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Home , Homogamy (sociology), Husband, Incest taboo, Joy Browne

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WHAT IS MARRIAGE?

INCEST AND

EXPLAINING THE OURSELVES Although Tabooed, understanding Does Happen Instinctive Horror ccording to the radio talk show psy- they may be mistreated by their husband or

chapter outline Biological Degeneration chologist (and undergraduate an- in-laws, including the -in-law. Attempt and Contempt thropology major) Dr. Joy Browne, In contemporary North America, although Marry Out or Die Out A ’ job is to give their kids neither women nor men typically have to adjust “roots and wings.” Roots, she says, are the eas- to in-laws living nearby full-time, confl icts with ier part. In other words, it’s easier to raise chil- in-laws aren’t at all uncommon. Just read “Dear dren than to let them go. Has that been true of Abby” or listen to Dr. Joy Browne (cited previ- Royal Endogamy your parents with respect to you? I’ve heard ously) for a week. Even more of a challenge is comments about today’s “helicopter parents” learning to live with our . Marriage al- MARITAL RIGHTS AND SAME-SEX MARRIAGE hovering over even their college-aged kids, us- ways raises issues of accommodation and ing cell phones, e-mail, and texting to follow adjustment. Initially the married couple is just MARRIAGE AS GROUP their progeny more closely than in prior gener- that, unless there are children from a previ- ALLIANCE ations. Do you have any experience with such a ous marriage. If there are, adjustment issues Bridewealth and pattern? will involve stepparenthood—and a prior Durable Alliances It can be diffi cult to make the transition be- spouse—as well as the new marital relation- tween the that raised us (our family of ship. Once a couple has its own , the family- orientation) and the family we form if we marry of-procreation mentality takes over. In the United PLURAL and have children (our family of procreation). In States family loyalty shifts, but not completely, contemporary America, we usually get a head from the family of orientation to the family that start by “leaving home” long before we marry. includes spouse and child(ren). Given our bilat- We go off to college or fi nd a job that enables eral system, we maintain relations with us to support ourselves so that we can live in- our and after they marry, and dependently, or with roommates. In nonindus- grandchildren theoretically are as close to one trial societies people, especially women, may set of as to the other set. In prac- leave home abruptly when they marry. Often a tice, grandchildren tend to be a bit closer to their woman must leave her home village and her mother’s than to their ’s . Can you own kin and move in with her husband and his speculate about why that might be? How is it for relatives. This can be an unpleasant and alien- you? Are you closer to your paternal or maternal ating transition. Many women complain about grandparents? How about your and feeling isolated in their husband’s village, where on one side or the other? Why is that?

WHAT IS MARRIAGE? No defi nition of marriage is broad enough to apply easily to all societies and situations. “ and marriage,” “marriage and the A commonly quoted defi nition comes from family”: These familiar phrases show how Notes and Queries on : we link the romantic love of two individu- als to marriage and how we link marriage Marriage is a union between a and to reproduction and family creation. But a woman such that the children born to marriage is an institution with signifi cant the woman are recognized as legitimate roles and functions in addition to repro- offspring of both partners. (Royal duction. What is marriage, anyway? Anthropological Institute 1951, p. 111) kot16988_ch11_260-283.indd Page 263 1/9/10 2:43:46 AM user-f472 /Volumes/202/MHSF174/kot16988/0078116988/kot16988_pagefiles

This defi nition isn’t universally valid for sev- implications of the distinction between two genitor eral reasons. In many societies, marriages unite kinds of fi rst : cross cousins and parallel A child’s biological more than two . Here we speak of plural cousins (see Ottenheimer 1996). father. marriages, as when a man weds two (or more) The children of two or two are pater women, or a woman weds a group of brothers— parallel cousins. The children of a and a One’s socially recog- an arrangement called fraternal polyandry that is are cross cousins. Your mother’s sister’s nized father; not neces- characteristic of certain Himalayan cultures. In the children and your father’s brother’s children are sarily the genitor. Brazilian community of Arembepe, people can your parallel cousins. Your father’s sister’s chil- choose among various forms of marital union. dren and your mother’s brother’s children are exogamy Most people live in long-term “common-law” do- your cross cousins. Marriage outside a given mestic partnerships that are not legally sanctioned. The American kin term doesn’t distin- group. Some have civil marriages, which are licensed and guish between cross and parallel cousins, but in legalized by a justice of the peace. Still others go many societies, especially those with unilineal de- incest through religious ceremonies, so that they are scent, the distinction is essential. As an example, Forbidden sexual rela- tions with a close united in “holy matrimony,” although not legally. consider a community with only two descent relative. And some have both civil and religious ties. The groups. This exemplifi es what is known asmoiety different forms of union permit someone to have organization—from the French moitié, which parallel cousins multiple spouses (e.g., one common-law, one civil, means “half.” Descent bifurcates the community Children of two brothers one religious) without ever getting divorced. so that everyone belongs to one half or the other. or two sisters. Some societies recognize various kinds of same- Some societies have patrilineal moieties; others sex marriages. In Sudan, a Nuer woman can marry have matrilineal moieties. cross cousins a woman if her father has only daughters but no In Figures 11.1 and 11.2, notice that cross cous- Children of a brother male heirs, who are necessary if his patrilineage is ins are always members of the opposite and a sister. to survive. He may ask his to stand as a in order to take a bride. This daughter will be- come the socially recognized husband of another woman (the ). This is a symbolic and social relationship rather than a sexual one. The “wife” 2 1 1 21 1 21 21 1 2 1 has sex with a man or men (whom her female “husband” must approve) until she gets pregnant. The children born to the wife are accepted as the offspring of both the female husband and the wife. 2 21 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 Although the female husband is not the actual genitor, the biological father, of the children, she is Cross cousins. Cross cousins : : Egos. their pater, or socially recognized father. What’s , belong to the opposite moiety , important in this Nuer case is social rather than from ego. Parallel cousins. Parallel 1, 2 : Patrimoiety biological paternity. We see again how kinship is : socially constructed. The bride’s children are , cousins belong to the same affiliation. moiety as ego. considered the legitimate offspring of her female “husband,” who is biologically a woman but so- cially a man, and the descent line continues. FIGURE 11.1 Parallel and Cross Cousins and Patrilineal Moiety Organization. INCEST AND EXOGAMY In many nonindustrial societies, a person’s social world includes two main categories: kin and 2 1 1 1 2 . Strangers are potential or actual enemies. 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 Marriage is one of the primary ways of converting strangers into kin, of creating and maintaining per- sonal and political alliances, relationships of affi n- ity (affi nal relationships). Exogamy, the practice of 2 21 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 seeking a husband or wife outside one’s own group, has adaptive value because it links people Cross cousins. Cross cousins : : Egos. into a wider social network that nurtures, helps, , belong to the opposite moiety , from ego. and protects them in times of need. Parallel cousins. Parallel 1, 2 : Matrimoiety Incest refers to sexual relations with someone : , cousins belong to the same affiliation. considered to be a close relative. All cultures moiety as ego. have against it. However, although the taboo is a , cultures defi ne in- cest differently. As an illustration, consider some FIGURE 11.2 Matrilineal Moiety Organization.

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BHUTAN Itanagar grams that your mother’s sister’s 0 50 100 mi ra put children (MZC) and your father’s ma ah 0 50 100 km Br brother’s children (FBC) always be- Guwahati long to your group. Your cross Dispur Naga Hills l s i l Kohima cousins—that is, FZC and MBC— H Shillong N belong to the other moiety. s i K h a Cherrapunji Myitkyina Ganges Parallel cousins belong to the Bhagalpur Imphal same generation and the same de- scent group as ego does, and they

BANGLADESH Bhamo are like ego’s brothers and sisters. Tamu INDIA Aizawl They are called by the same kin Dhaka Agartala terms as brothers and sisters are. Asansol MYANMAR Defi ned as close relatives, parallel LAKHER Burdwan cousins are tabooed as sex or mar-

Shwebo riage partners. They fall within Haora Calcutta Haka the incest taboo, but cross cousins Mizo Hills Chittagong Monywa Maymyo Kharagpur don’t. Mandalay In societies with unilineal moi- Bay of eties, cross cousins always belong Bengal Myingyan

Meiktila to the opposite group. Sex with cross cousins isn’t incestuous, be- FIGURE 11.3 Location of the Lakher. cause they aren’t considered rela- tives. In fact, in many unilineal societies, people must marry either a cross cousin or someone from the same descent group as a cross cousin. A unilineal descent rule ensures that the cross cous- in’s descent group is never one’s own. With moi- ety exogamy, spouses must belong to different moieties. Among the Yanomami of Venezuela and Brazil (Chagnon 1997), boys anticipate eventual mar- riage to a cross cousin by calling her “wife.” They call their male cross cousins “brother-in- law.” Yanomami call their male cross cous- ins “husband” and their female cross cousins Ego “sister-in-law.” Among the Yanomami, as in Incestuous Nonincestuous many societies with unilineal descent, sex with union union cross cousins is proper but sex with parallel cousins is considered incestuous.

: Ego's : Ego's mother's A custom that is much rarer than cross-cousin , , patrilineage second husband's marriage also illustrates that people defi ne their patrilineage kin, and thus incest, differently in different societ- ies. When unilineal descent is very strongly de- ::Ego's mother's Ego's father's veloped, the who does not belong to one’s patrilineage second wife's own descent group isn’t considered a relative. patrilineage Thus, with strict , the mother is not a : Separation or divorce. relative but a kind of in-law who has married a FD by second marriage is a comember of ego's descent member of ego’s group—ego’s father. With strict group and is included within the incest taboo. MD by second marriage is not a comember of ego's , the father isn’t a relative, because descent group and is not tabooed. he belongs to a different descent group. The Lakher of Southeast Asia (Figure 11.3) are strictly patrilineal (Leach 1961). Using the male FIGURE 11.4 Patrilineal Descent-Group ego in Figure 11.4, let’s suppose that ego’s father Identity and Incest among the Lakher. and mother get divorced. Each remarries and has a daughter by a second marriage. A Lakher al- ways belongs to his or her father’s group, all the and parallel cousins always belong to your (ego’s) members of which (one’s agnates, or patrikin) are own moiety. With patrilineal descent (Figure 11.1), considered too closely related to marry because people take the father’s descent-group affi liation; they are members of the same patrilineal descent in a matrilineal society (Figure 11.2), they take the group. Therefore, ego can’t marry his father’s mother’s affi liation. You can see from these dia- daughter by the second marriage, just as in

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contemporary North America it’s illegal for half- to marry. However, in contrast to our society, where all half-siblings are tabooed, the Lakher permit ego to marry his mother’s daughter by a different father. She is not a forbidden relative because she belongs to her own father’s descent group rather than ego’s. The Lakher illustrate clearly that defi - nitions of forbidden relatives, and therefore of incest, vary from culture to culture. We can extend these observations to strict matrilineal societies. If a man’s parents divorce and his father remarries, ego may marry his pa- ternal half-sister. By contrast, if his mother remar- ries and has a daughter, the daughter is considered ego’s sister, and sex between them is taboo. Cul- tures therefore have different defi nitions and ex- pectations of relationships that are biologically or genetically equivalent.

EXPLAINING THE TABOO Among the Yanomami of Brazil and Venezuela (shown here), sex with (and Although Tabooed, marriage to) cross cousins is proper, but sex with parallel cousins is consid- Incest Does Happen ered incestuous. With unilineal descent, sex with cross cousins isn’t incestu- ous because cross cousins never belong to ego’s descent group. There is no simple or universally accepted expla- nation for the fact that all cultures ban incest. Do studies offer any clues? Research with pri- mates does show that adolescent males (among monkeys) or females (among apes) often move away from the group in which they were born (Rodseth et al. 1991). This emigration reduces the frequency of incestuous unions, but it doesn’t eliminate them. DNA testing of wild chimps has confi rmed incestuous unions between adult sons and their , who reside in the same group. behavior with respect to mating with close relatives may express a generalized primate ten- dency, in which we see both urges and avoidance. A crosscultural study of 87 societies (Meigs and Barlow 2002) revealed that incest did occur in several of them. For example, among the Yano- mami, Chagnon reported that “incest, far from being feared, is widely practiced” (1967, p. 66). Meyer Fortes observed about the Ashanti: “In the old days it [incest] was punished by death. Now- adays the culprits are heavily fi ned” (Fortes 1950, Discovered in Egypt’s Valley of the Kings, a gold and p. 257). Among 24 Ojibwa individuals from whom silver inlaid throne from the tomb of Tutankhamun is he obtained information about incest, A. Irving now on display in Cairo’s Egyptian Museum. Hallowell found 8 cases of parent–child incest marriage was allowed not only for ancient Egyptian and 10 cases of brother–sister incest (Hallowell royalty but also for commoners in some regions. 1955, pp. 294–295). In ancient Egypt, sibling marriage apparently was allowed not just for royalty (see below) but were 37 percent for the city of Arsinoe and 19 per- for commoners as well, in at least some districts. cent for the surrounding villages. These fi gures Based on offi cial census records from Roman are much higher than any other documented lev- Egypt (fi rst to third centuries a.d.) preserved on els of among (Scheidel 1997). papyrus, 24 percent of all documented marriages According to Anna Meigs and Kathleen Barlow in the Arsinoites district were between brothers (2002), for Western societies with and sisters. In the second century a.d., the rates organization, statistics show a signifi cant risk of

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father–daughter incest under certain conditions Biological Degeneration (Russell 1986). Father–daughter incest is most Another theory is that the taboo emerged because common with stepfathers and nonbiological male early Homo noticed that abnormal offspring were members, but it also happens with bi- born from incestuous unions (Morgan 1877/1963). ological , especially those who were absent To prevent this, our banned incest. The or did little caretaking of their daughters in child- human stock produced after the taboo originated hood (Williams and Finkelhor 1995). In a carefully was so successful that it spread everywhere. designed study, Linda M. Williams and David What is the evidence for this theory? Labora- Finkelhor (1995) found father–daughter incest to tory experiments with animals that reproduce be least likely when there was substantial pater- faster than humans do (such as mice and fruit nal parenting of daughters who were four to fi ve fl ies) have been used to investigate the effects of years old. This experience enhanced the father’s inbreeding: A decline in survival and fertility does parenting skills and his feelings of nurturance, accompany brother–sister mating across several protectiveness, and identifi cation with his daugh- generations. However, despite the potentially ter, thus reducing the risk of incest. harmful biological results of systematic inbreed- Crosscultural fi ndings show that incest and its ing, human marriage patterns are based on spe- avoidance are shaped by kinship structures. cifi c cultural beliefs rather than universal concerns Meigs and Barlow (2002) suggest that a cultural about biological degeneration several generations focus on risks and avoidance of father–daughter in the future. Neither instinctive horror nor fear of incest correlates with a patriarchal nuclear family biological degeneration explains the very wide- structure, whereas the cultural focus is on avoid- spread custom of marrying cross cousins. Nor can ing brother–sister incest in societies that have fears about degeneration explain why breeding such nonnuclear structures as lineages and . with parallel cousins but not cross cousins is so often tabooed. Instinctive Horror It has been argued (Hobhouse 1915; Lowie Attempt and Contempt 1920/1961) that the incest taboo is universal be- Sigmund Freud is the most famous advocate of cause incest horror is instinctive: Humans have a the theory that children have sexual feelings to- genetically programmed toward incest. ward their parents, which they eventually re- Because of this feeling, early humans banned it. press or resolve. Other scholars have looked to However, cultural universality doesn’t necessar- the dynamics of growing up for an explanation ily entail an instinctual basis. Fire making, for ex- of the incest taboo. Bronislaw Malinowski be- ample, is a cultural universal, but it certainly isn’t lieved that children would naturally seek to ex- an ability transmitted by the genes. Furthermore, press their sexual feelings, particularly as they if people really did have an instinctive horror of increased in adolescence, with members of their mating with blood relatives, a formal incest taboo nuclear family, because of preexisting intimacy would be unnecessary. No one would do it. How- and affection. Yet, he thought, sex was too power- ever, as we have just seen, and as social workers, ful a force to unleash in the family. It would judges, psychiatrists, and psychologists know, in- threaten existing family roles and ties; it could cest is more common than we might suppose. destroy the family. Malinowski proposed that A fi nal objection to the instinctive horror the- the incest taboo originated to direct sexual feel- ory is that it can’t explain why in some societies ing outside—to avoid disruption of—existing people can marry their cross cousins but not their family structure and relations. parallel cousins. Nor does it tell us why the Lakher The opposite theory is that children are not can marry their maternal, but not their paternal, likely to be sexually attracted to those with whom half-siblings. No known instinct can distinguish they have grown up (Westermarck 1894). This is between parallel and cross cousins. related to the idea of instinctive horror, but with- The specifi c kin types included within the in- out assuming a biological (instinctual) basis. The cest taboo—and the taboo itself—have a cultural notion here is that a lifetime of living together in rather than a biological basis. Even among non- particular, nonsexual relationships would make human , there is no defi nite evidence for the idea of sex with a family member less desir- an instinct against incest. Adolescent dispersal able. The two opposed theories are sometimes does not prevent—but merely limits the frequency characterized as “familiarity breeds attempt” of—incestuous unions. Among humans, cultural versus “familiarity breeds contempt.” One bit of traditions determine the specifi c relatives with evidence to support the contempt theory comes whom sex is considered incestuous. They also from Joseph Shepher’s (1983) study of Israeli kib- deal with the people who violate prohibited rela- butzim. He found that unrelated people who had tionships in different ways. Banishment, impris- been raised in the same kibbutz (domestic com- onment, death, and threats of supernatural munity) avoided intermarriage. They tended to retaliation are some of the punishments imposed. choose their mates from outside—not because

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This view emphasizes the role of marriage in creating and maintaining alliances. By forcing members to marry out, a group increases its al- lies. Marriage within the group, by contrast, would isolate that group from its neighbors and their resources and social networks, and might ultimately lead to the group’s extinction. Exog- amy and the incest taboo that propels it help ex- plain human adaptive success. Besides the sociopolitical function, exogamy ensures genetic mixture between groups and thus maintains a successful human species.

