Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan

Japan’s first professionally produced, commercially marketed and nationally distributed gay lifestyle magazine, Barazoku (‘The Rose Tribes’), was launched in 1971. Publicly declaring the beauty and normality of homosexual desire, Barazoku electrified the male homosexual world whilst scandalizing mainstream society, and sparked a vibrant period of activity that saw the establishment of an enduring Japanese media form, the homo magazine. Using a detailed account of the formative years of the homo magazine genre in the 1970s as the basis for a wider history of men, this book examines the relationship between male homosexuality and conceptions of manliness in postwar Japan. The book charts the development of notions of masculinity and homosexual identity across the postwar period, analysing key issues including public/ private homosexualities, inter-racial desire, male–male sex, love and friendship; the masculine body; and manly identity. The book investigates the phenomenon of ‘manly homosexuality’, little treated in both masculinity and gay studies on Japan, arguing that desires and individual narratives were constructed within (and not necessarily outside of) the dominant narratives of the nation, manliness and Japanese culture. Overall, this book offers a wide-ranging appraisal of homosexuality and manliness in postwar Japan, that provokes insights into conceptions of Japanese masculinity in general.

Jonathan D. Mackintosh is Lecturer in Japanese Studies at Birkbeck, University of London, UK. His research interests include gender/sexuality in postwar Japan, masculinities and the body, and historical East Asian diasporic identities. Routledge Contemporary Japan Series

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Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan

Jonathan D. Mackintosh First published 2010 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2009. To purchase your own copy of this or any of Taylor & Francis or Routledge’s collection of thousands of eBooks please go to www.eBookstore.tandf.co.uk. © 2010 Jonathan D. Mackintosh All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Mackintosh, Jonathan D. Homosexuality and manliness in postwar Japan / Jonathan D. Mackintosh p.cm.—(Routledge contemporary Japan series) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Gay men—Japan. 2. Homosexuality—Japan. 3. Masculinity—Japan. I. Title HQ76.2J3M33 2009 306.76'62095209047—DC22 2009008438

ISBN 0-203-87166-9 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN10: 0-415-42186-1 (hbk) ISBN10: 0-203-87166-9 (ebk) ISBN13: 978-0-415-42186-7 (hbk) ISBN13: 978-0-203-87166-9 (ebk) Contents

List of illustrations viii Acknowledgements ix Note on Japanese names and translation x

Introduction 1

Part I Producing homo 25

1 Homo ‘movings’: Rentaikan and Shiminken 43

2 White dreams: the coming and going of porn Americana 94

Part II Confessions: the buntsūran and the body 135

3 Eroto-morphemic revolutions of the everyday 149

4 Age differentiation and the redemption of men 184

Conclusion: modernity and the contradictions of certainty 213

Notes 219 Bibliography 240 Index 255 Illustrations

Figures 1 Growth of Barazoku – number of pages and photo inserts (1971–5) 4 2 Growth of buntsūran (number of ads) in the first seven numbers of each magazine 136 3 Personal ad layout 140

Tables 1 Number and percentage of men in each age bracket according to magazine 142 Acknowledgements

I am indebted to a great many people whose encouragement and assistance have made this book possible. It is with deep gratitude that I thank my doctoral super- visor Mark Morris. The things I have learned and skills I have acquired owe much to his counsel. His knowledge of ideas and enthusiasm for them is inspiring; I have found myself taking many unexpected and wonderful adventures of discovery. I have been extremely fortunate to meet many who have taken time to guide and assist me. With thanks to the tutors and staff of the Japan Centre, Cambridge, and Peterhouse. Special thanks must go to Timon Screech. Were it not for his encouragement, the journey that has culminated in this book would have never commenced. Special mention must be made of a number of individuals who generously shared their knowledge, insights and time with me. Thanks must go to the people who provided me with materials and much to think about: Itō Bungaku, Ōtsuka Takashi, Nakagawa Shigemi, Kago Keitarō, Brian Turner and Alain Delfosse. I am grateful for the invaluable advice, assistance and encouragement of many new and old friends: Tracey Gannon, Elizabeth Chapman, Song Hwee Lim, Nicola Liscutin, Naoko Shimazu, Chris Berry, Mara Patessio, David Bonnitcha, Hirohama Tetsuo, Brid Murphy, Ōnishi Hitoshi, Akiko Sakai, Alwyn Spies and Rina Ueda. I am grateful for the support and assistance of a number of organizations: The Japan Centre, Cambridge; the Faculty of Oriental Studies, Cambridge; the Overseas Research Student Scheme; the Cambridge Commonwealth Trust; the Japan Foundation Endowment Committee; Peterhouse; and the European Association for Japanese Studies. An earlier version of the section Rentaikan: Itō Bungaku and Barazoku in Chapter 1 appeared as ‘Itō Bungaku and the solidarity of the rose tribes [Barazoku]: Stirrings of homo solidarity in early 1970s Japan’ in Intersections: Gender, History and Culture in the Asian Context, 12 (January 2006). An earlier version of the section ‘Seriousness – work and the ethical field of meaning’ in Chapter 3 formed the basis of the chapter entitled: ‘Embodied masculinities of male–male desire: The homo magazines and white-collar manliness in early 1970s Japan’, in AsiaPacifiQueer: Rethinking Genders and Sexualities (2009), edited by Fran Martin, Peter A. Jackson, Mark McLelland and Audrey Yue (Chicago: University x Acknowledgements of Chicago Press). Thanks must to go the various readers who provided me with valuable suggestions and advice. Finally, there is that boundless and bountiful source of well-being, support, encouragement and love. Thank you to my family – Mom, Dad and Grandma, Pat and Myriam – and, most of all, S.

Note on Japanese names and translation Japanese names that appear in this book follow the standard order of family name first, followed by the given name. Translations of texts are mine unless otherwise indicated. Introduction

I run a small publishing house by myself called Dai ni shobō under the ‘catch- phrase’ of a heretical publishing company. I make homosexual books for the world’s ‘homo tribes’. Itō Bungaku (Itō 1971b: 4)

Acutely attuned to everyday modernity in Lisbon in the 1920s, the modernist poet Pessoa marked the distance between the dull, routine monotony of everyday life, filled with minutiae, and the lofty reflections that everydayness inspired, between the past and the now of the present. Aware, moreover, that in modern life no real difference separated the individual life from the streets … he was nevertheless convinced that this world of ‘tedium’ defined the terrain of experience and determined the conditions for all reflection. Harry Harootunian (2000: 1)

Really, nothing of great significance happened in 1587, the Year of the Pig … Can we therefore omit that year from history books: Not quite. Ray Huang (1982: 1)

