Egyptian Arabic Plurals in Theory and Computation
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(Northwest) Semitic Sg. *CVCC-, Pl. *Cvcac-Ū-: Broken Plural Or Regular Reflex?*
Bulletin of SOAS, 84, 1 (2021), 1–17. © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unre- stricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0041977X2100001X (Northwest) Semitic sg. *CVCC-, pl. *CVCaC-ū-: Broken plural or regular reflex?* Benjamin D. Suchard KU Leuven, Belgium and Leiden University, The Netherlands [email protected] Jorik (F.J.) Groen Leiden University, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract This paper provides a new explanation for the insertion of *a in plural forms of *CVCC- nouns also formed with an external plural suffix, e.g. *ʕabd- :*ʕabad-ū- ‘servant(s)’, in various Semitic languages. This *CVCaC-ū- pattern is usually considered to be a remnant of the Proto- Semitic broken plural system in Northwest Semitic, but we show that it goes back to Proto-Semitic in this form. Internal evidence from Semitic as well as comparative evidence from Afroasiatic points towards a pre- Proto-Semitic plural suffix *-w- underlying the external plural suffixes. This suffix created a consonant cluster in the plural of *CVCC- nouns, trig- gering epenthesis of *a. As the prime example of broken plural formation in Northwest Semitic thus seems to be purely suffixal in origin, we con- clude by briefly considering the implications for the history of nominal pluralization in Semitic. Keywords: Semitic, Historical linguistics, Northwest Semitic, Broken plural, Subclassification 1. -
Classical and Modern Standard Arabic Marijn Van Putten University of Leiden
Chapter 3 Classical and Modern Standard Arabic Marijn van Putten University of Leiden The highly archaic Classical Arabic language and its modern iteration Modern Standard Arabic must to a large extent be seen as highly artificial archaizing reg- isters that are the High variety of a diglossic situation. The contact phenomena found in Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic are therefore often the re- sult of imposition. Cases of borrowing are significantly rarer, and mainly found in the lexical sphere of the language. 1 Current state and historical development Classical Arabic (CA) is the highly archaic variety of Arabic that, after its cod- ification by the Arab Grammarians around the beginning of the ninth century, becomes the most dominant written register of Arabic. While forms of Middle Arabic, a style somewhat intermediate between CA and spoken dialects, gain some traction in the Middle Ages, CA remains the most important written regis- ter for official, religious and scientific purposes. From the moment of CA’s rise to dominance as a written language, the whole of the Arabic-speaking world can be thought of as having transitioned into a state of diglossia (Ferguson 1959; 1996), where CA takes up the High register and the spoken dialects the Low register.1 Representation in writing of these spoken dia- lects is (almost) completely absent in the written record for much of the Middle Ages. Eventually, CA came to be largely replaced for administrative purposes by Ottoman Turkish, and at the beginning of the nineteenth century, it was function- ally limited to religious domains (Glaß 2011: 836). -
Simeone-Senelle & Hassan Kamil 2013 Agreement in 'Afar
Simeone-Senelle & Hassan Kamil 2013_Agreement in ’Afar Marie-Claude Simeone-Senelle, Mohamed Hassan Kamil To cite this version: Marie-Claude Simeone-Senelle, Mohamed Hassan Kamil. Simeone-Senelle & Hassan Kamil 2013_Agreement in ’Afar. 43th Colloquium on African Languages and Linguistics, Aug 2013, Leiden, Netherlands. halshs-01112414 HAL Id: halshs-01112414 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-01112414 Submitted on 3 Feb 2015 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Gender, Number and Agreement in Afar (Cushitic language) Marie-Claude Simeone-Senelle (CNRS-LLACAN, ILD, CEFAS) Mohamed Hassan Kamil (CNRS-LLACAN, ILD) 43rd Colloquium on African Languages and Linguistics (CALL) 26-28 august 2013 Department of African languages and Cultures. Leiden University INTRODUCTION Afar is a Lowland East Cushitic language spoken by more than 1.700.000 people, in Djibouti (ca 310.000), Eritrea (ca 305.000 ) and Ethiopia (ca 1.100.000) We have collected our data on the field1, with different speakers in Djibouti, in Eritrea and in Ethiopia. Only a few examples were elicited. SOME PRELIMINARY LINGUISTIC REMARKS Afar is typically a SOV language, with postpositions. The canonic order in the noun phrase is determiner/qualifier + determined/qualified In the verb phrase V+ auxiliary; and in the sentence: dependent clause before Matrix clause It is a partially inflected language (only some masculine marked nouns with non-stressed vowel final are concerned). -
Aethiopica 22 (2019) International Journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean Studies
