were number 2 and the very first recording were issued as a single disc on the Banner, Oriole, Perfect and Romeo labels. In August, 1929, The New How Long How Long Blues was recorded, followed by part 2 in January 1931. In January, 1929, Tampa Red recorded as a single both It's Tight Like That and How Long How Long Blues as guitar the last, in fact, the recordings of the songs. solos, -of Two months after the first success, It's Tight Like That was recorded by Tampa Red's Hokum Jug Band, with pno, kazoo, jug, washboard accompaniment. In January, 1929, Red recorded a solo version of the song, number 3, as well 2. as another accompanied by Georgia Tom, number Thus in five months, five different recordings of the song were marketed. Noone 5) The song was also recorded by Clara Smith, Jimmy Cotton and His Apex Club Orchestra, and McKinney's Pickers. - 62 -

by the companies made heavy demands upon performers. Booker

White, who in Chicago 1937 had a recording session with

Vocalion, had such problems with the recording manager liking his voice but not his repertoire. They were considered old

fashioned. White was provided with a meal ticket and a room

for two to 11 weeks and requested ... make up some original "Pinebuff, Arkansas", songs ... and came up with and Rl "Shake 'Em On Down. "--' Sam Chatman suffered similar ex-

periences, for the Okeh label in 1930 in San Antonio, Texas.

With a number of other musicians in a studio set up in a

hotel: "They didn't tell you what to sing and you never sang

the same thing twice. Sometimes they tell you to make up

a song about a table or something and you had to find the

words to fit. "7)

Of course, some performers needed no guidance from

companies; "... many of these records that they made then,

they didn't prepare. Some folks go in for audition, they

sound so good, they said, 'Well, let's make the record now.

We may not get 'em back. '"g) Thus the fortunes of recording

depended to some degree on luck, in a very hit or miss manner.

For the industry it was an attitude of sheer naivity and

great maleability, which in the pre-Depression period resulted

in a high standard of marketed recordings. But it was,

6) David Evans, "Booker White", from Nothing But The Blues, (London, Hanover Books Ltd., 1971) p. 250.

7) Robert Javors, "Sam Chatman", from Sing Out, Vol. 26, Nr. 1. (New York, Sing Out Incorporated, 1977) p. 11. Chatham describes the studio "... locked tight. All the equipment lights the was in the room and there was three above door the green one went on, you sang. " ... when Dorsey", from Living 8) Jim and Amy O'Neal, "Georgia Tom Blues, Nr. 20, (Chicago, Living Blues Publication, March- April, 1975) p. 21. - 63 -

nevertheless, a new kind of music with much to offer the market, despite its maturity within the black communities.

The companies were quick to capitalise on the talents of some of the performers. Blind Blake and Lonnie Johnson were early accompanists employed regularly, Johnson often

touring with recording units throughout the South. Thomas

Dorsey, before his religious conversion, held a number of

roles including making up and arranging tunes for others:

"A guy'd come in with a song, and he'd sing it. He had nobody

to it, it So I it arrange and put on paper. put on paper ... then the it, "9) company would copyright see ... The hierarchy of recording talent held benefits for

the industry, but eventually imposed a number of problems

for performers of lesser talent, and benefits were fewer.

The companies "... didn't pay you very much unless you

that's the were a real recording star ... where money was. /For/ little like the there "10) By guys us money wasn't ,,,

the time of the second recording peak, in the mid 1930s,

companies were much less enthusiastic to search out new

talent; their dependence upon the established recording per-

formers was such that they had sown the seeds for their own

downfall. By 1938, Henry Speir saw it as "... worst of all

for new talent, the record companies just didn't want any more ) talent for "" new records .

Innovation was a conscious manifestation of institutional- felt ised entertainments industry yet when companies the need

9) Ibid., p. 23.

10) Mike Rowe, "Joe Dean from Bowling Green", from Blues Unlimited, Nr. 127. (London, Blues Unlimited Publications, November-December, 1977), p. 6. 11) Gayle Dean Wardlow, op. cit., p. 27. - 64 -

for market exploitation it foregoed that need. In 1928,

T. G. Rockwell, director of recording for Okeh, sent a letter to Mississippi performer, John Hurt, dated November 8, concerning a number of recordings carried out previously, and the possibility of further recordings:

"We have been trying to get a hold of you for some time in order that we might make arrangements for you to to New York for If it is come some recordings. ... possible for you to make arrangements to get away from Avalon for a week and come to New York for recording, we will pay you $20.00 per accepted selection and all your expenses to New York and return, for this week. We would like to have you get together about eight selections at least four of them to be old time tunes, There tunes like these that are known ... are a great many throughout the South. We have written to Mr. Hughes Smith, Manager of the James R. Polk Inc., 3rd Floor of the McCall building, Memphis, Tenn., regarding you and if you will call on him he will buy you a ticket and give to New York. I you some expense money to come ... am sure that you will enjoy the trip and we will see that you are well taken care of when you are here. " (12)

Thus in the period of the emerging emphasis of Chicago- based recordings, of the multi-copying of "It's Tight Like

That" and "How Long How Long", fresh material was not the principle requirement. Rockwell wanted familiar songs and fresh material to market throughout the South, exploiting a gap between the Northern/Southern market regions.

Whilst the 'star' system developed out of the discovery four of the talented with much more than the ubiquitous recordings, there were many, the majority, who recorded one or

two songs and never returned to the studio, else they recorded

a number of songs, each for a number of years. Columbia's policy for field trips was one of amassing "... as extensive

an inventory of master recordings as the recording team found 13) possible. " Two hundred was the minimum and as, "... many

12) Dick Spotswood: "Mississippi John Hurt" from Nothing But the Blues, ed. Mike Leadbitter (London, Hanover Books Ltd., 1971), pp. 245-6. 13) R. C. Foreman, op. cit., p. 161. - 65 -

during performers ... were recorded the tours as judgement

of their promise and limitations of time or other necessities 14) permitted. " Initial assessments were to be re-assessed

in the main studios in the North, where judgement was made,

based on recordings and not actual live performance

audition.

The erratic recording pattern was not really controlled

until the mid-1930s. But performers had equally erratic

recording habits, going from one label to another and 15) getting marketed under a host of names. This was a common

practice making a free-for-all situation and rationalisation

through the issuance of a contract to one label became the

policy by the end of the decade. Some order, of course,

did occur and a number of performers remained loyal to one

label.

Until 1926 almost all blues recording was of a

small number, certainly not more than the four. The

exception was made by Gennett in 1924, with six songs by

'Stovepipe N. 1', May 16, and nine songs by 'Whistler and

His Jug Band' in September 25, both sessions carried out

at Richmond. Paramount, in 1924, found what was to be the

first of the big name performers, Papa Charlie Jackson, really

showman, whose repertoire included blues. Jackson was also

the first major to wander from label to label. Two years later

the company had the fortune of having two formidable Jefferson, Southern performers: Blind Blake and Blind Lemon in its on its lists. It was beginning to grow confident

14) Ibid., p. 161.

15) Amos Easton, for example, recorded in 1934,48 songs for four labels; in 1935 it increased to 65 songs for five labels. - 66 -

efforts at recording and did so in higher numbers now that there were performers able to supply enough material. Okeh had found Lonnie Johnson in 1925 and though Johnson had a 16) long recording career well into the post-war period he did not record as intensely within the same period, nor was his repertoire limited to blues. In 1926 these three were recording sessions of eight songs, a commercial breakthrough. And what made Blake and Jefferson exceptional was their loyalty to Paramount. But for one occasion by 17) Jefferson their on the , entire recorded repertoire was one label. Jefferson died in 1930 and Blake's career ended with Paramount's bankruptcy, although it was, by then, a time of transition for the music and Blake would have been

considered an unmarketable product. As it was he was

recording very little in the last three years. Johnson was

just as loyal with Okeh, but after its takeover by Columbia,

both labels marketed his product.

Until the Depression, ten recordings per session,

for excluding the number of different takes, was average the

established names. For the others who appeared once or a

number of years, it was a combination of what they could

offer and what was accepted. The single exception was an James, for unprecedented seventeen, all issued, by Skip

Paramount in February, 1931, at Grafton. brought The principal effect upon recording policy, on June 16 by the Depression, was delivered in a memorandum on

26 did he 16) It stretched up to 1963 but only years Roosevelt Sykes actually record, the longest, shared with

17) In 1927 Okeh recorded eight songs by Jefferson, only two were issued. - 67 -

1931, by Raymond R. Sooy, chief recording engineer for

Victor: "Starting until date, only one wax to be processed

1118T Victor's performance was the least effective of the whole industry, averaging only half of what the others were doing, often only taking two takes per recording.

The 1931 decision by Sooy did little to increase productivity.

A further economy drive for the engineers was sent in

instructions to "... make maximum use of the studio

facilities and their own time. "19) It was a policy that

both Decca and Columbia practised - in 1934 as soon as

Decca began, and in 1938 with Columbia. Not only did

this matter change policy for studio efficiency, companies

drove to record as much as possible for each day of

recording, and to increase the average per performer. Now,

six and eight recordings per session was considered low

for the established performers. In 1938 and 1939 Bluebird

recorded eighteen songs in a single session by Bo Chatman

in San Antonio, and Water Davis in Chicago. This was the had zenith for pre-war recording efficiency. Victor now an

efficient recording pattern for its northern studios,

restricting it to basically three times a year spread

evenly, until in 1941 when the musicians union threatened

strike action., it stockpiled recordings in panic.

Consolidated Film recorded basically all year round, though labels. Decca it slowed down when CBS bought the group of it became interested worked hard, in need of a market, until

Blues, 18) R. M. W. Dixon and J. Godrich, Recording the (London, Studio Vista, 1970) p. 76.

19) Ibid., p. 77. - 68 -

in white popular music.

The chain-store/mail-order labels only needed product.

They sold established names, seldom including an unknown.

Montgomery Ward sold Walter. Davis product mainly, less of

Leroy Carr, Big Bill Broonzy, Jazz Gillum, Lonnie Johnson

and Curtis Jones, all of whom did better with the Conqueror

label. Broonzy was the most popular with all the cheap

labels. Memphis Minnie, Tampa Red and Buddy Moss were all

used heavily by Consolidated Films' stable of labels.

The overall pattern of stability in the pre-Depression

period was principally in the hands of the major labels

controlling the market with a product of quite remarkable

company loyalty by performers, but also a reciprocal

loyalty and belief in material recorded by the industry to

which it had recourse to return. Vocalion changed the whole

face of recorded blues with its 1928 Blackwell/Carr, Red/

Dorsey recordings. Vocalion pioneered the new trend in blues

recording because it shifted the focus away from the rural

solo performer, physically a part of the South. They brought

together musicians who worked in Northern taverns, who were

part of the northern entertainment milieu and who had very

little to do with the rural South. From now the northern

climate dominated recording and composition. The major

labels stayed close to all their early discoveries, for

almost five years. Paramount were content with their

stable of Blind Blake, Blind Lemon Jefferson, and Papa

Charlie Jackson, Okeh with Lonnie Johnson and Texas

Alexander. Columbia had basically material from the Atlanta

Lincoln, Walter region particularly Curley Weaver, Charlie

Rhodes, Robert Hicks, and Peg Leg Howell. Victor held their - 69 -

mainstay in the Memphis area with the Memphis Jug Band and its individuals recording seperately.

The success of Vocalion's 1928 recordings pioneered a change of emphasis in the geography and milieu of recorded material, without neglecting the market's previous offerings.

The new music came out of the Northern clubs and bars, all centred around Chicago. Vocalion continued with Carr and Red for the next five years, when it was bought by Consolidated

Films. The following year Carr died and Red moved to

Victor's Bluebird label, remaining until 1941. In 1930,

Vocalion discovered a number of new faces which added to

their stability - Peetie Wheatstraw from East St. Louis,

Memphis Minnie and Joe McCoy from Memphis, and Charley

Jordan. All these performers came under the wing of Jack

Kapp, who, when given Decca's black music programme, took

Minnie, McCoy and Jordan with him. Decca's speedy rise was partly due to the market penetration of these and other performers, including Kokomo Arnold, Amos Easton, Bill

Gaither, John Estees, Roosevelt Sykes and Johnny Temple.

Columbia with its post-Depression decline continued with its

Atlanta based performers, adding Blind Willie McTell, who

remained for three years then began wandering the labels.

RCA Victor's Bluebird label acted in the mid-thirties as Vocalion did in the late-twenties. It succeeded in releasing a new kind of recorded music, again of the bar and club milieu of the North, particularly Chicago. With most taking in of the recordings of the post-Depression place

Chicago, Bluebird virtually controlled the market by the late-thirties, the only other competition, albeit at a much Thus it is lower activity, coming from Decca and Okeh. of - 70 -

no great surprise to learn that many performers who began their recording careers with Bluebird remained exclusively,

whilst others who changed to Bluebird remained. A small

number recorded rather erratically whilst Walter Davis,

beginning with the parent company in 1930, Joe Williams,

John Lee Williamson, Big Maceo, Jazz Gillum, Tommy McClennan

and Arthur Condup, were all long time associates. Tampa Red,

Lonnie Johnson and Washboard Sam ended up on Bluebird, with

Sam becoming quite a popular figure on the recording scene.

Almost all were based in Chicago, many performed on each

other's recordings and often associated with Lester

Melrose.

Of the four other functioning labels, Brunswick,

Gennett, Champion, and ARC, only ARC had a number of per-

formers who remained loyal, until CBS ended it, and their

cheap labels - Big Bill Broonzy, Blind Boy Fuller and

Buddy Moss. Moss ended recording in 1936 but Fuller and

Broonzy stayed with the parent company having products

released on Vocalion and later Okeh. Apart from recording

Robert Wilkins and Walter Vincson in Memphis in 1929 and 1930,

Brunswick, like the rest, showed no pattern in their recording policy, despite Gennett and Champion, recording some of the

Blackwell, John established names - Thomas Dorsey, Broonzy,

Estees, Amos Easton, Roosevelt Sykes. With the exception of Dorsey who was at his height in secular recording, soon to be converted, all the others were beginning their recording careers, and, with companies soon caught by the

Depression. They then moved on to more secure labels and careers.

Marketing requirements deviated little from other kinds - 71 -

of music recordings except that it involved specifically a black consumer, and was thus influenced by that single

fact. (The implications of this are discussed in the final

chapter). The program involved a "... straightforward

sequence of services: T"

Advertising materials identifying blocks of new record issues and singling out certain discs for special attention were put into dealers' hands against a date - monthly, semi-monthly, weekly - on which the new records went on sale and would be demonstrated for interested patrons. In advance of the effective date of new-recorded sales, the trade press was furnished with news and advertising copy. Keyed to issues to be featured or special appeals to be made. Advertisements in the daily and periodical press informed the public about new issues. The offers and distribution of new-record issues, to consumers depended upon the depth and regularity of recording activity, the screening and evaluation of new recordings against cataloguing and manufacture, and the transport of such issues to demonstration and sales locations. For the hundreds of new recordings from which a patron might choose each month, the visual cues of banners, streamers, hangers, posters, photographs, window displays, and lantern slides for theater use were intended to lead to statements of preferences. Optimistically, the dealer might be instructed to produce a particular record or group of records for immediate purchase. At the least, the dealer sought the opportunity to demonstrate the new release. (20)

In 1920 Arthur Satherley saw the potential of advertising

in prominent black newspapers for the Paramount label, 21) especially for their Northern market. General Phonograph

was the only other company to employ advertising success-

fully beginning in 1922 and with imagination, careful to fulfill

its It the needs of the black consumer as well as own. "... reinforced social understanding of blacks as a race,

20) R. C. Foreman, op. cit., pp. 95-96. Art's Log-Book Blues", 21) Bruce Bastin and John Cawley, "Uncle from Blues Unlimited, Nr. 108, (London, June-July 1974), pp. 12-13. - 72 -

pictorial and textual materials presented on behalf of appeals

to Negro consumers had constituted vital summarisations about

the needs, interests, and sales of Negro citizens as the

managers of production, advertising, and sales were willing 22) to have them recorded. " Columbia, a much larger company,

was neither as creative nor imaginative; they relied

simply on pictures, photographs or drawings, juxtaposed with

lists of recordings.

This wide spectrum of advertising efficiency throughout

the industry did not measure up to the thoroughness of record

selling which sought every possible avenue. "... Saloon bars,

barbershop parlours, drug stores, cigar stands and Negro

business establishments of every description sold the records

and the companies were ever advertising for more represent-

atives. Discs could be bought from wandering vendors or through

big-shipping forms "23) mail-order catalogues of ...

Thus the market was wide open for exploitation, but the

industry never effectively knew how to penetrate it from its

headquarters. Real market movement came from grass roots

level, just as the understanding of the needs of consumers.

22) R. C. Foreman, op. cit., p. 205.

23) Paul Oliver, Blues Fell This Morning (London, Cassell and Company, 1960), p. 3. CHAPTER IV

The Music and the Musicians - 73 -

The movement of the recording industry into the

milieu of the performers and their music within communities,

instigated transition, as each changed and developed from a

pre-recorded state to a recorded one. It is important to

consider the relationship between the performer and the

musical performance, which includes the consumer or

audience, and then identify the effects of industrial

interaction. Of course, the developments were not all

linear. The actual creation and recreation of the music,

the performers and industry were all compelled to change, bring about change, and radically influence each other. in These issues beg the question of definition - discussed

a later chapter - and an appraisal of aesthetic values and needs of each interacting component within the structure, in all its stages of emergence.

What, then, motivated the first male blues performers - 74 -

to permanently fix their words and music in specific time and space, and, unknowingly, execute stylistic changes in a relatively short period of time? It took almost four decades for this rural context music to reach the recording studios by the early 1920s but only one-tenth of that time to reach its peak, once the genre became a marketable product in 1926.

Two years later, an industrialised milieu, basically urban, with its idiosyncratic forms of institutionalised entertainment demanding and creating novelty, released products for the market at such a rate as to make previous music genres appear dated, and, emphasising the comparative sophistication of the urban north, socially unacceptable. Although the rural context genre existed alongside the urban context genre, recorded well into the late 1930s, it carried the stigma of a Southern attitude and life-style, which soon became anathema. for aclimatised, physically and psychologically, northerners.

Initially, the actual recording experience would have been novel for both performer and music, yet the enterprise was not. With respect to the consumer, which includes performers themselves, the enterprise was well-established.

Phonograph players and records were retailed in the urban and is rural South, although the actual purchasing power of blacks unknown. Black entertainers had acted as recording talent the on cylinders, but the product was aimed principally at Smith white market, until the first recordings by Mamie for in 1920.1) These recordings established a black product a black market, exclusively.

1) Michael Taft, Draft of "The Use of the Computer to Facilitate the Structural Analysis of Afro-American Blues 1977, 2. Lyrics", presented to author; dated p. - 75 -

Some of the earliest male recording performers worked in the medicine shows, circuses and travelling shows that formed a staple employment situation for the female classic 2) blues singers. Medicine shows were popular avenues of selling medicine, usually bogus, to rural populations

about the turn of the century. The salesman used musicians

and dancers to attract an audience after which he began to

play on their interest. It was also an environment into

which recorded songs formed part of their stage repertoire.

Thus, whilst lifestyles and performance situations differed

between musician/singer of either sex, the cultural setting,

the phenomenon of recording and its impact upon audiences/

consumers readily presented itself to the unrecorded blues

performers. The recording proper was the next step.

Pre-war male blues performers, who did not embrace the

jazz fraternity, never achieved the status of the female

vaudeville singers, the best of whom outsold the males in

recordings volume. Their recording careers, however,

sustained a much shorter life-span. The social position

within the black, and white, communities was outlined by the

cultural role each held as an entertainer; for the women,

no matter the psychological attachment to the South, their

lifestyles and employment practices were categorically Smith. northern and urban, people like Clara and Bessie

Some eventually moved into other areas of mass culture.

There were, naturally, a number of female singers who were Memphis recorded during southern field trips, but only one,

Minnie, achieved the success of her male counterparts, and

2) Paul Oliver, The Story of the Blues, (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd., 1972) Pp. 58-73. Derrick Stewart-Baxter, Ma Rainey and the Classic Blues Singers, (London, Studio Vista, - 76 -

whose genre of music she performed. In effect, the move towards recording by the female vaudeville performers was, despite prognostications of the worst kinds, a logical extension of market practice and enterprise. For the purposes of the industry and the rigours of racist attitudes, working against both black and white musicians, the vast majority of instrumentalists were male, mostly performing jazz and, for approximately a decade, accompanying the vaudeville singers. Only when it meant the survival of record companies were male blues performers given the opportunity to step into the market. And then, companies

neglected the potential of their immediate proximity in the

North, by searching the Southern states for the solution to

their problem.

There was no musical or regional monopoly in the post-

Civil War genesis of the blues form. Its geographical

divergence satisfied a cultural need as well as impressing

a social identity. And it spread with the various migration

patterns, converging eventually onto Northern urban centres.

Its articulation was mastered by a hierarchy of musicians,

itinerate and non, ranging from the fully professional to

interested amateur and whilst industry focused initially

towards the South, the Northern element was not absent.

From the outset, the response to recording was impressive. Whilst the professional enlarged the status of performer within a community, in recognition of recording ability, the amateur now became an aspiring recording artist with all the hopes of a professional lifestyle, once that became an institutionalised reality. Thus, having established a particular socio-economic infrastructure, the - 77 -

recording industry had inadvertently designed a standard against which performers could measure themselves and their credibility. That the majority failed to achieve the elusive goal did not destroy the dream, nor the reality of the situation for each individual. Consequently each successful recording managed to keep that standard constantly aflame.

Almost all, if not all, performers, wanted to record, and hear their own music, whatever the personal rewards.

And during the uncertain early days, the many performers who satisfied the idiosyncratic tastes of company talent agents were as naive and immature as the companies themselves.