Setting – everyday Japan Shōwa 46, 1971. For the Japanese, it was a year of no great significance when many significant things happened. As they viewed their colour TVs over break- fast and in the newspapers they read on the commuter trains, they did see that for some it was truly a momentous year. The terrible near-decade of butchery was just beginning for Ugandans, and while Bangladeshis celebrated their independ- ence, Indians and Pakistanis joined the Vietnamese and Americans as populations embroiled in war. Though not on the apocalyptic scale of these events, big things did happen in Japan, too. The accord for the Reversion of Okinawa to Japanese sovereignty was signed to begin the end of the American occupation, and while Japanese and Americans watched their post-colonial moment unfold on television, some Okinawans protested the start of a renewed Japanese colonial ever-after, 2 Introduction and a policeman was killed with a bamboo spear. Protest, in fact, was prevalent that year. The government clashed with protesters in Sanrizuka over its forced expropriation of land for the construction of Narita airport; three policemen were killed. Meanwhile, a bemused majority watched news about Shigenobu Fusako, the female leader of the Japanese Red Army who inspired women to wear para- military berets, as featured on the cover of the women’s fashion magazine AnAn; eleven people were taken hostage in her organization’s seizure of the French Embassy in The Hague in 1974. Turning to other matters, the ‘Dollar Shock’ that saw the yen revalued to 308 to a dollar may have confirmed Japan’s economic and financial influence, but along with the other Nixon Shock that saw the US President overturn business as usual with the two Chinas, it was all very shocking indeed. Still, there was much to cheer: Elton John, Pink Floyd and Rostropovich all played Osaka. There was also much to fear, particularly for women, eight of whom were gruesomely raped and serially murdered by Ōkubo Kiyoshi, a.k.a. Tanigawa Ivan. There were tragedies to mourn – the crash of a Toa flight en route from Sapporo to Hakodate, all 64 of its passengers and its four crew members dead – and problems to moan about: this was the year of the ‘garbage wars’, which were matched by the launch of the Environment Agency. The year had its moments of reflection, too, as in the Imperial couple’s first ever visit to the Hiroshima Peace Memorial followed by a tour of Europe. And it can’t be forgotten, there was a sexy craze that gripped the nation in paroxysms of lust: in 1971 when women – and men – puffed on a Durban cigarette, they sucked on Alain Delon, that gorgeous French actor with the face of an angel, the face of Durban. Men wore their hair long; the Americans landed on the moon – twice; the Soviets reached Mars; Shinjuku grew taller with the opening of the Keio Plaza Hotel skyscraper; and, as Visconti secured his auteur creden- tials with a Death in Venice, Yoshio Harada embarked on an illustrious career in Japanese film with feature roles in Kantō kanbu kai and Kantō nagare mono. These events and people were the minutiae of the everyday of 1971. Mass- mediated and mass-consumed, they were banal in the detached sensation they effected over and over, and yet all moving and meaningful in their own individual stories; this mediated tedium of daily life could inspire elevated thoughts. This was the background noise of modern existence, facts that might confirm one’s place in the world by adding colour to the journey through an eternal ‘now’ in which survival, daily sustenance and the meaning of life was signified by Osaka’s new sukuranburu kōsaten (scramble crossing),1 and were coded in the slogans of the day: ganbaranakucha (must try hard) and nihon kabushikikaisha (Japan Inc), on the one hand, and fuiiringu (feelings), piisu (peace) and Deisukabaa japan (Discover Japan) on the other. It was a year of no great significance when many significant things happened. There was one other thing, too, that shouldn’t be forgotten. In September,2 a rather queer sort of men’s magazine appeared in Japanese bookstores. This was Barazoku. Like so much of the minutiae that year and every year, it was just another fact cluttering everyday life, but like so much of the minutiae, it was meaningful for some, and for some men, Barazoku was absolutely revolutionary in its call to freedom, autonomy, responsibility, solidarity, beauty and righteousness. This Introduction 3 revolution, the status quo it sought to re-form, some of its key figures, its stories and, most especially, the rank-and-file of men who carried it forward, shaping it in their image and, along the way, shaping themselves, these together form the topic of this history.

Barazoku – the ‘rose tribes’ Japan’s first commercial magazine to cater exclusively tohomo as the ‘Men Who Love Men’ (Barazoku September 1972: 5) were then commonly called, featured a variety of articles, art and erotica by and for these men to celebrate what was a largely hidden desire. Indeed, the name itself declared its intentions, if euphemistically: bara literally meaning ‘rose’ and poetically standing for male same- sex eroticism, combined with zoku or ‘tribe’ to mark the presence of men who desired other men.3 The magazine was an instant success. Rather than being shifted ‘quietly in the hidden corners of small stores’ as had been expected, major booksellers in major Tokyo shopping areas such as Kinokuniya in Shinjuku and Asahiya in the Ginza had agreed to carry ‘this kind of magazine’. The links to the national tōhan and nippan distribution chains of its founder, Dai ni shobō publishing house owner Itō Bungaku (born 19 March 1932), were clearly instru- mental. Sales were not only brisk, but many stores ran out of the five-hundred copies that had been distributed to them almost as soon as they hit the bookshelves (Itō and Fujita 1986: 155; Itō 1971a: 60). By the first anniversary of its publication, Barazoku could claim to be a truly national magazine, being sold in most major cities, and reaching many more readers through postal subscription. Much to the chagrin of Itō, a second-hand trade in the magazine emerged that saw no profits go to the producer but that nevertheless popularized the magazine among even more men (Itō and Abe 1986: 272). Barazoku also became something of a phenomenon in the national tabloid press. Such high-profile attention was a boon to sales, for indeed, it was after the appearance of these articles that the ‘first-rate’ book retailers and department stores increasingly saw the value of stocking its shelves with Barazoku. Nevertheless, sensation fuelled controversy, which in turn escalated into official harassment. Within a month of the debut of the magazine, Itō was fined, incarcerated and ordered to issue a public apology ‘as atonement for [his] wrongdoing’ (Barazoku. net 2001). More ominous yet was the temporary closure and the prohibition of sales of Barazoku due to a series of ‘discrediting incidences’ (ibid.; Itō and Fujita 1986: 156–8). It is not clear exactly what these ‘wrongdoings’ were, nor of what the ‘discrediting incidences’ consisted. Itō does mention a run-in with the police over the depiction of pubic hair in the November 1971 edition, suggesting that attempts were made by the authorities to regulate Barazoku through legal means (Itō 1972b: 60).4 Despite these setbacks, Barazoku appeared on schedule and grew in popu- larity. Not only did sales increase, but the following indicators suggest that the magazine experienced robust growth in its first half-decade of publication. As Figure 1 indicates, the number of pages steadily increased from the seventy of the first issue to the one hundred and seventy of the thirtieth. This was all the more 4 Introduction

350 70

300 60

250 50

200 40

150 30

Number of page s 100 20 Photo inserts (number of pages)

50 10

0 0 Jul (6 ) Mar (4 ) Sep (7) Nov (2 ) Nov (8 ) Jul (12) Jul (30) Dec (S ) May (5 ) May (S ) Apr (27) Oct (21) Jun (29) Feb (25 ) Mar (10) Mar (16) Mar (26) Sep (13 ) Aug (19 ) Sep (20 ) Dec (23 ) Nov (14) July (18) May (11) May (17) May (28) 1975 Jan (S ) 1972 Jan (3 ) 1971 Sep (1) 1973 Jan (9 ) 1974 Jan (15)

Number of pages Photo inserts (number of pages)

Figure 1 Growth of Barazoku – number of pages and photo inserts (1971–5) Note: Figures in parentheses indicate edition number; special editions are indicated by (S). The December 1973 edition was a photograph collection.