ENDOGAMY The practice of exogamy pushes social organiza- tion outward, establishing and preserving alli- ances among groups. In contrast, rules of endogamy dictate mating or marriage within a endogamy group to which one belongs. Formal endogamic Marriage of people from rules are less common but are still familiar to the same group. anthropologists. Indeed, most societies are en- dogamous units, although they usually do not need a formal rule requiring people to marry someone from their own society. In our own society, classes and ethnic groups are quasi- endogamous groups. Members of an ethnic or How many fi ngers do this Indian woman and her religious group often want their children to child have? Such genetically determined traits as marry within that group, although many of polydactylism (extra fi ngers) may show up when them do not do so. The outmarriage rate varies there is a high incidence of endogamy. Despite the among such groups, with some more committed biological effects of inbreeding, marriage preferences to endogamy than others are. and prohibitions are based on specifi c cultural beliefs Homogamy means to marry someone similar, as when members of the same social class inter- rather than universal concerns about future biologi- marry. There’s a correlation between socioeco- cal degeneration. nomic status (SES) and education. People with similar SES tend to have similar educational as- pirations, to attend similar schools, and to aim at they were related, but because their prior resi- similar careers. For example, people who meet at dential histories and roles made sex and marriage an elite private university are likely to have unappealing. Again, there is no fi nal answer to similar backgrounds and career prospects. Ho- the question of whether people who grow up to- mogamous marriage may work to concentrate gether, related or unrelated, are likely to be sexu- wealth in social classes and to reinforce the sys- ally attracted to one another. Usually they aren’t; tem of social stratifi cation. In the United States, sometimes they are. Incest is universally tabooed, for example, the rise in female employment, es- but it does happen. pecially in professional careers, when coupled with homogamy, has dramatically increased Marry Out or Die Out household incomes in the upper classes. This pattern has been one factor in sharpening the One of the most accepted explanations for the in- contrast in household income between the rich- cest taboo is that it arose in order to ensure exog- est and poorest quintiles (top and bottom 20 per- amy, to force people to marry outside their kin cent) of Americans. groups (Lévi-Strauss 1949/1969; Tylor 1889; White 1959). In this view, the taboo originated early in human evolution because it was adap- Caste tively advantageous. Marrying a close relative, An extreme example of endogamy is India’s caste with whom one is already on peaceful terms, system, which was formally abolished in 1949, al- would be counterproductive. There is more to though its structure and effects linger. are gain by extending peaceful relations to a wider stratifi ed groups in which membership is ascribed network of groups. at birth and is lifelong. Indian castes are grouped

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children. Although Indian castes are endoga- mous groups, many of them are internally sub- divided into exogamous lineages. Traditionally this meant that Indians had to marry a member of another descent group from the same caste.

An extreme example of endogamy is Royal Endogamy India’s caste system, Royal endogamy, based in a few societies on which was formally brother–sister marriage, is similar to caste endog- abolished in 1949, al- amy. Inca Peru, ancient Egypt, and traditional though its structure Hawaii all allowed royal brother–sister marriages. and effects linger. In In ancient Peru and Hawaii, such marriages were permitted despite the sibling incest taboo that ap- Gadwada village, plied to commoners in those societies. cobblers still make shoes in a traditional Manifest and Latent Functions style. Here, Devi-Lal To understand royal brother–sister marriage, it sits with his child as is useful to distinguish between the manifest his wife looks on. In and latent functions of customs and behavior. the traditional caste The manifest function of a custom refers to the system, such cob- reasons people in that society give for it. Its la- blers had a higher tent function is an effect the custom has on the status than did society that its members don’t mention or may sweepers and tan- not even recognize. ners, whose work is Royal endogamy illustrates this distinction. considered so smelly Hawaiians and other Polynesians believed in an impersonal force called mana. Mana could exist and dirty that they in things or people, in the latter case marking live at the far end of them off from other people and making them sa- the village. cred. The Hawaiians believed that no one had as much mana as the ruler. Mana depended on ge- nealogy. The person whose own mana was ex- into fi ve major categories, orvarna. Each is ranked ceeded only by the king’s was his sibling. The relative to the other four, and these categories ex- most appropriate wife for a king was his own tend throughout India. Each varna includes a large full sister. Notice that the brother–sister mar- number of subcastes (jati), each of which includes riage also meant that royal heirs would be as people within a region who may intermarry. All manaful, or sacred, as possible. The manifest the jati in a single varna in a given region are function of royal endogamy in ancient Hawaii ranked, just as the varna themselves are ranked. was part of that culture’s beliefs about mana and Occupational specialization often sets off one sacredness. caste from another. A community may include Royal endogamy also had latent functions— castes of agricultural workers, merchants, arti- political repercussions. The ruler and his wife had sans, priests, and sweepers. The untouchable the same parents. Since mana was believed to be varna, found throughout India, includes subcastes inherited, they were almost equally sacred. When whose ancestry, ritual status, and occupations are the king and his sister married, their children in- considered so impure that higher-caste people disputably had the most mana in the land. No one consider even casual contact with untouchables could question their right to rule. But if the king to be defi ling. had taken as a wife someone with less mana than The belief that intercaste sexual unions his sister, his sister’s children eventually could ATLAS anthropology lead to ritual impurity for the higher-caste cause problems. Both sets of children could assert Map 13 shows partner has been important in maintain- their sacredness and right to rule. Royal sibling organized states ing endogamy. A man who has sex with marriage therefore limited confl icts about succes- and chiefdoms a lower-caste woman can restore his pu- sion by reducing the number of people with around c.e. 1500. rity with a bath and a prayer. However, claims to rule. The same result would be true in Royal endogamy was a woman who has intercourse with a ancient Egypt and Peru. practiced in state- man of a lower caste has no such re- Other kingdoms, including European royalty, level societies, course. Her defi lement cannot be undone. also have practiced endogamy, but based on including Inca, Because the women have the babies, these rather than sibling marriage. In ancient Egypt, and differences protect the purity of the caste many cases, as in Great Britain, it is specifi ed that traditional Hawaii. line, ensuring the pure ancestry of high-caste the eldest child (usually the son) of the reigning

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monarch can succeed. This custom is called primo- geniture. Commonly, rulers have banished or through the eyes of killed claimants who rival the chosen heir. OTHERSO S Royal endogamy also had a latent economic function. If the king and his sister had rights to STUDENT: Murad Kakajykov, M.A. inherit the ancestral estate, their marriage to each COUNTRY OF ORIGIN: Turkmenistan other, again by limiting the number of heirs, kept SUPERVISING PROFESSOR: Dr. Patricia Owens, Wabash Valley College it intact. Power often rests on wealth, and royal SCHOOL: University of Kentucky, Patterson School of endogamy tended to ensure that royal wealth re- Diplomacy and International Commerce mained concentrated in the same line. Families, Kinship, and Descent (a Turkmen MARITAL RIGHTS AND Student Writes) SAME-SEX MARRIAGE The British anthropologist Edmund Leach (1955) observed that, depending on the society, several n Turkmenistan, life revolves around family and friends. Traditionally, different kinds of rights are allocated by marriage. Turkmen families are composed of fi ve to six members; and by custom, According to Leach, marriage can, but doesn’t al- Ithe youngest son and his family live with his parents and inherit their ways, accomplish the following: belongings. This is not to say that elder sons are relieved from family re- sponsibilities or that daughters are forgotten: All family members have a 1. Establish the legal father of a woman’s chil- responsibility to take care of their parents and show them respect. In fact, dren and the legal mother of a man’s. it is not uncommon for members of an ordinary Turkmen family to know all 2. Give either or both spouses a monopoly on of their ancestors from the preceding seven generations. This the sexuality of the other. is known as “yedi arka” in the local language, or “seven ancestors” in English. In a culture with such customs and traditions, nursing homes are 3. Give either or both spouses rights to the la- almost unheard of. Families remain close: Turkmen prefer to see each bor of the other. other, perhaps over green tea, rather than just talk on the telephone. And 4. Give either or both spouses rights over the Turkmen people view their neighbors the same way as they do family. other’s property. Whenever Turkmen families move into a new neighborhood, they always check on the neighbors fi rst. In contrast, most Americans have very little knowledge of their ances- tors beyond the last generation or two. As a nine-year-old, I felt the same way many Americans do. I would have rather played with my friends than go through the list of my family tree. And few American couples would be happy living with the husband’s parents for the rest of their lives. Another main difference between these cultures is how often American families move. It is very unusual for ordinary Turkmen families to move from place to place, but it’s hard to fi nd any American family that has not moved at least once. Thanks to communication technologies, American families can easily stay in contact despite the distance, although not face to face, as Turkmen prefer. And fi nally, Americans rarely see their neighbors as part of their family. As part of their cultural concept of family, Turkmen believe it is espe- cially important to have good kinship and clear descent in marriages. Whether a marriage is arranged or a matter of love, both the groom’s and bride’s family will learn about each other’s families, kinship, and descent. Further marriage arrangements will be made only if the fi ndings are satis- factory. Americans might consider this practice prejudicial or unfair. How- ever, as modernization spreads, cultural attitudes toward family, kinship, and descent may change; and the American family may not seem so alien to Turkmen.

This lesbian family is participating in a Gay Pride Parade to commemorate the Stonewall uprising of 1968 (Greenwich Village, ), when gay patrons fought back against a police raid on the Stonewall Inn. Despite re- cent advances in gay rights, same-sex marriage remains illegal in most of the United States.

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5. Establish a joint fund of property—a struction of kinship, the same logic could be ap- partnership—for the benefi t of the children. plied to a gay male or lesbian couple. Continuing with Leach’s list of the rights trans- 6. Establish a socially signifi cant “relation- mitted by marriage, same-sex marriage could cer- ship of affi nity” between spouses and their tainly give each spouse rights to the sexuality of the relatives. other. Unable to marry legally, gay men and lesbians The discussion of same-sex marriage that fol- have used various devices, such as mock , lows will serve to illustrate the six rights just to declare their commitment and desire for a mo- listed by seeing what happens in their absence. nogamous sexual relationship. In April 2000, Ver- What if same-sex marriages, which by and large mont passed a bill allowing same-sex couples to are illegal in the United States, were legal? unite legally, with virtually all the benefi ts of mar- Could a same-sex marriage establish legal par- riage. In June 2003, a court ruling established entage of children born to one or both partners same-sex marriages as legal in the province of On- after the partnership is formed? In the case of a tario, Canada. On June 28, 2005, Canada’s House different-sex marriage, children born to the wife of Commons voted to guarantee full marriage after the marriage takes place usually are legally rights to same-sex couples throughout that nation. defi ned as her husband’s regardless of whether In the United States fi ve states—, he is the genitor. Connecticut, Iowa, Vermont, and New Hampshire— Nowadays, of course, DNA testing makes it allowed same-sex marriage as of 2010. Civil unions possible to establish paternity, just as modern re- for same-sex couples are legal in New Jersey. In productive technology makes it possible for a les- reaction to same-sex marriage, voters in at least 19 bian couple to have one or both partners artifi cially U.S. states have approved measures in their state inseminated. If same-sex marriages were legal, constitutions defi ning marriage as an exclu- the social construction of kinship could easily sively heterosexual union. On November 4, 2008, make both partners parents. If a Nuer woman Californians voted 52 percent to 48 percent to married to a woman can be the pater of a child override the right to same-sex marriage, which the she did not father, why can’t two lesbians be the courts had approved earlier that year. mater maters (socially recognized mothers) of a child to Legal same-sex marriages could easily give Socially recognized whom only one of them gave birth? And if a mar- each spouse rights to the other spouse’s labor and mother of a child. ried different-sex couple can adopt a child who its products. Some societies have allowed mar- becomes theirs through the social and legal con- riage between members of the same biological

In Lagos, Nigeria, women work with green vegetables in a bayside market. In parts of Nigeria, prominent market women may take a wife. Such marriage allows wealthy women to strengthen their social status and the economic importance of their .