Yet, ever responsive to commercial advantage, companies exploited the performers' own vanity. As an employee for

Vocalion, Thomas Dorsey witnessed such moments when performers "... sound so good, they /the engineers/ said, 'Well,

We 'em back! let's make the record now. may not get ... they'd make the record, didn't have to pay for it like that, see. The artist was glad to make the record, get a chance to 3) hear themselves. " In the pre-contract days of established recording industry was quite willing to exploit each other and performers moving from one label to another. Dorsey explains: "... You record under one name here and another name over there. It was the only way you could make any 3a) for 'em money, they didn't pay nothin' much ...,

Edwin Buster Pickens, a rural. Mississippi performer testified that, "... in those days everybody was trying to

from 3) Jim and Amy O'Neal, "Georgia Tom Dorsey Interview", Living Blues, No. 20 (Chicago, Living Blues Publication, March/April, 1975), p. 21.

3a) Ibid., p. 27. - 78 -

4) Frank Walker Columbia, record ... , whilst of assessed the impact of a successful 11 the best attempt as ... next thing to 5) being President of the United States in their mind. "

Johnny Shines, also from Mississippi, as late as 1941, had

a repertoire of self-penned blues for acoustic accompaniment

and was keen to get them recorded, despite his instrument

liability, "... I had never done any recording and I was anxious

to do But had to have some. ... you an electric guitar 6) then. , Besides the necessity of amplification and a

public address system which arrived during the late 1930s,

Shines stresses the value attached to recordings in any

development of a career as a professional blues performer.

The impact of that innovation was more marked in an urban

context, particularly in Northern cities where employment

was to be found in the bars, clubs and taverns. This fact

was especially true in the aftermath of Prohibition when

houses holding the newly-acquired liquor licenses could

benefit by featuring performers with an established, or a

promising, recording career, to attract an audience. The

repeal of Prohibition did mean more work for black per-

formers. "... the clubs advertised the singers who were being

featured and both they and the record companies found it 7) advantageous to employ 'name' singers. " The formality

4) Paul Oliver, Conversation with the Blues, (London, Jazz Book Club, 1967), p. 117.

5) R. C. Foreman, op. cit., p. 164.

6) Pete Welding, "Ramblin' Johnny Shines", from Living Blues, No. 22, (Chicago, July-April, 1975), p. 31.

7) Paul Oliver, op. cit., p. 107. - 79 -

of the clubs and taverns in the North acted as a deterent towards under-aged attendance, whereas in the South, age meant little as a barrier to music in performance, In the less-formal format of house-rent party, a recording

career was no pre-requisite to earning a living, although

the two had a degree of compatibility. Success in earnings

necessitated a performing repertoire and stamina large enough

to prolong interest and maintain reputation.

There was no concentration of professional enter-

tainment outlets in the rural South to compare with the Chicago

nucleus, or to a lesser extent for this music genre, New

York. And the degree to which a musician could attain

professional status within a community was a comparative one.

Blind musicians had no other employment prospects which

accounts for the high number of itinerent blues musicians.

Their professional status compared with street performers

but included interstate travelling to earn money wherever

the situation arose. Those who could earn a living as

performers, in rural and urban environs, did so by various

forms of patronage, differing in the levels of formality.

For most rural blues musicians it meant combining a full-time

alternative means of employment, and performing at 8) leisure times.

The absence of that immediacy of an entertainments

nucleus in the South prolonged the association of recording

career and earning capacity as a professional musician.

8) David Evans, "Structure and Meaning in the Folk Blues, " from, The Study of American Folklore, ed. Jan Harold Brunstand, (New York, W. W. Norton, 1978). - 80 -

Even in the urban South, musicians had to go North to realise that option. The absence of a majority of rural musicians is a marked feature, as was their contribution to recording volume. Until the myth of success pre-occupied incumbent rural performers the initial benefit was pecuniary.

Individuals had the opportunity of earning comparatively easy money for relatively little effort, performing a labour of love. Talent agents knew the lure of money, and in an environment where earnings were low for long hard work, it was an important inducement. Where money was offered there was the promise of future recordings. From the musicians point of view payment was more likely where talent agents or companies themselves initiated recording possibilities, although the promised fee usually fell short of the proposal.

Those who approached recording agents were in a much higher position of exploitation because of easy self-gratitude, and a naivety of the marketing process.

During the 1930s in the Carolinas, J. D. Long knew his abilities at securing recordings could attract musicians and that the commercial offerings was one of the attractions.

Long was also wise to the effect that record sales could 9) induce musicians to make more money. Thomas Dorsey, in pre-Depression Chicago, was equally adept at prognostication.

His employment at Vocalion and Paramount included composition, arranging of music, acting as a session musician, besides recording his own music. His personal overview reflected

9) Kip Lornell, "Living Blues Interview: J. B. Long". Living Blues, No. 29 (Chicago, September-October) 1976), p. 15. - 81 -

overwhelmingly the commercial aspect of his work; "... they'd want. me on such-a-such recording, and if that group maybe were on a number with me, I'd want them on 'em with me, some of those kind of things. You got more money the more you played. 10) The more records you made, the more money you got. " With a ready market for blues 11 began in product, ... singers to come by the score. Well they had them before, but they had no

to them. And they place sing ... when started to making those records, of blues singers, that was all we needed, the piano players, and the musicians and all. You'd do a session, didn't get much for it, but it was good, and you had a steady job, whenever there was a session, you knew where you had to go and what you had to do. You knew you'd be paid 11) for it. "

Those with enough talent for the companies became studio session men; Blind Blake was one of the first, working for 12) Paramount in their northern studios. Lonnie Johnson was employed in this capacity by Okeh, and travelled around the

South with recording engineers, accompanying on violin and guitar, a number of local singers and musicians. Brownie 13) McGhee, followed in the 1940s. By the 1930s in Chicago, the industry had, inadvertently, produced their own instrument - namely the studio session band. The first exploitation of

10) Jim and Amy O'Neal, op. cit., p. 25.

11) Ibid., p. 20. 12) Charles Fox, et al., Jazz on Record: A Critical Guide, (London, Arrow Books, 1960) p. 47.

13) Barry Elms, "Sonny Terry and Brownie McGhee Interview". Living Blues, No. 13, (Chicago, Summer, 1973) p. 20. - 82 -

this institutionalised company instrument was the 'Hokum' group by various labels, to capitalise on the success of the popular party type music of the late twenties and early thirties. It arose out of the success of 'Tight Like That', recording, adding just a few instruments to the piano/guitar

accompaniment. It used only a few musicians, all recording

together for the various labels who marketed the recordings.

Paramount first began in December 1928 in Chicago, and for

the next fourteen months recorded twenty-five such songs,

all but two got released. Brunswick recorded two, Okeh six,

and Gennett five, in the same period. In the post-

Depression period peak of 1935-37 Vocalion revived the

recordings, issuing fifteen from sixteen recordings under 14) the label of the 'Hokum Boys', all recorded in Chicago.

ARC, in 1930, released twenty-one 'Famous Hokum Boys'

recordings made basically by Georgia Tom and Big Bill

Broonzy with piano and guitar accompaniment.

The Hokum syndrome was an industrially created model,

copied for a short period of time by a number of labels,

all taking place in Chicago. The first unique model created

for industry and aspiring recording performers was estab- Texas lished by the recordings of Blind Lemon Jefferson, a formidable blues performer of rate, cited as a "... very

influence he transcended the limitations of ... completely in regional styles which were to influence singers rural and 15) blues urban areas. " For the genre, Jefferson recorded a

14) The Godrich-Dixon discography was unable to identify the performers other than aural evidence.

15) Charles Fox, op. cit., p. 188. - 83 -

form which established the standard three-line stanza as the basic unit of the recorded blues verse, despite the many different forms later recorded. His recordings were extremely popular, and as such functioned as a particularly effective teaching device for neophytes in all geographical locations, that "... thousands blues had such of ... ess- 16) entially a standard structure, tune, and even guitar breaks. "

Jeff Titon cites Jefferson as the first commercial downhome blues performer who "... became the model followed by the record companies when they sent portable field equipment to southern cities or invited singers north to their home studios. t116a)

Example of his song style:

Black Snake Moan

Aaee, Ain't got no mama now Aaee, Ain't got no mama now She told me late last night, 'You don't-need no mama no how'.

Mmmm Black Snake crawlin' in ma room Mmmm Black Snake crawlin' in ma room An some pretty mama had better come an get this black snake soon.

Ahaa That musta been a bedbug, you know a- can't bite so hard Ahaa That musta been a bedbug, you know a- can't bite so hard Asked my baby for fifty cents she said 'Lemon ain't a child in the yard. '

Mama that's alight, mama that's allright for you Mama that's allright, mama that's allright for you do. ' Said, 'Baby that's alright, won't you do the way you

Mmmm What's the matter now Mmmm Honey what's the matter now don't like black Tell me what's the matter baby I no snake no how.

Americ- 16) Harry Oster, "Background of the Blues", from Black Basic Books, 1970)p. 165 ans, ed. John F. Szwed, (New York,

l6a) Jeff Titon, Early Downhome Blues (Chicago, University of Illinois Press, 1977), -p)-.77- - 84 -

Well, wonder where this black snake gone Well, wonder where this black snake gone Lord that black snake, mama, done drove my darlin' home.

(Blind Lemon Jefferson) Recorded March 14,1927, Chicago on Okeh, 8455.

Although Jefferson provided the first model, as a footnote, one ought not to neglect the influence of the classic blues singers upon the structure of recorded blues, with their three-line stanzas and characteristics call and response dialogue between vocal and instrumental. In fact the most important, Bessie Smith, was as popular as

Jefferson and her recordings served effectively as didactic.

No evidence reveals Jefferson's pre-recorded performance style, yet his repertoire shows no radical alteration in style from its beginnings. It is not known if he originated the style, nor what his influences were. Jefferson first recorded in

1926. Two years later two further models came into being.

In July 1928, Leroy Carr on piano with Scrapper Black- well on guitar, recorded the 'How Long How Long Blues'; three months later Tampa Red on guitar and Thomas 'Georgia Tom'

Dorsey recorded 'It's Tight Like That'. Both were recorded for Vocalion, the former in Indianapolis, the latter in

Chicago. Carr and Blackwell were thereafter brought to

Chicago to record and work, and as described in the previous chapter both titles were recorded a number of times in less than six months.

16b) Two good examples of this model type are Lonnie Johnson and Blind Willie McTell. - 85 -

How Long How Long Blues - Number 3

How long, babe How long Must I sing my lonesome song How long ah how long baby how long

I have been waitin' but the mailman leaves no mail I'm just drifting like a ship without a sail For how long ah how long baby how long

Sometimes I think you love me an I feel so glad But you stay away baby an' th en I feel so bad For how long ah how long baby how long

Now then some day you find me baby six feet under the groun' And you'll notice because you quit me for I'll have my face turned down For how long ah how long baby how long

You went an left me baby an I do the best I can But if you had to quit me why steal some other woman's man For how long ah how long baby how long

Last night I heard a hound dog babe an I felt so blue Cause I dreamt he was at the graveyard lookin down at you For how long ah how long baby how long

Sometimes I get to dreamin that you're comin back An I go down to the station stan' gazin up the track For how long ah how long baby how long

(Leroy Carr/Scrapper Blackwell) Recorded December 20,1928 in Chicago on Vocalion, 1279

It's a Fight Like That *

Now, right is right, wrong is wrong Aint no harm to sing a little song Its a fight like that. Beedle lam bam la Fight like that Beddle lam bam Cant you hear me talkin to you It was a fight like that.

Uncle Bob went home, just like they said Struck a match, caught a man in his bed With a light like that. Beedle lam bam is It was a fight like that Beedle lam bam Cant you hear me talkin to you Nothin but a fight like that.

If I go home 'bout half past ten Put the key in the hole an cant get in It's a fight like like Beedle lam bam la Fight like that Beedle lam bam Cant you hear me talkin to you Gonna be a fight like t hat - 86 -

Now Lucy came home with - She left that tight but she come home loose It was a fight like that, Beedle lam bam la It was a fight like that Beedle lam bam la Cant you hear me talkin to you Nothin but a fight like that.

I had a little kitty, I called her mine When in the night, I could hear her cryin An it wasnt no rest Beedle lam bam la Fightin my cat Beedle lam bam Cant you hear me talkin to you Nothin but a fight like that.

We were shootin a littl e dice tryin to have a little fun Law walks up an away we run It was quite like that Beedle lam bam la Quite like that Beedle lam bam Cant you hear me talkin to you Nothin but a fight like that.

I asked a. lady for a drink, this is what she said 'I dont have the white, but I have the red' An how you like that Beedle lam bam la How you like that Beedle lam bam Cant you hear me talkin to you Hear me how you like that.

Some folks see fit to call it a sin To see women give money to men But its right like that Beedle lam bam la Right like that Beedle lam bam Cant you hear me talkin to you Nothin but right like that.

(Blind Ben Covington) Recorded October 1928, in Chicago on Brunswick 7121 * Note change in title. Discussed later in section on copyrights.

The two songs presented models of polar character, very different kinds of recorded blues. The accompaniment of piano to vocal, and piano/guitar to vocals, was not novel. Many field recordings used piano accompaniment for many solo guitarists, but not until 1928 did the juxta- positing of piano and guitar with vocals become a permanent and popular recording combination. It was a combination indeed which many imitated, and grew out of the urban - 87 - industrial entertainment context. Dorsey prosaically

his " just explained composition as ... something that popped up at the right time, to make some money. "17), whereas

'How Long How Long Blues' was a carefully composed piece by 18 Blackwell and his sister. Textually, the songs deviated

from the Jefferson model of the AAB stanza, using a chorus/ verse structure, with the title forming the principal part of the

chorus. Implicit sexuality was a feature of the 'Tight

Like That' genre although sexuality, implicit or explicit,

did not originate with the Red/Dorsey recordings. It was

absent from 'How Long How Long Blues', which had a much slower

tempo, a sombre mood much contrasted with the pace and

exuberance of 'Tight Like That'. The relationship between

'Tight Like That' and 'Hokum' was pointed out earlier

as the first industrial musical instrument and Red became

a full-time studio session man long after the influence of

his recording, becoming a prominent figure in Lester

Melrose's circle. Carr died in 1935 at the height of his

popularity.

The studio session band proper had its geographical

focus in Chicago. Its circle was small but concentrated a

few performers recording on each others sessions. Singers

such as John Lee Williamson, Tampa Red, Washboard Sam,

recorded on each others songs and all tended to sound alike. Columbia Its genesis was about the mid 1930s when Decca and were beginning to lose interest. With a

17) Jim and Amy O'Neal, op. c.it., p. 25.

18) Paul Oliver, op. cit., p. 931 and p. 934. - 88 -

virtual monopoly for more than three years before the musicians' strike, RCA Victor became stuck in its own complacency which virtually destroyed all its later attempts at recording black secular music.

One important development which sprang out of session band milieu occured in 1938, following the first recordings by John Lee 'Sonny Boy' Williamson. What he recorded was not as crucial as the instrumental line-up of his recording and performing group position. By bringing together harmonica, piano, guitar, bass and drums to accompany vocals, Williamson had established a fourth and last model which influenced the recording, and performing practice.

This development had greater importance in the post-war blues of Chicago, especially, but also, all the other recording locations spread around America, although almost everything had changed radically.

Corresponding with the emergence of each recording model was the chronological introduction of the musical instruments. Whilst the guitar was the primary accompaniment instrument for performers, few pianists accompanied themselves on recordings. Yet after the Carr/Blackwell,

Dorsey/Red recordings, the piano/guitar accompaniment was the commercial prime. In 1935 a string bass or imitation string bass became a featured instrument, but was never identified with a particular musician. It was actually used early in 1930 for some Vocalion recordings by Peetie

Wheatstraw, providing rhythmic accompaniment to piano/ in guitar and vocals. The musician remains unidentified this early exception. heard 1935 was also the year that the studios the - 89 -

successful sounds of the washboard, normally a featured rural instrument. It was introduced, and remained assoc- fated with Robert Brown, professionally known as 'Wash- board Sam', whose success as a recording star matched his demand as a studio session musician. Between 1935

and 1937 he had formed a recording band with Big Bill

Broonzy on guitar, and Black Bob on piano, all three

sharing in the vocals.

By 1938, drums were being included as a primary

accompanying instrument, which with bass and washboard,

extended the range of the rhythm section. Thus, in that

year, and for a number of years to follow, Lonnie Johnson

as guitarist and vocalist, had as standard accompaniment,

piano, stringbass and drums, which other established

recording performers, including Johnson himself, either

added to, or subtracted from. In some sessions the string-

bass had the same rhythmic function as the drums, in so

far as some recording favoured the one, whilst others

favoured the second. Yet, overall, the string bass held

the dominant role.

Sonny Boy Williamson's 1938 recordings introduced the harmonica as a standard melodic instrument to the Chicago

studios. It had actually been in common use by Sonny

Terry at least one year previously, in recordings with Blind

Boy Fuller. But it was Williams, not Terry, who initiated a style of performance which served as a model for aspiring blues harmonica players. Prominant musicians of the Chicago but post-war period pointed to Williamson as mentor, more important was the fact that he dispelled all doubts about the viability of the harmonica as a prominent melodic - 90 -

instrument. In one sense he began a school of harmonica performers in the Chicago/Mississippi area. One further point, important to Williamson, was his idiosyncratic style of playing which gave him his unique and influential manner. It was his attempts at imitating the saxophone

techniques of the late 1930s black performers, often with

close links in the jazz fraternity, that "... helped to make 19) him immensely popular with the Negro urban audiences. "

One instrumental irrationality was the jug band

grouping. Their origins date back to Louisville, Kentucky 20 ) WWI In isolation, they of pre - . almost exhibited a range of musical instruments that left little influence

upon most recordings, the exception being the Hokum

recordings. It presented an array of home-made instruments

with more conventional ones, as well as producing a number

of vocal effects, including speech. Aurally the collected

sounds were produced from guitar and/or guitars, harmonica,

kazoo, banjo, mandolin, jug, washboard, sung and spoken

vocals, spirited comments and sporadic shouts. Recording

of jug bands began as early as 1927.

Conceptually, the commercial establishment of the

instruments discussed above, excepting the jug bands, was for field urban and northern. The primary accompaniment by the recordings was the acoustic guitar, primarily played less vocalist himself or herself. The piano was much

prominent as a solo accompaniment. Electric guitar was but its used occasionally, from the late 1930s onwards,

19) Charles Fox, op. cit., p. 324. (London, 20) Bengt Olson, Memphis Blues and the Jug Bands, Studio Vista, 1970) p. 22. - 91 -

significance was in the post-war period. Amplification and public address systems were a phenomenon of the late thirties in the South, before it ever became dominent in

Chicago, particularly in taverns around Memphis and 21) St. Louis.

The individual most associated with the commercial

use of the electric guitar was Aaron 'T-Bone' Walker,

originally from Texas. It was as guitarist/vocalist

for a number of south-western jazz bands that

prompted amplification of his instrument. In several

respects, Walker made an important forward leap for blues

recordings at the close of this recording period, and as

such, anticipated a number of post-war blues recording

attitudes. In July 1942 he had made two recordings for a

new company, the Capitol label. The importance of this was

that Walker had pioneered a new genre of blues, somewhat

before the market was ready for it, which was influenced

by the jazz bands of the south-east, where blues was a major

part of the repertoire. And as a performer he had "... 22) developed dazzling " heralding the blues a stage act. ,

performer as a professional performer, away from the bars

and taverns although they never lost their importance as

areas of employment. Walker was pointing the way

towards the arena of mass entertainment, which was denied

to blacks throughout this period, and the eventual and

21) Michael Taft, opýcit., p. 1

22) Charlie Gillett, Sounds of the City (London, Souvenir Press, 1971), pp. 135,154. - 92 -

lucrative white teenage market.

As important was the fact that Walker had finally moved recording locations to the west coast, after almost two decades of blues recording. Pre-World War II migration patterns played its part in so far as a new and vast geographical region challenged the Chicago hegemony for recording, and it offered an untapped ready market to 23) exploit.

Walker, in fact, bridged the musical camps of jazz band, the small combo, itself an offspring of the jazz band, and the solo vocalist/guitarist. And whilst the first two used blues as part of their repertoire, their manner of performance and instrumental use of form had essential differences, which are outside the scope of this study. As for jazz musicians themselves, they had virtually no contribution to this genre; the notable exception was the addition of cornetist, King Oliver, to a 1928 recording session for Texas Alexander, on the Okeh label. It included

23) John Broven, "Roy Brown, pt. 1, Good Rocking Tonight, " Blues Unlimited No. 123, (London, January-February 1977); and 'Roy Brown pt, 2, Hard Luck Blues', ' Blues Unlimited, No. 124, (London, March-June 1977). "Living Blues InterviewLowell Fulsom". Living Blues Vol. 2 No. 5. (Chicago, -Summer 1971) and Vol. 2 No. 6 (Autumn 1971). Jim and Amy O'Neal, "T-Bone Walker Interview", Living Blues No. 11., (Chicago, Winter 1972/73). Arnold Shaw, Honkers and Shouters (New York, Collier Books, 1978). Lynn Summers and Bob Schier, "Little Milton Interview", Living Blues No. 18 (Chicago, Autumn, 1974). - 93 -

Clarence Williams on piano and Eddie Lang on guitar.

The instruments more associated with the jazz musicians were seldom featured. Occasionally a small band would be featured with established names, varying the inclusion of

trumpet, clarinet, alto saxophones, trombone - at times 24) they acted as lead melody instrument. With the exception of Big Bill Broonzy, this short-lived musical phenomenon occurred during the years 1934 and 1935. Vocalion issued eight recordings made in March 1934 by Bumble Bee Slim and his Three Sharks, repeating this in July of the following year. In April Okeh recorded Texas Alexander and his Sax

Black Tams, whilst Decca in August recorded Peetie Wheatstraw and his Blue-Blowers. In 1935 Decca issued recordings of

Bumble Bee Slim and his Rhythm Riffers. Only Broonzy continued in this vein; in 1938 as Big Bill and his

Orchestra, and as Big Bill and his Memphis Five in 1938 and 1939.