significant considering that the magazine became a monthly publication from July 1974 onwards, paper shortages precipitated by the international oil crisis of the previous year notwithstanding. In the first five years of its publication, the magazine was produced using a cheap newsprint-style paper that was sometimes tinted sepia or light blue for the sake of aesthetic variety. The covers were weightier in paper quality, and were printed using bright, eye-catching colours (Fujita 1972c: 94–5). Every edition from the first contained a glossy photograph inset, and as Figure 1 shows, the number of these gradually increased. Initially, black and white, these had largely been replaced by full colour prints by July 1973. Finally, the size of the magazine itself stayed the same at 20.5 cm by 14.5 cm, but from January 1974 onwards, it was bound not by staples but by glue; Barazoku had changed its pamphlet-like appearance for that of a legitimate magazine. Despite an increasingly competitive market, Barazoku continued to be one of Japan’s main publications catering to the men who love men until 2004 when it closed.5 In October 2001, the magazine celebrated its thirtieth year of (continual) publication with the production of its 345th number. Where at one time it was subject to censorship and censure, it had come to be lauded as something of an Introduction 5 institution. In commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the end of the Second World War, the Mainichi Newspaper Company produced an album in 1995 recording each of the preceding fifty years in lists of news events and popular culture, photographs and articles. A small picture of the cover of the first number of Barazoku can be found in the section on 1971, and under the heading ‘Magazines’ next to the entry ‘Suspension of the publication of Life [Magazine]’, there is listed ‘First Issue of Barazoku’ (Nishii 1995: 223, 225). Barazoku had carved out a place for itself in Japanese postwar history.6 It also paved the way for a homo publishing industry to emerge, which as we shall see in Chapter 1, brought together new men with fresh ideas and those who had been active in the articulation of homo interests since the 1950s. Within just over a year of Barazoku’s debut, Minami Teishirō, a newcomer who would go on to become one of Japan’s most prominent gay leaders in the 1980s and 1990s, took his first steps towards a life of activism by producing The Adonis Boy, which was re-issued as Adon in May 1974. Despite the fact that The Adonis Boy was professionally typeset and printed, the number of its pages, which initially totalled just under five, and its newsletter-like appearance gave it an amateurish feel. Nevertheless, this first publishing venture of Minami’s was a valuable testing ground for a variety of projects, which by the time of the launch of Adon, would be revolutionized by ideas emanating from the burgeoning Movement for Gay Liberation in the Anglo-American West. Finally there came Sabu, which owed its inspiration to Mishima Gō, a long-time erotic illustrator and former lover of author Mishima Yukio. In direct contrast to ‘the pretty namby-pamby design’ of Barazoku, Sabu expressly catered to a homo sado-masochist market. Through the extreme and often violent sex it presented, it celebrated visceral masculinity, the bodily smells, sticky pherom- onal wetness and wild physicality – which is not to say a smooth, toned and tempered musculature – of the osu, the male of the species for whom body hair and the pumping up of pain to the extreme to realize ecstasy are the ideals (June 1984). The homo magazines of the early 1970s not only proved that there was a viable homo market, but that it had great potential to evolve and grow. Without doubt, the success of Barazoku and the magazines that followed was due in no small part to the entrepreneurial skill and luck of their founders. Yet it would be wrong to explain the achievement of the homo publishing industry in the early 1970s simply in terms of product novelty on the part of the consumer, and business nous and the motivating power of profit on the part of the producers. As we shall see, men like Itō, Minami and many others such as Barazoku second-in-command Fujita Ryū were fired by an idealistic hope to improve the lot and enrich the lives of homo in Japan, which did not necessarily take the form of gay rights. For many like Minami and Fujita, this hope ran like a thread through a long evolution of thinking and acting, some of which was forged in the very public view of late 1950s and early 1960s civic activism and some of which was explored furtively in underground homo societies. In this sense, the future that the homo magazine industry promised to open up took the form, in part, of a culmination that brought together a whole lot of disparate voices. The resulting din was not necessarily any more coherent, but its significance should not be underestimated since its vibrancy stimulated the 6 Introduction imaginations of its readership, inspiring literally thousands of men to add their voices to their pages. Consumers of the magazines became their producers; a public of private individuals – a community of sorts – emerged in the dialogue that had been fomented. We could choose any year or set of years, to be sure, to get an idea of the shape of this dialogue, but the first editions of each of the magazines in those first years following 1971 effect a unique moment. FromBarazoku ’s inaugural issue to the introduction of Sabu, which, along with Adon to a lesser extent, sees homo consumers segmented into niches, we are presented with a market that is undiffer- entiated; it welcomes men from all backgrounds and experiences, its only defining feature was the love of men by men. What is revolutionary about 1971 in Japan is not necessarily what made 1969, for example, in the United States where, in the founding moment of the Movement for Gay Rights and Liberation so the story goes, gays from right across the nation took to the streets to resist homophobic bigotry and challenge the homophobia of institutional authority. Japan was not immune to that movement, but homo perhaps wanted other things. What is revolutionary, therefore, is that many of these other things came to be voiced in one venue. Thousands of individual stories, concerns, memories, hopes and desires from right across the early to mid postwar era are in some ways encapsulated in the pages of the homo magazines. In those pages, men might discover that they were not alone in their love of men, and their lives might be transformed momentarily in meaningful ways. Some of these moments when men put pen to paper to write themselves into being are the focus of this history. The essays, stories, letters, art, personal ads and other contributions they wrote reveal much about how the love of men by men was imagined, valued, represented and constructed by homo and non-homo alike, as well as all those people in between, the homo-curious, homo part-timers, homo lovers and homo haters. They give us clues to ways in which male–male desire is configured when politics, ideas and ideologies are mixed with sex, and when race and class are viewed through the lens of culture, history and the nation. Homo-phobia, homo politico-ideological movings and the Japanese postwar post-colonial representations of homo as written about by the official producers of the homo and some earlier homo-related magazines, these are the histories we encounter in Part 1. Part 2 shifts the historical focus away from the official producers to the unofficial ones, the readership. Here, we focus on the personal ads where men seek with other men acquaintance, sex, activities, camaraderie, friendship and love. In the revolutionary moment of 1971 and thereabouts, men didn’t simply contribute little ditties about jocks and hardons. They composed sometimes expansive worlds by describing themselves, their height, weight and age; the things they like to do; their jobs, education and marital status; the things they are proud of; their memories, fears and hopes; the kind of sex they fantasize about; and of course, their ideal man. Individually, each of the ads is a kind of confession, an unfolding of the private self to an audience of men that through the ostensible goal of ‘seeking’, one in fact explored his own sense of manly self in a will to know and feel, to be. Together, this confessional of the personal ads raises a cacophony of voices, a panoply of sounds each representing memories, narratives and desires drawn from lifespans that cut across the mid-twentieth century. The result is a chorus that sings about the erotics, ethics and aesthetics of manliness. Introduction 7 Two decades of homo history In July 1985, Barazoku reached a milestone with the publication of its one- hundred-and-fiftieth edition. Reflecting on the success the magazine had experienced, Professor Abe Masaji of Kokugaku University quipped to the magazine’s founder who was also a long-time friend: ‘It might seem strange speaking about the future like this, but for example, one-hundred years from now, I think there will likely be people who write about this [magazine] Barazoku as a topic of proper scholarly research’ (Itō and Abe 1986: 276). Abe didn’t have to wait quite so long. Just four years later, the English version of Watanabe Tsuneo’s survey of homosexuality in Japan, The Love of the Samurai, credited the magazine as acting as part of the ‘central nervous system’ of a homosexual world in ‘perpetual evolution’ (Watanabe and Iwata 1989: 133).7 Watanabe’s study is something of an oddity that incongruously brings together a number of approaches including the cultural, sexual–political and psychological. In fact, as the historical record is beginning to show, Watanabe was not alone in his scholarly interests. Homosexuality as a historical and sociological topic of informed discussion had appeared from the beginning of the post-Allied Occupation era. For example, erudite discussions on the subject of men loving men appeared alongside erotic literature and images in the pages of private members’ club journals such as Adonisu no kai (Adonis Club) as well as in the underground culture of the fūzoku zasshi.8 Occasionally, one might also find serious intellectual discussion in mainstream magazines such as Gendai Shisō, for example, the 1980 ‘Special Issue = Homosekushuaru [Homosexual]’. Full-length dedicated works on male homosexuality could also be found, for example Ōta Tenrei’s psycho- analytically-informed Dai san no sei (The Third Sex, 1957), Akiyama Masami’s handbook of homosexuality, Homo-tekunikku (Homo Techniques, 1968) and Tōgō Ken’s vocal attempts to reclaim the homophobic epithet okama (faggot) in his Zatsumin no ronri (Logic of the Heretics, 1979) and his magazine Za Ken. Not that these constituted a coherent lineage. Rather, their disparate concerns, target audiences and approaches formed a much more amorphous textual presence, what might be understood as a loose network of discursive articulations as we shall see in Chapter 1.

Beyond hybridity – a ‘third space’ of men? There is something compelling about Watanabe’s quirky study, since in many ways, it – inadvertently perhaps – sits at some important junctures in the emergence of the study of Japanese homosexuality.9 The first concerns Watanabe’s attempt to situate Japan within a global context. Deploying the cultural capital of Greek antiquity, he first alerts his reader to a ‘true corpus’ of ‘erotic pedagogy’ – the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century shudō writings extolling the male love of boys – that he views as comparable to paederasty in the civilization of ancient Greece (Watanabe and Iwata 1989: 11, 113). That this tradition was ‘abandoned, neglected and finally forgotten’ by many twentieth-century Japanese, and that it remained largely unknown to people in the West are problems explained, in 8 Introduction part, in terms of transnational contact and trends on a global scale. According to Watanabe, the indigenous development of capitalism from the eighteenth century that fused with industrialization in the Meiji-era programme of Westernization a century later was expressed in terms of a strict mind–body dualism: the former – ‘an active, invisible and disembodied spirit’ – was associated with men, and the latter – ‘bodily existence’ – became the exclusive domain of women (ibid.: 121, 130). This dualism removed the possibility of male corporeal beauty as well as androgyny both of which he understands were central to premodern homosexuality. Modernity was from its outset structured as anti-homosexual. Watanabe’s theorization of modernity never advances much beyond a basic schematic according to which the mobilization of sex and regulation of gender by the state are little more than implied, with contradictory effect.10 On the one hand, his suggestion is of value that modernization is concomitantly a locally and globally emergent set of processes. He explains modernity, for example, in terms of a growing influence in the eighteenth century of a Japanese bourgeoisie, and the negotiation of foreign elements such as the re-introduction of Christianity in the nineteenth century (ibid.: 124). On the other hand, when it comes to anti- homosexual attitudes that oblige Japanese homosexuals to hide their orientation, Watanabe adheres to a trajectory that assumes globalizing convergence with the West:

There is in Japan … no gay movement professing a clear ideology such as exists in the United States and in the countries of Europe … In any event, Japanese seem to be evolving, little by little, towards a more tolerant and liberal attitude. (ibid.: 133).