Aethiopica 22 (2019) International Journal of Ethiopian and Eritrean Studies ________________________________________________________________ RAINER VOIGT, Freie Universität Berlin Miscellaneous On Syllable Weight in Amharic Aethiopica 22 (2019), 236–245 ISSN: 1430•1938 ________________________________________________________________ Edited in the Asien•Afrika•Institut Hiob•Ludolf•Zentrum für Äthiopistik der Universität Hamburg Abteilung für Afrikanistik und Äthiopistik by Alessandro Bausi in cooperation with Bairu Tafla, Ludwig Gerhardt, Hilke Meyer-Bahlburg, and Siegbert Uhlig On Syllable Weight in Amharic RAINER VOIGT, Freie Universität Berlin 1 Stress in Amharic The stress/accent situation in Amharic has, in recent works, not been the subject of any investigation in its own right. The older grammars, however, pay more attention to stress, treating it in much greater depth than is the case with new publications.1 In Armbruster’s three volume work, stress is consistently marked in eve- ry word. In the perfect tense, stress comes either before the geminated con- sonant or on the long vowel: thus, in my transcription, gäbba, ‘he entered’; läqqämä, ‘he picked’; mänäzzärä, ‘he changed’; täsabä, ‘he was drawn’. This is also true in the case of bäzza-bbǝñ, ‘it is too much for me’, though bäzza-bbǝñ is also possible. In general, the long vowels and the vowel before double consonants are stressed; here, the other forms of a verb already cited, läqqämä: läqmoal, yǝläq(ǝ)m, yǝläqm-al, yǝlqäm, lǝqäm, läqmwo, mälqäm, läqami. In the im- perfect tense, the personal prefix never carries the tone, which is also the case with the weak verb yǝlǝk, ‘he sends’ (perf. lakä), but, in the jussive, yǝräf, ‘let him rest’ (perf. -
THE STRUCTURE of the HEBREW LANGUAGE Steven W
THE STRUCTURE OF THE HEBREW LANGUAGE Steven W. Boyd, M.S., Th.M., Ph.D. chapter one: meet & greet biblical hebrew—a semitic language For your convenience, here is an outline of this chapter. 1. Preliminary Remarks 1.1 Linguistics in general; Semitic languages in particular 1.2 What’s in a Name? —origin of name ‘Semitic’ 1.3 The Old Ones —Semitic languages among the world’s oldest 1.4 Today’s Scene —how many speakers of Semitic languages today 1.5 Closing 2. What makes the Semitic languages tick? 2.1 The “Big One”—Root & Pattern 2.2 Tri-radicalism 2.3 Sounds 2.4 Forms 2.4.1 Number—singular, plural, dual 2.4.2 Gender—masculine and feminine in both 2nd person and 3rd person 2.4.3 Verbs 2.4.3(a) Structure 2.4.3(b) Patterns 2.4.3(c) Stems 2.4.4 Location of person, gender, and number marking 2.4.5 Nominal patterns 2.4.6 Numerals 2.4.7 Plurals 2.4.8 Adjectives 2.5 Relations 2.6 Meaning 2.7 Lexicography 3. The Panorama of the Semitic Languages 3.1 Akkadian 3.2 Ugaritic 3.3 Hebrew 3.4 Aramaic 3.5 Arabic 3.6 Ethiopic 3.7 Transition 4. Family Groupings 4.1 Lexical considerations 4.2 Odd man out: Akkadian 4.3 Whither Arabic? 4.4 NW Semitic 5. Hebrew’s Place 5.1 Vs. the Rest 5.2 Vs. Aramaic 5.3 Ganging up on Aramaic 5.4 Vs. Ugaritic 5.5 The Conclusion of the Matter 6. -
6 Morphophonological Operations
Morphophonological Operations 123 6 Morphophonological Operations ANDREW SPENCER 1 Introduction This chapter describes the manipulations of the morphophonological shape of roots, stems and words which are found in morphological systems. It will be first and foremost a typological survey, but I will also argue for a particular view of the place of allomorphy in the grammar. I shall adopt the perspective that morphophonological operations of various sorts can be the exponents, or at least the partial exponents, of morphological properties. Chomsky’s work in generative morphosyntax, despite undergoing radical changes of emphasis and philosophy, has retained two key related assumptions throughout its history, both of them derived from its structuralist antecedents. The first is that morphemes are listed lexical items, and the second is that they subtend syntax-like structural relationships within word forms (see Halle and Marantz 1993 for a recent defence of this). In other words, much work in generative grammar presupposes a concatenative, ‘Item-and-Arrangement (IA)’ approach (cf. Hockett 1958). On this conception, a morpheme is a thing, and morphology is simply the concatenation of these things, so is viewed as formally agglutinative. The plural cat-s of cat is then viewed as a kind of com- pound, but one in which there are highly restricted privileges of occurrence of the second ‘lexeme’, the plural morpheme -s. Cases of non-concatenativity, such as the alternation between singular man and plural men, are not treated as special types of deviation from this scheme, but are accommodated by appeal to greater abstraction in the forms of morphemes, and to morphological trig- gering of phonological operations. -
الربيد اإللكرتوني [email protected] على الشبكة