Although the development from one commercial model to the next was linear, it did not mean the demise of a previous one. They progressed in parallel and unique traditions, at times bearing some little influence upon each other. Indeed, models referring to one time/space context functioned quite easily in another. Thus in 1935

Blind Boy Fuller and Joe Williams began their careers with music referring to a pre-Depression point. In the same way Robert Johnson was recorded in 1936 and Booker White in 1937, both from Mississippi. Apart from Fuller, the

24) Paul Oliver, op. cit., p. 115. - 94 -

25) rest were not big sellers, despite the industry's efforts.

These were, incidentally, recorded during the 1935-1937 peak period, when industry was expanding after the effects of the Depression. Booker White attempted to update his music and thereby make it more commercial, by "... borrowing

Washboard Sam to play behind him in order to add the greater rhythmic base in fashion. then. ºº26

The many imitations of successive models were inevitable given the likely financial returns, but also an enamouring of status for performers of a community able to do so. Yet fusion of models proved unsuccessful. Shortly after the Carr/Blackwell recording, Paramount recorded

Jefferson trying the same song with a piano accompaniment.

It seemed a natural commercial venture for one of their best recording artists to market a very successful song. In what was Jefferson's only piano accompanied recording, there arose an inter-model instability and it highlighted the demands of juxtaposing two or more melodic/rhythmic instruments. Suddenly, it created a new set of values, of musical parameters and a different set of problem situations. For the self-accompanying performer, text existed as a personal issue, resolved by the individual's experience.

And those elements which combine in musical discourse, e. g. tempo, tone, timbre, rhythm, became tempered by the needs of each performance and each recording, and the two need not always be similar. When, with the introduction of a second

25) John Hammond, "An Experience in Jazz History", from Black Music in Our Culture, ed. Dominique Rene de Larma (Kent State University Press, 1970). Giles Oakley, The Devil's Music, (British Broadcasting Company, London, 1976), p. 197.

26) David Evans, "Booker White", from Nothing But the Blues Books, ed. Mike Leadbitter (London, Hanover p. . - 95 -

and other instruments, the major problem occurs in having to effect a balance between each performer and his/her

instrument and/or voice. Sacrifice and control became necessary; on the one hand, dynamics became compressed and much simplified, to be superceded by a new set. Performance

had to adapt itself to the psychology of more than one

person. Pianist Henry Townsend, who performed for a short

time with guitarist Robert Johnson, explained the meeting

of ideas: "We did quite a bit of rehearsing. As time went

on, we began to get together to try to iron out things.

The purpose was to familiarise ourselves with one another,

because, I had a kind of odd time in my playing, and at

that time I couldn't convert away from it. I had to stick

with it but I learned to come away from that and work with

people. 1,27)

The most crucial effect of moving from a pre-recorded

to recorded context was the performance dichotomy. Until

the transition, a performer, or performers, had a repertoire

of songs whose excecution and creation was limited only by

dynamics of creativity, and the performance context: singer/

musician Son House explained that difference: "... we'd

play different things we couldn't put ... on records ...

Play all night with the people dancing, playing much longer

than the three minute recorded limitation. "28ý That

difference was to narrow down quite significantly as the

27) Pete Welding, "The Robert Johnson I knew: Interview with Henry Townsend', ' from Downbeat, (Chicago, October 31 1968) p. 18.

28) Jeff Titon, "Son House, from Living Blues No. 31. (Chicago, March-April, 1977), p. 16. - 96 -

the recording came to influence, more and more, the total composition/performance context: given the ubiquitous time limitation, the performers in their turn, exploited the situation. In 1940, Booker White had written a number of songs for a recording session and used a clock to "... time his songs for three minutes choosing the best words for each out of a large supply. "29)

For performance, the recording of songs had an incredible impact. What Son House described as playing much longer than the studio limitation was to be transformed into musicians performing in line with recording.

White explained the difference between unrecorded and recorded songs in his repertoire: "I never sing a song the

I same way. can make songs about almost everything ... But I I my records that made, still sing my old songs ... in pretty well the same way... 1130) Henry Townsend, performing with Robert Johnson, emphasised that "... in most cases he held pretty steady to the original. Like the way he 1131) recorded ,,. The actual recording context had different meanings for different performers, or groups of performers. Initially it presented a new and strange atmosphere, quite distinct from dances, parties and other social events. For the soloist audience was replaced by simple technology and audience feedback, which held great influences on performance,

29) David Evans, op. cit., p. 251.

30) Dick Flohil, "Booker T. White: The Man from Mississippi", CODA, Vol. 8, No. 11 (Toronto, Coda Publications, January- February, 1969), p. 5.

31) Pete Welding, op. cit., p. 18. - 97 -

was absent. A need for care and attention to uphold technical limitations inside a studio situation whatever

its make-up "... greatly restricted the kinds ... of movements and gestures he could make to punctuate his 32) t, The song. tension which resulted was resolved on

numerous occasions by the dispensation of liquor, not only

to ease the atmosphere, but also to create, or re-create

one. Those recorded in groups had some psychological

compensation in numbers and familiarity.

What changes, then, did this new medium, the studio,

bring about? The studio was, in fact, anything from wire

tape-recorders to a permanent site in a building. In key

locations throughout the South, hotels were favourite

spots where a make-shift studio could be easily organised.

Yet in the besides north, ! ordinary studios, they acted

as filters and depositories of a tradition, or traditions,

of music.

The most radical change was the appearance of the

record itself, because it completely transformed a plurality

of relationships. Unlike any other moment in the history

of the music, it brought a cultural break for the whole

corpus of musicians; no longer were they physically or psychologically tied to a particular geographical area, or

to an immediate body of performers. It is true that those who wandered around the country did not have this restriction, but recording did "... give solidity to groups of singers and musicians who would otherwise never have been brought

32) Michael Taft, op. cit., pp. 3,4. - 98 -

33) together. " The individual non-professional, with few recordings, was probably quite unaware of how far his or her recordings were marketed, or how well sales reached.

The great concern for the initial recording fee was as much as they wanted and company employees appeared not to discuss the matter any further; royalties never seemed to enter into most agreements. Nor did any lack of performance experience provide obstacles for those who passed the initial tests. They could "... appear on

records even without there being any demand for live 34) performances. "

The records themselves were more than objects for

entertainment, more than industrial merchandise. They were

as much modules of information, transporting a set of values

and transmitting musical genres across an orbit, far wider

in fact, than any individual could physically manage in

the same timescale. And as carriers of different musical

and cultural values, they had influences which proved to be

incredulously didactic. The swift emulation of each particular model was a certain indication (discussed in

greater detail in final chapter).

William Ferris writing about the rich blues region of

the Mississippi Delta shows how records influenced the

local tradition: "The first is the influence of contemporary singers whose style is imitated by Delta singers who also hope to follow in their path to recording success. ...

33) John F. Szwed, op. cit., pp. 274-5.

34) Ibid., pp. 274-5. - 99 -

Delta listen to the singers will ... records of their

favourite bluesman and will imitate and rework their material

so that they develop a similar sound which they feel will be well-received by both the recording industry and the 35) general public. "

Ferris's remarks reveal the dialectics of a musical

tradition in response to recording. In the pursuit of

industry and audience attention, there was a willingness to

dilute, or, ultimately, to disregard a regional tradition.

Commerciality virtually monopolised a musical tradition,

but as the total recorded opus illustrates, it never managed

to destroy any tradition. The market certainly allowed

each performer to be confronted by a number of models,

each articulated in its own way, and all conceivably

executed in the same time/space point. Yet the market

influenced how the performer selected his or her information

and pressurised those whose reputations and careers centred

around recording activity. Release came partly from changes

in musicial fashion as well. as competition from other

music genres.

Whilst the recording became capable of destroying

certain aspects of a culture, it was concurrently an in-

strument of acculturation, quite capable of adding to the It stockpile of information each performer had accumulated.

remained within the confines of each individual performer

and respective audience as to whether that information was information of any cultural value. Indeed, as agents of

transmission recordings became "... among the most easily for accessible and popular sources of music and song ...

35) William Ferris, Blues from the Delta (London, Studio %ý7 sias, r p. 8-9. - 100 -

singers and musicians. The record has functioned like the printed broadside in aiding and accelerating the trans-

lyrics in but has had mission of ... repertoires, the added effect of disseminating both tunes and style of 36) performance to the singers who have heard them"

Guitarist/vocalist John Jackson, from Fairfax,

Virginia, cites a sales agent as his introduction to different kinds of recorded information: "They had a man used to come through selling victrolas and records, and whenever he came to collect his money, he'd sell us a few more records. We listened to all kinds of records - people like Blind Blake, Blind Lemon Jefferson, Bessie

Smith, Barbecue Bob, the Carter Family, the old Jimmie 37) Rodgers - just about everybody. "

As a tool to aid 'composition', records were just as effective. Evans cites the commercial influence upon

'folk' blues performers "... as the commercial recording of

have popular blues has increased over the years, many ... been influenced by blues that they hear on records and have begun to compose blues of their own in the manner of the 38) more commercialised pieces. " Musician Eddie Burns developed his own style by "... listening to his grand- mother's record collection, or to the itinerant musicians

time, who roamed the Delta at cotton-picking ... going out to the local stores to blow a little harp for nickels and

36) Michael Taft, op. cit., p. 1.

37) Bill Pollack, "John Jackson Good-Time Blues", from Living Blues No. 37 (Chicago, March-April, 1978), p. 26.

38) David Evans, op. cit., p. 425. - 101 -

dimes. 1139) Fred McDowell was more explicit: "It's like you hear a record or something; well, you pick out some words out of that record that you like. You sing that and

it fast add something else onto ... as as you can get one word out something else will come in there. 1,40) Blues performers did 'compose' songs in the accepted conventions of European penmanship, but an analysis of texts would reveal how far recordings of preceeding performers influenced those who followed. That pre-recorded blues had existed for at least four decades meant that the industry had a considerable amount of potential product to fill their market. The extra-ordinary rate of extraction, as well as offerings by performers, of this finite material meant that the performers eventually had to supply the industry with new models, or else refurbish existing ones to allow for a measure of market novelty.

As a piece of property, the recording was subject to a number of forces, the primary one dealing with the matter of ownership and to channelling of money. The ubiquitous

'four original compositions' was primarily a safeguard for company copyright ownership, so as not to pay royalties had to to anyone if possible. Yet individual composition be guarded against others. Floyd Jones, who penned

'Stockyard Blues' eventually performing it around the Bill Broonzy streets of Chicago when "... this fellow Big to said, 'You better play with me or someobdy's going

39) Mike Leadbitter, "Eddie Burns', ' from Blues Unlimited, No. 90., (London, April, 1972) p. 5.

40) Pete Welding, "Fred McDowell Talking", from Nothing But the Blues, op. cit., p. 146. - 102 -

41) take it. ' So I didn't sing no more on the street. "

The recording of a blues instantly fixed a particular song, especially a successful one, with a particular name. For non-professionals who used parts, or all, of a well-known recorded blues in a performance, it was a mark of respect not to change any of the 'borrowed' information, or extract.

For the performer within a community, a hierarchy inevitably evolved, with the most successful recording musicians resting on the peak. They remained as long as the market could support them. It meant that those with a reputation could take the most lucrative employment opportunities, and obviously be the first choice for employers. These provided those lower down in the hierarchy with material that associated their success with an

audience, as well as aspirations of that success. Thus a pattern was set up. The position of Homesick James and

Jimmy Walker in post-Depression Chicago illustrates that point. Performing at the Square Deal Club in Chicago, for five or six hours each night, receiving three dollars

Minnie each, they played "... mostly Memphis numbers ... with the long-established artists like Big Bill, Tampa Red, and Memphis Minnie playing regularly at the bigger clubs, t42) it was very hard for newcomers to break into the scene ,,,

These particular leading figures were, in fact, very

41) Mike Rowe, Chicago Breakdown (London, Edison Books Ltd., 1973), p. 59.

42) Ibid., p. 88 - 103 -

generous to newcomers looking for their first big break and gave much encouragement. "They would get their start by sitting in with the good-natured Big Bill, Lonnie Johnson or Sonny Boy and some other bar-owner would hear of them and book them into his club. 1,43)

The long association of blues with Chicago centres much around the life of the clubs and taverns, particularly after Prohibition. As principal employers of blues talent they shared as musical arbiters of market sense as well as aiding the decline of post-war blues associated with the

Bluebird label and the incestuous group of performers who supplied most of the market with product. With audience demanding change, club-owners were compelled to employ a newer breed of jazz-influenced blues performers, finding

"a wealth of semi-professional blues talent on their 44) doorsteps ready and willing to play for $12 a night. "

43) Ibid.

44) Ibid., p. 110. CHAPTER V

Extra Musical Conflict: Radio, the Juke-Box Industry, ASCAP, BMI, AFM, and the Federal Government - 104 -

Relationships between the record industry, radio,

the juke-box industry, the American Society of Composers,

Authors and Publishers (ASCAP), the Broadcasters Music

Incorporated (BMI), and the American Federation of Musicians (AFM), were at times so complex as each struggled { to establish and improve their interests that government and

judicial intervention became necessary. When the recording

industry had established its market, it feared the rise

of radio, a justifiable alarm considering the speed at

which it succeeded as the primary domestic entertainment machine. Yet the phobia over market loss was exaggerated by not realising the potential of radio as a mass medium and an ignorance of possible mutual benefit. But radio was, after all, in its infancy whilst the phonograph machines and recordings were familiar merchandise. Its growth rate, however, was astonishing, far greater than recording. RCA - 105 -

incorporated in 1919 as a sales and distribution company, sold almost $1.5m worth of radio sets; in 1922 it grew to

$11m; by 1924 it had reached the $50m. mark. In 1926

RCA became the largest distributor of radio sets in the 1) world.

The incredible profits made by companies in the radio communication industry - including the manufacture and lease of transmission equipment -, coming at a time when the recording industry was losing its grip of its market, made the takeover of the latter by the former an inevitable process of diversification. And this took place in a period of increasing company mergers and takeovers throughout the 2ý entire business arena.

Diversification also led to investment in radio

stations themselves and the financing of radio programming.

The crucial point over finance was that it was very

influencial in radio station organisation, and therefore, power to control the business of radio communication and

the residual effect upon the radio audience. As soon as

it was understood that advertising was to pay for pro-

gramming, network. radio developed to exploit key population

centres, i. e. the urban masses. At the same time, small independent radio stations slowly emerged lacking the 3 economic base and the wattage of the giants.

The first acknowledged radio broadcast, by a Westirgiouse employee, was of a piece of recorded music, an auger of

1) Thomas Parker Robinson, Radio Networks and the Federal Government (New York, Columbia University Press, 1943)pp. 7-9.

2) William E. Leuchtenburg, The Perils of Prosperity 1914-32, (Chicago University of Chicago Press, 1958), pp. 178-203. , 3) Arnold Passman, Deejays (New York, Macmillan & Co., 1971) p. 32. - 106 -

of the role recorded music was to play in the future of radio. The first commercial broadcast was given by radio

station WEAF of New York, on the roof of the Western Electric

building, owned by AT & T, on August 16,1922. An earlier

attempt by the same company, one month before, failed

because of bad acoustics. Success was followed almost

immediately by externally imposed restrictions to establish

and regulate standards of propriety. In the same month of

the first broadcast, the radio division of the Department

of Commerce set down a number of regulations, among which

was a clause that "... prohibited the use of mechanically

operated musical instruments, such as phonographs, for 4) broadcasting purposes. " The next year the Association of

National Advertisers, who set the standards of practice for

its members ruled that "... radio advertising was limited

to the institutional type and that direct appeals for the 5) sale of particular products was prohibited. " In both

cases the basic philosophy never held ground in the free

enterprise world.

The use of recordings in broadcasting for the small,

non-network stations with only a modest income, was the only

viable solution. The networks had the financial security

to broadcast live programs, or record transcriptions. The

tactic of broadcasting records lead to disc jockey, a term during the entertainments journal 'Variety' claimed origin

the late thirties. Its use, however, was pejorative,

4) Robinson, op. cit., ppo14,15.

5) Ibid., p. 17. - 107 -

implying that ".., such goings-on were snide tactics on the part of weak-voiced radio stations whose managers were too poor - or too miserly - to pay for bona fide actors and 6) musicians. " This paternalist defensive stand was shared by the musicians union who felt threatened with unemployment of its members. That insecutity spread over into the recording industry, who worried about what they believed would be a drastic fall in consumption. They thought that

'r... audiences would get sick of the thing and refuse to buy it for home-playing. "7)

As it turned out this early paranoia, though self- inflicted by ignorance of the outcome of music broadcasting, was restored by public acceptance of the novelty and the benefits thereafter accumulated by each interested faction.

However, for blues recordings and performers, and, in fact, all black music, the most important feature of its relationship with radio, the unions and ASCAP, was segregation and racism. The juke-box industry was kinder in its operations, and both it and performers/consumers benefitted.

The juke-box industry grew up from the failure of the phonograph invention as an office machine. Salesmen and entrepreneurs had to turn to entertainment, yet whilst the recording industry turned to home entertainment, the

juke-box industry 11 field embryonic entered a ... of activity which was created, almost without their knowledge, by showmen at f airs and resorts demanding records of songs and

6) Hazel Meyer, The Gold in Tin Pan Alley (Westport, Greenwood Press Inc., 1977), p. 124.

7) Ibid., p. 125. - 108 -

instrumental music. "8) There was almost a twenty-year success period, from the first public exhibition of a coin- slot phonograph in San Francisco on November 23,1889 by

Louis Glass of the Pacific Phonograph Company. The next year, in February, the east coast heard music mechanically

reproduced, in New York at the Automatic Phonograph

Exhibition, by Felix Gottschalk, an employee of the Metro-

politan Phonograph Company. Large sums of money were

accumulated but by 1908 the public had tired of this kind 9 of entertainment, and it disappeared.

The juke-box industry proper began in 1927 in the same

way as did the smaller recording companies, by product

diversification of initially three player-piano manufacturers.

In 1925 the Automatic Musical Instrument Company was formed

after sale of the National Piano Manufacturing Company,

founded in 1909 in Grand Rapids, Michigan, was bought up by

its own distribution, National Automatic Music. Interest

here was stimulated by the developments in the electric

phonograph machine, which they assumed, quite rightly, in

retrospect, was to fundamentally change the direction of 10) recorded music.

The Brunswick. electric home phonograph introduced in

1926 also impressed J. P. Seeburg, manufacturer of coin-

operated electric pianos in Chicago, who saw it as "... a

major technical breakthrough that would effect the entire

8) J. Krivine, Juke-Box Saturday Night (London, New English Library, 1977) p. 12.

9) Oliver Read and Walter L. Welch, From Tin-Foil to Stereo, (Indianapolis, Harold W. Sams & Co. Inc., 1959) p. 98.

10) J. Krivine, op. cit., p. 26. - 109 -

automatic music industry. "11) Immediately Seeburg, of

Swedish origin and American adoption, set to manufacturing the "... all-electric multi-section coin-operated disc- playing phonograph. 1112)

The third company beginning at this time was the Mills

Novelty Company of Chicago, It was the oldest firm originally making coin-operated amusement equipment.

The major competitors began after the slow industrial

come-back of the mid-1930s, although they originally began business much earlier, and in other fields not too far

unconnected with coin-operated technology. Their timing

was extremely fortunate; Prohibition had ended and the opening

of licensed houses created a tremendous demand for coin-

operated machinery. The recording industry was having its

second peak-period, but more important was the rise of white

popular music,, where the real profits came.

The Wurlitzer Company began juke-box operations in

1936. It actually went as far back as seventeenth century

Saxony, when it made musical instruments. In 1853, Rudolph

Wurlitzer arrived in America to organise an import and

distribution business and eventually securing a Government

contract to supply the Union army with bugles and drums.

In 1880 they began manufacture of pianos, later organs.

Wurlitzer did not escape the Depression and turned to make

refrigerators and furniture to remain in business. A merger Company with piano-makers in 1933, the Packard Manufacturing

11) J. Krivine, op. cit., p. 24.

12) J. Krivine, op. cit., p. 24. - 110 -

and Homer Capehart, later to enter Congress, was the 13) beginning of a juke-box giant.

The fifth company was Rock-Ola. It started life as

a weighing machine business by a Canadian. Rock-Ola

turned to pin-ball machines in 1930 and juke-boxes five

years later, to phenomenal success.

The close association between the juke-box and

recording industries was obvious and each amassed huge

profits until about 1939. By then, all the locations had

been filled and manufacturers were holding onto stock they

could not sell. The recession held until the war-time

period when industry had an even greater period of prod-

uctivity and profits. In 1934 there were approximately

25,000 machines; by 1938 it increased to 225,000 and to 14) 300,000 at the outbreak of war.

By the end of the thirties, with improved recorded

products, it became clear that radio would not destroy the

demand for records. On the contrary, with the popularity

of the juke-box to repeatedly play popular recordings, it

proved that radio could and did stimulate sales. Radio and

the juke-box enlarged the aural experience of a single

recording.

ASCAP had a philosophy which excluded black songwriters

and composers not explicitly because of any racist policy,

rather, it "'omo took a dim 'view of Western, mountain, reli-

It was formed gious or what they called 'race' music sTº15)

13) J. Krivine, op. cit., p. 41.

14) Read and Welch, op. cit., pp. 295-297.

15) H. Meyer, op. cit., pp. 92-93. - 111 -

in February 1914, after initial discussions five months by earlier, parties who furnished America with all the institutionalised popular music. The nine men16)who the inaugural attended meeting sentenced that ASCAP serve to "... protect composers, authors and publishers of musical works against piracies of any kind; to facilitate the

16) The meeting took place at LHchow's restaurant in New York City. Those who attended, not all invited turned up, reveal the breadth of interest in the field of popular music production and dissemination: Nathan Burkan - lawyer George Maxwell - New York representative of an Italian music publishing company. Raymond Hubbell - composer Victor Herbert - composer Glenn MacDonough - librettist Jay Whitmark - publisher Gustave Kerker - composer Silvio Hein - composer Louis A. Hirsch - composer

Two others joined though they were absent from the meeting: John Golden - theatrical producer and lyricist Gene Buck - lyricist.