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sex, who may, however, be considered to belong to other forms of wealth, they may take a wife. a different, socially constructed, gender. Several Such marriage allows the prominent woman to Native American groups had fi gures known as ber- strengthen her social status and the economic im- daches, representing a (Murray and portance of her household (Amadiume 1987). Roscoe 1998). These were biological men who as- sumed many of the mannerisms, behavior patterns, and tasks of women. Sometimes berdaches married MARRIAGE AS men, who shared the products of their labor from hunting and fi lled traditional male roles, as theber- GROUP ALLIANCE dache fulfi lled the traditional wifely role. Also, in Outside industrial societies, marriage is often some Native American cultures, a marriage of a more a relationship between groups than one be- “manly-hearted woman” (a third or fourth gender) tween individuals. We think of marriage as an in- to another woman brought the traditional male– dividual matter. Although the bride and groom female division of labor to their household. The usually seek their parents’ approval, the fi nal manly woman hunted and did other male tasks, choice (to live together, to marry, to divorce) lies while the wife played the traditional female role. with the couple. The idea of romantic love sym- There’s no logical reason why same-sex mar- bolizes this individual relationship. riage could not give spouses rights over the oth- Contemporary Western societies stress the no- er’s property. But in the United States, the same tion that romantic love is necessary for a good rights that apply to male–female cou- marriage. Increasingly this idea characterizes ples do not apply to same-sex couples. For in- other cultures as well. Described in this chapter’s stance, even in the absence of a will, property can “Appreciating Anthropology” is a cross-cultural pass to a or a widower without going study that found romantic ardor to be wide- through probate. The wife or husband pays no spread. The mass media and migration increas- inheritance tax. This benefi t is not available to gay ingly spread Western ideas about the importance men and lesbians. of love for marriage to other societies. However, What about Leach’s fi fth right—to establish a marriages in the nonWestern societies where an- joint fund of property—to benefi t the children? thropology grew up, even when cemented by Here again, gay and lesbian couples are at a dis- , remain the concern of social groups advantage. If there are children, property is sepa- rather than mere individuals. The scope of mar- rately, rather than jointly, transmitted. Some riage extends from the social to the political. Stra- organizations do make staff benefi ts, such as tegic marriages are tried and true ways of health and dental insurance, available to same- establishing alliances between groups. sex domestic partners. People don’t just take a spouse; they assume Finally, there is the matter of establishing a so- obligations to a group of in-laws. When residence cially signifi cant “relationship of affi nity” between is patrilocal, for example, a woman often must spouses and their relatives. In many societies, one leave the community where she was born. She of the main roles of marriage is to establish an alli- faces the prospect of spending the rest of her life in ance between groups, in addition to the individual her husband’s village, with his relatives. She may bond. Affi nals are relatives through marriage, such even have to transfer her major allegiance from as a brother-in-law or mother-in-law. For same-sex her own group to her husband’s. couples in contemporary North America, affi nal relations are problematic. In an unoffi cial union, terms like “daughter-in-law” and “mother-in-law” Bridewealth and Dowry may sound strange. Many parents are suspicious In societies with descent groups, people enter of their children’s sexuality and lifestyle choices marriage not alone but with the help of the de- and may not recognize a relationship of affi nity scent group. Descent-group members often have with a child’s partner of the same sex. to contribute to the bridewealth, a customary gift bridewealth This discussion of same-sex marriage has been before, at, or after the marriage from the husband Marital gift by husband’s intended to illustrate the different kinds of rights and his kin to the wife and her kin. Another word group to wife’s group. that typically accompany marriage by seeing for bridewealth is brideprice, but this term is inac- what may happen when there is a permanent curate because people with the custom don’t usu- pair-bond without legal sanction. In just fi ve of ally regard the exchange as a sale. They don’t the United States are such unions fully legal. As think of marriage as a commercial relationship we have seen, same-sex marriages have been rec- between a man and an object that can be bought ognized in different historical and cultural set- and sold. tings. In certain African cultures, including the Bridewealth compensates the bride’s group Igbo of Nigeria and the Lovedu of South Africa, for the loss of her companionship and labor. More women may marry other women. In situations in important, it makes the children born to the which women, such as prominent market women woman full members of her husband’s descent in West Africa, are able to amass property and group. For this reason, the institution is also

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appreciating ANTHROPOLOGY is very great. After a while the fi re cools and that’s how it stays.” . . . Love and Marriage While fi nding that romantic love appears to be a human universal, Dr. Jankowiak allows that it is still an alien idea in many cultures that Love and marriage, the song says, go together sciences that viewed romantic love as a luxury such infatuation has anything to do with the like a horse and carriage. But does marriage in human life, one that could be indulged only choice of a spouse. always imply love? The link between love and by people in Westernized cultures or among “What’s new in many cultures is the idea marriage, may or may not be a cultural univer- the educated elites of other societies. For ex- sal. Described here is a cross-cultural survey, that romantic love should be the reason to published in the anthropological journal Eth- ample, it was assumed in societies where life is marry someone,” said Dr. Jankowiak. “Some nology, which found romantic ardor to be hard that romantic love has less chance to cultures see being in love as a state to be pit- widespread, perhaps universal. Previously, an- blossom, because higher economic standards ied. One tribe in the mountains of Iran ridicules thropologists had tended to ignore evidence for and more leisure time create more opportunity people who marry for love.” romantic love in other cultures, probably be- for dalliance. That also contributed to the belief cause arranged marriages were so common. Of course, even in arranged marriages, part- that was for the ruling class, not the Today, diffusion, mainly via the mass media, of ners may grow to feel romantic love for each Western ideas about the importance of love for peasants. other. For example, among villagers in the marriage appears to be infl uencing marital de- But, said Dr. Jankowiak, “There is romantic Kangra valley of northern India, “people’s ro- cisions in other cultures. love in cultures around the world.” [In 1991] mantic longings and yearnings ideally would Some infl uential Western social historians Dr. Jankowiak, with Dr. Edward Fischer, an an- become focused on the person they’re matched have argued that romance was a product of thropologist at Tulane University, published in with by their families,” said Dr. Kirin Narayan, an European medieval culture that spread only the fi rst cross-cultural study, sys- anthropologist at the University of Wisconsin. recently to other cultures. They dismissed ro- tematically comparing romantic love in many But that has begun to change, Dr. Narayan mantic tales from other cultures as repre- cultures. is fi nding, under the infl uence of popular songs senting the behavior of just the elites. Under In the survey of from 166 and movies. “In these villages the elders are the sway of this view, Western anthropolo- cultures, they found what they considered worried that the younger men and women are gists did not even look for romantic love clear evidence that romantic love was known getting a different idea of romantic love, one among the peoples they studied. But they are in 147 of them—89 percent. And in the other where you choose a partner yourself,” said now beginning to think that romantic love is 19 cultures, Dr. Jankowiak said, the absence Dr. Narayan. “There are starting to be elope- universal . . . of conclusive evidence seemed due more to ments, which are absolutely scandalous.” “For decades anthropologists and other anthropologists’ oversight than to a lack of The same trend toward love matches, scholars have assumed romantic love was romance. rather than arranged marriages, is being noted unique to the modern West,” said Dr. Leonard Some of the evidence came from tales about by anthropologists in many other cultures. Plotnicov, an anthropologist at the University of lovers, or folklore that offered love potions or Among aborigines in Australia’s Outback, for Pittsburgh and editor of the journal Ethnology. other advice on making someone fall in love. example, marriages had for centuries been ar- “Anthropologists came across it in their fi eld Another source was accounts by infor- ranged when children were very young. work, but they rarely mentioned it because it mants to anthropologists. For example, Nisa, a That pattern was disrupted earlier in the wasn’t supposed to happen.” !Kung woman among the Bushmen of the last century by missionaries, who urged that “Why has something so central to our cul- Kalahari, made a clear distinction between the marriage not occur until children reached ado- ture been so ignored by anthropology?” asked affection she felt for her husband, and that she lescence. Dr. Victoria Burbank, an anthropolo- Dr. William Jankowiak, an anthropologist at the felt for her lovers, which was “passionate and gist at the University of California at Davis, said University of Nevada. exciting,” though fl eeting. Of these extramarital that in pre-missionary days, the average age of The reason, in the view of Dr. Jankowiak and , she said: “When two people come to- a at marriage was always before menarche, others, is a scholarly bias throughout the social gether their hearts are on fi re and their passion sometimes as young as 9 years. Today the

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The importance of love to marriage may be worldwide in scope, but marriage always unites more than just the bride and groom. This Indian took place during the country’s marriage season, from November to March.

average age at marriage is 17; girls are more “Traditionally among these people, you can’t had no place, though there were a few stories independent by the time their parents try to choose just any son-in-law,” said Dr. Burbank. of a young man and woman in love running off arrange a marriage for them. “Ideally, the mother wants to fi nd a who is together. But in the group I studied, in only one “More and more adolescent girls are break- her maternal grandmother’s brother’s son, a recent case did the girl marry the man selected ing away from arranged marriages,” said Dr. pattern that insures partners are in the proper for her. All the rest are love matches.” . . . Burbank. “They prefer to go off into the bush kin group.” for a ‘date’ with someone they like, get preg- Dr. Burbank added: “These groups have

nant, and use that pregnancy to get parental critical ritual functions. A marriage based on SOURCE: Daniel Goleman, “After Kinship and Marriage, approval for the match.” romantic love, which ignores what’s a proper Anthropology Discovers Love.” From The New York Even so, parents sometimes are adamant partner, undermines the system of kinship, rit- Times, November 24, 1992. © 1992 The New York that the young people should not get married. ual, and obligation.” Times. All rights reserved. Used by permission and protected by the Copyright Laws of the United States. They prefer, instead, that the girls follow the Nevertheless, the rules for marriage are The printing, copying, redistribution, or retransmis- traditional pattern of having their mothers weakening. “In the grandmothers’ generation, sion of the Material without express written permis- choose a husband for them. all marriages were arranged. Romantic love sion is prohibited. www.nytimes.com

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Gift-giving customs are associated with marriage throughout the world. In this photo, guests bring presents in baskets to a wedding in Wenjiang, China.

progeny price called progeny price. Rather than the woman murders in the contemporary United States may Marital gift by husband’s herself, it is her children, or progeny, who are rival the incidence of India’s dowry murders group to wife’s; legiti- permanently transferred to the husband’s group. (Narayan 1997). mizes their children. Whatever we call it, such a transfer of wealth at Sati was the very rare practice through which marriage is common in patrilineal groups. In were burned alive, voluntarily or forci- matrilineal societies, children are members of the bly, on the husband’s funeral pyre (Hawley 1994). mother’s group, and there is no reason to pay a Although it has become well known, sati was progeny price. mainly practiced in a particular area of northern dowry Dowry is a marital exchange in which the India by a few small castes. It was banned in 1829. Substantial gifts to hus- bride’s family or kin group provides substantial Dowry murders and sati are fl agrant examples of band’s family from wife’s gifts when their daughter marries. For rural patriarchy, a political system ruled by men in group. Greece, Ernestine Friedl (1962) has described a which women have inferior social and political form of dowry in which the bride gets a wealth status, including basic human rights. transfer from her mother, to serve as a kind of Bridewealth exists in many more cultures than trust fund during her marriage. Usually, however, dowry does, but the nature and quantity of trans- the dowry goes to the husband’s family, and the ferred items differ. In many African societies, cat- custom is correlated with low female status. In tle constitute bridewealth, but the number of this form of dowry, best known from India, cattle given varies from society to society. As the women are perceived as burdens. When a man value of bridewealth increases, marriages become more and his family take a wife, they expect to be com- stable. Bridewealth is insurance against divorce. pensated for the added responsibility. Imagine a patrilineal society in which a mar- Although India passed a law in 1961 against riage requires the transfer of about 25 cattle from compulsory dowry, the practice continues. When the groom’s descent group to the bride’s. Michael, the dowry is considered insuffi cient, the bride a member of descent group A, marries Sarah from may be harassed and abused. group B. His relatives help him assemble the can escalate to the point where the husband or his bridewealth. He gets the most help from his close family burn the bride, often by pouring kerosene agnates (patrilineal relatives): his older brother, on her and lighting it, usually killing her. It should father, father’s brother, and closest patrilineal be pointed out that dowry doesn’t necessarily cousins. lead to domestic . In fact, Indian dowry The distribution of the cattle once they reach murders seem to be a fairly recent phenomenon. Sarah’s group mirrors the manner in which they It also has been estimated that the rate of spousal were assembled. Sarah’s father, or her oldest

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brother if the father is dead, receives her bride- wealth. He keeps most of the cattle to use as Sororate bridewealth for his sons’ marriages. However, a share also goes to everyone who will be expected Michael to help when Sarah’s brothers marry. When Sarah’s brother David gets married, Sarah many of the cattle go to a third group: C, which is David’s wife’s group. Thereafter, they may serve as bridewealth to still other groups. Men con- Levirate stantly use their sisters’ bridewealth cattle to ac- quire their own . In a decade, the cattle Sarah given when Michael married Sarah will have been exchanged widely. Michael In such societies, marriage entails an agree- ment between descent groups. If Sarah and Michael try to make their marriage succeed but : Sarah's descent group fail to do so, both groups may conclude that the marriage can’t last. Here it becomes especially : Michael's descent group obvious that such marriages are relationships between groups as well as between individuals. If Sarah has a younger sister or niece (her older FIGURE 11.5 Sororate and Levirate. brother’s daughter, for example), the concerned plural marriage parties may agree to Sarah’s replacement by a More than two spouses kinswoman. all her sisters are already married, another woman simultaneously, aka However, incompatibility isn’t the main prob- from her group may be available. Michael marries . lem that threatens marriage in societies with her, there is no need to return the bridewealth, bridewealth. Infertility is a more important con- and the alliance continues. The sororate exists in polygyny cern. If Sarah has no children, she and her group both matrilineal and patrilineal societies. In a Man has more than one have not fulfi lled their part of the marriage agree- matrilineal society with matrilocal postmarital wife at the same time. ment. If the relationship is to endure, Sarah’s residence, a widower may remain with his wife’s group by marrying her sister or another female polyandry group must furnish another woman, perhaps her Woman has more than member of her matrilineage sororate Widower younger sister, who can have children. If this hap- one husband at the pens, Sarah may choose to stay with her husband. marries sister of his deceased wife. same time. Perhaps she will someday have a child. If she does stay on, her husband will have established a Levirate sororate plural marriage. What happens if the husband dies? In many societ- Widower marries sister Most nonindustrial food-producing societies, ies, the widow may marry his brother. This custom of his deceased wife. unlike most foraging societies and industrial na- tions, allow plural marriages, or polygamy. There are two varieties; one is common, and the other is very rare. The more common variant is polygyny, living anthropology VIDEOS in which a man has more than one wife. The rare variant is polyandry, in which a woman has more among the Dinka, www.mhhe.com/kottak than one husband. If the infertile wife remains This clip shows courtship practices among the Dinka, married to her husband after he has taken a sub- pastoralists of southern Sudan. It describes the stitute wife provided by her descent group, this is importance of brideprice or bridewealth, customarily polygyny. Reasons for polygyny other than infer- given by the family of the groom to the family of the tility will be discussed shortly. bride. We also see why bridewealth is sometimes called progeny price. According to the Dinka, why are Durable Alliances cattle and children (progeny) similar? The narrator It is possible to exemplify the group-alliance na- claims there is no room for romance in Dinka courtship. ture of marriage by examining still another com- Based on the “Appreciating anthropology” box titled mon practice: continuation of marital alliances “Love and Marriage” and on what you see in this clip, when one spouse dies. do you believe this claim to be true? The clip also illustrates the text’s point that marriage in such societies is as much a relation between groups as one Sororate between individuals. The Dinka have descent groups. What happens if Sarah dies young? Michael’s Do you think they are patrilineal or matrilineal? Why? group will ask Sarah’s group for a substitute, Among the Dinka, what are the barriers to marriage— often her sister. This custom is known as the and to polygyny? sororate (Figure 11.5). If Sarah has no sister or if