جملة القلم ) علميَّة – دوريَّة – حمكَّمة ( الرقم الدولي )ISSN 2410-5228( تصدر عن جامعة القلم للعلوم اﻹنسانية والتطبيقية مدينة إب ـ اجلمهورية اليمنية الربيد اﻹلكرتوني : [email protected] موقع اجلامعة على الشبكة العاملية : www.alkalm.net Inflectional Regularity in Modern Standard … Dr.Nadia Ali A-Shawafi Inflectional Regularity in Modern Standard Arabic Broken Plural Nouns Dr.Nadia Ali A-Shawafi Department of English, University of Ibb, Republic of Yemen email: [email protected] . Abstract This study aims to investigate the inflectional regularity in Modern Standard Arabic broken plural nouns because Arabic broken plurals have recently attracted the attention of many linguists. It is based on data qualitatively collected from English and Arabic materials on Arabic broken plurals, reference dictionaries and supplemented by data obtained from native speakers’ competence. Inflectional regularity refers to the use of the rules of a language to form new forms of a lexeme used in a grammatical context. In Arabic plural nouns, semantic regularity is the norm even where forms differ. The Arabic plural nouns are morphologically classified into two types: sound plurals formed by the addition of affixes and broken plurals formed by modifying the stem. It has been observed that Arabic broken plurals show a large number of variation in forms because of stem changes. However, these changes are not random or arbitrary. They are regular and productive. This result processes lines to further research on regularity in Arabic broken plurals and the relationship between phonology and morphology in forming broken plurals. Keywords: concatenative, nonconcatenative, root, pattern, broken plural, allomorphy Al-Qalam Journal (Semiannual-peer-reviewed( 1 Issue(9)-(January-April2018) Inflectional Regularity in Modern Standard … Dr.Nadia Ali A-Shawafi Introduction Regularity is the potential of a morphological process to generate repetitive noncreative morphological coining on the basis of the existing rules used in a language. -
Chapter 4: Number in Amharic Nominals
Ruth Kramer Defense Draft CHAPTER 4: NUMBER IN AMHARIC NOMINALS 1 INTRODUCTION The previous chapter focused on the morphological and syntactic representation of gender in Amharic nominals. In this chapter, I focus on number, another phi-feature that plays a large role in the morphology and syntax (and semantics) of nominals. One of the main properties of the Amharic number system is a clear difference in the behavior of irregular and regular plurals, and the main goal of the chapter is to account for these differences. Specifically, I develop a split analysis of number in the Amharic DP, deriving the empirical contrasts between irregular and regular plurals by positing that irregular plurals are derived from a n head that has a plural feature whereas regular plurals are derived from a Num head that has a plural feature. In Section 2, the basic descriptive facts about number in Amharic are laid out. In Section 3, the differences between irregular and regular plurals are detailed and evidence for the split analysis is presented. An analysis where plural features are found in two locations within the same DP (n and Num) naturally raises questions about the relationship between the two heads. In Section 4, a number of different analyses of the relationship between n[+PL] and Num[+PL] are compared, and an analysis where the plural feature is shared between n and Num is shown to be the most successful. Section 5 concludes with some discussion of the larger ramifications of the analysis, both in terms of its cross-linguistic implications and its impact on morphosyntactic theory. -
The Noun: a Comparative Analysis Between the Arabic and the English Languages
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 22, Issue 5, Ver. I (May 2017) PP 64-73 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org The Noun: A Comparative Analysis between the Arabic and the English Languages Syed Sahid Ahammad Assistant Professor, Department of Islamic Studies, Uttara University, Dhaka, Bangladesh Abstract: In the history of civilization different human races have created different languages to express their thoughts, ideas, feelings and emotions. With the passage of time the world has become a global village and at the moment, we should know different languages to understand each other easily. Noun is one of the most significant components of all languages. We cannot think the existence of a language without noun. In this article, a comparative analysis of noun of Arabic language and English language has been made which will discover the similarities between the languages. This article is expected to explore some important aspects of Noun in both Arabic and English languages by applying qualitative and analytical research methods. Keywords: Noun, English, Arabic, Language. I. INTRODUCTION The noun is one of the significant parts of any language. A noun ( from Latin nõmen, literally meaning ‘‘name’’)1 is a word that functions as the name of some specific thing or set of things, such as living creatures, objects, places, actions, qualities, states, of existence, or ideas.2 Linguistically, a noun is a member of a large, open part of speech whose members can occur as the main word in the subject of a clause, the object of a verb, or the object of a preposition.3 II. -
Grammatical Morphology As a Source of Early Number Word Meanings