The original idea stemmed from a remark made to Victor Herbat about the protection offered to composers in Europe which was totally ignored in America.

Lucia S. Schulz, "Performing-Right Societies in the United States", Notes Volume 35, No, 3, (Quarterly Journal of the Music Library Association, Philadelphia, 1979) ppe512; 513.

Also, ASCAP, The Facts (New York, ASCAP, no date). - 112 - administration of the copyright laws for the protection of composers, authors and publishers of musical works; to promote and foster by all lawful means the interest of composers, authors and publishers of musical works and to grant licenses and collect royalties for the public representation of the works of its members, and to collect and distribute such royalties. 1117)

Copyright in the nineteenth and early twentieth century was a fragile issue, whose weakness was the en- forcement of rights given protection by Congress, first in

1897, for the "... dramatic protection of non works ... providing penalties for infringement of performing 18) rights. " Twelve years later, the Copyright Act of 1909 dealt with the rights of ownership with respect to public performance for profit, but was basically ineffective.

What made copyright an issue was the transition of music entertainment from a non-technological and unrecorded context to a media-orientated and recorded one. Until the end of the second world war, the power and control of white

American commercial popular music was in the hands of the music publishers, who derived their income from the sale of song sheets. Until this transition, public performance of songs- was regarded as an advertising mechanism to promote 19) song sheet sales. With the change, a musical performance, whether live or mechanically or electrically produced or reproduced, or broadcasted over the radio, became a commodity, created by one group and usually disseminated by another.

Schulz, ibid 513. 17) Lucia S. ., p.

18) Ibid., p. 511.

19) Hazel Meyer, op. cit., p. 60. - 113 -

It was the Supreme Court, in 1917, after reversing the lower court's decision against ASCAP's test case of the copyright laws - against a New York restaurant

included to be proprietor who music performed live - which set the rules. It argued that the " defendant's ... performances are not eleemosynary. They are part of a total for the It is true that the which public pays. ... music is not the but is the food. sole object, neither ... If the music did not pay, it would be given up. If it pays, it pays out of the public's pocket. Whether it pays or not, the purpose of employing it is profit, and that is 20) enough. " The courts also decided that music broadcast over radio constituted "... a performance for profit and 21) that license fees were justified. " The Broadcasters contested the decision but were ultimately unable to alter the course of events. Interestingly enough their reasoning was similar to the original understanding of musical performance. They defended the right of privilege of ",,. music without cost on the grounds that music so used was a public service. ... authors, composers, and publishers ) be x'22 should grateful ... ASCAP's real rise in power came from Hollywood acting in its own interest. With the popularity of filmed musicals, the studios bought up many ASCAP affiliated music publishing houses to protect song ownership and collect the royalties themselves. Thus by 1939 ASCAP had netted $65m in royalties,

20) Lucia S. Schulz, opcit., p. 514.

21) Ibid., p. 516.

22) Hazel Meyer, op. cit., pp. 84/85. - 114 -

60% coming from radio's income of $171m. It was this huge profit from radio that ASCAP wanted to test its power and earning capacity when the two bodies were to renegotiate the renewal of royalty contracts at the close of the decade.

For twenty years ASCAP controlled "... society's 23) monopoly on popular music, , and the radio broadcasters feared outright exploitation of royalty fees. They anticipated this trial of strength a number of years before the

1940 expiry date. In 1939 at its Chicago Convention, the

National Association of Broadcasters (NAB) passed a

resolution that "... in view of the foregoing, the creation

of an independent source of music is a necessary measure,

now, therefore, be it RESOLVED, that the NAB cause a cor-

poration to be organised with broad powers to carry out the

building of an alternative source of music suitable for

broadcasting and to make such music available to broad- 24) casters and others. " In the next month, Broadcast

Music Incorporated (BMI) was organised, and challenged

ASCAP's monopoly in no unspoken terms. On January 1,1941,

the NAB imposed a ban on all ASCAP controlled music, and

began a search for non-ASCAP material, a revolutionary move

for American music.

Such. was the fear of broadcasting non-ASCAP music that

radio prepared itself for change firstly by playing non-

ASCAP music between ASCAP music to prepare its audience;

and secondly by actually setting up public relations offices

23) Lucia Schulz, op. cit., p. 582.

24) Hazel Meyer, öp. 'cit., p. 91. - 115 -

in case of a backlash from audience and sponsorship. There was no backlash, and loyalties remained.

However, support for BMI was slow in coming. It was thought that this new organisation would soon collapse but within less than a year the two royalty agencies had resolved their differences, and BMI "... had secured a firm footing in the entertainment world ... with a catalogue of over 36,000 "25), by copyrights ... almost all white composers.

The fundamental difference between the two organisations was that ASCAP was controlled by, and existed for, creators and suppliers of music, whilst BMI was owned by the users of music. Yet when BMI was well-established it too benefitted creators and suppliers of music.

ASCAP's power during the 1930s did not escape Federal notice. As early as 1934, the Department of Justice tried unsuccessfully to curb ASCAP's control of the music supply with the indictment that ".., through the combination and

illegal pooling of their respective individual copyright monopolies, were alleged to have created in the society an

instrumentality which has the power to, and does dictate 26) to, and dominate the radio broadcasting industry. "

The Department moved again, six years later, in the

BMI/ASCAP dispute, but extending criminal proceedings NBC, against, ASCAP, BMI, and the radio networks, CBS and Victor. the former owned by Columbia, the latter by RCA Act. The The indictment was for contravening the Sherman ASCAP BMI last of an eight-point list of charges accused and

25) Bill C. Malone, op. cit., p. 188.

26) Hazel Meyer, opýcit., pp. 96/97. - 116 -

with mutual boycotting of material "... in order to obtain control of the supply of music, which boycotts threaten to restrain and destruct the rendition over the radio of about

90% of the desirable modern copyright music. "27) Black music was thereafter allowed its opportunity in the mass media.

Despite the tight infrastructure of the entire entertainments industry, only the recording companies showed interest in black music and black consumers, until the outbreak of the war. Racism was important in understanding the reasoning, because whilst the industry worked with both black and white music, for black and white consumers specifically, they never attempted to expose one to the other. Jazz, particularly during the 1920s was, in a way, the exception. But whilst white intellectuals and society embraced the music, including the exotic value, the media

shied away. This had two repercussions: firstly, whilst

record companies recorded and sold product by black per-

"... the lyrics the formers, they knew that ... and music

associated with them could never be sold for use on radio

or in films. "28) Secondly, because of this discrimination

of black music by radio, recordings and sales of black music were never as badly affected as those normally broad-

casted over the radio, i. e., that controlled by

27) Eileen O'Connor, "Anti-ASCAP Legislation and Its Judicial Interpretation`, ' from George Washington Law George Review, Vol. IX, pt. 6. (Washington, University of Washington) 721. , p. 28) Neil Leonard, Jazz and the White Americans (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1962), p. 104. - 117 -

29) ASCAP.

Not only were black radio audiences discriminated against, so were performers. There are few references of blues performers broadcasting over radio. The first, two musicians

Houston Stackhouse and Robert Nighthawk performed on radio 30) ) Jackson in the early 1930s and in 1935 on radio KLCN,

Blytheville, Arkansas, the quartet of Peck Curtis on drums,

Calvin Frazier and Little Sonny Pitman on guitars, and Sonny 31) Glisson on piano, were heard.

The first regular radio show by blues musicians for a black audience occurred in 1941 in Helena, Arkansas. On

November 19, a small white businessman, Sam Anderson, set 32) up the town's first radio station, RFFA. In his quest

for programmes and sponsorship he actually broadcast the

first black radio for a black rural and small town audience,

a non-network radio. Sponsorship for a number of programmes

came from the local flour companies and one, Interstate

Grocery Company, who began advertising their King Biscuit

Flour throughout the Mississippi Delta in 1939, sponsored 33) the important 'King Biscuit Time' show.

29) J. Krivine, op. cit., p. 22; and Steve Chapple and Reebee Garofalo, Rock In Roll Is Here To Pay, (Chicago, Nelson-Hall, 1977) p. 55.

30) Jim O'Neal, "Houston Stackhouse", Living Blues No. 17, (Chicago, Living Blues Publications, Summer, 1974) p. 26.

31) David Evans, "Peck Curtis". Living Blues No. 69., (Chicago, Living Blues Publications, January, 1970) pp. 10/11. 98 32) Mike Leadbitter, "Bring It On Home", Blues Unlimited, (London, Blues Unlimited Publications, January, 1973, p. 4.

33) Paul Oliver, "Remembering Sonny Boy" from The American Folk Music Occasional, (eds. ) Chris Strachwitz and Pete Welding, (New York, Oak Publications, 1970), pp. 42/43. Oliver sets the date at 1938. - 118 -

The programme's two performers, Alex 'Rice'Miller, and

Robert 'Jr' Lockwood, initiated the idea and approached the radio station proposing that they could "... perform free for ten minutes or so every day, if allowed to plug their forthcoming " Thus the flour ng gigs ... whilst company payed for the air time and provided promotional clothing for the musicians as they travelled around the Delta, the radio programme announced each day exactly when and where the performers would be. The shows provided no income for the performers. Houston Stackhouse, who broadcast over

KFFA a short time later pointed out that "... we was

dances makin' our money at ... every night somewhere ....

We just stayed on the program so we could be advertisin' 35) . ourselves .,,., The show was a daytime broadcast of fifteen minutes,

Monday to Friday, starting at 12.45pm, and it "... sky- 36) rocketed overnight". It used musicians of a high calibre

who performed the music a black audience wanted to hear,

and for the first time. This novelty, and the novelty of

amplified instruments - guitar and harmonica - stimulated

much interest. A third factor was that Miller was broad-

casting under his professional name, Sonny Boy Williamson, John Lee 'King of the Harmonica'; the original Williamson,

'Sonny Boy' was very influential and well-respected, with his many popular blues recordings to bolster reputation. beneficial. That association, when it occurred, was

34) Mike Leadbitter, op. cit., p. 4.

35) Jim O'Neal, op. cit., p. 29.

36) Mike Leadbitter, op. cit., p. 4. - 119 -

In 1942, the station owner Anderson, added drums, piano and washboard to the line-up and widened the sound to emulate the recorded sound of Chicago that was so popular in the late thirties, but was becoming quite common- place in the city. These performers who broadcasted and performed around the Mississippi/Arkansas region took

the music they learnt from Chicago recordings back to

Chicago and the West Coast after the war. The format for

the programme is vague. It opened and closed with a blues

song advertising the sponsored product:

Good evenin', everybody, tell me how do you do. I Good evenin', everybody, tell me how do you do. These King Biscuit Boys has come out to welcome you.

Every mornin' for breakfast, King Biscuit on my table. Every mornin' for breakfast, King Biscuit on my table. Invite my friends and all my next door neighbours.

Goodbye, everybody, if I never see you no more. Goodbye, everybody, if I never see you no more. Buy King Biscuit Flour, I don't care where you go.

Between were sponsorship messages, performers messages and

other songs. The only reference to the music is to Robert

Nighthawk's broadcast, "... blues, boogies, some love songs,

and things like that. 137

The greatest irony for this first regular broadcast

for black audiences and performers, was that it took place

in the South, in Mississippi, and in one the most

racist regions of America. And it was sponsored by white

finance who helped to spread blues in an extensively between rural milieu. By breaking down the distance per- it former and audience, even for such a short time, provided

37) Jim O'Neal, op. cit., p. 27. - 120 -

an excellent public service, proving, as record companies learnt two decades before, that the black audience existed and that it wanted to hear its own music over the radio.

It was a barometer whose readings were very slowly acknow-

ledged by the media.

The musicians' union, for its part, did very little

to improve the lot of black musicians. Indeed, performers

and music industry employees have been very critical of

its outright racist policy. John Hammond, an influential

record producer wrote that the "... American Federation of

Musicians has a lot to answer for in its dealing with black

musicians, the greater part of whom were in separate and

unequal locals. In all, except the American cities (even

in so-called integrated locals in New York and Detroit)

they were consistently discriminated against. "38) He

continues that. "... practically no Blues musicians were in

the union. " Blues performers could rarely afford the

fees; nor were they able to read music, one of the

requirements. Record producer Steve Tomashefsky working

in Chicago wrote of the AFM in Chicago as "... formerly,

During this the leadership of overtly racist. ... period,

the Black local were naturally more deeply involved in the

affairs of black musicians, largely as dues - and tax- for jobs collectors, but also occasionally as a pipeline

38) John Hammond, Letter to Author dated October 9,1979. Performer Johnny Otis, in personal correspondence (October 1979) wrote: "We were segregated with the white locals downtown operating as if we didn't exist and the we in the ghetto locals picking up what crumbs good white folks left us. " - 121 -

39) and session-work. " As such the union did little beyond enforcing membership and insisting on employers to 40) use union members on threat of boycott. Unions had

much control of operations in Chicago, the city with the largest share of recording and one of the largest radio broadcasting centres and audiences, where union member- for ship was vital employment and recording. It was so

strong by the late thirties that, in fact, it "...

hastened a process of stylization of the Chicago blues that had already begun to take place with the use of a common 41) pool of talent by the Chicago-based recording executives. "

Its constitution for a trade Union Charter was

proposed on October 19,189642), and it was almost half a

century before it called for its first musicians' strike

by its outspoken leader, James Caesar Petrillo. It

gave one month's warning to the industry in July, 1942.

The strike was a battle of power between the powerful

radio corporations, the record companies, and to a lesser

extent, the juke-box operators, coming just nine months

after radio had settled its differences with ASCAP. In

the same way that ASCAP wanted royalties for each broadcast

and performance, the AFM who also observed the profits

39) Personal correspondence, September 15,1979.

40) Kip Lornell, "Guitar Pete Franklin", Living Blues No. 9. (Chicago, Living Blues Publication, Summer 1972) p. 21.

41) Robert Koester, "Chicago: The Blues Scene", Rhythm and Blues, Vol. III, No. 62., (Derby Connecticut, Rhythm and Blues Publications, October 1963) pp. 6/7.

42) American Federation of Musicians of the United States and Canada, Music Is Your Business, (New York, undated and unpaginated). - 122 -

incurred by the media, wanted part of the share. Petrillo argued that "... juke-boxes and broadcasting stations which used phonograph records were driving musicians out of work. "43;

He wanted the record companies to provide funds for un- employed musicians. He also wanted royalties from radio stations who used transcription discs, although his action in this instance was short-sighted. Small, non-network stations were in no position to hire performers for programmes, and transcriptions were one practical operation. 44) The strike could not stimulate employment. Petrillo only allowed musicians to work who were "... used in war effort

home "45 and at . The immediate reaction by the record companies was to record as much as possible to try and defeat the unions.

Pressure from Hollywood and the radio industry, who were losing money from loss of sponsorship and royalties from the musicals put pressure on the recording industry. But the latter held on; Decca agreed first and it signed so that it could survive as a company. Victor and Columbia, with much more support held out for another fourteen months. The only party to benefit was the union, rather than its membership. For the consumer, it meant a price increase.

43) Bill C. Malone, op_ cit., pp. 188/189.

44) Robinson, op. cit., pp. 133/134.

45) Hazel Meyer, op_ cit., p. 126. CHAPTER VI

The Divergence of Definition - 123 -

John Shepard, in his chapter 'Writing About Music', points out that a "... view of music in itself cannot be

isolated from the formulation of the view as part of the social construction of knowledge and reality, because such isolation subscribes to the fallacy of form and context, 1) whilst at the same time ignoring the efficacy of form. "

He further notes that it is "... because the materiality of symbolic communication is ignored that ideas may be isolated from the context of their creation. "2) Definitions of blues genre have gone little beyond that "context of creation, " presenting them either as aural objects or extra-sociocultural artifacts outside the context of those who

1) John Shepard, Phil Virden, Graham Vulliamy, Trevor Wishart, Whose Music? A Sociology of Musical Languages (London, Latimer New Dimensions Ltd., 1977), p. 63.

2) John Shepard, ibid., p. 67. - 124 -

formulate them. Moreover, these paradigms represent the viewpoint of a black/white literate group of a higher socio- economic sub-group, articulate and politically aware.

Formal definitions ascribe tonality as a function of harmonic movement, relating the chord progression, i. e. the movement of tonic to dominant to subdominant and return to tonic, specifically to particular lines in each blues verse. However, Trevor Wishart reveals the limitations of such a formula because, "... the blues musicians themselves probably did not understand their music in these 3) terms. " His conclusion is that "... analysis in terms 4) of tonality is invalid. " Content was analyed as a simple explanation of the social and economic circumtances of post-Reconstruction blacks, usually masculine, in a white racist and male dominated culture. That explanation was for a long time understood as autobiographical and sub- stantiated a number of beliefs that whites held over blacks, and which blacks, as an oppressed group, could moniter their 5) social position, or "... implicit world sense. , Blues,

as a rigid "... framework reflects the rigidity of an imposed there is this framework social situation ... within a rich and sophisticated articulation of the life and experience of the musicians. 116)

Consider the difference between the emotional state, 7), first described in early seventeenth century England and

3) Ibid., p. 172.

4) Ibid.

5) Ibid., p. 173.

6) Ibid. (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 7) Shorter Oxford English Dictionary - 125 -

a music of two-and-a-half centuries later, by Rubin Lacy,

blues performer: "I've sung 'em as many a day and never

thought I had 'em. What did I want to have the blues for,

when I had everything I wanted, all the liquor, all the money

I needed, and more gals than I needed? What did I need with

the blues. I was playing ' em because everybody loved to hear

'em and I loved to 'em. I 'em 8) me play play could play ... Lacy was able to perform to his own justification without

the need to create or recreate a mood or personal feeling.

His ability, with his fondness for performance, was shared

by the desires of his audience. The lack of emotional state

is rare. Two further statements about performing: "... the

other day my wife asked me if I could play a blues for her.

But I couldn't do it. I just didn't have the feeling. "9);

and "... when I sing the blues, when I'm singing the real

blues I'm I feel it from the heart. singing what ... comes

From here right in your soul, an' if you singing what you

really feel it comes out all over. It ain't just what you 10 ) saying, it pass out of you. Sweat running down your face. Th

In the first instance the emotional state is paramount

to any performance and is a fundamental prerequisite. The

second statement sets the criteria for 'real blues', i. e. a

personal integrity and honesty. Truth towards personal

feelings or personal statement is the highest value judge-

went possible, whether it be wholly autobiographical or

8) David Evans, "Rubin Lacy" from Nothing But the Blues (ed. ) Mike Leadbitter, (London, Hanover Books Ltd, 1971) p. 244.

9) Quoted by Robert Pete Williams from Feel Like Going Home Peter Guralnick, (New York, Outerbridge and Dienstfrey, 1971), p. 114. Blues 10) Paul Oliver, "Muddy Waters", from Nothing But the - 126 -

based on biography. The ambiguity here is whether the

expression is dictated by the creation of a mood or feeling

being, or becoming, influenced by it. Ostendorf accuses

white authorship as having "... misinterpreted the blues as

from "11) Rather he to the resulting a mood ... subscribes 12) idea that " bluesmen to " ...... want create a mood.

A certain amount of emotional composure is necessary before

a performance. Singer Jimmy Rushing: "Whatever kind of blues

it is to have the feeling them ... you've got when you sing 13) and play them. A good blues singer has to feel it. " And

a different mood may develop from the initial one, creating

a second emotional/psychological state, often described as

the cathartic process, but deeply embedded in the creative

process. Singer/guitarist Booker White objectifies a balance

of emotional states to further the creative element, keeping

the subjective element integral: "Go into it with all your

soul. Have a little something on the outside to kind of

blues. contain your mind while you're making them good ...

You don't want to be too worried, and you don't want to be

satisfied either, but you want to have your mind a little

mixed up just enough to keep from being too bothered or too

happy. You to be into music and have it in your ... got ) soul.

Albert Murray warns of the extra-musical limitations of

definition, that "... what it represents is the expression of

11) Bernt Ostendorf, "Black Poetry, Blues and Folklore: Double Consciousness in Afro-American Oral Culture, from Amerikastudien/American Studies 20/2, (Frankfurt, German 239. Association of American Studies, 1975). p,

12) Ibid. 13) Nat Hentoff, "Jimmy Rushing: The Blues and How They Began", (Chicago Dombeat Publications, March 6 1957) p. 20. Downbeat , - 127 -

sadness. 1115) a consensus going back half a century. White

academics, Odum and Johnson, writing in the 1920s, character-

ised blues 11 tone as possessing a ... of plaintiveness. Both

words and music give the impression of loneliness and melan-

the theme blues is choly ... of most that of the love relation between the man and woman ... expression of self-pity. Often

this is the outstanding feature of the song. There seems to

be a tendency for the despondent or blue singer to use the

technique of the martyr to draw from others a reaction of

sympathy. "16Joger Abrahams writing in 1970, said that "...

'blues' came to characterise the compositions of those singers,

blues being the sense of alienation or psychological isolation

in which life becomes unbearably anxious, and communication

becomes impossible. "17) He goes on to say that the blues

11 is feelings emotion ... concerned with of alienation, and thus, by extension, blues songs are ones that describe

states and feelings from the alienated and rootless

"18) situation . When Murray the "... dance points out good-time ...

music" element19) which Odum, Johnson and Abrahams neglect to

mention, it appears as if blues recording had never taken

place, and composition/performance, an impossible feat, a

15) Albert Murray, Stomping the Blues (McGraw-Hill Book Co., New York, 1976), p. 57.

16) Howard W. Odum and Guy B. Johnson, Negro Workaday Songs Reprint of 1926 original (New York, Negro University Press, 1969), pp. 19-20.

17) Roger D. Abrahams, Positively Black, (New Jersey, Prentice- Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs, 1970), p. 55.

18) Ibid., p. l4l.