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levirate is known as the levirate. Like the sororate, it is a which also included her daughters and their Widow marries brother continuation marriage that maintains the alliance husbands and children. A son-in-law had no im- of her deceased between descent groups, in this case by replacing portant role there; he returned to his own moth- husband. the husband with another member of his group. er’s home for his ’s social and religious The implications of the levirate vary with age. One activities. In this matrilineal society, women study found that in African societies, the levirate, were socially and economically secure, and the though widely permitted, rarely involves cohabi- divorce rate was high. Consider the Hopi of tation of the widow and her new husband. Fur- Oraibi (Orayvi) pueblo, northeastern Arizona thermore, widows don’t automatically marry the (Levy with Pepper 1992; Titiev 1992). In a study husband’s brother just because they are allowed to. of the marital histories of 423 Oraibi women, Often, they prefer to make other arrangements Mischa Titiev found that 35 percent had been di- (Potash 1986). vorced at least once. Jerome Levy found that 31 percent of 147 adult women had been divorced and remarried at least once. For comparison, of all ever-married women in the United States, DIVORCE only 4 percent had been divorced in 1960, 10.7 Ease of divorce varies across cultures. What fac- percent in 1980, and 11.5 percent in 2007. Titiev tors work for and against divorce? As we’ve seen, characterizes Hopi marriages as unstable. Part of marriages that are political alliances between this brittleness was due to confl icting loyalties to groups are more diffi cult to dissolve than are mar- matrikin versus spouse. Most Hopi ap- riages that are more individual affairs, of concern pear to have been matters of personal choice. mainly to the married couple and their children. Levy generalizes that, crossculturally, high di- We’ve seen that substantial bridewealth may de- vorce rates are correlated with a secure female crease the divorce rate for individuals and that economic position. In Hopi society women were replacement marriages (levirate and sororate) secure in their home and land ownership and in also work to preserve group alliances. Divorce the custody of their children. In addition, there tends to be more common in matrilineal than in were no formal barriers to divorce. patrilineal societies. When residence is matrilocal Divorce is harder in a patrilineal society, espe- (in the wife’s place), the wife may simply send off cially when substantial bridewealth would have a man with whom she’s incompatible. to be reassembled and repaid if the marriage Among the Hopi of the American Southwest, failed. A woman residing patrilocally (in her hus- houses were owned by matrilineal clans, with band’s household and community) might be re- matrilocal postmarital residence. The household luctant to leave him. Unlike the Hopi, who let the head was the senior woman of that household, kids stay with the mother, in patrilineal, patrilocal societies, the children of divorce would be ex- pected to remain with their father, as members of his patrilineage. From the women’s perspective this is a strong impediment to divorce. Political and economic factors complicate the divorce process. Among foragers, different factors tend to favor and oppose divorce. What factors work against durable marriages? Since foragers tend to lack descent groups, the political alliance functions of marriage are less important to them than they are to food producers. Foragers also tend to have minimal material possessions. The process of dissolving a joint fund of property is less complicated when spouses do not hold sub- stantial resources in common. What factors favor marital stability among foragers? In societies where the family is an important year-round unit with a gender-based division of labor, ties be- tween spouses tend to be durable. Also, sparse populations mean few alternative spouses if a marriage doesn’t work out. But in band-organized societies, foragers can always fi nd a band to join or rejoin if a marriage doesn’t work. And food A Hopi woman outside her home near Monument Valley, Arizona. Among the producers can always draw on their descent- Hopi, houses traditionally were owned by matrilineal clans, with matrilocal group estate if a marriage fails. With patriliny, a postmarital residence. Hopi women were socially and economically secure, woman often can return home, albeit without her and the divorce rate was high. children, and with matriliny, a man can do the

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TABLE 11.1 Changing Divorce Rates rate actually has been falling since 1980, and con- (Number per Year) in the United States, tinued to fall between 2000 and 2005. 1940 through 2006 Among nations, the United States has one of the world’s highest divorce rates. There are several probable causes: economic, cultural, and religious DIVORCE RATE among them. Economically, the United States has a DIVORCE RATE PER 1,000 larger percentage of gainfully employed women PER 1,000 WOMEN AGED YEAR POPULATION 15 AND OLDER than most nations have. Work outside the home provides a cash basis for independence, as it also 1940 2.0 8.8 places strains on marriage and social life for both 1950 2.6 10.3 partners. Culturally, Americans tend to value inde- pendence and its modern form, self-actualization. 1960 2.2 9.2 Also, Protestantism (in its various guises) is the 1970 3.5 14.9 most common form of religion in the United States. 1980 5.2 22.6 Of the two major religions in the United States and 1990 4.7 20.9 Canada (where Catholicism predominates), Prot- estantism has been less stringent in denouncing 2000 4.2 19.5 divorce than has Catholicism. 2006 3.6 NA

SOURCE: S. C. Clarke, “Advance Report of Final Divorce Statistics, 1989 and 1990,” Monthly Vital Statistics Report 43(8, 9), Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics; R. Hughes, Jr., “Demo- PLURAL MARRIAGES graphics of Divorce,” 1996, http://www.hec.ohiostate.edu/famlife/ divorce/demo.htm; National Vital Statistics Reports 54(12), 2006, In contemporary North America, where divorce http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/nvsr/nvsr54/nvsr54_12.pdf; Statisti- is fairly easy and common, polygamy (marriage cal Abstract of the United States 2009, Table 77, p. 63. to more than one spouse at the same time) is against the law. Marriage in industrial nations joins individuals, and relationships between in- same. Descent-group estates are not transferred dividuals can be severed more easily than can through marriages, although movable resources those between groups. As divorce grows more such as bridewealth cattle certainly are. common, North Americans practice serial monog- In contemporary Western societies, when ro- amy: Individuals have more than one spouse but mance fails, so may the marriage. Or it may not never, legally, more than one at the same time. As fail, if the other rights associated with marriage, stated earlier, the two forms of polygamy are po- as discussed previously in this chapter, are com- lygyny and polyandry. Polyandry is practiced in pelling. Economic ties and obligations to kids, only a few cultures, notably among certain along with other factors, such as concern about groups in Tibet, Nepal, and India. Polygyny is public opinion, or simple inertia, may keep mar- much more common. riages intact after sex, romance, and/or compan- ionship fade. Also, even in modern societies, royalty, leaders, and other elites may have politi- Polygyny cal marriages similar to the arranged marriages of We must distinguish between the social approval nonindustrial societies. of plural marriage and its actual frequency in a In the United States, divorce fi gures have been particular society. Many cultures approve of a kept since 1860. Divorces tend to increase after man having more than one wife. However, even wars and to decrease when times are bad eco- when polygyny is encouraged, most men are mo- nomically. But with more women working out- nogamous, and polygyny characterizes only a side the home, economic dependence on the fraction of the marriages. Why is this true? husband as breadwinner is weaker, which no One reason is equal sex ratios. In the United doubt facilitates a decision to divorce when a States, about 105 males are born for every 100 fe- marriage has major problems. males. In adulthood, the ratio of men to women Table 11.1 is based on two measures of the di- equalizes, and eventually it reverses. The average vorce rate. The left column shows the rate per 1,000 North American woman outlives the average people per year in the overall population. The right man. In many nonindustrial societies as well, the column shows the annual rate per 1,000 married male-biased sex ratio among children reverses in women over the age of 15, which is the best mea- adulthood. sure of divorce. In either case, comparing 2000 with The custom of men marrying later than women 1960, the divorce rate more than doubled. Note promotes polygyny. Among the Kanuri people of that the rate rose slightly after World War II (1950), Bornu, Nigeria, men got married between the ages then declined a decade later (1960). The most no- of 18 and 30; women, between 12 and 14 (Cohen table rate rise occurred between 1960 and 1980. The 1967). The age difference between spouses meant

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appreciating DIVERSITY

Five Wives and 55 Children

Diversity in marriage customs has been a vants, Aga Mehmet Arslan would seem an un- prominent topic in anthropology since its ori- likely defender of . gin. Many societies, including Turkey, that once Though banned, polygamy is widespread in allowed plural marriage have banned it. Po- the Isiklar region. Yet if he were young again, lygyny is the form of polygamy (plural mar- riage) in which a man has more than one wife. said Mr. Arslan, a sprightly, potbellied, 64-year- Marriage usually is a , old Kurdish village chieftain, he would happily but under polygyny secondary wives may or trade in his fi ve wives for one. may not reside near the fi rst wife. In this Turk- “Marrying fi ve wives is not sinful, and I did ish case the fi ve wives have their own homes. so because to have many wives is a sign of Many societies, including Turkey (as de- Polygamy, although formally outlawed, has power,” he said, perched on a divan in a large scribed here), that once permitted plural survived in Turkey since the Ottoman period, when having several wives was viewed as a cushion-fi lled room at his house, where a por- marriage have outlawed it. The Turkish symbol of power, wealth, and sexual prowess. trait of Turkey’s fi rst president, Mustafa Kemal bride shown here—Kubra Gul, the Unlike the past, when the practice was custom- Ataturk, who outlawed polygamy in 1926, is daughter of Turkey’s president Abdullah Gul—will not have to share her bride- ary (for men who could afford it) and not ille- prominently displayed. gal, polygamy can put contemporary women at groom, Mehmet Sarimermer. The photo “But I wouldn’t do it again,” he added, list- risk. Because their marriages have no offi cial shows the couple on their wedding day ing the challenges of having so many kin—like status, secondary wives who are abused or (October 14, 2007) in Istanbul. mistreated have no legal recourse. Like all in- the need to build each wife a house away from stitutions studied by anthropologists, customs the others to prevent friction and his struggle involving plural marriage are changing in the to remember all of his children’s names. “I was in this deeply religious and rural Kurdish region contemporary world and in the context of nation- uneducated back then, and God commands us of southeastern Anatolia, home to one-third of states and globalization. to be fruitful and multiply.” Turkey’s 71 million people. The practice is gen- ISIKLAR, Turkey, July 6—With his 5 wives, Though banned by Ataturk as part of an ef- erally accepted under the Koran. 55 children and 80 grandchildren, 400 sheep, fort to modernize the Turkish republic and em- Polygamy is creating cultural clashes in a 1,200 acres of land and a small army of ser- power women, polygamy remains widespread country struggling to reconcile the secularism

that there were more widows than widowers. when another one is to be added, especially if Most of the widows remarried, some in polygy- they are to share the same household. In certain nous unions. Among the Kanuri of Bornu and in societies, the fi rst wife requests a second wife to other polygynous societies, widows made up a help with household chores. The second wife’s large number of the women involved in plural status is lower than that of the fi rst; they are se- marriages (Hart, Pilling, and Goodale 1988). In nior and junior wives. The senior wife sometimes many societies, including the Kanuri, the number chooses the junior one from among her close kins- of wives is an indicator of a man’s household pro- women. Among the Betsileo of Madagascar, the ductivity, prestige, and social position (see “Ap- different wives always lived in different villages. preciating Diversity”). The more wives, the more A man’s fi rst and senior wife, called “Big Wife,” workers. Increased productivity means more lived in the village where he cultivated his best wealth. This wealth in turn attracts additional rice fi eld and spent most of his time. High-status wives to the household. Wealth and wives bring men with several rice fi elds and multiple wives greater prestige to the household and its head. had households near each fi eld. They spent most If a plural marriage is to work, there needs to of their time with the senior wife but visited the be some agreement among the existing spouses others throughout the year.

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of the republic with its Muslim traditions. It also fi nding their own wife is a way to rebel and He also has trouble keeping track of his risks undermining Turkey’s drive to gain entry express their independence,” he said. children. He recently saw two boys fi ghting in into the European Union. Isiklar, the remote village where Mr. Arslan the street and told them they would bring “The E.U. is looking for any excuse not to let is the aga, or chief, can be found at the end of shame on their families. “Do you not recognize Turkey in, and polygamy reinforces the stereo- a long dirt road, surrounded by sweeping ver- me?” one replied. “I am your son.” . . . type of Turkey as a backward country,” said dant fi elds. Most of the local residents share Women’s groups say polygamy is putting Handan Coskun, director of a women’s center. the Arslan, which means lion in women at risk. “These women can be abused, Because polygamous marriages are not Turkish and connotes virility. raped, mistreated, and because their mar- recognized by the state—imams who conduct Mr. Arslan said he regretted his multiple mar- riages are not legal, they have nowhere to them are subject to punishment—the wives riages and had forbidden his sons to take more turn,” said Ms. Coskun, the director of the have no legal status, making them vulnerable than one wife. He is also educating his daugh- women’s center, which has opened bread- when marriages turn violent. Yet the local au- ters. “I have done nothing shameful,” he said. “I making factories in poor rural areas where thorities here typically turn a blind eye because don’t drink. I treat everyone with respect. But women can work and take classes on wom- the practice is viewed as a tradition. . . . having so many wives can create problems.” en’s rights. . . . In Turkey, polygamy experts explain the His biggest headache, he said, stems from Back in Isiklar, Mr. Arslan acknowledged practice as a hangover from the Ottoman pe- among the wives, the fi rst of whom he that polygamy was an outmoded practice. riod, when harem culture abounded and hav- married out of love. “My rule is to behave “God has been giving to me because I am giv- ing several wives was viewed as a symbol of equally toward all of my wives,” he said. “But ing to my family,” he said. “But if you want to be infl uence, sexual prowess and wealth. the fi rst wife was very, very jealous when the happy, marry one wife.” Remzi Otto, a sociology professor at Dicle second wife came. When the third arrived, the University in Diyarbakir, who conducted a sur- fi rst two created an alliance against her. So I vey of 50 polygamous families, said some men have to be a good diplomat.”

took second wives if their fi rst wives could not Mr. Arslan, who owns land, real estate and SOURCE: Dan Bilefsky, “Polygamy Fosters Culture conceive sons. Some also take widowed shops throughout the region, said the fi nancial Clashes (and Regrets) in Turkey.” From The New York women and orphan girls as second wives to burden of so many offspring could be over- Times, July 10, 2006. © 2006 The New York Times. All rights reserved. Used by permission and pro- give them a social safety net. Love, he added, whelming. “When I go to the shoe shop, I buy tected by the Copyright Laws of the United States. can also play a role. 100 pairs of shoes at a time,” he said. “The clerk The printing, copying, redistribution, or retransmis- “Many men in this region are forced into at the store thinks I’m a shoe salesman and sion of the Material without express written permis- marriages when they are as young as 13, so tells me to go visit a wholesaler.” sion is prohibited. www.nytimes.com

Plural wives can play important political roles vary from society to society and even within the in nonindustrial states. The king of the Merina, a same society. Some men are polygynous because society with more than one million people in the they have inherited a widow from a brother (the highlands of Madagascar, had palaces for each of levirate). Others have plural wives because they his 12 wives in different provinces. He stayed seek prestige or want to increase household pro- with them when he traveled through the king- ductivity. Still others use marriage as a political dom. They were his local agents, overseeing and tool or a means of economic advancement. Men reporting on provincial matters. The king of and women with political and economic ambi- Buganda, the major precolonial state of Uganda, tions cultivate marital alliances that serve their took hundreds of wives, representing all the clans aims. In many societies, including the Betsileo of in his nation. Everyone in the kingdom became Madagascar and the Igbo of Nigeria, women ar- the king’s in-law, and all the clans had a chance to range the marriages. provide the next ruler. This was a way of giving Like all institutions studied by anthropolo- the common people a stake in the government. gists, customs involving plural marriage are These examples show that there is no single changing in the contemporary world and in the explanation for polygyny. Its context and function context of nation-states and globalization. This

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This polygynous family includes two wives, six children, and one husband, all members of the Uighur . They sit in front of their house at the Buzak Commune, near Khotan, Xinjiang Province, People’s Republic of China. Would you expect most mar- riages to be polygy- nous in a society that allows polygyny?

chapter’s “Appreciating Diversity” focuses on the world’s polyandrous peoples live in South changing marriage customs in Turkey. Tradition- Asia—Tibet, Nepal, India, and Sri Lanka. In some ally, polygyny has been allowed there for men who of these areas, polyandry seems to be a cultural could afford multiple wives and many children. adaptation to mobility associated with custom- Polygyny now is outlawed, but it still is practiced. ary male travel for trade, commerce, and military Because polygynous unions now lack legal operations. Polyandry ensures there will be at status,status, secosecondarynd wives are at risk if least one man at home to accomplish male activi- their hhusbandu mistreats, ne- ties within a gender-based division of labor. Fra- gglects,lects, or leaves them. ternal polyandry is also an effective strategy when resources are scarce. Brothers with limited resources (in land) pool their resources in ex- PolyandryP panded (polyandrous) households. They take Polyandry is rare just one wife. Polyandry restricts the number of and is practiced un- wives and heirs. Less competition among heirs der very specifi c means that land can be transmitted with minimal conditions. Most of fragmentation.