Grammatical morphology as a source of early number word meanings Alhanouf Almoammera,b,1, Jessica Sullivanc,1, Chris Donlana, Franc Marušicˇd, Rok Zaucerˇ d, Timothy O’Donnelle, and David Barnerc,f,2 aDivision of Psychology and Language Sciences, University College London, London WC1N 1PF, United Kingdom; bDepartment of Health Rehabilitation Sciences, King Saud University, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia 11451; cDepartment of Psychology and fDepartment of Linguistics, University of California at San Diego; La Jolla, CA 92116; dResearch Center for Humanities (Language and Cognitive Science), University of Nova Gorica, SI-5000 Nova Gorica, Slovenia; and eBrain and Cognitive Sciences, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, MA 02139 Edited by Susan E. Carey, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, and approved September 30, 2013 (received for review July 19, 2013) How does cross-linguistic variation in linguistic structure affect they denote. On this account, children exposed to languages with children’s acquisition of early number word meanings? We tested rich morphological cues to number might be faster to learn early this question by investigating number word learning in two un- number word meanings relative to children who learn languages related languages that feature a tripartite singular-dual-plural dis- with less number marking. tinction: Slovenian and Saudi Arabic. We found that learning dual Several studies indicate that the grammatical structures of lan- morphology affects children’s acquisition of the number word two guage encode conceptual content that is relevant to number word in both languages, relative to English. Children who knew the learning, and that children can leverage this content when learning fi meaning of two were surprisingly frequent in the dual languages, the meanings of their rst number words. -
The Morphology of Loanwords in Urdu: the Persian, Arabic and English Strands
The Morphology of Loanwords in Urdu: the Persian, Arabic and English Strands Submitted by: Riaz Ahmed Islam In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Supervised by: Dr. S. J. Hannahs & Prof. Maggie Tallerman School of English Literature, Language & Linguistics Newcastle University October, 2011 © 2011 Riaz Ahmed Islam All rights reserved i Abstract The Morphology of Loanwords in Urdu: the Persian, Arabic and English Strands Language contact and the influence of one language on another are very common phenomena. Persian, Arabic and English have influenced various languages globally. Urdu is one of the recipient languages from these three sources, and shows linguistic features borrowed from them. This study focuses on the Persian, Arabic and English loanword morphology in Urdu. Loanwords from Persian/Arabic are far older than English loans, and function like native Urdu words. Therefore, native Urdu morphological structures and those from Persian and Arabic are treated as the patterns for English loans. The discussion describes the patterns and then the processes involving English loans in the light of these patterns. The hypothesis is that the affixation, whether inflectional or derivational, may be based on native Urdu patterns but that the compounding of English loans is more frequent with Persian and Arabic loanwords. This is a major factor, which needs to be established. It is equally vital to know whether Urdu also borrows any derivations of an English loan, as it did with Persian/Arabic loans with or without any morphological changes. Almost nothing is written on the morphology of loanwords, from the three languages, into Urdu. -
(Northwest) Semitic Sg. *CVCC-, Pl. *Cvcac-Ū-: Broken Plural Or Regular Reflex?*
Bulletin of SOAS, 84, 1 (2021), 1–17. © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unre- stricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. doi:10.1017/S0041977X2100001X (Northwest) Semitic sg. *CVCC-, pl. *CVCaC-ū-: Broken plural or regular reflex?* Benjamin D. Suchard KU Leuven, Belgium and Leiden University, The Netherlands [email protected] Jorik (F.J.) Groen Leiden University, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract This paper provides a new explanation for the insertion of *a in plural forms of *CVCC- nouns also formed with an external plural suffix, e.g. *ʕabd- :*ʕabad-ū- ‘servant(s)’, in various Semitic languages. This *CVCaC-ū- pattern is usually considered to be a remnant of the Proto- Semitic broken plural system in Northwest Semitic, but we show that it goes back to Proto-Semitic in this form. Internal evidence from Semitic as well as comparative evidence from Afroasiatic points towards a pre- Proto-Semitic plural suffix *-w- underlying the external plural suffixes. This suffix created a consonant cluster in the plural of *CVCC- nouns, trig- gering epenthesis of *a. As the prime example of broken plural formation in Northwest Semitic thus seems to be purely suffixal in origin, we con- clude by briefly considering the implications for the history of nominal pluralization in Semitic. Keywords: Semitic, Historical linguistics, Northwest Semitic, Broken plural, Subclassification 1.