19) Albert Murray, op. cit., p. 57. - 128 -

contradiction which appears with Abrahams's 'communication becomes impossible' theory set against all the recorded blues -a formidable communication medium. Communication is possible, as is creativity, inspired by that same emotional state. Singer, musician, composer, John Lee Hooker describes what he sings about as "... problems, yours and

It's that in life. In mine. something comes your ... my opinion the blues is a thing; you have the blues about

Blues trouble, something. ... came out of sadness, misfor- tune. "20 Despite Hooker's work taking place in the post- war period his explanation is universal. Singer J. D. Short is "What the blues equally explicit, ... makes really good is blues feeling, things that have ... a ... with a of 21) happened to so many people. " Finally, singer guitarist

Furry Lewis credits the emotional state as providing all

the ready stimulus for 'composition', "... when you write

the blues and what you thinking about, you be blue and you

ain't got nothin' hardly to think about. You just already 22) blue, and you just go on and write. "

The viewpoint expressed by these three performers it presents one side of the creative technique. Indeed,

provides one model or presentation of black musicians and

singers, the myth which identifies the musician with a

20) Pete Welding, "John Lee Hooker: Me and the Blues", from Downbeat (Downbeat Publications, Chicago, October 3 1968), p. 17.

21) Samuel Charters, The Poetry of the Blues (New York, Oak Publications, 1963), p. 12.

22) Ibid., p. 13. - 129 -

stereotype profile: the lone miserable figure. That impression was less manifest in the recordings made by the industry. Thomas Dorsey was one figure to contradict that belief. His account, "Well, we wrote everything, just like we had variety; I wrote suggestive blues, well, you had to have something suggestive, or they wouldn't hit, in

the folks 'em. lot some places, wouldn't want ... we put a of comedy in some of them. 1123) Dorsey was equally adept at what he called "... the low moaning type, you know, the

heartbroken, the blues, the ºº24) where man gone away ,,.

Between high comedy and melancholia blues song reflected

many, not all, aspects of black American working class life.

Subjects such as the injustice of discrimination are seldom

mentioned; the few often in code, meaningful only to black l 24a) culture. Paul Oliver, in two works about recorded blues

wrote much about blues lyrics in the context of black social

and economic life. Others made their contribution though

usually in an attempt to attach poetic values to the 24b) words. A major criticism of the analyses is that

selection is random, made to fit concepts of aesthetics,

and points of social history, rather than determining the

full extent of subject matter.

Not too surprisingly, the performers say little about

the content of their songs beyond generalisations of

Interview, " 23) Jim and Amy O'Neal, "Georgia Tom Dorsey Living Blues No. 20 (Chicago, Living Blues Publication, March/April, 1975) p. 24. 24) Ibid. 24a) Paul Oliver, Blues Fell This Morning (London, Cassell Blues (London, Cassell and and Co., 1960); Screening The Co., 1968. ) the 24b) Samuel Charters, op. cit., ; Parl Garon, Blues and Poetic Spirit (London, Edison Books Ltd., 1976). - 130 -

biography. The major problem in this respect is that

almost all the documentation and interpretation was

carried by whites, which usually created a barrier to

trust. As a body the lyrics can tell their own story

especially following major events such as the Mississippi

Floods, the devastation of crops by the boll weavil, or

the Depression. Even the commercial pressure to exploit

the market influenced output of songs; at other times,

implicit sexuality played a dominant role.

Ultimately the question remains as to "... whether 24c) the image of the blues revealed is an accurate one. "

As Oliver puts it, quite wisely, the answer is doubtful.

Recording activity was erratic and there was a huge

difference in the scale of recordings by performers. A

few recorded nearly two hundred songs whereas the majority,

less than half a dozen. These few were exploiting both

their talents and the market for recorded blues.

With recording, blues composition became as much a

studio technique, certainly influenced by studio operations.

Companies needed new songs at a much faster rate than rural

performers could provide. A constant source of supply was

necessary to sustain the professional status of performers.

Whether the source was self-penned or not it was immaterial

to industry, consumer or performer. Neither did it

prevent association of particular stanzas or musical 25ý phrases to a performer. A number of people specialised,

24c) Paul Oliver, 1968, op. cit., p. 10

25) Arnold Shaw, op. cit., p. 37. - 131 -

or contributed, towards composing blues songs for the black

consumer. These numbers did not lack the necessary talent.

The jugband, the Hokum, had little sympathy with that

stereotype, one which never really belonged to the urban

context. Even the small band, the forerunner of the post-

war electric band, broke away from that image. More

important, were it not for the industry, the image of the

blues performer would have changed little. It is almost as

if that fact had been ignored. The overwhelming association

of the blues to the rural context has acted as a catalyst

to this attitude. And yet, as John Szwed succinctly put it,

the "American rural South was the source of Afro-American

music, not because it was rural but because that was where

the Afro-Americans were. "26) The industry did not escape

totally. Its contemporary understanding of blacks influenced

the early advertising that the stereotype portrait became

a universal sign. Performers too believed that "... original

blues the fields. "27) Guitar Pete ... came out of cotton Franklin also believed that the "... modern type of T. Bone

Walker and B. B. King, and all the rest, " did not originate

in some way in rural America. On the other hand, Booker

White is emphatic about the rural origins of blues, "... it

didn't in It behind start no city, now. ... started right

one of them mules or one of them log houses, one of them log 28) camps or the levee camps.,

26) John F. Szwed, "Negro Music: Urban Renewal"from Our Living Traditions. An Introduction to American Folklore, ed. Tristam Potter Coffin, (New York, Basic Books Inc., 1968), p. 273.

27) Kip Lornell, "Guitar Pete Franklin", from Living Blues No. 9, (Chicago, Living Blues Publication, Summer 1972)p. 19

28) David Evans, 1971, op. cit., p. 255. - 132 -

The combination of the Reconstruction rural-isolated population and manumissed slaves returning to their former status but without paternalism providing survival mechanisms, is used to portray the image of the impoverished, inept, black sharecropper, having little control over personal affairs which is carried right through into the twentieth century. Exploitation and institutionalised segregation were not new constraints, nor were they unique to the rural

South. The Reconstruction period was also one which saw the beginnings of American industrialisation, centralised in the urban North, though it was not until the first world war that industries needed blacks in large numbers. The opportunity for economic freedom was duly exercised but did not end the social maladies openly practiced in the

South and clandestine in the North.

Whilst the spiritual songs of black Americans succumbed to white patronage, its pre-industrialised secular counter- part hardly ever did. Yet as America moved from an agraian based economy to an industrialised one with the urbanisation of the black American, then white patronage dissemination, found its permanent position - in the form of Urban- almost nationwide, albeit controlled by whites.

isation and rural steadf as1aiess always managed to co-exist latter. with the former having greater influence on the

This meant that, psychologically, the black secular per- though times, it former existed in both worlds at once, at was a physical reality. interesting The rural/urban dichotomy is an point. to It has lead to a number of value judgements as what constitutes excellence. High aesthetic values arise out - 133 -

of the severest regime, with statements 11 such as ... where the plantation system was its most efficient and segregation its most brutal, the blues are found their at purist ... tragic, hopeless and poignant. "29) Such evaluation then places higher credibility on blues performed in the state of Mississippi to those in Texas, which is meaningless.

Equally erroneous is the idea that Mississippi blues 30) have the blues performances ... most authentic style. "

What posed for 'authenticity' put many constraints on the use and function of blues songs and blues performers, a process which recording broke down.

The problem lies in what is the contradiction between the entertainment evaluation of the urbanised context and the attributed functional value, always almost rural.

This canonisation gave ritual to rural usage neglecting other functions in the same milieu, and debasing it when in an urban context, because it progressed into the

Leroi Jones: "Blues largely professional arena. ... was a functional music, and it emerged from a music, the work song, that did not exist except as a strictly empirical communication of some part of the black slave's life.

But the idea of the blues as a form of music that could be

basis used to entertain people as a professional ... was 31) a revelation. " It is inconceivable that, as music, it never entertained; even Jones admits this, although only

29) Ross Russell, Jazz Style and the Southwest (Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1971) p. 34.

30) David Evans, "Rubin Lacy", p. 255.

31) Leroi Jones, Blues People (New York, William Morrow and Company, 1968), p. 98. - 134 -

the "... early blues developed as a music to be sung for

"32) pleasure, a casual music ..., where entertainment was either to oneself, or to a group, i. e. "... social music. 33)

In both rural and urban social gatherings, the performer faced an audience not radically different in number. Where Ostendorf limits the audience in the rural context no further than "... friends, kin, prison mates 34 he ignores the ..., peregrinatious ones who performed on street corners to anonymous passers-by, at parties, in- and-out of doors, for both races. Non-rural blues emerged,

Ostendorf "citywood to the locale, to not as submits, ... new the new audience - at once more anonymous and demanding - and to the media. 1135) Rural audiences were never less demanding and the music did not gravitate towards the media. Record companies sought rural music to survive and it quickly brought this music North.

The rural functionalism/urban entertainment evaluation permeated the non-musical function of blues, seeming to

during the "... symbolise newly emerging social patterns ... transition from a land-based agraian society, to one based on mobile, wage-labor urbanisms. "36) For some authors that symbolism existed earlier, in fact, with emancipation

"in its singular vigor and incisiveness, it bore the

32) Ibid., p. 67.

33) Paul Oliver, The Story of the Blues (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd., 1972), p. 6. 34) Bernt Ostendorf, op. cit., p. 240. 35) Ibid. 36) John F. Szwed, "Musical Adaptation Among Afro-Americans 82, No. 2. (Boston, from, Journal of American Folklore, Vol. American Folklore Society, 1969) pp. 117/118. - 135 -

characteristic sign of a vast social achievement the ... of social and spiritual agony of an emancipation which brought relief from slavery without leading to social, economic and cultural recognition. 1137) The Marxist writer, Janos

Märothy, incorrectly places this symbolism solely in the

"... period of emerging big cities with the inevitable

from slum quarters ... of mass wandering one camp to 38) another, with large armies of labourers moving together. "

The symbolism is uppermost, optimistic, a point M rothy makes though ending on a naive assessment: "... their burden

of woe and melancholy is dialectically redeemed through

sheer force of sensuality, into an almost exultant affirmation

of life, of love, of sex, of movement, of hope. No matter

how repressive was the American environment, the Negro

never lost faith in or doubted his deeply endemic capacity

to live. All blues are a lusty, lyrical realism charged 39) with taut sensibility. " Ralph Ellison's articulate

juxtaposition of 'burden of woe' with 'affirmation of life'

presents an extremely powerful characterisation of the

symbolism. He develops it further into a communion of the

11 tragic the of the human condition ... and comic aspects and they express a profound sense of life shared by many

Negro Americans precisely because their lives have combined

37) Ernest Borneman, A Critic's Look at Jazz (London, Jazz Music Books, 1946), p.

38) Janos Märothy, Music and the Bourgeois Music and the Proletarian, translation by Eva Rona (Budapest, Akademia Kiado, 1974), p. 515.

39) James Marothy, ibid, p. 517. - 136 -

these models. 1140) This for him is its attraction expressing

11 both the agony of life and the possibility of conquering it through sheer toughness of spirit, 1,41)

Yet it always was an outward sign of accomodation,

to 11 hardship a sign of passiveness, relating ... and that feelings sadness ... starkly relates experiences and without generally offering any hope of future improvement. 1142)

it reminded blacks that they were living in a white man's country, by his rules "Not only has the blues been condemned for preventing the black man from trying to break his chains, it has also been condemned for providing him a way to 43) discrimination. " Indeed, accomodate segregation ... and tension exists between cultural artifact and social un-

impoverishment, 11 dismay, awareness or ... sounds of sub- missiveness, and acceptance of atrocious social conditions

large black common to the existence of number of people ... beautifully is though sometimes rendered ... essentially

40) Ralph Ellison, Shadow and Act (New York, Random House, 1964), pp. 256/257.

41) Ibid., p. 94.

42) Michael Haralambos, "Soul Music and Blues: Their Meaning and Relevance in Northern United States Black Ghettos", from Afro-American Anthropology, eds. Norman E. Whitten Jr. and John F Szwed Jr., (New York, Free Press, 1970), p. 372.

43) Robert Springer, "The Regulatory Function of the Blues", from The Black Perspective in Music, Vol. 4, Nr. 3. (New York, Foundation For Research in the Afro- American Creative Arts, Inc., Fall, 1976), p. 280. - 137 - a music of accomodation. "44) On two occasions was this attitude reversed with little effect: Big Bill Broonzy's recording of 'Black Brown and White Blues' was not released for several years because of its setting of racism in society; J. N. Lenoir's recording of 'Eisenhower

Blues' or 'Korea Blues' criticised the war and was held back for some time. William Ferris wrote about racial repertoires in a rural community discussing coded lyrics 45) about the white authority. Yet no matter how dis- paragingly coded lyrics spoke, they made no effect on the status quo.

Despite the first peak of blues recording a number of writers had given one date of origin at 1910, by virtue of its nomenclature: "They were at first called by several

but by 1910 they had ... names, achieved enough of a seperate status to be known specifically as 'the blues' 46) among many Southern Negroes. " Folk song collector

44) William H. McClendon, "Black Music: Sound and Feeling for Black Liberation, " from The Black Scholar, Vol. 7 Nr. 5 (Sausalito California, Black World Foundation, January- February 1976) p. 20. See also "Black Art: Mute Matter Given Force and Function, " from Black Poets and Prophets eds., Woodie King and Earl Anthony (New York, New American Library Inc., 1972).

45) William Ferris Jr., "Racial Repertoires Among Blues Performers, " from Ethnomusicology, Vol. XIV, Nr. 3 (Middletown Connecticut, Society for Ethnomusicology, September, 1970) and Delta Blues (London, Studio Vista, 1970).

46) Abbe Niles, "The Story of the Blues", from Blues: An Anthology by W. C. Handy (New York, Macmillan, 1972), from p. 20. Also, "Shout Coon Shout", John J. Niles, The Musical Quarterly, Vol. XVI, No. 4. (Washington, Journal of Research in Music Education, 1930), p. 523. - 138 -

Newman Ivey White, named the 'Joe Turner Blues' as the 47) forerunner of all other blues, dating it around 1895;

Big Bill Broonzy also claimed that as the first he recalled

as a child, also dating it in the late 1880s48) Malone

dates the "... most distinct in well-defined and phrase ... the period between 1885 and World War I. 1149) That fact is

corroborated by performer Mance Lipscomb who regarded blues

as "... a particular slow-tempoed dance that became fashionable

around World War I. "50) Its form and structure he dated to

an earlier period, "that was old when my daddy was young but

so far what was called blues, that didn't come till around

1917. One of the first pieces that was strictly a blues

was 'Blues in the Bottle'. What we had in my coming up days 51) was music for dancing and it was of all different sorts. "

The origin cannot be dated and speculation, a fruitless 5. Indeed, Lawrence Levine 11 the task as points out, ... when

blues was created is less important than when it became a

dominant musical form among Negroes throughout the

47) Newman Ivey White, American Negro Folksongs, (Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press, 1928) p. 388.

48) William Broonzy, Big Bill Blues (London, Cassell, 1955).

49) Bill C. Malone, Country Music USA (Austin, Texas Uni- versity Press, 1968) p. 80.

50) Mack McCormick, "Mance Lipscomb", from American Folk Music Occasional, Nr. 1, ed. Chris Strachwitz (Berkeley, American Folk Music Occasional, 1964), p. 63.

51) Ibid., p. 64.

52) Harold Courlander, Negro Folk Music USA (New York, Columbia University Press, 1963) p. 128. Also Early Jazz, Gunther Schuller (New Yom, Oxford University Press, 1968), p. 34. - 139 -

country. 1153) He also elaborates in the non-musical, or extra-musical function where blues can express the

"... conscious, the attitudes, the experiences of large numbers 54) of Negroes in America. " That expression is a secular 55) ossicilation or the "double consciousness of a faction

of a minority race or culture having to exist inside the

bounds of a seperate or different race, with absolute

economic superiority, and fastidious in its control of that

minority. One orbit, movement within the mainstream culture,

was significantly injected with mainstream paranoia, ironi-

cally holding some benefit for a number of blacks.

Herskovits, in 1941, wrote of the misconception of the

natural ability of black Americans: "It has long been held

that the principal contribution of the Negro to the culture

of the America's, and most particularly to the culture of

the United States, lies in the expression of his musical

gift. "56) In 1925 Van Vechten expressed the opinion

where the black was "... always prone to express his deepest

feeling in "57) song ... Three decades later, Abrahams elaborated on the theme

but went much further to explain the large number of black

53) Lawrence W. Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness (New York, Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 221.

54) Ibid.

55) Bernt Ostendorf, op. cit., p. 216.

56) Melville J. Herskovits, The Myth of the Negro Past, Gloucester, Mass., Peter Smith, 1970), p. 261. Vol. 24, 57) Carl Van Vechten, "The Black Blues", Vanity Fair, University No. 6. facimile edition (Ann Arbor, Mich., Microfilms Inc., 1966), p. 57. - 140 -

Americans, in proportion to population figures, in entertainment, and how it also became the first major area in which they were dominant: "Many fixed conceptions about the Negro concern their entertainment abilities, their musical abilities, their musical sense, their ability to hold a tune, their rhythmic sense. Naturally, these are just as false as fixed

conceptions about any group, but the fact that the white world has this view of the Negro has made it possible for

certain Negroes to make a success in the entertainment

field. T158)

The problem in discussing black culture is to

overcome the belief that it expresses its values from

the mainstream cultural orbit, that it reflects the "...

disadvantaged Negroes in America place of ... widely accepted as a complete account of black cultural life, which con-

sequently has often escaped analysis as a rich, subtle, and

drama life in which varied of collective ... a social group puts form into its experience and thereby creates the symbols of 59) a collective life. , Sidney Mintz, whilst describing on

the one hand, Afro-American culture as "... the sociology

of prejudice, economic exploitation, and discrimination, "

58) Roger B. Abrahams, Deep Down in the Jungle (Chicago, Aldine Publications Co., 1970) pp. 36/37. Also Edward Lee, Music of the People, (London, Barrie A. Jenkins, 1970), p. 94; Urban Blues, Charles Keil (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1970).

59) Albert Lee Kreisling, "Making of Racial Identities in the Black Press: A Cultural Analysis of Race Journalism in Chicago 1878-1929"(Ph. D. Thesis, Champaign-Urbana, University of Illinois, 1973), pp. 52/53. - 141 -

goes on to stress that the significance is, rather "... what those who are Afro-Americans have done with it, not in whether 60) its origins are demonstrably African. Contribution is of a higher premium than genesis.

Acculturation and cultural intercourse were inescapable, but the ossicilation was one in which black consciousness stepped into the literate world of white culture, and back to the aural/oral world of black. Ben Sidran makes, quite justifiably, "... the investigation black of music ... also the investigation of the black mind, the black social orien- 61) tation, and primarily, the black culture. " In 1958,

Ralph Ellison wrote in one paragraph a summary of black

culture, which, he declares most appropriately "... takes its

character from the experience of American slavery and the struggle for, and the achievement of, emancipation, from the dynamics of American race and caste discrimination, and from

living in a highly industrialised and highly mobile society possessing a relatively high standard of living and an explicitly stated equalitarian concept of freedom. Its spiritual outlook is basically Protestant, its system of kinship is Western, its time and historical sense are

American, and its secular values are those professed, ideally, at least, by all the people of the United

60) Sidney W. Mintz, Foreword to Afro-American Anthropology, Norman E. Whitten Jr., and John F. Szwed Jr (eds. ), New York, Free Press, 1970), pp. 12/13.

61) Ben Sidran, Black Talk (New York, Holt, Rinehart And Winston, 1971), pp. xi/xii. - 142 -

62) States. "

But culture of the 'Race' was not a pejorative term, nor a sign of cultural parasitism. Race as a concept gathered its own momentum. In fact, it was a nucleus around which black Americans could consciously and unconsciously act and react. The temporal development of race shifts from

framework to 11 dramatic a static rigid ... an ongoing and identity social process ... of ever-changing ... and 63) , status .

For the recording industry, race identity was tentative

and reserved, but by the early 1920s, when the size of its market forced a decision, it moved progressively forward.

In the pre-war years of 1922 the term 'coloured' was the

race expletive. In the 'Talking Machine World', a trade

journal, Okeh advertised its new product, "For the Colored

Catalog"; Columbia 11 hits advertised product as ... song

by colored entertainers... "; and the Black Swan Company de-

Glared itself the "... only colored company. 164) Some degree

of equivocation existed until the term race became universal.

In 1920, the Pace and Handy music publishers pursued for

race idealisation, advertising in the black newspaper, the

'Chicago Defender' in July 1920: "Lovers of music every-

Race where, and those who desire to help in advance of the

62) Ralph Ellison, op. cit., pp. 262/263. Also expressed by Zelma George, "Negro Music in American Life', ' from The American Negro Reference Book, (ed. ) John P. Davis (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall Inc, 1966), pp. 731/732. 59, 63) Albert Lee Kreiling, opcit., pp. 458/459. On page in Kreiling writes "... it is dramatised again and again to the blues music which has given ritualistic expression blacks. " that experience for so many

64) Clifford R. Foreman, op. cit., p. 107. - 143 -

should be sure to buy their record as encouragement to the manufacturers for their liberal policy and to encourage other

manufacturers who may not believe that the Race will buy re- by cords sung its own singers. "65) In 1922, Paramount and

Okeh advertised once using the term Race as a category66). By

mid-1923, the transition from coloured to race was permanent.

Okeh, in April, advertised, "All the latest Race records" and

in the next month as, 'The World's Greatest Race Artists on the 67) World's Greatest Race Records. , Paramount followed with 68) "Real Music, Latest Songs, Genuine Race Music. " By June

the term was a fixed category, becoming the "... standard

term employed and displayed in Paramount's advertising and

sales approaches to Negro customers., º69)

The appropriateness of the term reflects the circulation

of the product, specifically produced for the black American

market, and advertised in black newspapers and "... no effort

was made to sell them to members of non-black cultures. "70)

Universal use and acceptance of the term by the industry

paralleled the established market/product strong bond and

also identified it with product patronage, without malice.