Acing the COURSE

Summary 1. Marriage, which is usually a form of domestic ance of incest also refl ect specifi c kinship struc- partnership, is hard to defi ne. All societies have tures. A cultural focus on father–daughter incest some kind of incest taboo. Human behavior with may correlate with a patriarchal nuclear family respect to mating with close relatives may express structure, whereas the cultural focus is on avoid- a generalized primate tendency, illustrating both ing brother–sister incest in societies with lineages urges and avoidance. But types, risks, and avoid- and clans.

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2. The following are some of the explanations that spouse’s relatives. Some of these rights may be es- have been offered for the incest taboo: (1) It codi- tablished by same-sex domestic partnerships. fi es instinctive horror of incest, (2) it expresses 5. In societies with descent groups, marriages are concern about the biological effects of incestuous relationships between groups as well as between unions, (3) it refl ects feelings of attraction or aver- spouses. With the custom of bridewealth, the sion that develop as one grows up in a household, groom and his relatives transfer wealth to the and (4) it has an adaptive advantage because it bride and her relatives. As the bridewealth’s value promotes exogamy, thereby increasing networks increases, the divorce rate declines. Bridewealth of friends and allies. customs show that marriages among nonindus- 3. Exogamy extends social and political ties out- trial food producers create and maintain group ward. This is confi rmed by a consideration of en- alliances. So do the sororate, by which a man mar- dogamy—marriage within the group. Endogamic ries the sister of his deceased wife, and the levi- rules are common in stratifi ed societies. One ex- rate, by which a woman marries the brother of treme example is India, where castes are the en- her deceased husband. dogamous units. Castes are subdivided into 6. The ease and frequency of divorce vary across exogamous descent groups. The same culture can cultures. Political, economic, social, cultural, and therefore have both endogamic and exogamic religious factors affect the divorce rate. When rules. Certain ancient kingdoms encouraged royal marriage is a matter of intergroup alliance, as is incest while condemning incest by commoners. typically true in societies with descent groups, di- 4. The discussion of same-sex marriage, which, by vorce is less common. A large fund of joint prop- and large, is illegal in contemporary North Amer- erty also complicates divorce. ica, illustrates the various rights that go along with 7. Many societies permit plural marriages. The two different-sex marriages. Marriage establishes the kinds of polygamy are polygyny and polyandry. legal parents of children. It gives each spouse rights The former involves multiple wives; the latter, to the sexuality, labor, and property of the other. multiple husbands. Polygyny is much more com- And it establishes a socially signifi cant “relation- mon than is polyandry. ship of affi nity” between each spouse and the other

bridewealth 271 mater 270 Key Terms cross cousins 263 parallel cousins 263 dowry 274 pater 263 endogamy 267 plural marriage 275 exogamy 263 polyandry 275 genitor 263 polygyny 275 incest 263 progeny price 274 levirate 276 sororate 275

MULTIPLE CHOICE c. how despite appearances, marriage has lit- Test tle to do with wealth and it is really all 1. This chapter on marriage describes the example about sex. Yourself! of marital unions between women in the Nuer d. how kinship relationships take different community of Sudan. These unions are sym- meanings in different social contexts; they bolic and social relationships rather than sexual are socially constructed. ones, as in the case of a woman who marries e. how some societies could benefi t from ex- another woman if her father has only daughters posure to modernity. but no male heirs, who are necessary if his patrilineage is to survive. The “wife” can then 2. How is exogamy adaptive? have sex with another man until she gets preg- a. It increases the likelihood that disadvanta- nant. The resulting children are accepted as the geous alleles will fi nd phenotypic expres- offspring of both the female husband and the sion and thus be eliminated from the wife. Examples like this one highlight population. a. how some societies need a better educa- b. It impedes peaceful relations among social tional system to teach people about proper groups and therefore promotes population kinship relationships. expansion. b. how some societies suffer from the lack of c. It was an important causal factor in the ori- male fathers. gin of the state.

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d. It is not adaptive; it is just a culture 7. Among some Native American groups, fi gures construction. known as berdaches were biological men who e. It increases the number of individuals on assumed the behavior and tasks of women. whom one can rely in time of need. Sometimes they married men and together they would share the products of each other’s labor 3. Who are your cross cousins? in the same way that different-sex marriages a. the children of your mother’s brother or do. This example illustrates your father’s sister a. how Arizona is one of many states that rec- b. the children of your mother’s sister or your ognize same-sex marriages in the United father’s brother States. c. your father’s cousins’ children b. how, if legal, same-sex marriages could d. your mother’s cousins’ children easily give each spouse rights to the other e. your cousins of the opposite sex spouse’s labor and its products. 4. Among the Yanomami, as in many societies c. the rare social phenomenon of polyandry. with unilineal descent, sex with cross cousins is d. how same-sex marriages make good eco- proper but sex with parallel cousins is consid- nomic sense. ered incestuous. Why? e. how Edmund Leach was wrong to suggest a. The Yanomami consider parallel cousins to that all societies defi ne marriage similarly. be relatives, whereas cross cousins are ac- 8. Which of the following statements about di- tual or potential affi nals. vorce is not true? b. Among the Yanomami, the cross cousins a. Divorce is more common now than it was a are actually the parallel cousins. century ago. c. The Yanomami, as well as members of b. The more substantial the joint property, the other societies with unilineal descent, share more complicated the divorce. a gene that impedes them from having sex c. Divorce is unique to industrialized with parallel cousins. nation-states. d. This behavior is a human universal ex- d. Divorce is harder in a patrilineal society. plained by Freud’s theory of attempt and e. Substantial bridewealth may decrease the contempt. divorce rate. e. The Yanomami consider cross cousins closer relatives than all other kin. 9. Which of the following is not a form of polygamy? 5. Among social scientists, which is the most ac- a. a man who has three wives cepted explanation for the incest taboo? b. a woman who has three husbands, all of a. instinctive horror caused by genes whom are brothers b. marry out or die out c. a man who marries, then divorces, then c. the widespread fear of biological marries again, then divorces again, then degeneration marries again, each time to a different d. attempt or contempt woman e. genetically determined attraction for those d. a man who has three wives, all of whom most different from ourselves are sisters 6. Some Polynesian communities believe in the e. a man who has two wives, one of whom is impersonal force called mana and that having biologically female, while the other is bio- high levels of mana marks people as sacred. logically male, but is regarded as having The practice of royal endogamy was one way the spirit of a woman of making sure that this impersonal force re- 10. Which of the following statements about mar- mained within the ruling class. What type of riage is true? explanation is this? a. It must involve at least one biological male a. a latent function, the explanation investiga- and at least one biological female. tors give for people’s customs b. It involves a woman and the genitor of her b. an affi nal function that encourages the ex- children. tension of affi nal bonds to an ever-widen- c. It always involves a priest. ing circle of people d. Rings must be exchanged. c. a genetic explanation e. It is a cultural universal. d. a manifest function, the explanations peo- ple give for their customs e. an etic explanation

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FILL IN THE BLANK

1. The term refers to the biological father of a child, while is the term anthropologists use to identify ego’s socially recognized father. 2. refers to the culturally sanctioned practice of marrying someone within a group to which one belongs. 3. is a marital exchange in which the bride’s family or kin group provides substantial gifts when their daughter marries. This custom is correlated with female status. 4. When a widower marries a sister of his deceased wife, this is called a . 5. The custom called occurs when a widow marries a brother of her deceased husband.

CRITICAL THINKING

1. What is homogamy? In countries such as the United States, what are the social and economic implica- tions of homogamy (especially when coupled with other trends such as the rise of female employment)? 2. What is bridewealth? What else is it called and why? Do you have anything like it in your society? Why or why not? 3. According to Edmund Leach (1955), depending on the society, several different kinds of rights are allo- cated by marriage. What are these rights? Which among these rights do you consider more fundamental than others in your defi nition of marriage? Which ones can you do without? Why? 4. Outside industrial societies, marriage is often more a relationship between groups than one between indi- viduals. What does this mean? What are some examples of this?

5. Divorce tends to be more common in matrilineal than in patrilineal societies. Why?

3. Dowry, low; 4. sororate; 5. evirate 5. sororate; 4. low; Dowry, 3.

1. genitor, pater; 2. Endogamy; Endogamy; 2. pater; genitor, 1. (E); 10. (C); 9. (C); 8. (B); 7. (D); 6. (B); 5. (A); 4. (A); 3. (E); 2. (D); 1. Fill in the Blank: Blank: the in Fill Choice: Multiple

Collier, J. F., ed. Levine, N. E. Suggested 1988 Marriage and Inequality in Classless Societies. 1988 The Dynamics of Polyandry: Kinship, Domes- Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Mar- ticity, and Population in the Tibetan Border. Additional riage and issues of gender stratifi cation in bands Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Case Readings and tribes. study of fraternal polyandry and household or- Hart, C. W. M., A. R. Pilling, and J. C. Goodale ganization in northwestern Nepal. 1988 The Tiwi of North Australia, 3rd ed. Fort Malinowski, B. Worth: Harcourt Brace. Latest edition of classic 2001 (orig. 1927) Sex and Repression in Savage So- case study of Tiwi marriage arrangements, in- ciety. New York: Routledge. Classic study of sex, cluding polygyny, and social change over 60 marriage, and kinship among the matrilineal years of anthropological study. Trobrianders. Ingraham, C. Simpson, B. 2008 White Weddings: Romancing Heterosexuality 1998 Changing Families: An Ethnographic Ap- in Popular Culture, 2nd ed. New York: Routledge. proach to Divorce and Separation. New York: Love and marriage, including the ceremony, in Berg. Current marriage and divorce trends in today’s United States. Great Britain.

Go to our Online Learning Center website at www.mhhe.com/kottak for Internet Internet exercises directly related to the content of this chapter. Exercises

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What is religion, and what are its various forms, social correlates, and functions?

What is ritual, and what are its various forms and expressions?

What role does religion play in maintaining and changing societies?

A softball game featuring monks from the Gampo Abbey, Cape Breton Island, Nova Scotia, Canada. Magic and religion can blend into sports. kot16988_ch12_284-309.indd Page 285 1/9/10 2:50:23 AM user-f472 /Volumes/202/MHSF174/kot16988/0078116988/kot16988_pagefiles

Religion kot16988_ch12_284-309.indd Page 286 1/9/10 2:50:28 AM user-f472 /Volumes/202/MHSF174/kot16988/0078116988/kot16988_pagefiles

WHAT IS RELIGION?

ORIGINS, FUNCTIONS, AND EXPRESSIONS OF RELIGION Animism Mana and Taboo understanding OURSELVES Magic and Religion Anxiety, Control, Solace ave you ever noticed how much sailing magic, baseball magic serves to reduce

chapter outline Rituals baseball players spit? Outside psychological stress, creating an illusion of Rites of Passage baseball—even among other control when real control is lacking. Totemism H male sports fi gures—spitting is In several publications about baseball, the considered impolite. Football players, with anthropologist George Gmelch makes use of RELIGION AND CULTURAL ECOLOGY their customary headgear, don’t spit, nor do Malinowski’s observation that magic is most basketball players, who might slip on the court. common in situations dominated by chance Sacred Cattle in India No spitting by Roger Federer, Tiger Woods, Paul and uncertainty. All sorts of magical behaviors SOCIAL CONTROL or Morgan Hamm, or Michael Phelps. Not even surround pitching and batting, which are full of Mark Spitz (a swimmer turned dentist). But uncertainty. There are fewer rituals for fi elding, KINDS OF RELIGION watch any baseball game for a few innings and over which players have more control. (Batting RELIGION IN STATES you’ll see spitting galore. Since pitchers appear averages of .350 or higher are very rare after a Protestant Values and the to be the spitting champions, the custom likely full season, but a fi elding percentage below Rise of Capitalism originated on the mound. It continues today as .900 is a disgrace.) Especially obvious are the a carryover from the days when pitchers rou- rituals (like the spitting) of pitchers, who may: WORLD RELIGIONS tinely chewed tobacco, believing that nicotine tug their cap between pitches, spit in a particu- RELIGION AND enhanced their concentration and effective- lar direction, magically manipulate the resin CHANGE ness. The spitting custom spread to other play- bag, talk to the ball, or wash their hands after Revitalization Movements ers, who unabashedly spew saliva from the giving up a run. Batters have their rituals, too. It Syncretisms outfi eld to the dugout steps. isn’t uncommon to see Minnesota Twins out- Antimodernism and For the student of custom, ritual, and magic, fi elder Carlos Gomez kiss his bat, which he Fundamentalism baseball is an especially interesting game, to likes to talk to, smell, threaten—and reward A New Age which lessons from anthropology are easily ap- when he gets a hit. Another batter routinely SECULAR RITUALS plied. The pioneering anthropologist Bronislaw would spit, then ritually touch his gob with his Malinowski, writing about Pacifi c Islanders bat, to enhance his success at the plate. rather than baseball players, noted they had Humans use tools to accomplish a lot, but developed all sorts of magic to use in sailing, a technology still doesn’t let us “have it all.” To hazardous activity. He proposed that when keep hope alive in situations of uncertainty, people face conditions they can’t control (e.g., and for outcomes we can’t control, all societ- wind and weather), they turn to magic. Magic, ies draw on magic and religion as sources of in the form of rituals, taboos, and sacred ob- nonmaterial comfort, explanation, and control. jects, is particularly evident in baseball. Like What are your rituals?

WHAT IS RELIGION? lieved to impinge on) the observable world. The anthropologist Anthony F. C. Wallace It is nonempirical and inexplicable in ordi- defi ned religion as “belief and ritual con- nary terms. It must be accepted “on faith.” cerned with supernatural beings, powers, Supernatural beings—gods and goddesses, and forces” (1966, p. 5). The supernatural is ghosts, and souls—are not of the material the extraordinary realm outside (but be- world. Nor are supernatural forces, some kot16988_ch12_284-309.indd Page 287 1/9/10 2:50:47 AM user-f472 /Volumes/202/MHSF174/kot16988/0078116988/kot16988_pagefiles

of which may be wielded by beings. Other sacred painted stick fi gures may represent shamans, religion forces are impersonal; they simply exist. In many early religious specialists. Nevertheless, any state- Belief and ritual con- societies, however, people believe they can benefi t ment about when, where, why, and how religion cerned with supernatural from, become imbued with, or manipulate super- arose, or any description of its original nature, can beings, powers, and natural forces (see Bowie 2006; Crapo 2003). only be speculative. However, although such forces. Another defi nition of religion (Reese 1999) fo- speculations are inconclusive, many have re- cuses on bodies of people who gather together vealed important functions and effects of religious regularly for worship. These congregants or adher- behavior. Several theories will be examined now. ents subscribe to and internalize a common system of meaning. They accept (adhere to or believe in) a set of doctrines involving the relationship between Animism the individual and divinity, the supernatural, or The founder of the anthropology of religion was whatever is taken to be the ultimate nature of real- the Englishman Sir Edward Burnett Tylor (1871/ ity. Anthropologists have stressed the collective, 1958). Religion was born, Tylor thought, as people shared, and enacted nature of religion, the emo- tried to understand conditions and events they tions it generates, and the meanings it embodies. could not explain by reference to daily experience. Émile Durkheim (1912/2001), an early scholar of Tylor believed that our ancestors—and contempo- religion, stressed religious effervescence, the bub- rary nonindustrial peoples—were particularly in- bling up of collective emotional intensity gener- trigued with death, dreaming, and trance. In ated by worship. Victor Turner (1969/1995) dreams and trances, people see images they may updated Durkheim’s notion, using the term com- remember when they wake up or come out of the communitas munitas, an intense community spirit, a feeling of trance state. Intense feeling of social great social solidarity, equality, and togetherness. Tylor concluded that attempts to explain solidarity. The word religion derives from the Latin religare, dreams and trances led early humans to believe “to tie, to bind,” but it is not necessary for all the that two entities inhabit the body: one active dur- members of a given religion to meet together as a ing the day and the other—a double or soul—active common body. Subgroups meet regularly at local during sleep and trance states. Although they congregation sites. They may attend occasional never meet, they are vital to each other. When the meetings with adherents representing a wider re- double permanently leaves the body, the person gion. And they may form an imagined community dies. Death is departure of the soul. From the Latin with people of similar faith throughout the world. for soul, anima, Tylor named this belief animism. Like ethnicity and language, religion also is as- The soul was one sort of spiritual entity; people sociated with social divisions within and between remembered various images from their dreams societies and nations. Religion both unites and di- and trances—other spirits. For Tylor, animism, the animism vides. Participation in common rites may affi rm, earliest form of religion, was a belief in spiritual Belief in souls or and thus maintain, the social solidarity of one re- beings. doubles. ligion’s adherents. However, as we know from Tylor proposed that religion evolved through daily headlines, religious difference also may be stages, beginning with animism. Polytheism (the associated with bitter enmity. belief in multiple gods) and then monotheism (the In studying religion crossculturally, anthropol- belief in a single, all-powerful deity) developed ogists pay attention to the social nature and roles later. Because religion originated to explain things of religion as well as to the nature, content, and people didn’t understand, Tylor thought it would meaning to people of religious doctrines, acts, decline as science offered better explanations. To events, settings, practitioners, and organizations. an extent, he was right. We now have scientifi c We also consider such verbal manifestations of re- explanations for many things that religion once ligious beliefs as prayers, chants, myths, texts, and elucidated. Nevertheless, because religion per- statements about ethics and . Religion, by sists, it must do something more than explain the either defi nition offered here, exists in all human mysterious. It must, and does, have other func- societies. It is a cultural universal. However, we’ll tions and meanings. see that it isn’t always easy to distinguish the su- pernatural from the natural and that different soci- eties conceptualize divinity, supernatural entities, Mana and Taboo and ultimate realities very differently. Besides animism—and sometimes coexisting with it in the same society—is a view of the supernatu- ral as a domain of raw impersonal power, or force, ORIGINS, FUNCTIONS, AND that people can control under certain conditions. EXPRESSIONS OF RELIGION (You’d be right to think of Star Wars.) Such a con- ception of the supernatural is particularly promi- mana When did religion begin? No one knows for sure. nent in Melanesia, the area of the South Pacifi c Impersonal sacred force, There are suggestions of religion in Neandertal that includes Papua New Guinea and adjacent so named in Melanesia burials and on European cave walls, where islands. Melanesians believed in mana, a sacred and Polynesia.