This sexual–political narrative that is directed towards eventual Western-style tolerance of homosexuality anticipates an important development in Japanese gay studies whose scholarship is infused by aspiration for social change in what might be broadly identified as an activist or liberationist approach: for example, Jissensuru sekushuariti edited by Kazama, Vincent and Kawaguchi (1998) and published by Occur, one of Japan’s main gay activist organizations, which, in various forms, can trace its lineage back to the early 1970s Gay Movement- inspired activities of men such as Minami Teishirō; or Fushimi Noriaki’s Gei to iu keiken (The Gay Experience, 2002), whose important encyclopaedic compen- dium, which includes the first postwar history of gay Japan, is directed towards ‘the popularization of the gay movement and the establishment of a gay community’ (Fushimi 2002: 69). Of particular note is the appearance of the Japanese ‘coming out’ story: for instance, Queer Japan translated and edited by Barbara Summerhawk, Cheiron McMahill and Darren McDonald (1998); or Coming Out in Japan by Itō Satoru and Yanase Ryūta (2001). In Queer Japan from the Pacific War to the Internet Age (2005a), Mark McLelland develops the most comprehensive historical survey to date of homosexuality in postwar and contemporary Japan. Building upon Male Homosexuality in Modern Japan (2000), his earlier textual-plus-ethnographic study of the 1990s Introduction 9 where he explores the media images that individuals negotiate to form a distinctive Japanese experience, he critically interrogates the objectifying gaze of (Western-inspired) sexual liberationist approaches. Deconstructing the translators’ commentaries provided by Summerhawk in Queer Japan and Francis Conlan, the translator of Coming Out in Japan, as examples of this approach, he argues that translation as a politics of representation often betrays a highly problematic ethnocentric logic of Western superiority (McLelland 2005a: 5–7).11 In so doing, he demonstrates that there is good reason to argue against a simplistic model of globalization that imagines a largely unidirectional flow of influence from the ‘West’ to the ‘Rest’ (Robins 1997: 245), a process of Americanization, of cultural convergence and, in the case of postwar Japanese homosexuality, of social evolution from a Babel-like diversity to socially enlightened uniformity along a journey towards universal politicized sexual liberation (McLelland 2005a: 7). Not only does this modernist evolutionary teleology fail to account for the very real varia- tion in experience that emerges as a result of individuals’ negotiations of locally emergent modernities as many scholars including McLelland have demonstrated in the context of sexuality in Asia.12 But, from a moral perspective concerning the politics of representation, it reinforces a colonialist binary logic in which the West is defined as modern, civilized and enlightened, as opposed to the indigenous which is always and already traditional, awkward in its assumption of progress and as a result, an ideal subject of Western tutoring. In spite of itself, the liberationist model can sometimes serve to silence the very voices it seeks to amplify, in this case, Japan’s homosexuals.13 By privileging historical and cultural diversity, McLelland is able to demonstrate how Japanese society and culture define a context for the production of sexual meaning that is at once distinctive from yet related to happenings in the West. To the extent that he defines modernity as a process of ‘hybridization’ (2005a: 95) and an on-going negotiation of local and Western dating back to the Meiji period, his ‘genealogical approach’ (ibid.: 8) demonstrates why a simplistic and un-critical application of a global liberationist model is inadequate. Although ‘hybridization’ as a descriptive tool is useful, it remains under- developed as a historical dynamic since, in practice, the twin poles of ‘Japan’ and ‘West’ are largely maintained, with the local practices of the former often defined and valued in terms of how they diverge from and/or pre-date the American and European latter. For example, he explains that the labels gei and rezu, which appeared in Japanese popular media long before they did in the United States, do not easily map onto the contemporary ‘ethnic model’ of sexual identity found in the West (ibid.: 94). Certainly, the rhetorical and logical strategy which highlights difference through ‘hybridization’ in an effort to de-centre notions of Western authenticity – hence primacy – is useful. Nevertheless, it also risks the establishment of a counter-narrative that merely reverses the historiographical logic of the liberationist model to deflect its universalizing gaze. This is not necessarily problematic, except that it occludes an important aspect of the Japanese postwar experience, namely, the degree to which Japanese modernity is fundamentally the modernity of an advanced industrialized and late-capitalist situation for which ‘West’ and ‘Japan’ become less salient as a 10 Introduction division, particularly in the accelerated deepening of this situation in the 1960s and 1970s. Indeed, the resounding impact in Europe, Anglo-America and Japan of Herbert Marcuse, Freudian–Marxist love-child of 1968, for example, is surely not coincidental, and the conceptualization of sex he inspired amongst his Japanese homosexual readership must be understood as much in terms of men’s local contexts as their global membership. Certainly, as McLelland argues, there was no Stonewall Revolution, an ‘iconic event that represents a turning point (no matter how imaginary)’ (ibid.: 8), but many homosexual men did embark on a journey of liberation, which took the form of autonomy, subjecthood and democracy, concepts defining a sense of postwar held throughout the industrialized nations. We shall return to this in Chapters 1 and 2. But that is not all, since Japan’s advanced industrialized and late-capitalist modernity was also, in its integration into the Pax Americana, a postwar that was simultaneously post-colonial and neo-colonial. In this sense, hybridity doesn’t simply describe transcultural interaction and influence, a mixing of ‘West’ and a Japanese ‘Rest’ ambiguously to blur authentic origins. This ‘Third Space’ is exaggeratedly ambivalent since the will to find a quantity of solace in a ‘sense of the historical identity of culture as a homogenizing, unifying force, authenticated in an originary Past, kept alive in the national tradition of the People’ (Bhabha 1994: 54) – that is, Japanese-ness – becomes all the more urgent and elusive precisely because of Japan’s compromised political, social, cultural and at times, sexual sovereignty. Throughout the postwar, mimesis and the adulation of the Euro-American West more generally is never far from mimicry and resistance against the United States, in particular. This is especially so when it comes to the post-colonial racial hierarchy that holds out the prospect of male–male Japanese–Western equality even as the neo-colonial one imposes a glass ceiling to impress how not quite white Japanese men are. By the end of the period under consideration here, the mid-1970s, the early postwar promise of democracy flickers away into a menacing misogyny, racism and parochial nationalism that, for some, is expressed in the forgetting of the horrible vision of Japanese imperial aggression and war. The early to mid postwar isn’t simply a case of a ‘hybridized’ ‘West’–’Rest’, but every other configuration possible: ‘West’-to-‘Rest; ‘Rest’-to-‘West’; ‘Rest’-as-‘West’; ‘West’-imagined-as- ‘Rest’; ‘Rest’-with-‘Rest’; ‘Rest’-like-‘West’; ‘Rest’-likes-‘West’; ‘West’-loves- ‘Rest; ‘West’-fucks-‘Rest’; ‘Rest’-fucks-‘Rest’; ‘Rest’-no-‘Rest’; ‘Rest’-no-‘West’, and so on; these are the convoluted and contradictory configurations of emotions and imaginations that shape homosexual hybridity in Japan’s postwar post-colonial/ neo-colonial. Just as hybridization as a concept occludes as much as it reveals when the relationship between Japan and the West that modernity describes is considered, so too does McLelland’s strict positioning of homosexuality – the main lens through which subjectivity is viewed – similarly circumscribe our understanding of how sex and gender generate multi-layered and, often contradictory, meanings. Of course, the topic of McLelland’s books is homosexuality. In the case of homo subculture and so-called ‘masculine-oriented’ homosexuality, these two studies effectively chart and explain the development of this media history. Nevertheless, important questions remain. To what extent was the homo subculture also constructed Introduction 11 as a ‘sub-altern’ culture, whose participants singularly identified themselves and were represented as outside hegemonic power structures? Put differently, is male homosexual desire wholly self-referential; is it imagined, experienced, understood and portrayed exclusively in terms of men sexually loving men with little or no reference to other cultural and social contexts? Of course, the answer is no. Men desired and made love as ‘men’ but this then raises the thorny issue of what constitutes ‘masculine-oriented’ homosexuality. McLelland provides some evocative examples: American physique culture; author Mishima Yukio and the artist he inspired, Mishima Gō; fundoshi loincloths; and nanshoku (premodern male– male eroticism; 2005a: 133–4, 135–8, 140, 150–4). These link together to form an idiosyncratic image of erotic hyper-masculinity in which each of these elements individually and together signify muscularity, virility and, in some cases, tradi- tionalistic and violent martial valour. It is an image that corresponds with many of the ‘fantasy figures’ McLelland identifies in his study of 1990s gay magazines – the body builder, blue-collar workers, ‘bears’, sportsmen and yakuza gangsters – all of whose libidinal presence is defined through the sexual domination – and often rape – of their junior opposites, the innocent and feminine bishōnen (beautiful young boy) (2000: 134–9; cf. 2005a: 145–8). Although a scan through much of the homo media that emerged in the early 1970s and beyond might suggest the predominance of this image, a closer look reveals a variegated myriad of variations amongst which the hyper-masculine idiom is but one. Furthermore, as McLelland’s examples suggest, hyper-masculinity itself is hardly impermeable; the meanings it generates are contingent upon the cultural and historical contexts which its viewers occupy. I do not intend to suggest an endlessly solipsistic definition of masculinity, but as the chapters that follow argue, the study of male homosexuality can also be a wider study of masculinities, with the former illuminating much about the latter and vice versa. Sexual desire affects and informs a manly sense of self, which, for its part, draws fundamentally on class, race, culture, history and the nation. This much is clear from the many reader contributions, including personal ads which are found in the magazines, that will form the basis of our explorations.