From then on it would benefit from stimulating "... attention,

enjoy understanding, and imply a producer's particular acco- 71) modation of the wishes of Negro patrons. " Profit was not

65) Quoted from Foreman, ibid., p. 66. 66) Ibid., p. 102-104. 67) Ibid., p. 108. 68) Ibid.

69) Ibid., pp. 11O/111. 70) Michael Taft. Draft to the Use of the Computer to Faci- litate the Structural Analysis of the Afro-American Blues Lyrics, 1977. Presented to author. 71) Foreman p. 119. ,o cit., -144- the sole issue, the attention given by other record companies expanded the market, and the opportunities for performers. The two large companies were the most con- in servative procedure and market association. Victor, who in 1923 hardly had a share of the market, advertised its

by 72) product as made ... colored artists. "

The second parameter of race identification/association was the adoption by companies of individual race series, as opposed to cataloguing product in a general domestic retail inventory, which was the initial procedure. Race series were devices at labeling, like data banks, "... through which the principal accomodation of the music and entertainment preferences of the Negro consumer would be managed.

Setting up the series would involve decisions about the

audience and the products now at hand, but the series designation fundamental instrument inventory was a of ... 73) useful to both producer and patron. " White America's mistaken belief about the natural musical ability of the race transposed itself to its own choice of pictorial

representation which industry and commerce, as well as entertainment, chose. In fact, how record companies advertised the music and artists in caricature, lay in society's "... heritage of beliefs about and images of the

Negro in the evaluation, self- ... and manufacturer's conscious or not, of the relative desirability of various 74) lay applications of language and graphics. , Precedence in the way minstrelsy was marketed and consumed and provided

72) Ibid., p. 118. 73) Ibid., p. 99. 74) Ibid., pp. 257/260. - 145 -

a valuable graphic tool, ever acquiescent of white

America's need to prescribe its own strategy for black 75) stereotyping.

The figure of the blues performer in absolute terms is an anachronism, at least until the post World War II period. A stricter terminology would be the performer, male or female, of blues or more 11 accurately, ... really black singers whose repertoires include blues. "76) The emphasis is on repertoire, recorded or unrecorded, effectively interpreted 11 body that he /or as a ... of songs she/ 77) performs at any one occasion or period of time.

The definition may, but need not, include an audience or consumer, although in the absence of others the performer becomes simultaneously the audience, depending upon the context. The difference applies to whether or not a performance is a rehearsal.

For the black performer, the crucial factor with respect to repertoire, was the racial content of audience.

There is no evidence of whites performing for black a audiences, whilst the contrary occured regularly. Jug 78)bands played regularly to white audiences in Memphis-

for performers, the racial make-up influenced the

75) See Jeff Titon, Down Home Blues, (Chicago, University of Illinois Press, 1977), pp. 225-269. Also Hans Nathan, Dan Emmett and the Rise of Early Negro Minstrelsey, (Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1962). 76) David Evans, "Tradition and Creativity in the Folk Blues", Ph. D. thesis, (Los Angeles, University of California 1976) p. 226. 77) Ibid., p. 227. 78) Bengt Olsson, Memphis Jug Bands, (London, Studio Vista, 1970. - 146 -

79) repertoire. Eddie Boyd speaking of that difference attests to the fact that he "... couldn't play no blues all night for no white people in those days They ... called that race music and niggerism and all that kind of

stuff. "8O) William Ferris, discussing the repertoires'

differences between performances before different racial

groups, shows how two musicians play different songs which

affected performance style and technique. One performer

performing principally for white audiences found difficulty

altering the 3.4 tempo of the 'white' songs to the quadruple 81) time of the 'black'.

Performers who eventually migrated to Chicago were

just as prone to the clubland audience preferences. Curtis

Jones played such songs as 'Marie', 'Danny Boy', 'Stardust',

occasionally with an unsuccessful accompaniment of Johnny

Shines. Daddy Stovepipe preferred songs such as 'The

Tennessee Waltz' and 'South of the Border', and Little 82) Walter enjoyed performing waltzes and polkas.

79) Lowell Fulsom, Living Blues, Vo. 2 No. 5., and No. 6. (Chicago, Living Blues Publications, Summer or Autumn, 1971); Paul Garon, "Yank Rachel in Louisville, " from Nothing But the Blues, ed. Mike Leadbitter; Pete Welding, "Transcripts: Interview with Reverend Robert Wilkins, " from John Edwards Memorial Foundation Newsletter, Vol. II, part 3. (Los Angeles, University of California, June 1967). Living 80) Jim and Amy O'Neal, "Eddie Boyd Interview", Blues, No. 35, (Chicago, Living Blues Publications, November/December 1977) p. 15.

81) William Ferris, Racial Repertoires, pp. 446/447.

82) Mike Rowe, Chicago Breakdown, (London, Edison Press Ltd., 1973), p. 43. - 147 -

An anonymous testimony confirms, "I could play Arthur Big Boy Condup's stuff and I could go back and get some of Charley Patton's and get some of Peetie Wheatstraw's stuff.

When white people be standing around I play some of Roy Acuff's know hill billy y' stuff -I mix it up. That's 83) how I be 25-30 dollars". got more money ...

Recording, however, did not mirror these repertoire preferences. Nor were they ever meant to. As products solely for a black consumers market, white-associated material was excluded, even though the black performers were familiar with them. Frank Walker, during field recordings in the South, was careful to keep black and white musicians 84), separate during sessions a normal practice. Segre- gation was total, despite interest shown by various members 85) unable to overcome the prevailing attitude. There is no evidence of the industry wishing to exploit penetration of either market by the other race. In fact, it was very guarded. Except for the early cylinder recordings, regarded as novelty, made specifically for the wealthier white consumption, the different kinds of music were kept separate.

Implicit with repertoire is the understanding of blues as a song-form. Again, blues as a song is an anachronism, but it had enormous implications because of the demand for four different songs. That requirement was really an impossible bargaining position and revealed how little the

83) Ibid., p. 157. 84) R. C. Foreman, op. cit., p. 162. 85) Arnold Shaw, op. cit., pp. 264,335/336; Colin Scott and Martin Hawkins, Catalyst: The Sun Records Story (London, Aquarius Books, 1973), p. 51. - 148 -

companies understood the music they preserved on shellac. The blues initially song was as much a method of composition, as it was an aural object. Even established recording 'penned' blues performers who songs in the studio did not totally this abandon practice, despite a concentration on lyrical theme. a Of course, a number of rules established the format from which blues were created, the most critical being the twelve-bar, three-line, stanza. This was the basic unit of recorded blues, established by Jefferson, with a small melodic range. Repertoires were produced in much the way that Charlie Patton created his blues, from a small number of melodies taking by joining 11 shape .., a few stanzas about ... whatever the subject mentioned 86) in the title. " Lester Melrose in attempting to produce the best recording had to record a number of times 87) to select, in his estimation, the best sections.

Paramount with repertoire was the technique of composition and composition/performance. And the impact of recording on that technique, particularly in demonstrating the different attitudes between the urban entertainment/ rural functional mythology, and the audiences who patronised each, becoming influenced by the media. For the established club and tavern performance context, employment was influenced by recording successes, and they in turn, identified the performer to his or her audience. The

86) Jeff Titon, "Review of Charley Patton, John Edwards Memorial Foundation Quarterly, Vol. II, part 3 (Los Angeles, University of California Press, June 1967), p. 53.

87) Lester Melrose "My Life in Recording', ' from The Folk Music Occasional (eds. ) Chris Strachwitz and Pete Welding (New York, Oak Publications, 1970) p. 6. - 149 -

performer was then in a vulnerable position vis-a-vis audience and employer expectations; to go far beyond one's recorded repertoire alienated loyalties, and affected each relationship. By this stage, all parties had been re-educated to accept these conditions nurturing another myth, that of performance satisfying a consumer appetite alone. The situation becomes a repertoire of recorded songs, those associated with the performer, or to others, and those not yet recorded.

In the rural milieu the situation tends to be more complex because of alternate circumstances, influencing

composition, performance, performer, audience and repertoire, all inter-related:

Many folk blues singers do not learn or compose blues at some particular point in time and then repeat them the same way in all subsequent performances. Instead, each blues performance often produces a new song, one that may never again be performed by the singer. In such cases, composition and performance are identical and inseparable. The blues singer does not have a blues repertoire of distinct songs but a collection of lyric melodic and instrumental elements that he uses in various combinations to produce these blues performances. This collection of elements is the real repertoire of such a folk blues singer. (88)

Evans elaborates on the meaning of self-composition for

a performer, "... he may simply mean that he has produced an 'original' combination of traditional elements, that he has given a piece a new tune, accompaniment, or arrangement, or simply that he has personalized a song through some One those meaningful association with the lyrics. "89) of

88) David Evans, op. cit., p. 236.

89) Ibid., p. 238. - 150 -

elements was the recording, which quickly influenced performers, whether they had recorded or not.

The content of the "... type of sorrowsong of the

American Negro, "90) gave rise to the erroneous belief of strict autobiography, as opposed to race biography, or

11 for blacks. "91) , ritualistic expression ... so many

Yet as Robert Wilkins asserted "... one need not personally

undergo the experiences related in a blues song; the singer

often can take as his song material occurences that have 92) befallen others, his friends and neighbours. Maud

Cuney-Hare, in 1936, wrote that the "... large body of

work songs in the making and the vulgar so-called social

songs of the Negro underworld, now interesting a group of

educators and writers, play little part in the history of

Negro music. They are neither popular songs nor true

folk songs of the race at large. 1193) Cuney-Hare spoke

of the spirituals as the only authentic black folk music.

The translation of the experience Wilkins speaks of, is

missed by Cuney-Hare, and forms much of the total blues

repertoire, but not all. Established and popular

recordings combine stanzas of metaphors of experience 94) 11 musicians who play the blues. " with ... styles of other

90) Theresa C. Brakeley, Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend, Vol. I (ed. ) Maria Lead (New York, Funk and Wagnalls Co., 1949), p. 15. 91) Albert Lee Kreiling, op. cit., p. 59. Robert 92) Pete Welding, "Tapescripts: Interview with Reverend Vol. Wilkins, John Edwards Memorial Foundation Newsletter, California Press, II, part 3( Los Angeles, University of June 1967), p. 55. Music, (New 93) Maud Cuney-Hare, Negro Musicians and Their 1936, 78). York, Da Capo Press, 1974), first published p. (University 94) Albert Murray, The Hero and the Blues, of Missouri Press, 1973), p. 83. - 151 -

Indeed, lines of a stanza, or rhythmic, melodic phrases associated with particular performers were as freely made use of, and on occasion, became even more popular. The attraction brought on by the attention of a hit recording made song elements extremely fallible, and fuelled creative 95) energy.

A brief note about lyrical content about which much has been written in analysing the black social and economic 96) situation. In a survey of blues content of songs recorded between 1920 and 1950, Leonard Goines cites ten general

95) Barney Pearson, "The Late Great Elmore James, Keystone Folklore Quarterly, Vol. XVII, No. 4. (Pittsburgh, Penn., Pittsburgh Folklore Society, 1972) p. 164.

96) Paul Oliver, Blues Fell This Morning (London, Cassell & Co., 1960); Screening the Blues (Cassell, 1968); Samuel B. Charters, The Poetry of the Blues (New York, Oak Publications, 1963); Iain Laing, Jazz in Perspective (London, Jazz Book Club, 1957); Harry Oster, Living Country Blues, (New York, Minerva Press, 1975); Paul Garon, The Devil's Son In Law, (London, Studio Vista, 1971); Blues aid the Poetic Spirit, (London, Edison Press Ltd., 1975); Frederic Ramsey Jr., Been Here and Gone, New Jersey, Rutgers University Press, 1969); George Mitchell, Blow My Blues Away, (Baton Rouge, Louisiana State University Press, 1971); John W. Work, American Negro Songs and Spirituals (New York, Bonanza Books, 1940; Dorothy Scarborough, On The Trail of Negro Folk Songs, (Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1925); Howard W. Odum and Guy B. Johnson, The Negro and His Songs, (Westport, Conn., Negro Universities Press, 1972), (originally published 1925); Negro Workaday Songs, (New York, Negro Universities Press, 1999), originally published in 1926. - 152 -

topics "... in the lives of Black men, which appear to be 97) consistently explored in the blues. , In order of highest occurence, Goines lists as follows, using his descriptions: sex and boasting; travelling and its problems; work and its problems; love and physical attractions; gambling, dances and stimulants; natural disasters and war; jail, work farms and wardens; big city life; death; fears and suspicions.

The single most crucial aesthetic consideration in 98) blues lyrics is truth, or sounding "... right" omnipotent in its piety. And as stanzas need not be autobiographical, nor need this truth. Indeed, the performer might sing "... something that is true to life, something that represents a typical experience or thought for in the people singer's community or audience ... even if the words of a folk blues represent a fantasy for their singer, they are reality for someone else close to the singer or a fantasy in which others can easily share. "99)

To the performer, it is incontestable; to the critic and cultural interpreter, it comes second to the catharsis cynosure. For the latter the debate falls into three camps: that the catharsis is purely a selfish activity; that the blues performer acts as shaman for the community, whether it be a local. or national one; that the catharsis

97) Leonard Goines "Blues Black Therapy" from Black World , as (Chicago, Johnson Publication Co., November, 1973) pp. 31-

98) Harold Courlander, op. cit., p. 126. 99) David Evans, Structures and Meaning in the Folk Blues" from The Study of American Folklore by Jan Harold Brunvan (New York, W. W. Norten, 1978) p. 443. - 153 -

is both individual and communal.

Writing in 1926, Odum and Johnson described blues as 100) "... the expression of self-pity", which they described as the principal feature. They begin with self-catharsis then move to the audience: "There seems to be a tendency for the despondent or blue singer to use the technique of 101) the martyr to draw from others a reaction of sympathy. "

Sharecropper and performer share in the catharsis for the self, "Blues is a company-keeper. Picker can be out there or you can be out there working, in the fields, be lonesome out their working. And then things will run across your mind and you pick it up and go humming and singing. Your 102) work comes easy to you. You gets pacified. " The belief in the blues performer as shaman with the ability for 103) "... release of sorrows" is strongest. When personal experiences or witness is shared by audience "... not only can blues function as self-expression, catharsis, and therapy for the singer, but they also fulfill the same 104) needs for the audience. Should these needs be unfulfilled, audiences will shift patronage.

The shaman thesis widens for both performer and aud- fence such that the performer becomes the leader and hero of

100) Howard W. Odum and Guy B. Johnson, op. cit., p. 19. Also Carl Van Vechten, op. cit., p. 57; David Ewen, Men of Popular Music, (Chicago, Ziff-Davis Pub. Co. 1944), 128. pp. 63-67.; Harold Courlander, op. cit., p.

101) Odum and Johnson, op. cit., p. 20. 102) George Mitchell, op. cit., p. 31. 103) Mike Rowe, op. cit., p. 123. 104) David Evans, 1976, op_. cit., pp. 422/423. - 154 -

the community, and the community becomes the whole "... black

ego ... where pain of catharsis and the joy of assertion

/of that ego/ are not inconsistent and are both resolved

in the blues. "105) As leader and hero the blues per-

former is credited with the creativity of a song form which

acts "... therapeutically to both the singer and his 106) " the audience ... when at same moment the capacity to

do so, bestows that leadership, transcending therapy of a 107) "... into , primarily personal music ... a social one.

That becomes important when migration from an agricultural

community exposes the migrators to a community of individuals

in an industrial landscape. Thus catharsis creates dis-

course and hero by manipulation of social, economic, and

hardship, psychological ... making victory out of what 08 seemed like defeat. "x The universality of the form, its

limited and rigid structure, and common pool of stanza

elements enables "... almost any blues player to sit in 109) with any other. "

A contrary opinion portrays the blues performer as

the anti-hero, who is celebrated and chastised by opposing

factions of the community - those who accept spiritual

leadership and those who accept secular. The consensus within

105) Ben Sidran, op. cit., p. 36.

106) Roger B. Abrahams, op. cit., p. 56.

107) David Evans, 1976, op. cit., p. 435.

108) Roger Abrahams, op. cit., p. 56.

109) Peter Guralnick, op. cit., pp. 21/22. - 155 -

black and white communities is to approve of, and show respect for, the spiritual leader, whilst making the secular as a "... shadowy, sinful, aggressive, footloose wanderer, free to move between sexual partners and to pull 110) up stakes as conditions call for it. " This point of view is in no small way sympathetic with one held by those who infer that blues is a simple statement of personal l facts, In unconcerned with audience or communityll) . such light the blues performer denies the community its

own ego; "... it does not speak for the community as an

entity, whose progress is necessary for the advancement

of its members, but deals with the community only as the

sum of individuals who experience common trials and trib- ) ulations. ºý112

Leroi Jones wrote of blues as a "native American music,

the black in this blues the product of man country ... could

not exist if the African captives had not become American

captives, 11113) Echoing Ellison's words, it was a product

sprung during the transition from legal bondage to illegal

bondage of a particular social group, in a pre-recorded,

pre-mechanical age. In extra-musical terms it had

surpassed the "... transition from African slave to Afro- ) American. ýý114

110) John F. Szwed, op. cit., p. 267. 111) Paul Oliver, 1960, op. cit., p. 267. 112) Robert Springer, op__cit., p. 285. Echoes 113) Leroi Jones, op. cit., p. 17; Also Beatrice Landeck, 1961), 156. of Africa (New York, David MacKay Co. Inc., p.

114) John F. Szwed, op. cit., p. 118. CHAPTER VII

Recording as a Cultural Object - 156 -

In Understanding Media, Marshall McLuhan des-

cribed the invention of the phonograph as "... an extension

and amplification of the voice that may well have diminished

vocal activity. "') As it turned out, vocal activity did

not diminish; instead, as he pointed out earlier on, did

"... initiate in the new ratios112) , or, a metamorphosis, meaning of performance.

Recording evolved a number of contradictions. In so

far as it permanently secured a piece of music in this

instance, in time and space, it simultaneously destroyed that same item. It brought nineteenth century man into the twentieth, without totally halting the former. It also

1) Marshall McLuhan, Understanding Media (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1964), pp. 275/6.

2) Ibid., p. 53. - 157 -

brought together a number of cultures, awkwardly classified, high, medium and low, in such a way that it confused the

substance of object and consciousness of each culture, with their boundaries.

The principal factor was the cloning of objects by

industrialisation - mechanical, later electrical, repro-

duction - or mass production. Object now becomes commodity.

For music and song, this created a new sensibility and a

comparable aesthetic, the isochronous musical performance. 3) The transition from ritual to commercial exploitation

and dependence upon fallible technology also gave the

twentieth-century a unit of time based on the tracking of

a thermoplastic disc. When industry changed the playback

speed from 78 revolutions per minute, its original speed,

to 45, with appropriate reduction in size, the time scale

remained unaltered, despite the capability. The displace-

ment of mechanical technology by electricity, did little

to alter the object; it increased frequency dynamics and

aural sensitivity, a point record companies were not slow

to exploit as a short-lived novel sales tactic.

Benjamin separates object into the polar extremes of

cult and exhibitionist values, about which reproduction "... altered the emphasis. As cult object, he assumes what 4) " mattered was their existence, not their being on view.

3) Walter Benjamin, Illuminations (London, Jonathan Cape, into 1970), p. 239. Benjamin describes it as a move fact that the political arena, yet ignores the ritual was not outside the bounds of politics.

4) Ibid., p. 240.. - 158 -

Ultimately, exhibitionist gratification was immaterial, yet the overwhelming precept is exactly on public viewing, it whether approved or not was not important as object. Re- production made public approval the most important requirement, for the market overruled cult immediacy.

The speed of urbanism through industrialisation coincided with what Charles Seeger named the 'Make America

Musical' circle change and court the 'Sell American Music' 5) lobby. The importance of the spread of urbanism was that by the early 1920s "... urban values had long set the tone 6) and defined the aspirations of American culture. "

Urban values were imbued with the property of acculturation where the "... former world of experience no longer

As the breakdown isolation, in- exists . ... a result of of

crease in literacy, in the growing importance of the press

and other printed matter; the awakening interest of the people toward the movies, the radio, the juke-box, and general city ways. 17) And Marxist, Janos Märothy, equated urbanism of a particular kind with the rise of blues as a new kind

He described it the " of proletarian art. as period ... no longer the age of mass wandering from one work camp to another, with large armies of labourers moving together; it is the period of emerging big cities with the inevitable slum quarters. "8ý

5) Charles Seeger, "Music and Class Structure in the United States", American Quarterly, Vol. IX, part 3, (Phila- delphia, American Studies Association, 1957), p. 288.

6) Carl N. Degler, Out of Our Past (London, Harper and Row, 1970), pp. 226-7. 7) Samuel C. Adams, Jr., "The Acculturation of the Delta Negro", from Motherwit from the Laughing Barrel, ed. Alan Dundes (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall Inc., 1973), pp. 516-7.

8) Janos Märothy, Music and the Bourgeois Music and the Pro- (Budapest is 4) letarian, trs. by Eva B na ,a is o, - 159 -

Edison named his phonograph invention after his original intention of storing telephone messages on paper.

Literally it translated, from the Greek, as 'written sound'.

His cylinder, and later Berliner's disc became, amongst other things, a store of music information, an early kind of data bank. The necessity to move from commerce to entertainment was one in which technology ineffectively serving industry, became one which industry exploited hand- somely. And as an offspring of industrialisation, the mass communications industry and its associate membership - bankers, engineers, traders, manufacturers - when close to mortality, not only 'discovered' American music in one sense, but collected it, disseminated and decentralised it. All at once it created and destroyed the illusion of geographic exclusiveness of different genre's of music.

Location and aesthetic were important to performer, audience and performance within each community, where the

community "... extends only as far as there extends an

information of the effectual transmission of ... a measure effective size of a group is given by the size which it must have to have achieved a certain stated degree of 9) autonomy. " Jan Vansina expressed similar opinions though stressing a functional approach: "... every tradition exists the as such only in virtue of the fact that it serves

interests of the society in which it is preserved, whether

It's significance it does so directly, or indirectly. ...