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anthropology ATLAS impersonal force existing in the universe. amulet belonging to a successful hunter might Map 15 shows the Mana can reside in people, animals, transmit the hunter’s mana to the next person spatial distribution of plants, and objects. who held or wore it. A woman might put a rock world religions. Melanesian mana was similar to our in her garden, see her yields improve dramati- notion of effi cacy or luck. Melanesians cally, and attribute the change to the force con- taboo attributed success to mana, which people tained in the rock. Sacred and forbidden; could acquire or manipulate in different ways, Beliefs in manalike forces are widespread, al- prohibition backed by such as through magic. Objects with mana could though the specifi cs of the religious doctrines supernatural sanctions. change someone’s luck. For example, a charm or vary. Consider the contrast between mana in Melanesia and Polynesia (the islands included in a triangular area marked by Hawaii to the north, Easter Island to the east, and New Zealand to the southwest). In Melanesia, one could acquire mana by chance or by working hard to get it. In Polynesia, however, mana wasn’t potentially available to everyone but was attached to political offi ces. Chiefs and nobles had more mana than ordinary people did. So charged with mana were the highest chiefs that contact with them was dangerous to the commoners. The mana of chiefs fl owed out of their bodies wherever they went. It could infect the ground, making it dangerous for others to walk in the chief’s footsteps. It could permeate the containers and utensils chiefs used in eating. Contact between chief and commoners was dan- gerous because mana could have an effect like an electric shock. Because high chiefs had so much mana, their bodies and possessions were taboo (set apart as sacred and off-limits to ordi- Ancient Greek polytheism is illustrated by this image of Apollo, with a lyre, nary people). Contact between a high chief and and Artemis, sacrifi cing over an altar fi re. The red-fi gured terra-cotta vessel commoners was forbidden. Because ordinary dates to 490–480 b.c.e. people couldn’t bear as much sacred current as royalty could, when commoners were accidentally exposed, purifi - cation rites were necessary. One role of religion is to explain (see Horton 1993). A belief in souls explains what happens in sleep, trance, and death. Melanesian mana explains differential success that people can’t understand in ordi- nary, natural terms. People fail at hunting, war, or gardening not be- cause they are lazy, stupid, or inept but because success comes—or doesn’t come—from the supernatu- ral world. The beliefs in spiritual beings (e.g., animism) and supernatural forces (e.g., mana) fi t within the defi - nition of religion given at the begin- ning of this chapter. Most religions include both spirits and impersonal forces. Likewise, the supernatural beliefs of contemporary North Americans include beings (gods, saints, souls, demons) and forces Illustrating baseball magic, Minnesota Twins outfi elder Carlos Gomez kisses his bat, which he (charms, talismans, crystals, and sa- likes to talk to, smell, threaten–and reward when he gets a hit. cred objects).

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Magic and Religion Magic refers to supernatural techniques intended to accomplish specifi c aims. These techniques include spells, formu- las, and incantations used with deities or with impersonal forces. Magicians use imitative magic to produce a desired effect by imitating it. If magicians wish to injure or kill someone, they may imi- tate that effect on an image of the victim. Sticking pins in “voodoo dolls” is an ex- ample. With contagious magic, whatever is done to an object is believed to affect a person who once had contact with it. Sometimes practitioners of contagious magic use body products from prospec- tive victims—their nails or hair, for ex- ample. The spell performed on the body product is believed to reach the person eventually and work the desired result. We fi nd magic in cultures with diverse religious beliefs. It can be associated Trobriand Islanders prepare a traditional trading canoe for use in the Kula, which is a with animism, mana, polytheism, or regional exchange system. The woman brings trade goods in a basket, while the men monotheism. Magic is neither simpler prepare the long canoe to set sail. Magic is often associated with uncertainty, such as nor more primitive than animism or the sailing in unpredictable waters. belief in mana.

and the fi sh supply, they turn to magic. People magic Anxiety, Control, Solace may call on magic when they come to a gap in Using supernatural tech- Religion and magic don’t just explain things and their knowledge or powers of practical control niques to accomplish help people accomplish goals. They also enter yet have to continue in a pursuit (Malinowski specifi c aims. the realm of human feelings. In other words, 1931/1978). they serve emotional needs as well as cognitive Malinowski noted that it was only when con- (e.g., explanatory) ones. For example, supernat- fronted by situations they could not control that ural beliefs and practices can help reduce anxi- Trobrianders, out of psychological stress, turned ety. Magical techniques can dispel doubts that from technology to magic. Despite our improv- arise when outcomes are beyond human control. ing technical skills, we can’t control every Similarly, religion helps people face death and outcome, and magic persists in contemporary endure life crises. societies. As was discussed in “Understanding Although all societies have techniques to deal Ourselves,” magic is particularly evident in with everyday matters, there are certain aspects baseball, where George Gmelch (1978, 2001) de- of people’s lives over which they lack control. scribes a series of rituals, taboos, and sacred When people face uncertainty and danger, ac- objects. Like Trobriand sailing magic, these be- cording to Malinowski, they turn to magic. haviors serve to reduce psychological stress, cre- ating an illusion of magical control when real [H]owever much knowledge and science help control is lacking. Even the best pitchers have off man in allowing him to obtain what he wants, days and bad luck. Gmelch’s conclusions con- they are unable completely to control chance, fi rm Malinowski’s that magic is most prevalent to eliminate accidents, to foresee the unex- in situations of chance and uncertainty, espe- pected turn of natural events, or to make hu- cially pitching and batting. man handiwork reliable and adequate to all According to Malinowski, magic is used to es- practical requirements. (Malinowski 1931/ tablish control, but religion “is born out of . . . the 1978, p. 39) real tragedies of human life” (1931/1978, p. 45). As was discussed in this chapter’s “Under- Religion offers emotional comfort, particularly standing Ourselves,” Malinowski found that the when people face a crisis. Malinowski saw tribal Trobriand Islanders used a variety of magical religions as concerned mainly with organizing, practices when they went on sailing expeditions, a commemorating, and helping people get through hazardous activity. He proposed that because peo- such life events as birth, puberty, marriage, and ple can’t control matters such as wind, weather, death.

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ritual Rituals something, but ritual performers—who make up Formal, repetitive, congregations—are in earnest. Rituals convey in- Several features distinguish rituals from other stereotyped behavior; formation about the participants and their tradi- kinds of behavior (Rappaport 1974). Rituals are based on a liturgical tions. Repeated year after year, generation after order. formal—stylized, repetitive, and stereotyped. generation, rituals translate enduring messages, People perform them in special (sacred) places values, and sentiments into action. rites of passage and at set times. Rituals include liturgical orders— Rituals are social acts. Inevitably, some partici- Rites marking transitions sequences of words and actions invented prior to pants are more committed than others are to the between places or the current performance of the ritual in which stages of life. beliefs that lie behind the rites. However, just by they occur. taking part in a joint public act, the performers These features link rituals to plays, but there liminality signal that they accept a common social and are important differences. Plays have audiences The in-between phase moral order, one that transcends their status as rather than participants. Actors merely portray of a passage rite. individuals.

Rites of Passage Magic and religion, as Malinowski noted, can re- duce anxiety and allay fears. Ironically, beliefs and rituals also can create anxiety and a sense of insecurity and danger (Radcliffe-Brown 1962/ 1965). Anxiety may arise because a rite exists. In- deed, participation in a collective ritual may build up stress, whose common reduction, through the completion of the ritual, enhances the solidarity of the participants. Rites of passage, for example, the collective circumcision of teenagers, can be very stressful (Gennep 1960). The traditional vision quests of Na- tive Americans, particularly the Plains Indians, il- lustrate rites of passage (customs associated with the transition from one place or stage of life to an- other), which are found throughout the world. Among the Plains Indians, to move from boyhood to manhood, a youth temporarily separated from his community. After a period of isolation in the wilderness, often featuring fasting and drug con- sumption, the young man would see a vision, which would become his guardian spirit. He would then return to his community as an adult. The rites of passage of contemporary cultures include confi rmations, baptisms, bar and bat mitzvahs, and fraternity hazing. Passage rites in- volve changes in social status, such as from boy- hood to manhood and from nonmember to sorority sister. There are also rites and rituals in our business and corporate lives. Examples in- clude promotion and retirement parties. More generally, a rite of passage may mark any change in place, condition, social position, or age. All rites of passage have three phases: separa- tion, liminality, and incorporation. In the fi rst phase, people withdraw from the group and begin mov- ing from one place or status to another. In the third phase, they reenter society, having completed the rite. The liminal phase is the most interesting. It is the period between states, the limbo during which Passage rites are often collective. A group—such as these initiates in Togo or people have left one place or state but haven’t yet these Navy trainees in San Diego—passes through the rites as a unit. Such entered or joined the next (Turner 1969/1995). liminal people experience the same treatment and conditions and must act Liminality always has certain characteristics. alike. They share communitas, an intense community spirit, a feeling of great Liminal people occupy ambiguous social posi- social solidarity or togetherness. tions. They exist apart from ordinary distinctions

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RECAP 12.1 Oppositions between Liminality and Normal Social Life

LIMINALITY NORMAL SOCIAL STRUCTURE

Transition State Homogeneity Heterogeneity Communitas Structure Equality Inequality Anonymity Names Absence of property Property Absence of status Status Nakedness or uniform dress Dress distinctions Sexual continence or excess Sexuality Minimization of sex distinctions Maximization of sex distinctions Absence of rank Rank Humility Pride Disregard of personal appearance Care for personal appearance Unselfi shness Selfi shness Total obedience Obedience only to superior rank Sacredness Secularity Sacred instruction Technical knowledge Silence Speech Simplicity Complexity Acceptance of pain and suffering Avoidance of pain and suffering

SOURCE: Reprinted with permission from Victor W. Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (New York: Aldine de Gruyter). Copyright © 1995 by Walter de Gruyter, Inc.

and expectations, living in a time out of time. taboos may be intensifi ed, or, conversely, sexual They are cut off from normal social contacts. A excess may be encouraged. variety of contrasts may demarcate liminality Liminality is a basic part of every passage rite. from regular social life. For example, among the Furthermore, in certain societies, including our Ndembu of Zambia, a chief underwent a rite of own, liminal symbols may be used to set off one passage before taking offi ce. During the liminal (religious) group from another, and from society period, his past and future positions in society as a whole. Such “permanent liminal groups” were ignored, even reversed. He was subjected to (e.g., sects, brotherhoods, and cults) are found a variety of insults, orders, and humiliations. most characteristically in complex societies— Passage rites are often collective. Several nation-states. Liminal features such as humility, individuals—boys being circumcised, fraternity poverty, equality, obedience, sexual abstinence, or sorority initiates, men at military boot camps, and silence may be required for all sect or cult football players in summer training camps, members. Those who join such a group agree to women becoming nuns—pass through the rites abide by its rules. As if they were undergoing a together as a group. Recap 12.1 lists the contrasts passage rite—but in this case a never-ending or oppositions between liminality and normal so- one—they may rid themselves of their posses- cial life. Most notable is a social aspect of collective sions and cut off former social links, including liminality called communitas (Turner 1967), an in- those with family members. tense community spirit, a feeling of great social solidarity, equality, and togetherness. People ex- periencing liminality together form a community Totemism of equals. The social distinctions that have existed Rituals serve the social function of creating tem- before or will exist afterward are temporarily for- porary or permanent solidarity among people— gotten. Liminal people experience the same treat- forming a social community. We see this also in ment and conditions and must act alike. Liminality practices known as totemism. Totemism has been may be marked ritually and symbolically by re- important in the religions of Native Australians. versals of ordinary behavior. For example, sexual Totems can be animals, plants, or geographic