Homo history as an everyday history of men Returning to Watanabe, the second juncture in the emergence of the study of Japanese homosexuality relates to the historiographical approach that his analysis begins to develop in two distinctive ways. The first concerns his attempt to trace a historical outline that could account for the transformation of male homosexuality from a premodern idiom of aesthetic sexual practice and erotic cultivation to a modern designation of individual essential sexual identity. Insofar as he links this development to the demise of bushidō (Way of the Warrior, samurai ethical code), he comes close to suggesting discursive historical change on an epistemic level.14 In this way, his study prefigures the focus that was given in the 1990s to charting a Japanese history of sexuality that attempts to situate sexual articulation and ideas within a dynamic of long-term change: for example, Furukawa Makoto’s (1995) historical typology of ‘codes’, the premodern nanshoku code and the medical- 12 Introduction scientific hentai seiyoku (perverse sexual desire) code; and Gregory Pflugfelder’s (1999) standard-setting and authoritative history of male–male sexuality in Japanese legal, medical and popular discourse from 1600 to 1950. In both cases, historical change is explained in terms of a social constructionist dynamic that shifts the focus away from homosexuality as an essential condition, be it psychological or physiological, towards one that explains sexuality as, in part, an effect or construction of cultural or historical contexts. The significance of this shift cannot be overemphasized, since crucially, it conceptually decoupled homosexuality from normative historical understandings of Japanese modernization. For instance, the logic underpinning the conflation of individual psycho-sexual health with the psycho-social well-being of nations that studies of scholars like Ōta or Doi Takeo (1983) in his Anatomy of Dependence posited could henceforward be treated as a contestable form of knowledge, truthful only within a certain historiographical paradigm. Put another way, the psycho-historical evaluation of homosexuality was simply a discourse produced through the lens of mid-twentieth century hentai seiyoku knowledge that, in turn, shaped and reflected the concerns of the early to mid postwar era. The decou- pling of homosexuality and modernity by rendering them value-neutral concepts meant that they could now provoke new and complex understandings of short- and long-term historical change. In his study of Natsume Sōseki’s novel Kokoro, for example, Steve Dodd’s literary analysis doubles up as a multi-valent historical treatment that describes the ambiguities which characterized the emergence of a ‘new libidinal economy’. In Kokoro, then, Dodd pinpoints the historical moment when the nation-state intersected with the lives of individuals on a massive, modern scale to re-shape fundamentally peoples’ relationships with their own sex- cum-sexuality (1998: 474–9). This shift also re-positioned homosexuality so that instead of being deployed as a moral measure of the nation, it was integral to understanding the expressions, values and norms of a given society and culture. Like Iwata Jun’ichi before him,15 and whose works The Love of the Samurai celebrated, Watanabe surveyed the heritage of letters and literature, deploying its narrative episodes and diary entries as evidence of social attitudes, cultural practices and sexual desires. Following similar textual approaches, the scholarship of the 1990s grew increasingly sophis- ticated and detailed: in addition to Cartographies of Desire, there was Paul Gordon Schalow’s ‘Male love in early modern Japan’ (1989), Gary Leupp’s Male Colors (1995), Ujiie Mikito’s Bushidō to erosu (1995) and Timon Screech’s Sex and the Floating World (1999). From the moment we learned that in ‘seventeenth-century Japanese culture men were expected sexually to desire both women and boys’ (Schalow 1989: 118), we also saw homosexuality defining dominant forms of masculinity as they intersected with other forms of social position like class and cultural capital such as erotic cultivation. By the time we get to Screech’s visual history, the history of sexuality becomes a history of society and culture. It can also be a history of men and masculinity, which brings us to the second historiographical intervention that Watanabe attempted to make. Consider momentarily his hypothesis that the demise of nanshoku can be observed as a concomi- tant shift towards the identification of beauty with the female body; he calls it the Introduction 13 ‘de-eroticization of the male body’ (Watanabe and Iwata 1989: 130). ‘The formation of the anti-androgyne complex, is for men the tragedy of our civilization’ (ibid.: 132). He continues:

The man is a more androgynous being than the woman; this explains why in ancient civilizations the right to dress in the clothes of the opposite sex and the institutionalization of homosexual behaviour were often accorded only to men. Unconscious wisdom had tacitly discovered the secret that the man has a stronger need to be androgynous than the woman. Having abandoned this precious wisdom, the modern spirit has invented the concept of sexual perversion and produced a society stood on its head … The anti-homosexual attitude of society today thus has deep roots in our modern civilisation. (ibid.: 132–3)