9) Norbert Wiener, Cybernetics, or Control and Communi- (Cambridge, Mass., cation in the Animal and the Machine MIT Press, 1962), p. 158. - 160 -

10) in to is its function. relation society ... "

Music, as one cultural parameter, informed of culture and cultural history of one community to itself, and to others. In this case, the blues performance, recorded or unrecorded, is the sum of a number of specific secular relationships within a community, whether that be a small rural autonomy, or half the North American continent.

Its effectiveness is maintained by communication and

information exchange in essentially an oral/aural world.

And one coexisting in a predominantly white literate-

organised society.

Early dissemination of recorded product by newspaper

with its high visual content, also affected autonomy of

black and white communities, separately, and together. It

instigated changes in performance evaluation, expectation,

and function of performance. Writing about the effect of

the invention of the alphabet on oral expression, Socrates

mournfully believed, "... forgetfulness in the learners'

souls, because they will not use their memories; they will

trust to the external written characters and not remember

themselves "11) of .

The analogy between the inventions of the alphabet and

phonograph is pertinent. Recording displaced the per-

former from the pre-recorded performance context, a position

to which return was no longer possible. The crisis en-

croaching performance-after-recording was one of rigorously

10) Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition, trs. H. M. Wright (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1965), p. 78.

11) Quoted from Medium Is the Message, Marshall McLuhan and Quentin Fiore (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books Ltd., 1967) p. 113. - 161 -

applying attitudes and beliefs of pre-recorded and recorded- influenced blues, to recorded and reproduced blues performances. In so far as each occasioned similar ends along different means, the transition instigated inevitable differences; mechanical reproduction represented something 12) new. Audiences too were displaced. Recording educated them into becoming consumers of a new order. It did mean that they were physically immune to earlier entertainment because of segregation, but psychologically prepared for change. As consumer, expenditure was extensive, desire and market penetration was quite stable until saturation point

reached by the late thirties. Relevant here is the changing understanding of consumption, from a state where "... satis-

derived from " becomes faction goods and services ...

"... the degree to which goods and services are desired.! º13)

Desirability with black consumers had special significance with racial identification and culture. Blacks were quite

prepared to buy recordings at a price that did not match

their, below white-American, wages. Cult association was

indeed high-pitched.

for The relationship of content to form and structure depended a particular style, before and after recording,

upon a number of priorities for each performance, which

12) W. Benjamin, op. cit., p. 220. Dictionary 13) Arthur Seldon and F. G. Pennance, Everyman's London, 1976), of Economics (J. M. Dent and Sons Ltd., p. 76. - 162 -

included the performer no less. These priorities altered as recording influenced performance context, and mass entertainment increasingly took hold of the media. Initially the emphasis was on performance alone; it affected form and content by the manner content was to function, be it a solitary experience or social event, cathartic or otherwise.

Structure was dynamic because content and form were variable, both differentials of time. The duration of the event depended upon success or failure with an audience. It was very much a direct and immediate system of feedback. Per- formance autonomy here was essentially limited to a conglomerate of communities, served sufficiently and success- fully by local performers, and some peregrinatious ones.

And this conglomerate fashioned a high number of styles, although structure was a basic throughout. Indeed, the simplicity and limitations of structure was a prominent feature along such a horizon; details such as instrumentation or technique in musicianship did not radically affect structure or meaning.

With recording came a new set of priorities in which industry and its growth were governed by technical limitations. Content was at the mercy of form and structure, both becoming much less dynamic for each model. And with the change from audience to consumer, variability in content was predominantly in the hands of the performers and record producers, who, with the consumer, no longer had a choice in its duration. Implicit with these changes was a significant shift in the control and meaning of performance, per- into former, and a concomitant break-up of communities - 163 -

virtually one geographical whole. A successful recording

commercially, rather than the success of a recording, had

a magical effect, in that performer became a desirable and

commercial property to be exploited with related recorded

products. Black consumers, prepared for the change, totally

absorbed the process, and the power to ascribe success or

failure to a performance was realised in economic terms as

significantly as it was on aesthetic evaluation. Aesthetic

success did not, however, always rmtch economic success.

Although industrialisation resulted in northern

migration of parts of black communities, it did not physi-

cally break communities in the rural South. Records and

recordings, however, did manage that task. Individuals,

including performers, surrendered to styles outside their

own autonomy, thus embracing other communities. This had

occurred with performers wandering around the South picking

up pieces of information for their own benefit. But now

it was a time of great exchange of musical and cultural

information. Despite a faster rate of urbanisation in the

North, with its location of industrial centres, the first

models and ideas came from the South. For less than five

years Southern rural styles dominated the market. After

that, two successful northern recordings forever eradicated

autonomies for both consumer and performer. Not even the

classic blues by the female vaudeville singers had such an Bessie Smith effect, despite the tremendous popularity of

and Ma Rainey. kind freedom. And yet it symbolised a particular of - 164 -

When, in 1920, with the first recording, came the first secular expression by blacks on their own terms, despite the fact that it was a white owned and controlled industry. Although black performers were not new, previous appearances projected stereotypes of blacks to accomodate white psychology yet enable blacks to manoeuver effectively.

It was not total freedom, however; industry, insecure at the start, continued using stereotyped imagery to sell its products. Later this changed to lists of recordings.

Because the market was solely black, and the rest of the media did not use black recordings of most of the performers, restrictions were fewer. Only one aspect dominated, commerciality. Keeping blacks into one segregated autonomy, content was not censored except for explicit sexuality in almost all cases and there was virtual freedom to put down whatever performers wished, or were advised to. Content by the to was confined profit motive r safeguard the interests of white-owned copyright in most cases, and not with expression or communication.

The development and evolution of models was both synchronic and diachronic; one successful model was replaced by another following atrophy in the market. But each model continued to be recorded alongside the next, progressing along its own direction. And by altering performance meaning, recording essentially lead to a transformation of the song, most apparant in its mishandling of performance/ composition and total misunderstanding of the oral process.

This was by far the most important instrument of change - 165 -

brought which companies about because in the strictest sense w individual each recording was a separate and new song. For the it companies was an attempt at producing the perfect

commercial commodity. Melrose is a specific example of A. selecting "... the best "lam) from verses ... multi-recording;

Decca had the "... habit of recording a number, playing

back the 'mother' that the ... so producers could find

any weaknesses and then cutting another exactly the same. "15)

Of course, it never was exactly the same. The ambiguity

was, in fact, communication of ideas and information,

within each community. Once the concept of recording,

and its pecuniary benefits had penetrated the community,

it transformed it into one national autonomy and the

emphasis shifted quickly in the direction of the

studio performance context.

Pre-recorded black secular music has very strong

associations with its rural background and is, in fact,

heavily labelled as folk music by countless

14) Lester Melrose "My Life in Recording" from The Folk Music Occasional, (eds. ) Chris Strachwitz and Pete Welding, (New York, Oak Publications, 1970), p. 61.

15) Bruce Bastin, Crying for the Carolinas (London, Studio Vista, 1971) p. 36. - 166 -

16) writers. Implicit is a notion of tradition and a belief in aesthetic authenticity because of its uncommercial

In 1931 Bartok origins. wrote an essay on folk music basing his ideas on his own studies of Hungarian music. In it he folk equated music to a combination of popular art music and peasant music. It was a curious mixture of the three cultural labels of high, medium and low, which included the influence of the urban environment. He developed the idea of peasant 11 music as ... a spontaneous expression of the musical feelings of that class. "17) That class was, in fact, the "... population employed in producing 18) prime requisites and materials. " Bartok had pinpointed two parameters long held sacred for definition of the music, that it is the unconscious act of the illiterate and rural proletarian class.

16) Abbe Niles, "The Story of the Blues" from Blues: An Anthology, by W. C. Harply (New York, Macmillan, 1972) p. 12.; Edgar Rogie Clark, "Negro Folk Music in America" from Journal of American Folklore, Vol. 64 No. 253, (Boston, American Folklore Society, 1951), p. 287; Bill C. Malone, Country Music USA, (London, University of Texas Press, 1968), p. 23; George Herzog, "Song: Folk Song and the Music of the Folk Song". from Dictionary of Folklore Mythology and Legend (ed. ) Maria Leach (New York, Funk Wagnalls Co., 1950) p. 1033; Norman Charles, "Social Values in American Popular Songs 1890-1950", Dissertation in American Civilisation (Pennsylvania, University of Pennsylvania, 1958), p. 3; Joseph Bernsman and Bernard Rosenberg, "Mass Media and Mass Culture", from America As a Mass Society, (ed. ) Philip Olson (New York, Free Press of Glencoe, 1963), pp. 116/117; Maud Karpeles, "The Distinction Between Folk and Popular Music", from International Folk Music Council Journal, Vol. XX (Urbana, Ill., University of Illinois Press, Yearbook, 1968), pp. 10/11.

17) Benjamin Suchoff (ed. ) Bela Bartok Essays (London, Faber and Faber, 1976), p. 5.

18) Ibid., p. 6. - 167 -

Despite the almost impossible task at defining the the music, statement concerns itself with a small number It of concepts. recognises the music as property within a particular geographical spread and includes a specific form of communication, i. e., oral. Within the last decade the concept of performance has been recognised as an integral part, as the "... realisation of ... a social event ... transcendent of the ordinary course of events. "19) This last point brings into focus certain aspects of aesthetics and conditions of authenticity, hitherto unconsidered.

What becomes apparent is the disparaging position recording is placed in, when discussing the music. In 1928 Newman

Ivey White counted the blues of the period as "... secondary folk origin; their primary source is the phonograph 20) record. " John Lomax, four years later, believed that the "... Negro in the South is the target for such complex influences that it is hard to find folk ºt21 genuine singing ...

Ironically, but to their credit, Odum and Johnson, writing in 1926, did not discount the influence of recording; in fact, they perceptively saw it as part of the composition process:

When a blues record is issued it quickly becomes the property of a million Negro workers and adventurers who never bought it and perhaps never heard it played.

19) Dell Hymes "Breakthrough into Performance, " from Folklore. Performance and Communication (eds. ), Dan Ben-Ames and Kenneth S. Goldstein (The Hague, Mouton, 1975), p. 13.

20) Newman Ivey White, American Negro Folksongs (Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University Press, 1928), p. 390.

21) John Lomax, Letter written in application for funds from the Carnegie Foundation, quoted from Adventures of a -7947), Ballad Hunter, John A. Lomax (New York, Macmillan, pp. 128-129. - 168 -

Sometimes they do not even know that the song is from a record. They may recognise in it parts of songs long familiar to them and think that it is just another piece which some songster has put together. Their desire to invent a different version their skill at adopting stanzas of old favorites to the new music, and sometimes their misunderstanding of the words of the new song, result in the transformation of the song into many local varients. In other words, the folk creative process operates upon a song, the origin of which may already be mixed, and produces in turn variations that may later become the bases of other formal blues. (22)

Bill Malone, in 1968, considered folksong ".., in the

pure sense, as meaning a traditional song of unknown origin

in the form the existing of scattered variants ... song could have come from the pen of a professional composer

for tastes. If the folk writing contemporary ... accept a song, then it is a folksong regardless of its origin or 23) quality. " Such an outlook was a significant step

forward, but to propose music as property suggests an

awkward dialectic. It argues for ownership by the community

as a whole, º'... the songs must be in the possession of 24) the folk, communally owned. " Against that anonimity

of origin, the same community will openly accept and call

its own, a specific mechanical or electrical construct

from a particular point in space and time.

When the collecting of white rural music was at its

height, by the beginning of the twentieth century, Henry

Krehbiel had theorised music as communal property, "... not

22) Howard W. Odum and Guy B. Johnson, op. cit., p. 25.

23) Bill C. Malone, op. cit., p. 23.

24) John Greenway, American Folksongs of Protest, (New York, Octogon Books, 1971), p. 8. - 169 -

only the song admired of the but the people ... song created by the people. 1125) This attitude became almost for a credo succeeding authors, even when recording was such a powerful force.

As communal property the song becomes the subject/

object of a process of categorizing information about the

community. It adheres more closely to the concept of

"... unrecorded mentifacts. One of the corollaries is

that no text as such is a real folkloristic item: texts

are only records of mentifacts. 1126) The artifact is

information about a community, or even a culture within

a community. In reality there never is one such "... folk

from the point of view of folk-lore, but instead many folk

groups, as many as there are regional cultures or occu- 27) pations or racial groups within a region, " or community,

or autonomy.

The contradictions inherent in communal possession

and creation are given in the following assertion about the

11 he introduce performer of a community; ... must not ideas or concepts that are uncommon, nor may he indelibly

impress his own individuality upon the song. His function

is not that of a consciously creative artist, but that of

for the His impersonality a spokesman community. ... of

25) Henry Edward Krehbiel, Afro-American Folksongs (New York G. Schirmer, 1914), p. 2.

26) Elli K ongäs Maranda and Pierre Maranda, Structural Models in Folklore and Transformational Essays (The Hague, Mouton 1971), p. 16.

27) Ian Russell, "Traditional Singing in West Sheffield 1970-2", Ph. D. Thesis, Department of English Language, Sheffield University, 1977, p. 3. - 170 -

authorship, ... anonymity of authorship, that is a requisite folksong the of genuine ... songs must be in the possession folk, of the communally owned, so that any member of the 28) folk may feel that they are his to change if he wishes. "

To take the last point, that any member may change a song, the assumption about the performer always had been that each member of the community was a natural singer or musician. In actual fact, only particular individuals choose to become performers, either in their non-working time, or as professionals. This does not mean that many did not take part in performance, e. g. in work songs. The conscious decision, with or without a specific reason, was taken from the community for that very reason. Not every member is born with, or develops, the skills required to receive communal recognition. Approval of performance need not involve a common consensus; secular interests almost always clashed with spiritual. Long before recording, a small membership took to performing as a full-time occupation, particularly the blind. Recording separated this group even more and added to their status because of success as a recording artist.

The point about anonymity and impersonal rendering 29) of songs as property is well refuted by David Evans in his discussion of the effect of recording. Authorship of songs, or more especially, stanzas and lines is difficult to pin down to specific individuals. This remains true at the first stages of recording. For example, to distinguish

28) John Greenway, op. cit., p. 8.

29) David Evans, "Tradition and Creativity in the Folk Blues", Ph. D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles. 1976). - 171 -

between lines 'penned' by Blind Lemon Jefferson, and those he selected from his travels is almost impossible. Even

later recordings used phrases or lines that could be traced back in time, though not to any performer. It is true

that a number of successful recordings had very strong

associations with performers, who were well respected to

that achievement. The whole question became an issue

because of economics and the ownership of copyright. But

to other performers free and casual borrowing continued

as before. Recording had not altered the composition

process except that it radically speeded up the exchange of

ideas and information over a whole new geography. As

property, recording belonged to the industrial context.

The distribution of soft-ware technology was simply a matter

of time for consumers. As industrial autonomy extended, so

did performers' autonomy, as far as each recording was

reproduced. Industry did not attach folk nomenclature to 30) the music of black and white Americans until the mid-1930s.

To designate recorded object as property terms as race,

jazz, blues, spirituals, sacred, old-time, mountain or

southern were used. The term 'folk' was first bestowed

upon music of European immigrants; in July 1925, the General

Phonograph Corporation issued the first recording of a

Cajun folksong.

in Blues as a folk music has always been regarded a that rural context, and the prevailing attitude concluding

30) Archie Green, Only a Miner (London, University of Illinois Press, 1972), p. 46. - 172 -

11 little folk if by .., music, any, was created the Negro 31) in the city., Further, "... new forms of social and political organisation which appear to be necessary

concomitants of an industrial economy, and the material

products themselves of such an economy, are not conclusive 32) to the continuation of folk culture. " Such beliefs

negate the parameters of communication, as Maud Karpeles

asserts, the texts belong to "... the pre-literate stage

of mankind, when in the absence of written or printed

records, or mechanical recordings, a song was not tied to

definite form. 1133) What is here described is a ... oral/

aural transmission, but Karpeles is a little myopic by

"... the have continuing process ... no opportunity of operating because the song is constantly being referred 34) back to the original. " Only those who produced the

original may have the necessity of returning to it, those

who begin from the original, determine their new form by

personal changes unique to themselves. That process con-

tinues even when the subject matter is drastically cut by

recording.

Communication in performance has several levels. It is

either to the entire secular autonomy, or to the individual

alone, through personal identification. Bernsman and

31) Edgar Rogie Clark, op. cit., p. 287; Russell Ames, The Story of American Folk Song (New York, Gossett and Dunlop, 1960) p. 264. An- 32) George M. Foster, "What is Folk Culture? ", American thropologist, Vol. 55, No. 2, part 1, p. 171.

33) Maud Karpeles, op. cit., p. 10.

34) Ibid., p. 11. - 173 -

Rosenberg envisaged a simplistic model for folk-society and its "... system of communication. The culture of a folk society is transmitted by direct contact through simple, all-embracing channels of communication. Every member of such a society is involved in that process. He communicates with his fellows on a one-to-one, face-to-face, direct, and

basis 35) personal ... carried out so comprehensively.

Put another way, it is imbued with "... the power to

communicate directly with everyone. "36) Both these opinions

share the idea of a limited size of autonomy, sparse

population and a minimum of social-economic differentiation,

i. e. a rural base.

Communication during performance carries a number of

aesthetic properties and values which are unique to each

kind of performance. In oral communication the process is

not as Abrahams and Foss argue, a "... continuation of a

tradition by those less ... created who are much conscious 37) of the aesthetic principles. " For blues performers

the most important consideration of speaking a biographical

or metaphorical truth, is a conscious declaration which never

escapes performance, not even with recording. The value of

function is one which is heavily loaded on oral communication;

is one often neglected in literate orientated works. That

166/7. 35) Joseph Bernsman and Bernard Rosenberg, op. cit., pp.

36) Gilbert Seldes, "The People and the Arts', ' from Mass Culture (eds. ) B. Rosenberg and D. Manning White, (London, Free Press of Glencoe, 1964) p. 79.

37) Roger D. Abrahams and George Foss, Anglo-American Folksong Style (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice-Hall Inc., 1968), p. 6. - 174 -

these function in different ways seems to be ignored.

A painting exists for a completely different set of values and needs, to a recording of, for example, the 'How Long

How Long Blues'.

The oral articulation of meaning and function is fundamental for the autonomies of blues performers. And despite degree literate a certain of adoptions - the use of black newspapers to advertise products in the North and

South - it totally dominated the composition and learning

technique. It dictated in the recording studio and even

spread to other areas of the media industry. The phono-

graph, the radio, talking movies all existed independent

of a written language. Personal meaning did not need

literacy, the radio and phonograph was subject to the ear

alone, the moving picture, even with words between scenes,

to the illiterate eye.

Ruth Finnegan defined orality simply in terms of

non-literate production and dissemination, "... distribution,

composition or performance are by word of mouth and not

through reliance on the written or printed word. ' 138) In

reality the worlds of oral and non-oral were never totally

isolated, and were interchangeable in media and communication.

Oral texts "... cross into the domain of written literature

of and the plastic and musical arts ..., oral circulation Here, songs and tales has been affected by print. "39) print

38) Ruth Finnegan, Oral Poetry (Cambridge, Cambridge Uni- versity Press, 1977), p. 16.

39) Dan Ben-Amos, "Toward a Definition of Folklore in Con- (eds. ) text", from Toward New Perspectives in Folklore (Austin, University Americo Paredes and Richard Bauman, of Texas Press, 1972), p. 14. - 175 -

and recording are interchangeable.

Finnegan tends to keep apart composition, performance and transmission. To this end, each performance is unique

and, she continues, "... an oral poem is an essentially

ephemeral work of art, and has no existence or continuity 40) apart from its performance. " However, the mere

fact of endless reproduction of a recording, alies itself to

a different meaning for each performance. When she

argues that the text outside of performance no longer ful-

fils the requirements of the oral process she misses the

point of functions. Learning by rote is part of that pro-

cess and is important, as is text identification outside the

performance to an audience and the music industry.

A theoretical model of oral cultures is given by

Ber. ht Ostendorf, whose overview stresses function and

a personal and social immediacy. Important are "... per-

improvisational formance and the attendant skills ... re-

ception is immediate and patterned on collective ritual.

Oral have different of past and ... cultures a sense they to in a perpetual present present, ... seem operate and incorporate all that is functional for everyday survival

in a finite, but everpresent province of customs, beliefs

and rituals, the aggregate of which is identical with the

active memory of the group. Present needs are the memory

filter. As the symbolic universe of oral ... a result

40) Ruth Finnegan, op. cit., p. 28. - 176 -

cultures never expands greatly beyond the horizons of the present collective. They are finite and sedentary ... 41) conservative and nationalistic. " Performance in oral

cultures, Ostendorf writes, is shrouded in both linguistic 42) and theatrical meaning, and as each performance is a

unique event, there never can be a rehearsal. The argument

is that it serves no purpose, the resolution of each prob-

lem initiates another performance. Yet, a number of con-

tradictions emerge. Blues performers recorded, and

rehearsal in the sense that a selection process formed a

hybrid blues, was important. What Ostendorf regards as a

perpetual present becomes equally the perpetual past. New

ideas are added to the information bank.

The education of industry and consumers brought a

duality to the meaning of oral performance. Crucial

was the ability to perform on each occasion as exact a

replica of the recording which is impossible. It was more

important to identify a recording with its composer/per-

former, for both cultural and commercial empathy. A rehearsal

to achieve that end becomes a necessary measure. Whilst

recording established performances and identification,

the performer was free to go beyond the recorded time, given

the approval of audiences. In this sense the successful

recording was a liberating force for performance.

As Ostendorf claims, and as Sidran writes, the oral

in performer was "... forced to behave a spontaneous manner,

41) Bernt Ostendorf, "Black Poetry, Blues and Folklore: Culture" from Double Consciousness in Afro-American Oral 1975) 221 Amerikastudien/American Studies 20/2 (Frankfurt p.