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appreciating ANTHROPOLOGY pology department at the Collège de France, described as “an empty shell—full of artifacts A Parisian Celebration but dead to themselves.” and a Key Tourist Destination The new museum, which has 1.3 million visitors a year, was a sort of homage to Mr. Lévi-Strauss, who “blessed it from the be- During the last week of November 2008, France At the Quai Branly, 100 scholars and writers ginning,” Mr. Descola said . . . (along with several other countries) celebrated read from or lectured on the work of Mr. Lévi- In 1996, when asked his opinion of the proj- the 100th birthday of Claude Lévi-Strauss. Father Strauss, while documentaries about him were ect, Mr. Lévi-Strauss said in a handwritten let- of a school known as screened, and guided visits were provided to ter to Mr. Chirac: “It takes into account the and a key fi gure in the anthropology of religion (especially myth and folklore), Lévi-Strauss (who the collections, which include some of his own evolution of the world since the Musée de died less than one year later—on October 30, favorite artifacts. l’Homme was created. An ethnographic mu- 2009) is known for his theoretical books and his Stéphane Martin, the president of the seum can no longer, as at that time, offer an studies of Native Americans in lowland South museum, . . . along with the French culture authentic vision of life in these societies so dif- America. Described here, too, is the Musée du minister, Christine Albanel, and the minister of ferent from ours. With perhaps a few excep- Quai Branly, site of events honoring the French higher education and research, Valérie tions that will not last, these societies are master, which he inspired and helped establish. That museum, which has become one of Paris’s Pécresse, presided over the unveiling of a progressively integrated into world politics key tourist destinations, is a tribute to the arts, plaque outside the museum’s theater, which is and economy. When I see the objects that I beliefs, and cosmology of non–Western peoples. already named for Mr. Lévi-Strauss, who did collected in the fi eld between 1935 and 1938 This account suggests a more prominent public not attend the festivities. Ms. Pécresse an- again—and it’s also true of others—I know appreciation of anthropology in France than in nounced a new annual 100,000 euro prize that their relevance has become either docu- the United States. Undoubtedly this prominence refl ects France’s colonial history, to be examined (about $127,000) in his name for a researcher mentary or, mostly, aesthetic.” in the next chapter. in “human sciences” working in France. Presi- The building is striking and controversial, dent Nicolas Sarkozy visited Mr. Lévi-Strauss imposing the ideas of the star architect Jean PARIS—Claude Lévi-Strauss, who altered the on Friday evening at his home. . . . Nouvel on the organization of the spaces. But way Westerners look at other civilizations, The museum was the grand project of for- Mr. Martin says it is working well for the mu- turned 100 on Friday [November 28, 2008]. mer president Jacques Chirac, who loved an- seum, whose marvelous objects—“fragile France celebrated with fi lms, lectures and free thropology and embraced the idea of a colloquy fl owers of difference,” as Mr. Lévi-Strauss once admission to the museum he inspired, the of civilizations, as opposed to the academic called them—can be seen on varying levels of Musée du Quai Branly. Mr. Lévi-Strauss is cher- quality of the old Musée de l’Homme, which aesthetics and serious study. They are pre- ished in France. . . . Philippe Descola, the chairman of the anthro- sented as artifacts of great beauty but also

features. In each tribe, groups of people have par- natural order becomes a model for diversity in the ticular totems. Members of each totemic group social order. However, although totemic plants believe themselves to be descendants of their to- and animals occupy different niches in nature, on tem. Traditionally they customarily neither killed another level they are united because they all are nor ate a totemic animal, but this taboo was lifted part of nature. The unity of the human social order once a year, when people assembled for ceremo- is enhanced by symbolic association with and imi- nies dedicated to the totem. These annual rites tation of the natural order (Durkheim 1912/2001; were believed to be necessary for the totem’s sur- Lévi-Strauss 1963; Radcliffe-Brown 1962/1965). cosmology vival and reproduction. Totemism is one form of cosmology—a system, A system, often religious, Totemism uses nature as a model for society. in this case a religious one, for imagining and un- for imagining and under- The totems are usually animals and plants, which derstanding the universe. In the Australian to- standing the universe. are part of nature. People relate to nature through temic cosmology just discussed, diversity in nature their totemic association with natural species. Be- becomes a model for diversity in society. This cause each group has a different totem, social dif- chapter’s “Appreciating Anthropology” focuses ferences mirror natural contrasts. Diversity in the on the work and life of a key fi gure in the anthro-

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He tried to think through the symbols of the cosmology of these civilizations, their systems of gods and beliefs, which also animate their agriculture and their gardens. The garden here uses the symbol of the tortoise, not refl ected literally, “but in an oval form that recurs,” Mr. Clément said. “We fi nd the tortoise everywhere,” he con- tinued. “It’s an animal that lives a long time, so it represents a sort of reassurance, or the eter- nal, perhaps.” The French structural anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss helped inspire Paris’s Musée du Mr. Lévi-Strauss “is very important to me,” Quai Branly, where these totemic fi gures from Oceania are on display. The museum is Mr. Clément said, adding: “He represents an devoted to non–Western art. extremely subversive vision with his interest in populations that were disdained. He paid care- with defi ning context, telling visitors not only vary, how cultural differences are systemati- ful attention, not touristically but profoundly, to what they are, but also what they were meant cally organized.” the human beings on the earth who think dif- to be when they were created . . . Mr. Levi-Strauss took difference as the basis ferently from us. It’s a respect for others, which On Tuesday there was a day-long collo- for his study, not the search for commonality, is very strong and very moving. He knew that quium at the Collège de France, where which defi ned 19th-century anthropology, Mr. cultural diversity is necessary for cultural cre- Mr. Lévi-Strauss once taught. Mr. Descola said Descola said. In other words, he took cultures ativity, for the future.” that centenary celebrations were being held in on their own terms rather than try to relate at least 25 countries. everything to the West . . . “People realize he is one of the great intel- One of the most remarkable aspects of the

lectual heroes of the 20th century,” he said in Quai Branly is its landscaping, designed by SOURCE: Steven Erlanger, “100th-Birthday Tributes Pour an interview. “His thought is among the most Gilles Clément to refl ect the questing spirit of in for Lévi-Strauss.” From The New York Times, Novem- complex of the 20th century, and it’s hard to Mr. Lévi-Strauss. Mr. Clément tried to create a ber 29, 2008. © 2008 The New York Times. All rights reserved. Used by permission and protected by the convey his prose and his thinking in English. “non–Western garden,” he said in an interview, Copyright Laws of the United States. The printing, “with more the spirit of the savannah,” where But he gave a proper object to anthropology: copying, redistribution, or retransmission of the Mate- not simply as a study of human nature, but a most of the animist civilizations live whose ar- rial without express written permission is prohibited. systematic study of how cultural practices tifacts fi ll the museum itself. www.nytimes.com

pology of religion (especially myth, folklore, to- commemorate, and tell visual stories about, an- temism, and cosmology), Claude Lévi-Strauss. cestors, animals, and spirits, also are associated Described, too, in “Appreciating Anthropology,” with ceremonies. In totemic rites, people gather is the Musée du Quai Branly, now a key Paris tour- together to honor their totem. In so doing, they ist destination, which is a tribute to the arts, be- use ritual to maintain the social oneness that the liefs, and cosmology of non–Western peoples. totem symbolizes. Along with most anthropologists, Lévi-Strauss In contemporary nations, too, totems continue would agree that one role of religious rites and to mark groups, such as states and universities beliefs is to affi rm, and thus maintain, the solidar- (e.g., Badgers, Buckeyes, and Wolverines), profes- ity of a religion’s adherents. Totems are sacred sional teams (Lions, Tigers, and Bears), and politi- emblems symbolizing common identity. This is cal parties (donkeys and elephants). Although the true not just among Native Australians but also modern context is more secular, one can still wit- among Native American groups of the North ness, in intense college football rivalries, some of Pacifi c coast of North America, whose totem poles the effervescence Durkheim noted in Australian are well known. Their totemic carvings, which totemic religion.

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powers, and forces may help people survive in through the eyes of their material environment. In this section, we OTHERS will see how beliefs and rituals may function as part of a group’s cultural adaptation to its NAME: Saba Ghanem environment. COUNTRY OF ORIGIN: Yemen

SUPERVISING PROFESSOR: Robert Anderson SCHOOL: Mills College Sacred Cattle in India The people of India revere zebu cattle, which are protected by the Hindu doctrine of ahimsa, a principle of nonviolence that forbids the killing Driven by Religion or of animals generally. Western economic devel- by Popular Culture opment experts occasionally (and erroneously) cite the Hindu cattle taboo to illustrate the idea n my country, Yemen, Islam is the offi cial religion and it plays a crucial that religious beliefs can stand in the way of ra- role in one’s everyday life and in society as a whole. In the villages tional economic decisions. Hindus might seem Iwhere I grew up, where people work and live as a collaborative unit, to be irrationally ignoring a valuable food (beef) the practice of Islam serves every child and elder as a manual for how to because of their cultural or religious traditions. conduct one’s life. The fi ve pillars of Islam hold that it is an annual obliga- The economic developers also comment that In- tion for the rich to give charity or alms to the poor, and so the work and dians don’t know how to raise proper cattle. wealth of fi elds and farming are shared between rich and poor. Another They point to the scraggly zebus that wander pillar of Islam, congregational prayer, advocates stability. In every Yemeni about town and country. Western techniques of village there is a masjid (mosque), which calls everyone to come together animal husbandry grow bigger cattle that pro- to pray fi ve times a day. Another pillar is fasting during the month of duce more beef and milk. Western planners la- Ramadhan. In the villages, this is a very spiritual time of sharing, motivation, ment that Hindus are set in their ways. Bound and seeking forgiveness from God and from each other. Many other vil- by culture and tradition, they refuse to develop lage practices can be related to the teachings of Islam. Children are taught rationally. basic skills such as washing hands or playing with other children. Teenag- However, these assumptions are both ethno- ers grow up abiding by the rules of respecting elders and caring for par- centric and wrong. Sacred cattle actually play an ents, and the elders use Islam to guide them to reach consensus in important adaptive role in an Indian ecosystem everyday decisions. Religion is always in a person’s conscious thought and that has evolved over thousands of years (Harris infl uences almost all individual acts, dialogues, and decisions. 1974, 1978). Peasants’ use of cattle to pull plows In the United States, religion appears to be less of a priority than it is in and carts is part of the technology of Indian ag- the villages of Yemen. In the United States, multiple religions are prac- riculture. Indian peasants have no need for ticed, and the level of belief varies from individual to individual, which was large, hungry cattle of the sort that economic de- a surprise to me. Secular culture dominates social life, and everyone leads velopers, beef marketers, and North American an individual and unique life. I have observed that many people pray only cattle ranchers prefer. Scrawny animals pull when faced with hardships, that religious places often are sparsely at- plows and carts well enough but don’t eat their tended, and that young people tend to be careless about religion. In the owners out of house and home. How could United States, one often learns not from religion or elders but from expe- peasants with limited land and marginal diets rience. The work world is competitive rather than collaborative, and good feed supersteers without taking food away from deeds come when there is a reward attached rather than from good will. themselves? However, on my last visit to Yemen, I began to see secular culture tak- Indians use cattle manure to fertilize their ing prominence over religion. For example, today it is more common to fi elds. Not all the manure is collected, because see relatives fi ghting over ownership of houses and land. More villagers peasants don’t spend much time watching their seem to be seeking materialistic power rather than focusing on their spiri- cattle, which wander and graze at will during tuality. These situations have led to instability and practices that under- certain seasons. In the rainy season, some of the mine religion in some modern villages of Yemen, making them more like manure that cattle deposit on the hillsides washes the West. In a traditional Yemeni village, a day’s goal is to be able to work down to the fi elds. In this way, cattle also fertilize to feed, move to pray, and smile to live. In the United States, by contrast, the fi elds indirectly. Furthermore, in a country it’s work to save, move to work, and smile to be liked. where fossil fuels are scarce, dry cattle dung, which burns slowly and evenly, is a basic cook- ing fuel. Far from being useless, as the development ex- perts contend, sacred cattle are essential to Indian RELIGION AND cultural adaptation. Biologically adapted to poor pasture land and a marginal environment, the CULTURAL ECOLOGY scraggly zebu provides fertilizer and fuel, is in- Another domain in which religion plays a dispensable in farming, and is affordable for peas- prominent role is cultural ecology. Behavior ants. The Hindu doctrine of ahimsa puts the full motivated by beliefs in supernatural beings, power of organized religion behind the command

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not to destroy a valuable resource even in times of extreme need.

SOCIAL CONTROL Religion has meaning for people. It helps men and women cope with adversity and tragedy. It offers hope that things will get better. Lives can be transformed through spiritual healing or rebirth. Sinners can repent and be saved—or they can go on sinning and be damned. If the faithful truly internalize a system of religious re- wards and punishments, their religion becomes a powerful means of controlling their beliefs, their behavior, and what they teach their children. Many people engage in religious activ- ity because it seems to work. Prayers get answered. Faith healers heal. Sometimes it doesn’t take much to convince the faith- A wandering cow does not perturb these shoppers in Udaipur, Rajasthan. India’s zebu ful that religious actions are effi cacious. cattle are protected by the doctrine of ahimsa, a principle of nonviolence that forbids the Many American Indian people in south- killing of animals generally. This Hindu doctrine puts the full power of organized religion western Oklahoma use faith healers at behind the command not to destroy a valuable resource even in times of extreme need. high monetary costs, not just because it makes them feel better about the uncer- tain but because it works (Lassiter 1998). Each year legions of Brazilians visit a church, Nosso the Koran (Burns 1997). Various repressive mea- Senhor do Bomfi m, in the city of Salvador, Bahia. sures were instituted. The Taliban barred women They vow to repay “Our Lord” (Nosso Senhor) if from work and girls from school. Females past healing happens. Showing that the vows work, puberty were prohibited from talking to unre- and are repaid, are the thousands of ex votos, lated men. Women needed an approved reason, plastic impressions of every conceivable body such as shopping for food, to leave their homes. part, that adorn the church, along with photos of Men, who were required to grow bushy beards, people who have been cured. also faced an array of bans—against playing Religion can work by getting inside people cards, listening to music, keeping pigeons, and and mobilizing their —their joy, their fl ying kites. wrath, their righteousness. We’ve seen how Émile To enforce their decrees, the Taliban sent armed Durkheim (1912/2001), a prominent French social enforcers throughout the country. Those agents theorist and scholar of religion, described the col- took charge of “beard checks” and other forms of lective “effervescence” that can develop in reli- scrutiny on behalf of a religious police force known gious contexts. Intense bubbles up. as the General Department for the Preservation of People feel a deep sense of shared joy, meaning, Virtue and the Elimination of Vice (Burns 1997). By experience, communion, belonging, and commit- late fall 2001 the Taliban had been overthrown, ment to their religion. with a new interim government established in The power of religion affects action. When reli- Kabul, the Afghani capital, on December 22. The gions meet, they can coexist peacefully, or their collapse of the Taliban followed American bomb- differences can be a basis for enmity and dishar- ing of Afghanistan in response to the September mony, even battle. Religious fervor has inspired 11, 2001, attacks on New York’s World Trade Cen- Christians on crusades against the infi del and has ter and Washington’s Pentagon. As the Taliban led Muslims to wage holy wars against non-Islamic yielded Kabul to victorious Northern Alliance peoples. Throughout history, political leaders forces, local men fl ocked to barbershops to have have used religion to promote and justify their their beards trimmed or shaved. They were using views and policies. a key Taliban symbol to celebrate the end of reli- By late September 1996, the Taliban movement gious repression. had fi rmly imposed an extreme form of social Note that in the case of the Taliban, forms of control in the name of religion on Afghanistan social control were used to support a strict reli- (Figure 12.1) and its people. Led by Muslim cler- gious orthodoxy. This wasn’t repression in reli- ics, the Taliban attempted to create their version gion’s name, but repressive religion. In other of an Islamic society modeled on the teachings of countries, secular leaders use religion to justify

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Near a royal tomb in Kabul, on January 30, 2004, a young boy prepares to launch a kite, illus- trating Afghanistan’s national (amateur) sport for boys. Banned by the Taliban, kite fl ying is once again popular.

leveling mechanism social control. Seeking power, they use religious Custom that brings rhetoric to get it. The Saudi Arabian government, standouts back in line for example, can be seen as using religion to di- with community norms. vert attention from a repressive social policy. How may leaders mobilize communities and, in so doing, gain support for their own policies? One way is by persuasion; another is by instilling hatred or fear. As we saw in the chapter “Political RUSSIA S Systems,” fears about and accusations of witch- yr D ar Aral ya Lake Sea Balkhash craft and sorcery can be powerful means of social KAZAKHSTAN AZERBAIJAN control by creating a climate of danger and inse- Almaty Baku UZBEKISTAN curity that affects everyone. Bishkek Caspian KYRGYZSTAN Witchcraft accusations often are directed at so- Sea TURKMENISTAN Tashkent cially marginal or anomalous individuals. Among Ashgabat Dushanbe Takla Makan TAJIKISTAN the Betsileo of Madagascar, for example, who a Desert ry Tehran Da mu Feyzabad prefer patrilocal postmarital residence, men liv- Balkh A SH KU CHINA Meymaneh Baghlan U ing in the wife’s or the mother’s village violate a HIND Herat Bamian Charikar Kabul cultural norm. Linked to their anomalous social IRAN AFGHANISTAN Islamabad Ghazni position, just a bit of unusual behavior (e.g., stay- Farah Gardez nd a Qalat lm e H ing up late at night) on their part is suffi cient for H Qandahar I M 50°E A L A them to be called witches and avoided as a result. P Y A e S r s PAKISTAN In tribes and peasant communities, people who ia n NEPAL G s u u d New Delhi stand out economically, especially if they seem to Doha lf In QATAR be benefi ting at the expense of others, often face nges Abu Dhabi Ga accusations of witchcraft, leading to social ostra- U.A.E. INDIA cism or punishment. In this case witchcraft accu- Muscat Tropic of Ca SAUDI ncer ARABIA sation becomes a leveling mechanism, a custom OMAN Arabian Sea 0 250 500 mi or social action that operates to reduce differ- 0 250 500 km 60°E 20°N 70°E ences in wealth and thus to bring standouts in line with community norms—another form of so- FIGURE 12.1 Location of Afghanistan. cial control.