To account for why modern men rejected the ‘wisdom’ embodied in androgyny, Watanabe turns unsatisfactorily to embryology and genetics. The moral judge- ment that is implied in the links he draws between civilization and essential conditions of the sexed male body shares more with early postwar scholars such as Ōta and Doi. Yet, if we leave to the side this medico-social approach to historical change, we are nevertheless left with a crucial prospect, namely, that the history of men and masculinities cannot be rendered separately from a history of men loving men. What is true of premodern culture and society is particularly so for the modern era. As scholars of Japanese masculinities studies have increasingly recognized, it is precisely because the measure of normative masculinity is premised on the rejec- tion of homosexuality in its various forms that homosexuality, in fact, is integral to understanding masculine identity.16 In Writing Sexuality: Heteronormativity, Homophobia and the Homosocial Subject in Modern Japan (2000), Keith Vincent argues just this point. According to him, heteronormativity takes the form of a ‘paranoid homosociality’ that radically separates the platonic if intimate male– male camaraderie inherent to the ‘loving of mankind’ as normal and good from the homosexual ‘loving men’, the fear of which powerfully and effectively enforces homophobic self-surveillance as part of the construction of a heterosexual and masculine subjectivity (ibid.: 13). This abjection occurs throughout the entirety of Japan’s modernity to shape from the outset the very language that men write, society’s notions of health and illness, its postwar fascist politics of culture and the nation itself. Vincent’s study is important. Not only does it represent the first full historical treatment of the question of homophobia in Japan, which seriously and thoroughly explains, in Watanabe’s words, ‘the modern concept of masculinity based on the total negation of bisexuality and androgyny’ (Watanabe and Iwata 1989: 133).17 But, in so doing, Vincent approaches that point where homosexuality ceases to be one facet of masculinities which complicates a history of masculinity, and instead where the history of masculinities begins to be conceived of integrally as a history of homosexuality. It is a powerfully queer move whose insights are generated by the productive intersection of Sedgwick (1990), Hewitt (1996) and Bersani (1995) in the Japanese situation. 14 Introduction Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan is similarly directed towards that point where histories of homosexuality and masculinity blur, where one ceases to be relevant as a discrete compartmentalization from the other. But, rather than adopting the approach of interrogating how and why male same-sex sexual desire occupies the paradoxical position of structuring normative masculine subjectivity even as it is abjected discursively from this subjectivity throughout Japanese modernity, this study considers the question in reverse: can male homosexuality be sufficiently approached as already ejected from manliness, with the modern history of the former is always written in terms of its alterity to the modern history of the latter, a kind of silencing, erasure and denial of the men who love men that generate and maintain an out-of-sight/out-of-mind epistemology of the closet (Sedgwick 1990). Without doubt, homophobia – the ‘homosexual panic’ that secures and normalizes ‘male heterosexual entitlement’ (ibid.: 185) that is otherwise understood as heteronormativity – is a fundamental characteristic of modernity, and the introduction to Part 1 details the expression and articulation of anti-homo sentiment. But, as the experience of modernity also reveals, particularly in its early to mid postwar forms, the men who love men did not automati- cally understand themselves as cast out from society, disinherited from culture, erased from history and dislocated from their place in the nation. To be certain, the reprobated bonds between men who desired other men were signified as else- where in the advanced and late capitalist world, as diseased, perverted, a kind of gender inversion and depraved. They were an affront to jōshiki or ‘common sense’ (Lunsing 2001), that is, the postwar Japanese patriarchal capitalist order of hegemonic, heterosexual masculinity. Yet the sense of self was not necessarily delimited by male–male sexual desire, and in fact, this desire might itself be generated through participation in, belonging to and the feeling of responsibility for society more broadly, which, at the level of interaction, was expressed through friendship and camaraderie, solidarity and intimacy, male bonding, male community and the community of the nation; it was the ‘homosocial spectrum’ potently redefined by the men who love men. Just possibly, when these men represented themselves, they transcended the double bind of the closet18 itself which isn’t to say ‘coming out’. Rather, in many of the textual articulations of self-representation that we shall encounter, particularly the personal ads, it is to overcome through the affirmation of one’s own ethical and aesthetic bodily self the binary oppositions of modernity such as homo-sexual/heterosexual, homosocial/homosexual, masculine/feminine, white/coloured, ‘West’/‘Rest’, youth/maturity and modernity/tradition. Is this book a study about ‘straight-acting’ in which the idea of ‘loving mankind’ sincerely slips into and/or knowingly codes the act of ‘men loving men’? It depends. At the level of men rejecting effeminacy, which is not necessarily to say male–male desire, it is. There are relatively few references to gender ambiguity let alone its desirability and celebration in the homo magazines of the early 1970s that form the basis of this research. The one exception might be to the softer qualities of the bishōnen or ‘beautiful youth’, though as I argue in Chapter 4, these ‘softer qualities’ were hardly indicative of feminized male-ness depending on the context. In this sense, the ‘double bind’ which at once ‘[prescribes] … the most Introduction 15 intimate of male bonding’ and which ‘[proscribes] … “homosexuality”’ as signified by gender ambiguity is clearly in operation (Sedgwick 1990: 186; italics in original). Yet, this ‘passing’ of ‘straight-acting’ can also be considered a strategic deployment of out-of-sight/out-of-mind invisibility that enabled the men who love men not only to negotiate the heteronormative strictures of society and their own desires. Rather, from a certain perspective, discourse and desire merged so that homo was as much about the love of manly men as it was becoming a man. For the most part, despite the furore of 1971 when Barazoku briefly exposed the world of manly men loving manly men to the rest of the world, the logic of out-of-sight/ out-of-mind dominated. So, in this study that posits the history of masculinity written as a history of homosexuality, the objective is not to demonstrate tolerance, acceptance, or the deep penetration of a homo consciousness to effect deep- seated social change on the part of the heterosexual majority. It is to suggest that the heterosexual majority is not always a coherent concept since ‘heterosexuality’ might operate as a signifier of masculinity, in which case, the love of manly men shared something with cross-sex desiring men, rendering the notion of ‘majority’ fluid and permeable. Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan is a historical study of the early to mid postwar era, with a particular focus on the first half of the 1970s. It is based primarily on a textual analysis of primary sources, which includes as its focus the homo magazines of the early 1970s – Barazoku, The Adonis Boy, Adon and Sabu – as well as samplings of earlier publications such as Adonisu no kai from the 1950s and some of the fūzoku zasshi in the two decades following the end of the Allied Occupation in 1952. This study does not aim to provide a comprehensive discourse analysis, although some sections such as the homo magazine buntsūran (personal ads) have been systematically treated. Nor does it constitute a historical survey of the magazines whose key moments might flag for us a linear trajectory with beginning and concluding points that bookend and determine the continuities and transformations contained therein. Instead, it adopts something of a reverse approach, in which a sampling of writings are positioned as historical documents that open up and provide us with a sense of the larger contexts within which these documents might convey meaningful things. To this end, other writings not strictly related to the magazine sampling are included, and the wider historical setting is considered as is the historiography of these settings. The qualification is this: the meaningful things conveyed are not intended to recreate or represent the entirety of the homosexual and manly experience of Japan’s early to mid postwar period. Modernity is a fraught and contradictory process. Desire, beauty, ethics and the body are constructions that are subjectively negotiated, on the one hand, through discourse, ideology, the nation, culture and history. All of these wield the power to discipline an individual, and that in turn, produce masculinity. On the other hand, there is interaction, a dialogue of ideals, communities, memories and personal narratives, which all potentially and potently generate in the individual the will to understand, represent and project oneself, and in the process, manifest manliness. With the emphasis it gives to instances of negotiation, the goal of Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan is less to write a history of sexuality, a chronology 16 Introduction of social conjuncture that records medium-to-long term change and continuity in the discourses of male same-sex desire and masculinities. Instead, we situate ourselves in just one year, 1971, and work outwards from there, moving from one episode to another in an attempt to understand the various meanings that the experience of men loving men generated, and what it meant to be manly. In 1971, many voices of homo in Barazoku were made audible to cause something of a kafuffle. We consider a selection of these voices ranging from the rather voluble whispers and murmurs of some who sought to objectify and vilify homo, as well as the producers of the homo magazines who sought to co-ordinate the articulations of homo and give rise to a new public of private individuals. There are some storytellers and image-creators, and most crucially, the thousands of homo men themselves who give us a glimpse into an expansive world of desires, the most conspicuous of which were the desire not to be lonely and the desire to be manly and therefore worthy. The homo magazines as some of Japan’s first lifestyle magazines could be many things to many people – political manifesto, entertainment listing, discussion forum, fashion guide, a venue to make friends and meet lovers, confession box and an aid to one-handed frictional reading – but for whatever purpose they were used, they enabled people to imagine and act out a style or styles of their life, cultivate a feeling – if often amorphously – of homo community or, more precisely, manly solidarity. This history of episodes, then, is a history of individuals coming together. But not just any individuals, since these men seized an opportunity to write. Whether it was for the liberation of homo, the adoration of American muscles, the memoriali- zation of violence and aggression and, more often than not, simply to think about oneself and other men, writing was a momentous act. Through reflection on one’s own life that the homo ‘movings’ provoked in the revolutionary moment of 1971 and thereabouts, memories and narratives worked on each other to metamorphose banal and mundane daily existence into an aesthetics and ethics of being. History and memory converge, culture and imagination spark one another while the nation and body might merge; the self is perceived and in the moment of awareness, it could become a locus of beauty and rightness and effect oneness with one’s manly self, and oneness with manly others. Insofar as this history regards the writings of these men less as records that preserve their thoughts to be later excavated archaeologically and, rather, more as dynamic articulations through which present and past conjure each other, it shares with Harry Harootunian’s approach to a ‘cultural history of memory’, one that is ‘concerned less with the event structure and its telling than it is with the traces supplied by those who could recall a lived experience at the moment it was occurring’ (2000: 17, 20).

Homosexuality – power and potency In the two decades following the publication of The Love of the Samurai, the historical study of homosexuality in Japan has expanded significantly. In 1989, when Watanabe introduced his history to an English-speaking audience, very little was known. Although Margaret Childs (1980) had opened up the Buddhist literary tradition of acolyte love to Japan specialists a decade earlier, the one-and- Introduction 17 a-half pages in Greenburg’s ethnology that was given to explaining Japanese male homosexuality in the one thousand years from the Heian period (794–1185) to, presumably, the 1868 demise of the Tokugawa bakufu (shogunal government), was probably more indicative (Greenburg 1988: 260–1).19 By 2009, by contrast, a corpus of work had emerged which provided us with an overall historical narrative of change in the conceptions of homosexuality from the premodern period to Japan at the turn of the millennium. This narrative was, in fact, composed of many stories, interwoven, contradictory and often incomplete. These narratives, which were assembled from a close reading of texts and which reflected a desire to transmit as far as possible the spirit of their inspiration and the contexts that helped shape their possible meanings, enabled us not only to appreciate the discursive and textual production of homosexuality; we also gained insight into Japanese society and culture more broadly. We began to see how local history complicated and re-moulded global history, and in the process, the project of writing history deflected the apparently benign but, in reality, silencing gaze of Orientalists. Finally, it suggested that the division between majority and minority was arbitrary: modernity was meaningful only because of the homosexual, all the more so if the epistemology of the closet was regarded not simply as an effect of heteronormativity but also its active deployment by each and every individual everyday. At which point, the conceptual boundaries demarcating what homosexuality means begin to break down. Some definitions are in order. First: homosexuality. At one level, Iuseit neutrally to refer to ‘the construction of erotic desires and practices between males’ (Pflugfelder 1999: 4). This is the way Pflugfelder describes ‘male–male sexuality’, and it is very similar to Lim’s notion of homosexuality as ‘the expression of sexual desire between men’ (2006: 7). As a kind of default position, these definitions signal that, as Lim reminds us, homosexuality is not an essential quality, but an ‘expression and construct determined by social, economic, political, cultural, historical, ideological, and discursive forces’. He continues, ‘it is not what [it is] but how [it has] been constructed, spoken of, mobilized, by whom, for what purposes, to what audiences, and why that are the crucial questions’ (ibid.: 13). In many of the studies mentioned above, including Watanabe’s, the shadow that Foucault casts is long. At the most general level, the history of homosexuality in Japan has placed at the centre of its agenda, ‘the study of the history of the conditions that made possible the institutional and discursive formation of homosexuality (as well as other “kinds” of sexuality)’ (Halperin 1995: 4). They sometimes interrogate, challenge, amend and manipulate the dichotomy of the premodern ars erotica20 and the modern scientia sexualis,21 and of near-axiomatic value is the historical observation that in Japan as in the West, in the nineteenth century and later, the ‘homosexual’ became a personage,