42) Ibid., p. 223. - 177 -

to act and react times, simultaneously ... at all emotionally involved. "43) But spontaneity and a simultanaiety of action and reaction are not unique to oral man.

What of performance and tradition, oral and/or folk?

In oral tradition "... performance is a mode of existence and realization that is partly constitutive of what the tradition is. The tradition itself exists partly for the sake of performance; performance is itself partly an end. 1144) Recording attempts to establish, disestablish traditions, and therefore bring about new existences; by influencing one tradition, a new one springs forth. But it is not exclusively one-directional, rather a symUosis.

William Ferris wrote of the Delta blues of Mississippi and the influence "... of recordings: present and past styles ... to the are closely related records and ... many of verses in oral tradition are learned from records. Such verses are reworked to suit the needs of the singer and become a part of his oral repertoire, which is flexibly used without a conscious attempt to imitate accurately the entire song as 45) performed on the recorded version. " Recorded performances establish an original concept particularly for other performers and audiences in so far as particular songs become sovereign with performers, a point which is not lost by other performers. Recognition is important; it

43) Ben Sidran, Black Talk, (New York, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), p. 3.

44) Dell Hymes, op. cit., p. 19.

45) William Ferris, Jr., Blues from the Delta (London, Studio Vista, 1970), p. 96. - 178 -

46) establishes a sense of loyalty and tradition of survival, where audiences expect to hear popular recordings, rather than rely totally upon performer's choice of repertoire.

Recording, as a product of mass production, was as much a victim of novelty, as it was in making it an issue.

Yet despite a finite length of time the song remains fashionable, novelty does not reign in oral tradition as does in the market. Sense of time is altered and novelty

is unimportant. Recognition and marketing of an

aesthetic is no prerequisite for adaption and adoption.

Indeed, whatever oral tradition takes from the market,

each aesthetic is added and multiplied by further ones.

One aesthetic does not have importance over another, except

those governed by personal preference, for performer.

Two propositions which have historical ambiguities are,

firstly, that black Americans are uniquely and exclusively,

masters in oral traditions. The corollary is that they

excel equally in media, which cohabit the oral world, as

"... movement, timing, entertainers ... masters of sound,

the spoken word. 1147) The second is that oral tradition

is culturally inferior.

The delineation of cultural types into high, medium

or low symbolised the convergence of each into the other,

with the fears at the outcome. It presented a disconcerting to overview by representatives of high culture who tended

46) David Evans, 'op. cit., pp. 243/7.

47) Charles Keil, Urban Blues, (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 17. - 179 -

model all others from that position. Placed within an historical context, the analysis of this plurality of

cultures was based on the European medieval system of patronage, where one was a reflection of those in control

of power and wealth, the other, those who were controlled.

The flow of wealth and power from aristocracy to the

merchant class did not affect production of objects, it 48) simply displaced patronage.

Edward Shils named the three cultural labels as 49) superior, mediocre and brutal. Orality was for him

at the "... lowest cultural level, where the symbolic

content is most impoverished and where there is very

little original creation in each generation, we come again

to a greater, if much less self-conscious dependence on ,

the the traditional has been--largely past. ... element ... due to the low of those ... relatively creative capacities produce it there has who and consume ... until recently,

been little professional production, machinery for

preservation and transmission is lacking and oral trans-

mission plays a greater part in maintaining traditions of

expression and performance. ýý50)

For Shills, the highest cultural attainment was central

to their to a "... seriousness of its subject matter ... 51) truth beauty. " He does not define his understanding and .

48) Herbert J. Gans, "Popular Culture in America: Social Assett in Plura- Problem in a Mass Society or Social a list Society? " from Social Problems: A Modern Approach (ed. ) H. S. Becker (London, John Wiley, 1967) pp. 549-620. Culture 49) Edward Shils, "Mass Society and Its Culture" from (New D. Van for the Millions (ed. ) Norman Jacobs Jersey, Nastrand Co. Inc., 1961) p. 5.

50) Ibid., p. 6. 51) Ibid., p. 5. - 180 -

of truth and beauty but was astute enough not to ascribe class of author or consumer, as necessary prerequisites.

Mediocre culture fell short of superior standards of any kind, "... depth of penetration is almost always negligible, subtelty is almost entirely lacking, and a general grossness 52) of sensitivity and perception is a common feature.

Whilst Shils is concerned primarily with content and emotional and intellectual perception, interpretation and expression, others have sought to differentiate in terms of transmission or dissemination. Ray Browne tenuously differentiates between elite, with its "... sophisticated

", "... less than "; avenues ... popular, as mass ... mass, through folk 11 mass media; and using ... oral or non-oral 53) methods. "

Charles Seeger, on the other hand, is a little more

simple in analysis. He provides polar distinctions between

fine art, transmitted literally, and folk art, transmitted

orally. Popular art he places as a hybrid of the first 54) two, about equal in transmission methods) and impossible

until nineteenth century industrialisation. The mistake

which many attach to popular, mass and folk cultures is

functional to the needs and the "... quality ... related 55) " familiar modes of expression of the people it served. had But the process of dissemination and production needs

52) Ibid. 53) Ray B. Browne, "Popular Culture: Notes Towards a Defi- the Expanding Conscious- nition" from Popular Culture and & Sons. Inc., ness (ed. ) Ray B. Browne (New York, John Wiley 1973), p. 17. United 54) Charles Seeger, "Music and Class Structure in the 3, (Phila- States" from American Quarterly, Vol. IX, part 282. delphia, American Studies Association, 1957), p. 55) Oscar Handlin, op.. cit., p. 65. - 181 -

and requirements which influenced respective cultures. To state simply, as Handlin does, that "... popular songs

to be danced to "56) denies were ... a relationship between a book, a poem, a painting, sculpture, a building or idea and the needs of consumption.

The relationship of creator to culture is given as a set of myths, where for high culture, the artist is separated from society whilst for oral culture, the artist

is closely associated. The corollary is the notion of total

freedom of expression for the former, which is a political

anomaly. In either case, total isolation and total 57) inclusion does not exist. Furthermore, William Randle, Jr.,

proposes three requirements for the expansion of popular en-

tertainment on a commercial level, "... a concentrated

population, the development of an acceptable style of

performance, and the availability of such performance to 58) the population. " Such indicators are relevant to all

three cultural levels.

David Evans separates folk and popular blues in a

number of ways, but makes clear that they are not "...

diametrically opposed entities but rather are two ends of

a single spectrum. "59ý And the aesthetic requirements

exist side by side with little difficulty. He makes claims

56) Ibid. 217/218. 57) Steve Chapple and Reebee Garofalo, op. cit., pp.

58) William Randle, Jr., "Black Entertainers on Radio 1920-19301', from Black Perspective in Music, Vol. 5 No. l., (New York 1977), p. 68.

59) David Evans, op. cit., p. xii. - 182 -

for the traditional and rural concept of folk blues against blues, popular which he says are original and urban. Indeed,

he goes further by claiming folk blues transmitted 60) orally whilst the mass media transmit the popular. Finally, performance context is distinguished such that for folk blues the "... social context and their structure both the reflect small, fairly close-knit community, while the

context and structure of popular blues reflect a more

complex technological society, where the distance is greater between spokesman and audience and where the risks of 61) dissatisfaction are greater. "

His distinction between folk and popular as a

consequence of transmission merge so that the "... item

of folk music can also be considered popular music., t62)

However, the two are never thought of as being compatible;

popular blues or recorded blues "... should not be viewed

as lacking the characteristics of folk blues but simply

as having them to a lesser degree in the sense that they 63) are usually less traditional than folk blues. Whilst

acknowledging the coexistence and mutual influence, Evans

does not consider the transition period in so far as all

the first recordings were folk by his definition. Yet

the big selling records of Jefferson and Blake1before the

Chicago based recordings, would immediately become popular, because of the media. It poses ambiguities as to when folk becomes popular. Recordings by non-urban performers

60) Ibid., p. 6.

61) Ibid., p. 327.

62) Ibid., pp. 12/13.

63) Ibid.. D. 4. - 183 -

continued until the end of the period, albeit with less authority than the Chicago recordings, as well as field recordings of unknown continued. The difference lies in the exploitation of the studio as an instrument, whether that be specifically part of the company complex or someone's apartment. Here, commercial blues were constructed, whilst those performers considered folk, had a repertoire which once recorded and exhausted, were left alone. This was the case

long after fashion had penetrated the market, and new models were necessary. Such a position requires all recordings to be described popular; they were all part of the mass media, whether recorded in a small township or the urbanity of

Chicago. All the songs not recorded would therefore be

considered folk. The dichotomy here is that very little

of what was not recorded as songs specifically, actually

did get recorded as verses and stanzas. It is quite

conceivable that all blues verses and stanzas ended up

being recorded as part of a collection of songs, or in

continuation of the composition process. It is a point

Andre Malraux makes when he suggests that folk art "... no

longer exists because the 'folk' no longer exists. The modern masses, bound even in rural places to urban civilisation,

are as different from the craftsmen and the peasants of

the great monarchies as from the people of the Middle 64) Ages. " It represents differences of Degler's

urbanisation.

64) Andre Malraux, "Art, Popular Art and the Illusion of 5., (New York, the Folk", Partisan Review, Vol. XVIII, No. 1951), p. 490. - 184 -

This development was not linear, nor exclusively rural to urban in the way that Keil and others explain the 65) evolutionary progress of blues as country to city to urban.

Migration and industrial needs supported such an explanation.

Yet whilst the most popular recordings were made in the

North, primarily Chicago, those who had migrated there, or already lived and worked there, provided recordings and enough data to stir Southern interest to create new models.

Transformation of styles occured also because of the differences of ages in performers, "... younger singers who had less contact with the older styles and more with the

different newer commercial styles ... sounded considerably 66) from the , performers of .., a previous generation. The evolution of blues, as it moved from rural to urban, has also been expressed as a reduction of the musical 67) parameters to fit Blacking's division of labour. In

fact, by delegating parts of the blues structure to an

increased number of instruments, the view is a transition

from a dynamic to a static construct. Melody "... became

stylized. Harmonically, it became adapted to the concept of

a chord sequence. Rhythmically, it moved away from the

irregularities the unpredictabilities of the guitar blues.

Metrically, it moved away from the eight, nine, eleven or

65) Charles Keil, op. cit.

66) Bill C. Malone, op. cit., p. 104.

67) John Blacking, How Musical is Man? (London, University of Washington Press, 1973). - 185 -

68) thirteen bar structure. A realistic view ought to be of a separate dynamic.

Important for industrialisation was a consciousness in design, "... the producer or artist was compelled, as 69) never before, to study the effect of his art. " Not only that, but the media themselves judge what enters the

because 11 market-place and which market-place of ... economic organisational and social and political attributes and limitations. "70) Their role in patronage, or rather their shifting of patronage structure and power was curtailed by its own limitation of reinforcing "... already existing behaviour and attitudes, rather than to create new ones. "71) The disparaging overview of popular songs

11 designed to monetary simply as ... commodities provide diversion by concern is usually ... written men whose major 1,72) to blues. Design commercial ... applies many recorded was initiated by industry in the first instance but from then on quickly influenced performers without any further intervention.

The disassociation of blues from mass market, mass media and mass culture, is primarily because of the market itself, and the position of blacks in American society. both black Those who evaluated musical taste disclaimed and

68) Ernest Borneman, "Black Light and White Shadow", Jazz Forschung/Jazz Research, Vol. 2. (Graz, 1970). (London, Routledge 69) Marshall McLuhan, The Gutenberg Galaxy, and Kegan Paul, 1962) p. 275. 116. 70) Joseph Bernsman and Bernhard Rosenberg, op. cit., p. N. Charles, ( 71) Herbert J. Gans, op. cit., p. 562. Also op. cit. p.

72) Norman Charles, op. cit., p. 6. - 186 -

white music not belonging to Tin Pan Alley. They held power over the Sell-American-Music group and therefore in their interests excluded all other competition. Racism excluded black composers from joining Tin Pan Alley forces.

Black recordings were never intended for any other market but its own; any crossover was accidental and made no impression in this period. To describe the recording as folk music, as it continued, was a form of paternalism73) . Amongst the secular black consumer, recorded blues was indeed a popular cultural product, but within the boundaries of the North American continent, it was of minority interest. This fact, ironically, was one of the prerequisites of elitist, or high culture.

What is relevant here is extra-musical meaning of music.

It is what Alan Merriam wrote of as music being more than sound alone, that each culture or autonomy "... decides 74) what it will and will not call music. " John Blacking argues further for a musical style having terms which are at the same time, the terms of society and culture, that

11 there ought to be a relationship between patterns of human organisation and the patterns of sound produced 75) as a result of human interaction. , And yet, Blacking,

73) S. I. Hayakwa, "Popular Songs vs. the Facts of Life" from Mass Culture. The Popular Arts in America (eds. ) Bernard Rosenberg and David Manning White (New York, Free Press of Glencoe, New York, 1962), pp. 393/4.

74) Alan P. Merriam, The Anthropology of Music (Evanston, Northwestern University Press, 1964), p. 27. Also R. Byrnside, "The Formation of a Musical Style: Early Rock" from Contemporary Music and Music Cultures by Charles Hamm, Brunno Netts, R. Byrnside, (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., Prentice Hall Inc., 1975), p. 160.

75) John Blacking, op. cit., p. 26. - 187 -

taking his terms of reference from his studies of Venda music and society overestimates the general aspect of a

He 11 Music is sociology of music. writes ...... a reflection

of and response to social forces and particularly to the 76) consequences of the division of labor in society. ,

Meyer, rather obviously, discussing the inter-relation-

ship between art, culture and human activity in his theory

of style change indicates where Blacking fell short.

He writes "... changes in style are a direct and necessary

in result - are caused by - specific changes other areas and

facets of culture. Social, particular economic changes;

scientific and technological discoveries, changes in physical

in either environment; shifts population ... are all used,

singly or in combination, to 'explain' or account for 7) changes in style. "? Furthermore, "... social context,

the cultural attitude, the rhetorical situation, and the

individual aptitude are variables that produce distinct

differences in the structure, text, and texture of the These ultimate verbal, musical or plastic product. "78) based very parameters dictate to the creative process, upon

a selection of a finite number of variations.

For the blues performance/composition and ideas is recording, the "... number of fundamental remarkably 79) (exists) only in variations. " small ... abundance

76) John Blacking, op. cit., p. 104. (Chicago, 77) Leonard D. Meyer, Music, the Arts and Ideas 108. University of Chicago Press, 1973) p.

78) Dan Ben-Amos, op. cit., pp. 4/5.

79) B. Szabolcsi, op. cit., p. 179. - 188 -

In the selection process, it is a balance between contradiction i. e. change taking place, and stasis being prominent. And whilst cultural determinants, social, economic and political, affect the equilibrium, the industry never

defined that process. It remained, ever observant

of the market and subordinate to it. CHAPTER VIII

Conclusion - 189 -

When America entered World War II, the recording

industry was faced with a severe cutback of shellac, the

material used in the manufacture of discs. For blues

recording it meant a slump, but other reasons were in-

volved. White popular music was making its impact, and,

greater profits. Recorded blues, by the early 1940s,

centred in Chicago, was becoming complacent and reached

a creative nadir. Not only that, but the musicians union was threatening the whole music industry with its first

national strike. This led to a rush in studio activity, but the causes of the strike made little difference to black performers.

It was during this period that radio was gradually accepting blacks as entertainers in some strength. They too realised that blacks made an impressive market and one - 190 -

worthwhile exploiting. Of course, on white radio stations, programmes for blacks often came out at unsociable hours, usually late at night. The establishment of BMI, meant

amongst other things, that black composers had the first

real opportunity of owning their own copyright for their

own creations and that their music would be broadcast.

One of the most important changes by 1942 was the

make-up of the entertainments industry, before the advent

of television. The recording industry had become part of

the multi-structured communications industry and thereby

diminished in stature. In the early 1920s control in

manufacture of product, wholesale distribution, selection

processes deciding who did or did not end up in a recording

studio, rested in an oligarchy of a small number of com-

panies and a small number of their employees. In some way

this was anticipated by the control of technology needed

to exploit the invention of the telephone. General Electric,

American Telephone and Telegraph, and Westinghouse, held

ownership of basic processes and expansion was made poss-

ible by further invention which stimulated new industries,

or else modification of existing structures. With the

phenomenal rise of movies and radio, particularly network

radio, it took less than two decades for the completion of

a complex structure, creating, stimulating and exploiting form an appetite for a predominantly oral/aural of enter- Government tainment. Such was the control of business that Ul- had to break up monopolies and generate competition. little further timately the control of power spread out a

but the oligarchy remained virtually unscathed. - 191 -

For the performer and audience transition from a pre- recorded to recorded state brought irreversible change.

Audience became consumer, with a power to dictate over a performer's repertoire, based upon successful recordings.

However, as consumers, black Americans were always seg-

regated in the entertainments world, excluded from clubs

during Prohibition, and given almost nothing from radio.

The consumer caught the industry unawares. It payed

high dividends after the initial risk of recording a black

performer/or black consumer. Yet the companies had partly

to rely on them to survive. The consumer was a loyal one

and readily payed the price for a product when it received

less in income compared to whites. The value attached to

its own cultural product was significantly high.

The consequence of cultural segregation by radio and

movies was that the music was not compelled to change to

suit the needs of the media. It could survive when other

musics were threatened. The performer underwent meta-

morphosis as success pushed towards professional enter-

tainment. Success for the few inspired the many to aspire

to their own success; failure did not totally shatter any

illusion.

Whilst this professionalism came about at a time

of urbanisation and industrialisation, distribution of

recordings broke down communal autonomies. Musical ideas,

information, moved about at greater velocity creating

virtually a national community. the three- Successful recordings paradoxically turned 192 - -

limitation minute into a freedom of performance. A popular song was immediately sought after by audiences, until the fashionable next production. This liberation in performance ironically was the state existing before recording left its The mark. market created a need for novelty, a turnover of music styles, well provided for except during the Depression.

To state simply that the industry and the performers were only interested in making money is to argue myopically. There was money to be made by all parties and even exploitation by companies did not deter performers. Incumbents received a little, and only ignorance of the facts, usually withheld, spoiled the flow of royalties.

An industry careful of profit was careful about material and performer. Not all involved shared an interest in the music, but many did. Many wanted performers with potential to reach the studio, and the new ones were groomed to meet requirements of company employees. The industry grew up quickly, but so too did the performer. A successful recording gave an added status to a performer within a community, and that respect was shared by the lesser talented.

Whether it realised it or not, the recording industry had sought out and preserved, in time and space, a funda- have mental music force of black American culture, one to enormous implications for the course of worldwide twentieth century music. BIBLIOGRAPHY - 193 -

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I - 202 -

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O'Neal, Jim and Amy, "T-Bone Walker Interview", Living Blues 11 (Chicago, Living Blues Publications, 1972/73).

''Georgia Tom Interview', Living Blues 20, (Chicago, Living Blues Publications, 1975).

"Eddie Boyd Interview", Living Blues, 35. (Chicago, Living Blues Publications, 1977).

Ostendorf, Beritt, "Black Poetry, Blues and Folklore: Double Consciousness in Afro-American Oral Culture", Amerikastudien/American Studies, 20/2 (Frankfurt, 1975).

Pearson, Barney, "The Late Great Elmore James", Keystone Folklore Quarterly, Vol. XVII, No. 4. (Pittsburgh, Penns., Pittsburgh Folklore Society, 1972).

Randle, William Jr. "Black Entertainers on Radio 1920-1930", The Black Perspective in Music, Vol. 5 No. 1. (New York, Foundation for Research in the Afro-Ameri- can Arts Inc., 1977).

Rowe, Mike, "Joe Dean from Bowling Green, " Blues Unlimited 1977). 127, (London, Blues Unlimited Publications, United Schutz, Lucia S, "Performing-Right Societies in the States", Notes, Vol. 35 No. 3., (Philadelphia, Association, Quarterly Journal of the Music Library 1979). - 204 -

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McCarthy, Albert (ed. ), Jazz on Record: A Critical Guide to the First 50 Years 1917-1967, (London, Hanover Books, 1968).

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Unpublished Material

Burgett, P. J., Aesthetics of the Music of Afro-Americans, Ph. D, Thesis, Rochester University 1976.

Charles, Norman, Social Values in American Popular Songs, 1890-1950, M. A. Thesis, University of Pennsylvania, 1958).

Evans, David, Tradition and Creativity in the Folk Blues, Ph. D. Thesis, U. C. L. A., 1976.

Foreman, Ronald Clifford, Jazz and Blues Records 1920-1932, Ph. D. Thesis, University of Illinois, 1968.

George, Zelma Watson, A Guide to Negro Music: An Annotated Bibliography of Negro Folk Music and Art Music by Negro Composers or Based Negro Material, on ematicnG0\ Ed. D. Thesis, New York University,

Hansen, Barrett Eugene, Negro Popular Music 1945-1953, M. A. Thesis, 1967.

Kahn, Edward A. III, The Carter Family: A Reflection of Changes in Society, Ph. D. Thesis, U. C. L. A., 1970.

Kreiling, Albert Lee, The Making of Racial Identities in the Black Press: A Cultural Analysis of Race Journalism in Chicago, 1878-1929, Ph. D. Thesis, University of Illinois, 1973).

Russell, Ian, Traditional Singing in West Sheffield, 1970-2, Ph. D. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1977.

Taft, Michael, Draft to 'The Use of the Computer to Facilitate the Structural Analysis of Afro-American Blues Lyrics; 1977. - 208 -

Correspondence

The American Federation of Musicians of the United States and Canada, Music is Your Business, pamphlet, (New York).

The American Society of Composers, Authors and Publishers The Facts, pamphlet (New York).

Broadcast Music Incorporated, pamphlet (New York)

Hammond, John, letter dated October 9,1979.

Otis, Johnny, letter dated October 3,1979.

Recording Industry Association of America, pamphlet (New York).

Tomashefsky, Steve, letter dated September 1979. -1-

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