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Henry George and Francis Amasa Walker One Century Later Author(S): John K American Economic Association Enemies or Allies? Henry George and Francis Amasa Walker One Century Later Author(s): John K. Whitaker Source: Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Dec., 1997), pp. 1891-1915 Published by: American Economic Association Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2729882 Accessed: 15-10-2018 00:54 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms American Economic Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of Economic Literature This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Mon, 15 Oct 2018 00:54:57 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Journal of Economic Literature Vol. XXXV (December 1997), pp. 1891-1915 Enemies or Allies? Henry George and Francis Amasa Walker One Century Later JOHN K. WHITAKER University of Virginia This paper has benefitted from valuable comments by the Journal's referees. THE YEAR 1897 marked the deaths of Walker was to be one of the earliest the two writers who first brought and bitterest critics of Progress and American economic thought to promi- Poverty, y6t there were important af- nence on the world scene.1 The publica- finities between that work and The tion of The Wages Question (1876) by Wages Question. Both works offered Francis Amasa Walker (born 1840) en- significant criticisms of the classical sured his acceptance as a founding mem- theory of distribution, especially the ber of the community of academic wage-fund doctrine, helping to pave the economists that was to burgeon in En- way for the subsequent marginal pro- glish-speaking circles in the 1880s and ductivity theory. Both accepted laisser- 1890s. In the United States, his aca- faire in a competitive regime as produc- demic doyenship was reflected in service ing a socially desirable outcome once as first president of the American Eco- two preconditions were met. The first nomic Association, 1886-92. Meanwhile, precondition, on which both authors the publication in 1879 of Progress and were broadly agreed, was that the state Poverty by the self-taught Henry George should limit protectionism and exercise (born 1839) soon ignited in the United control over monopolies or dominant States and other countries unprece- firms, even placing natural monopolies dented outpourings of both enthusiasm under public ownership. The goal of the and outrage at its radical claim that natu- other precondition was also shared. ral resources were rightly the property of This was to alleviate the chronic pov- all, and its radical proposal that a confis- erty and immiseration of a substantial catory "single tax" on pure rent should segment of the working classes. It was replace all existing taxes and tariffs. on the root cause of this problem that the two differed. For George it was the 1 Among home-spun Americans the name of private ownership of natural resources, Henry Carey (1796-1877) perhaps deserves men- while for Walker it was the positive de- tion but he was rarely taken seriously abroad. For a general view of pre-1870 American economics pendence of labor efficiency on real see Joseph Dorfman (1946, 1949). wages. This meant that any sustained 1891 This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Mon, 15 Oct 2018 00:54:57 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 1892 Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. XXXV (December 1997) reduction in wages could prove self jus- precludes detailed treatment of any one tifying-an efficiency-wage possibility topic. No more is intended than a selec- George acknowledged but deemed of tive and individual perspective on two only secondary importance. These diag- individuals who deserve to be remem- nostic differences led, of course, to bered even a century after their deaths radical differences in prescription and for the significant part they played in to Walker's vehement denunciation of the development of economic thought. George's taxation proposals, a vehe- George, indeed, still has discernable in- mence no doubt strengthened by scorn fluence in some quarters, but Walker's for the effrontery of a rank outsider in mark on current economic thought is no addressing basic issues of Walker's own longer identifiable. discipline. What especially provoked Walker was George's proposal that I. Contrasting Lives owners of natural resources be in ef- fect expropriated without compensation. Francis Walker's father, Amasa Walker's harsh reaction to this idea, and Walker (1799-1875), had risen from to the normative claims underlying it, lowly beginnings to become a successful colored his whole attitude to George. businessman, retiring at age 41 to pur- This prevented him from doing justice sue politics and the study and teaching to George's abilities as an economic of economics. With his son's assistance reasoner or recognizing similarities in he published a successful treatise, The their positive views. However, a meet- Science of Wealth (1866). Francis was ing of minds was hardly encouraged by educated at Amherst, where his father the antagonistic attitude toward the aca- taught econQmics, and was already pub- demic economists of the day that lishing magazine articles on economic George entertained from the outset. issues by age 17. The outbreak of civil Few later economists have led lives war terminated a budding legal career. as remarkable as those of our two Francis enlisted in the Union forces, authors, and the remaining discussion serving with the Army of the Potomac begins with brief biographical sketches in staff roles, and was wounded, then (Section I). After that the issues raised captured. Returning to civil life with in the preceding paragraph are ad- the rank of Brigadier General he there- dressed in sections which deal with: after was often referred to as "General contributions to distribution theory Walker" and always retained a strong (Section II), the problem of poverty interest in the commemoration and his- (Sections III and IV), and the "single tory of the units in which he served. Af- tax" (Section V). Further sections deal ter first turning to schoolteaching and more briefly with our authors' thoughts then journalism, meanwhile assisting his on the business cycle (Section VI) and father, he was tapped in 1869 by the on money and statistics (Section VII, then Commissioner of Revenue, econo- where Walker is the main exponent). mist David Ames Wells (1828-98), to The antagonism between George and take charge of the Bureau of Statistics the academic economists is considered in the U.S. Treasury. Walker's success next (Section VIII) and a summation there led to his appointment as superin- and assessment (Section IX) rounds out tendent of the U.S. census of 1870. In the paper. The appendix provides a 1871 he took on the Commissionership brief survey of the pertinent literature. for Indian Affairs, meanwhile retaining The extended range of the discussion his census duties, and in 1873 he began This content downloaded from 142.58.129.109 on Mon, 15 Oct 2018 00:54:57 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Whitaker: George and Walker 1893 to teach political economy and history Unlike Walker, who was comfortably at Yale's Sheffield Scientific School. established from the start and ever He remained there until 1881, when fortunate in his smoothly unfolding he became president of the Massachu- career, George's life was a tale of setts Institute of Technology (MIT), a incessant struggle and false starts. He position he retained for the rest of his was born in Philadelphia of lower mid- life. dle class parents, supportive but unable The years at Yale were his most pro- to provide their first-born son with en- ductive from a scholarly viewpoint, giv- tree to a secure occupation. Henry was ing rise to his most significant books, intelligent but undisciplined. He aban- The Wages Question and Money in its doned school at age 13 and soon heard Relation to Trade and Industry (Walker the call of the sea, sailing at age 15 as 1876, 1879).2 But he nevertheless foremast boy on a voyage to Australia maintained strong links to government and India. Apprenticeship as a printer service, in particular serving as superin- came next and, though immediately un- tendent of the U.S. census of 1880. successful, gave him a skill that was to When Walker took over the presidency prove critical in his California years. of MIT it was a small, struggling institu- The lure of the West Coast drew him to tion. It prospered under his leadership, embark as steward on a voyage around although remaining extremely small by Cape Horn to San Francisco. He ar- today's standards, and Walker found rived in California in 1858 at age 19 there the time and energy to teach eco- with few connections and no settled nomics as well as to author a copious plans. He was to remain there until flow of publications. These spanned 1881, living hand to mouth, frequently economics, statistics, and an impressive in debt, his difficulties increased by an variety of other topics, educational, improvident but successful early mar- military, and civic. He died suddenly at riage and by a propensity to make ill- age 56 in the full tide of activity and timed investments in mining shares. He renown. turned his hand to many things, from a A man of enormous energy and prac- hapless retailing venture in British Co- tical ability, Walker's public distinction lumbia, where gold was rumored, to rested more on his wide range of itinerant agricultural labor, to hawking achievement than upon outstanding in- clothes-wringing machines, but the tellectual creativity.
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