a past, a case history, and a childhood, in addition to being a type of life, a life form, and a morphology, with an indiscreet anatomy and possibly a mysterious physiology. Nothing that went into his total composition was unaffected by his sexuality. It was everywhere present in him: at the root of all his actions because it was their insidious and indefinitely active principle; 18 Introduction written immodestly on his face and body because it was a secret that always gave itself away. It was consubstantial with him, less as a habitual sin than as a singular nature. … we must not forget that the psychological, psychiatric, medical category of homosexuality was constituted from the moment it was characterized. (Foucault 1990a: 43)

So was the concept of modernity, which ensured that the appearance of the homosexual was a global affair in many ways, as Watanabe, Pflugfelder, Vincent and many others powerfully argue. Of course, modernity never stopped being discursive, and if anything, when it came to the homosexual in the early to mid postwar era, it became even more so when, as Foucault observed, ‘homosexuality began to speak in its own behalf’ (ibid.: 101). Indeed, men like Itō, Minami, Fujita and many, many others demanded ‘that its legitimacy or “naturality” be acknowl- edged’ (ibid.: 101). This demand was the initial inspiration for the homo magazines, but as Foucault’s definition of discourse reminds us, it is misleading to think only in terms of a ‘reverse’ discourse: ‘discourse transmits and produces power; it reinforces it, but also undermines and exposes it, renders it fragile and makes it possible to thwart it’ (ibid.). This fragility and the potential to thwart power is what Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan explores. At another level, then, the term homosexuality alerts us to the contrast between the effective power of discourse and the generating potency of dialogue. Power and potency are not deployed here as binary opposites, but while it is recognized that the individual cannot emerge wholly independent of discourse, we should not forget agency. To this end, even as homosexuality may be used neutrally to define male same-sex desire, we must be mindful that this term is originally inscribed by a knowledge that disciplines bodies to produce the modern sexual subject. Distinctive from but not necessarily wholly liberated of the constraints of power is ‘potency’, which, according to Bryan Turner, reflecting on Nietzsche, emphasizes a ‘life-affirming instinct’ according to which our bodily place in the world – the experience of embodiment – is ‘personal and particular, … always unique. Bodies may be governed, but embodiment is the phenomenological basis of individuality’ (Turner 1999: 232, 234). Potency is, therefore and henceforward, signalled by various combinations of ‘man’ and ‘love’, for example, ‘men loving men’, ‘the love of men by men’ and so on. These are admittedly cumbersome and do not lend themselves to easy grammatical manipulation; the noun ‘the love of manly men by manly men’ does not suggest a related adjective. But, in their awkward- ness, they perhaps communicate something of the prosaic quality of everyday life that might be matched by the poetry of love that elevated the everyday of men, to escape momentarily the discourses that act on men through the dialogues that generate manliness. A few more definitions to get us started. Homo: an abbreviated form of homosekushuaru or ‘homosexual’, homo was the most common and popular term used to designate male–male sexuality in the magazines sampled here because of its flexible meaning and usage. It could identify people, carrying with it the notion of an innate sexual orientation and essential identity, for example, watashi wa homo Introduction 19 dēsu or ‘I’m [a] homo’ (Fujita 1971a: 24). It worked in addition as a noun that referred to an act, for example, homo o oshierareta n desu, ‘I was taught homo’, which depending on the context could also mean ‘I was taught anal sex’. It could also be grammatically manipulated to become an adjectival modifier as inhomo no hitotachi (homo people) or homo no michi (the way of homo), a compound noun such as homo taiken (homo experience) and homo jinkō (homo population), and even a verb as in the following sentence Boku wa itsumo homoru toki (Whenever I do homo) (Baba 1972a: 9, 11, 13; Baba 1972b: 5, 10). Finally, homo more than any other word in currency at the time, was creative and fun. Consider the word homodachi (Hori 1972: 81), which combines homo and tomodachi (friend) to mean ‘homo-friend’. Homosekushuaru and its abbreviation homo were foreign in origin and appeared always in the katakana script used for writing non-Japanese words, or more occasionally the Roman alphabet. Today as in the Anglo-American West, homo is used pejoratively as an ‘out-group designation’ to refer to and discriminate against men who love men (McLelland 2000: 9; Valentine 1997: 100–1). But by the late 1960s and early 1970s, it appears that homo had come into general usage (Itō and Fujita 1986: 155), and far from being a term of derision, it carried at least neutral if not at times positive connotation as will be discussed in Chapter 1. Gei: the term gei was almost exclusively used to describe male–male sexuality within the context of the mizu shōbai (the homo-sexual and heterosexual world of bars, coffee shops, sex clubs, prostitution and entertainment). A transliteration of ‘gay’, it was introduced into Japan in the immediate-to-early postwar period by American soldiers stationed in Japan during the Allied Occupation (1945–2; McLelland 2005a: 9, 94–5, 101, 104). Although widely used today to refer to male homosexuality in general, it had not escaped its association with commercial entertainment by the 1970s with the result that it referred less to an identity or orientation, and usually appeared in combination with nouns such as ‘gei bōi’, a male prostitute in the early prewar era (McLelland 2004; Valentine 1997: 100). In this study, gei makes an appearance only rarely and almost always in the context of the gei bā or ‘gay bar’. Dōseiai: composed of the kanji characters for ‘same’, ‘sex’ and ‘love’, dōsaiai might seem to be the appropriate translation for ‘male–male sexuality’. In fact, it is a historically loaded term that is difficult to deploy neutrally, leaning in meaning instead towards ‘homosexuality’ as an (essential) sexual identity and orientation. In the magazines of the early 1970s, it is occasionally seen and usually within a formal and/or analytical context. Premised on an understanding of sexuality in terms of the biological ‘polarity of gender’, its definition was dependent on its binary opposite, iseiai, ‘cross-sex love’ or heterosexuality (Pflugfelder 1999: 251–4; Furukawa 1995: 245–6) and was, as such, steeped in medico-scientific formalism. Nanshoku: euphemistically translating to ‘male eroticism’ and derived from ancient Chinese and Buddhist notions of desire (Pflugfelder 1999, 24–5), nanshoku is an overarching term that refers less to one unchanging and mono- lithic tradition than a variety of styles of male–male love that were eclectic as a result of centuries of evolution. Although the variety of its expression renders any simple definition impossible, one thread gives unity to the concept. Namely, 20 Introduction nanshoku in all eras organized sexual desire according to an age-stratified hierarchy. Whether it involved a samurai lord and his loyal retainer, or a kagema prostitute and his paying customer in the merchant quarters of Edo, or possibly in the postwar context, a younger man seeking his ideal dad or an older man wishing for a relationship with a younger man, the nanshoku relationship idealized the bonds linking an older and younger man.

Liberty, equality, fraternity, pornography – the homo revolution If the early record of the homo publishing industry is anything to go by, one would certainly be forgiven for assuming that the first half of the 1970s was set for the emergence of a fully-fledged movement for homo liberation in Japan centred on the new genre of the homo magazine. Barazoku and Dai ni shobō not only flourished, but the market it had pioneered expanded with the appearance of The Adonis Boy in 1972, Adon in 1974 and Sabu later that same year. By mid-decade, it seemed that everything was coming up roses, so much so that Fujita described the homo world in terms of yoake – a ‘new dawn’ – kakumei – a ‘revolution’ – and kaihō – ‘liberation’ (Fujita 1986: 304). In fact, the early optimism of the magazines’ leaders appears to have been misplaced. A hegemonic gay movement such as is seen in the societies of the Anglo- American and northern-European West is mirrored in Japan neither in numbers of members nor socio-political influence. More to the point, the magazines of the homo būmu of the early 1970s, while long-lasting, have nonetheless disappeared. The assessment of scholars has tended to reflect the decline of thehomo magazine, and as time passes, increasingly pessimistic appraisals concerning their influence have come to predominate. We have already come across Watanabe’s mixed assessment of the homo magazines which, in spite of acting as ‘a sort of “central nervous system” for the homo world’, failed to change the situation in which homosexuals are still obliged to hide (Watanabe and Iwata 1989: 133). Fushimi and McLelland a decade later were equally qualified in their assessments. According to the former, the magazines may have helped to effect the dōseiai no taishūka, or the ‘mass popularization of homosexuality’, but because this social trend was wholly commercially-based with gei networks consisting mainly of gei bars and cruising clubs, its influence to raise awareness amongst gays and society at large was strictly limited (Fushimi 2002: 194). A similar conclusion is reached by McLelland who emphasizes the largely sexual nature and, as a result, the limited potential of the magazines:

Gay identity, such as it is fostered by these media, revolves primarily around participating in, albeit vicariously, a variety of same-sex genital interactions. Gay media in Japan do not, on the whole, address issues of lifestyle and tend to avoid discussion of homosexuality in terms of legal reform or human rights – issues which take up considerable space in gay media in Europe and the United States. (McLelland 2000: 127) Introduction 21 Commercial or sexual, many agree that the homo magazine that first emerged in the early 1970s amounted to little more than ‘porn’ (Fushimi 2002: 194; McLelland 2000: 32). On first consideration, it seems to be a fair assessment. Certainly, a quick perusal of Barazoku in its later years would find the reader confronted with graphic sexual representation visually and textually throughout the majority of the magazine. Yet, the limited and even pejorative valuation of the erotic is problematic. In the case of Fushimi, for example, a direct link is insinuated between the proliferation of commodified sex as represented by the magazines and the persistence ofhomo - phobia. McLelland whose queer-theory background finds him less dogmatic about conceptions of sexual identity, nevertheless makes an association between the predominance of sex in the magazines and the negligible contribution they make to promoting socio-political gay identity. With their focus on sexual gratifi- cation, the homo magazines as porn do little for the advancement and betterment of homo, particularly when compared to foreign magazines such as Advocate and Gay Times (2000: 139). To be fair, I am being overly fussy about works that are seminal to the development of gay studies in Japan. Importantly, both help to set a useful research agenda by raising two questions fundamental to an understanding of the history of male–male sexuality in the postwar era. The first concerns the homo magazines themselves. Can they be considered an unchanging medium and therefore an uninterrupted link to the present? Certainly, with unbroken publication runs beginning in the early 1970s and continuing at least up to the mid-1990s, they do represent a form of historical continuity with the result that, from the retrospective perspective, they are easily regarded only as facts of contemporary culture rather than as artefacts of history as well. As this book indicates, however, the magazines sampled here, and especially those of Itō and Minami, are in their early years reflective of a unique moment in the first half of the 1970s. From their debut and throughout their first years, they were designed and presented as forums where both the producers and readers could engage with each other to give voice to their ideas and feelings, visions and hopes. They encouraged experimentation and eclecticism to reflect and evolve according to the everyday histories of a multitude of individuals. This is important because methodologically it premises the long-term historical narrative on a particularistic approach. The passage that is recorded in the pages of the homo magazines may be an unbroken one from their origins to their decline and/or demise. But the meaning of this passage, far from being defined in terms of their final years, is only uncovered when it is retraced step by step and all its bends, forks, hills and junctions are understood within the myriad social, cultural, political and international contexts that shaped them. With its focus on the very first years of their publication, the goal of Homosexuality and Manliness in Postwar Japan is to define the point of embarkation of this passage and suggest some of the trajectories initially guiding it. Which brings us to the second question. What influence might the magazines have had at the time of their inception on homo as sex, identity, culture and society? When the infamous cross-dressing celebrity/politician Tōgō Ken referred 22 Introduction to Japan’s barazoku as the inka shokubutsu or ‘the plants that live in the shade’, he vividly captured the atmosphere of the homo world throughout much of the early postwar era. Hidden away in the nightclubs and bars of major cities, articulated in the amateur publications of small and secret dōjin (common interest) clubs, and practised surreptitiously in park and train station toilets known euphemistically as the jimusho or ‘the office’, the culture of the manly men who love manly men largely existed in a shadowy world that was diffuse and unconnected, a world that was barely perceived but nonetheless often despised by the society of ‘common sense’. Yet the shroud of silence that enabled some to pursue their desires largely undetected, trapped many others around the nation. For these men, the silence was interpreted as a dark nothingness: there were no other men to love and there were no men who might love them. Loneliness for some became a form of self-loathing because their desire was, as far as they were aware, utterly unique, contrary to society, abnormal and therefore detestable. The homo magazines of the early 1970s, then, must have been a truly explosive experience for some. The unbridled enthusiasm characterizing the writings of Itō and Minami and a good number of the ads in the buntsūran certainly suggest as much. For a brief instant, the barazoku emerged from the shadows to blossom, nourished by the knowledge that one was not and need not be alone; the garden of the ‘plants that grow in the shade’ was briefly illuminated for all to see. Some were shocked into an anti-homo panic, but many others were welcomed from all across the nation, and the world of homo perhaps acquired a sense of focus and optimism in the months following August 1971. Nowhere is this hope more in evidence than in the buntsūran. With few models and rules to follow, the only limits that bound men when they wrote their ads were their own creativity and energy. Not every- body took up the challenge of course, and increasingly as each subsequent column was published month after month, structures and styles hardened to box ads into conventionality; and, perhaps as a result of experience and hearsay, caution over one’s own prospects seems to have drifted in like a thick fog to dampen the initial optimism. Many others did, however, devote time to crafting a self-portrait of meticulous detail and evocative imagery, whose elements evidence forethought and imagination. Life became art in this fleeting moment when the buntsūran were truly novel, a moment that was perhaps characterized by an honesty in the faith that the ads could really help one find intimacy. The time around 1971 does not appear to have irrevocably changed the situation for the men who loved men. In the years that followed, silence would re-emerge and the garden would again grow dim: many bars and clubs remained secretive; dōjin magazines continued to appear and vanish; the ‘offices’ of the nation heaved with activity as they always had; and the homo magazines of the early 1970s, far from acting as some sort of vehicle to lead homo to a brighter place, themselves blended into the shadow culture of homo. There was perhaps a difference however. The garden never again fell into complete darkness because the original purpose of the magazines to let men know that they were not alone was never undermined. Moreover, the potent sense of revelation that many experienced when they first encountered Barazoku and other homo magazines was repeated for individuals in each successive generation (for example, see interviews in McLelland 2000). Introduction 23 Revelation and a sense of manly solidarity – rentaikan – was achieved not just once but over and over. Rentaikan is a curious expression since, although it appears to define a social sensibility and cultural aspiration, it took on a distinctive meaning in the historical conjuncture of 1971 and thereabouts to define the homo ‘movings’ in profoundly individual terms. Premised on the sense of normality that rentaikan fostered, men turned inwards and potently negotiated discourses concerning the body, age, gender, sexuality and the nation as they explored who they were and the kind of man they wanted to become. In the gay movement overseas, by contrast, this same process of subjectifica- tion resulted in what might be identified as the ‘collectivization of subjectivity’, that is, the formation of a group identity after individuals made the determination to become the meaningful subject of their own experiences (Halperin 1990: 43). When the homo ‘movings’ of the early 1970s are compared with the gay movement in the societies of the West, it appears that very little happened. True, homo as homo didn’t become socially or politically powerful. But as this study will argue, homo as men stepped out of history momentarily when they confessed themselves into subjectivity to become ethical and aesthetic subjects. Far from being of negligible importance, the homo magazines and the eroticism they celebrated in their pages were fundamental to men’s identities since the language that was used to explore desire and find love was the same as the language of the body and the self. This book approaches the history of manliness and homosexuality in the twentieth century by looking at one small but unique moment at the very centre of its postwar period. It explores the homo magazines, which to date have not been considered in depth, in order to spark a debate about the nature of male–male desire and manly identity. In conducting a textual analysis, however, this study does not represent a history just of discourses. Rather, my ultimate goal is to consider how individuals actively engage with society, culture, and history to negotiate desire and love in a will to be. In 1971 and thereabouts, something quite revolutionary occurred. Some of the barazoku broke the silence that had enveloped them. They were sometimes ebul- lient in their hope and at other times mad with indignation, but whatever form it took, their message was unprecedented and potent. With clarity and simplicity, they said, ‘I’m here’.

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