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To ensure proper behavior, religions offer re- medico-magico-religious specialists. Shaman is wards, such as the fellowship of the religious the general term encompassing curers (“witch community, and punishments, such as the threat doctors”), mediums, spiritualists, astrologers, of being cast out or excommunicated. Many reli- palm readers, and other diviners. Wallace found gions promise rewards for the good life and pun- shamanic religions to be most characteristic of ishment for the bad. Your physical, mental, moral, foraging societies, particularly those found in the and spiritual health, now and forever, may de- northern latitudes, such as the Inuit and the na- pend on your beliefs and behavior. For example, tive peoples of Siberia. if you don’t pay enough attention to the ances- Although they are only part-time specialists, tors, they may snatch your kids from you. shamans often set themselves off symbolically Religions, especially the formal organized ones from ordinary people by assuming a different or typically found in state societies, often prescribe a ambiguous sex or gender role. (In nation-states, code of ethics and morality to guide behavior. The priests, nuns, and vestal virgins do something Judaic Ten Commandments lay down a set of pro- similar by taking vows of celibacy and chastity.) hibitions against killing, stealing, adultery, and As was discussed in the chapter “Gender,” among other misdeeds. are breaches of secular the Chukchee of Siberia (Figure 12.2), where laws, just as sins are breaches of religious stric- coastal populations fi shed and interior groups tures. Some rules (e.g., the Ten Commandments) hunted, male shamans copied the behavior and proscribe or prohibit behavior; others prescribe lifestyles of women (Bogoras 1904) and received behavior. The Golden Rule, for instance, is a reli- respect for their supernatural and curative exper- gious guide to do unto others as you would have tise. Female shamans could join a fourth gender them do unto you. Moral codes are ways of main- and marry other women. Among the Crow Indi- taining order and stability. Codes of morality and ans, certain ritual duties were reserved for ber- shaman ethics are repeated constantly in religious ser- daches, who rejected the traditional male role and A part-time magico- mons, catechisms, and the like. They become in- thus formed a third gender. The fact that certain religious practitioner. ternalized psychologically. They guide behavior key rituals could be conducted only by berdaches communal religions and produce regret, guilt, shame, and the need for indicates their regular and normal place in Crow Based on community forgiveness, expiation, and absolution when they social life (Lowie 1935). rituals, e.g., harvest are not followed. Communal religions have, in addition to ceremonies, passage Religions also maintain social control by stress- shamans, community rituals such as harvest rites. ing the temporary and fl eeting nature of this life. They promise rewards (and/or punishment) in an afterlife (Christianity) or reincarnation (Hin- duism and Buddhism). Such beliefs serve to rein- force the status quo. People accept what they have now, knowing they can expect something better in the afterlife or the next life if they follow reli- gious guidelines. Under slavery in the American South, the masters taught portions of the Bible, such as the story of Job, that stressed compliance. The slaves, however, seized on the story of Moses, Barrow ALASKA the promised land, and deliverance. 180 ARCTIC (U.S.) ° OCEAN N N

80° 70° 160 Nome ° Chukchi W

° Sea Bering Strait 140 Wrangel KINDS OF RELIGION 120° Island Chukchi W Pen.

W East Religion is a cultural universal. But religions are New Siberian e Siberian ng Provideniya Islands Chukchi Ra parts of particular cultures, and cultural differ- Laptev Sea Pevek Gulf of CHU ences show up systematically in religious beliefs Sea KCHEE Anadyr T E Anadyr' N Nordvik C and practices. For example, the religions of strati- AA C 60° ZY Cherskiy T fi ed, state societies differ from those of cultures N Bering Sea Y U A ED K A V U BIT e Tiksi G U NINHA g with less marked social contrasts and power dif- H H n I C a

a R e R U k r i g ferentials. V N a g k I n n e N i Y A K d R a ° e r H a 180 Ole y n L n O e k A I Considering several cultures, Wallace (1966) r B R K h I T o o E Zyryanka

K K D a y identifi ed four types of religion: shamanic, com- a Verkhoyansk o l m n y sk m y 0 125 250 mi

l munal, Olympian, and monotheistic. Unlike a R a o n g K Palana 0 125 250 km priests, the shamans of a shamanic religion aren’t e Susuman Shelikhov uy T U N Gulf full-time religious offi cials but part-time religious Vily Vilyuysk G U S fi gures who mediate between people and super- hk natural beings and forces. All cultures have FIGURE 12.2 Location of Chukchee in Siberia.

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RECAP 12.2 Anthony F. C. Wallace’s Typology of Religions

TYPE OF RELIGION (WALLACE) TYPE OF PRACTITIONER CONCEPTION OF SUPERNATURAL TYPE OF SOCIETY

Monotheistic Priests, ministers, etc. Supreme being States Olympian Priesthood Hierarchical pantheon Chiefdoms and with powerful deities archaic states Communal Part-time specialists; Several deities with Food-producing occasional community- some control over nature tribes sponsored events, including rites of passage Shamanic Shaman 5 part-time Zoomorphic practitioner Foraging band (plants and animals)

ceremonies and rites of passage. Although com- polytheistic. They include powerful anthropo- munal religions lack full-time religious specialists, morphic gods with specialized functions, for ex- polytheism they believe in several deities (polytheism) who ample, gods of love, war, the sea, and death. Belief that multiple control aspects of nature. Although some hunter- Olympian pantheons (collections of supernatural deities control aspects gatherers, including Australian totemites, have beings) were prominent in the religions of many of nature. communal religions, these religions are more typ- nonindustrial nation-states, including the Aztecs ical of farming societies. of Mexico, several African and Asian kingdoms, Olympian religions Olympian religions, which arose with state and classical Greece and Rome. Wallace’s fourth State religions with pro- organization and marked social stratifi cation, add type—monotheism—also has priesthoods and fessional priesthoods. full-time religious specialists—professional priest- notions of divine power, but it views the super- hoods. Like the state itself, the priesthood is hierar- natural differently. In monotheism, all supernatu- monotheism chically and bureaucratically organized. The term ral phenomena are manifestations of, or are under Worship of a single Olympian comes from Mount Olympus, home of the control of, a single eternal, omniscient, omnip- supreme being. the classical Greek gods. Olympian religions are otent, and omnipresent supreme being. Recap 12.2 summarizes the four types and their features.

RELIGION IN STATES Robert Bellah (1978) coined the term “world- rejecting religion” to describe most forms of Chris- tianity, including Protestantism. World-rejecting religions arose in ancient civilizations, along with literacy and a specialized priesthood. These reli- gions are so named because of their tendency to reject the natural (mundane, ordinary, material, secular) world and to focus instead on a higher (sacred, transcendent) realm of reality. The divine is a domain of exalted morality to which humans can only aspire. Salvation through fusion with the supernatural is the main goal of such religions.

We’wha, a Zuni Protestant Values and the berdache, in 1885. In Rise of Capitalism some Native Ameri- Notions of salvation and the afterlife dominate can societies, certain Christian ideologies. However, most varieties of ritual duties were Protestantism lack the hierarchical structure of ear- reserved for ber- lier monotheistic religions, including Roman Ca- daches, men who tholicism. With a diminished role for the priest rejected the male (minister), salvation is directly available to individ- role and joined a uals. Regardless of their social status, Protestants third gender. have unmediated access to the supernatural. The

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individualistic focus of Protestantism offers a close Today, of course, in North America as through- fi t with capitalism and with American culture. out the world, people of many religions and with In his infl uential book The Protestant Ethic and the diverse worldviews are successful capitalists. Spirit of Capitalism (1904/1958), the social theorist Furthermore, traditional Protestant values often Max Weber linked the spread of capitalism to the have little to do with today’s economic maneu- values preached by early Protestant leaders. Weber vering. Still, there is no denying that the individu- saw European Protestants (and eventually their alistic focus of Protestantism was compatible with American descendants) as more successful fi nan- the severance of ties to land and kin that industri- cially than Catholics. He attributed this difference alism demanded. These values remain prominent to the values stressed by their religions. Weber saw in the religious background of many of the people Catholics as more concerned with immediate hap- of the United States. piness and security. Protestants were more ascetic, entrepreneurial, and future-oriented, he thought. Capitalism, said Weber, required that the tradi- tional attitudes of Catholic peasants be replaced WORLD RELIGIONS by values befi tting an industrial economy based Information on the world’s major religions is pro- on capital accumulation. Protestantism placed a vided in Table 12.1 (number of adherents) and Fig- premium on hard work, an ascetic life, and profi t ure 12.3 (percentage of world population). Based seeking. Early Protestants saw success on earth as on people’s claimed religions, Christianity is the a sign of divine favor and probable salvation. Ac- world’s largest, with some 2.1 billion adherents. cording to some Protestant credos, individuals Islam, with some 1.3 billion practitioners, is next, could gain favor with God through good works. followed by Hinduism, then Chinese traditional Other sects stressed predestination, the idea that religion (also known as Chinese folk religion or only a few mortals have been selected for eternal life and that people cannot change their fates. However, material success, achieved through TABLE 12.1 Religions of the World, by hard work, could be a strong clue that someone Estimated Number of Adherents, 2005 was predestined to be saved. Weber also argued that rational business organi- zation required the removal of industrial produc- Christianity 2.1 billion tion from the home, its setting in peasant societies. Islam 1.3 billion Protestantism made such a separation possible by Secular/Nonreligious/Agnostic/ emphasizing individualism: individuals, not fami- Atheist 1.1 billion lies or households, would be saved or not. Interest- ingly, given the connection that is usually made Hinduism 900 million with morality and religion in contemporary Ameri- Chinese traditional religion 394 million can discourse about family values, the family was a Buddhism 376 million secondary matter for Weber’s early Protestants. Primal-indigenous 300 million God and the individual reigned supreme. African traditional and diasporic 100 million Sikhism 23 million VIDEOS Juche 19 million living anthropology Spiritism 15 million 14 million Ritual Possession, www.mhhe.com/kottak Baha’i 7 million The central fi gure in this clip is Nana Kofi Owusu, a senior priest-healer among Ghana’s Bono people. The Jainism 4.2 million Bono believe in a hierarchy of deities and spirits. The Shinto 4 million highest god is linked to ordinary people through Cao Dai 4 million lower-level deities and spirits and the priest-healers and others who receive spirits. Nana Owusu serves as Zoroastrianism 2.6 million the guardian of various shrines, including one principal Tenrikyo 2 million one, which he keeps and honors in a separate room of Neo-Paganism 1 million his house and wears on his head during ceremonies. Unitarian-Universalism 800 thousand Among the Bono is it only men who receive spirits, or can women receive them, too? How is succession Rastafarianism 600 thousand established for the position of priest-healer—how did Scientology 500 thousand Nana Owusu achieve this status? According to the professor shown in the clip, do people usually know SOURCE: Adherents.com. 2005. http//www.adherents.com/ it when they are possessed? Religions_By_Adherents.html. Reprinted by permission of Preston Hunter, adherents.com.

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TABLE 12.2 Major World Religions by Percentage of World Population Classical World Religions 2005 Ranked by Internal Religious Similarity

33% MOST UNIFIED Christianity (Including Catholic, Protestant, Eastern Baha’i Orthodox, Pentecostal, Anglican, Monophysite, AICs, Latter-day Saints, Zoroastrianism Evangelical, SDAs, Jehovah's Witnesses, Judaism Quakers, AOG, nominal, etc.) Sikhism (0.22%) 21% Islam Other Islam Sikhism (Shiite, Sunni, etc.) Jainism (0.36%) 6% Buddhism Judaism Taoism 6% 16% “Nonreligous” Chinese Shinto Traditional (Including agnostic, atheist, secular humanist, plus Christianity 6% people answering 'none' or Primal- no religious preference. Half Buddhism Indigenous 14% of this group is "theistic" (Including African Hinduism but nonreligious.) Hinduism Traditional/Diasporic) MOST DIVERSE Note: Total adds up to more than 100% due to rounding and because upper bound estimates were used for each group. SOURCE: Adherents.com. 2001. http//www.adherents.com/ Source: 2005 www.adherents.com Religions_By_Adherents.html. Reprinted by permission of Preston Hunter, adherents.com. FIGURE 12.3 Major World Religions by Percentage of World Population, 2005. Listed fi rst are the most cohesive/unifi ed groups. SOURCE: Adherents.com. 2005. http//www.adherents.com/Religions_By_Adherents.html. Listed last are the religions with the most internal Reprinted by permission of Preston Hunter, adherents.com. diversity. The list is based mainly on the degree of doctrinal similarity among the various subgroups. To a lesser extent it refl ects diversity in practice, Confucianism), and Buddhism. More than a bil- ritual, and organization. (The list includes the ma- lion people claim no offi cial religion, but only jority manifestations of each religion, as well as about a fi fth of them are self-proclaimed atheists. subgroups that the larger branches may label “het- Worldwide, Christianity’s growth rate of 2.3 per- erodox.”) How would you decide whether a value cent just matches the rate of world population judgment is implied by this list? Is it better for a increase (Adherents.com 2002; Ontario Con- religion to be highly unifi ed, cohesive, monolithic, anthropology ATLAS sultants 2001). Islam is growing at a faster and lacking in internal diversity, or to be frag- pace, about 2.9 percent annually. This chap- Map 15 shows the mented, schismatic, multifaceted, and abounding ter’s “Appreciating Diversity” examines distribution of the in variations on the same theme? Over time such how Islam has spread by adapting suc- world’s major diversity can give birth to new religions; for ex- cessfully to many national and cultural religions, also ample, Christianity arose from Judaism, Buddhism differences, including the presence of other summarized in from Hinduism, Baha’i from Islam, and Sikhism religions that were already established in Table 12.3. from Hinduism. Within Christianity, Protestant- the areas to which Islam has spread. ism developed out of Roman Catholicism. Within Christianity, there is variation in the growth rate. There were an estimated 680 mil- lion “born-again” Christians (i.e., Pentecostals and Evangelicals) in the world in 2001, with an RELIGION AND CHANGE annual worldwide growth rate of 7 percent, ver- Fundamentalists seek order based on strict adher- sus just 2.3 percent for Christianity overall. (This ence to purportedly traditional standards, beliefs, would translate into 1.17 billion Pentecostals and rules, and customs. Christian and Islamic funda- Evangelicals in 2009.) The global growth rate of mentalists recognize, decry, and attempt to redress Roman Catholics has been estimated at only 1.3 per- change, yet they also contribute to change. In a cent, compared with a Protestant growth rate of worldwide process, new religions challenge estab- 3.3 percent per year (Winter 2001). Much of this lished churches. In the United States, conservative explosive growth, especially in Africa, is of a type Christian TV hosts have become infl uential broad- of Protestantism that would be scarcely recogniz- casters and opinion shapers. In Latin America, able to most Americans, given its incorporation of evangelical Protestantism is winning millions of many animistic elements. converts from Roman Catholicism. Table 12.2 classifi es 11 world religions accord- Like political organization, religion helps main- ing to their degree of internal unity and diversity. tain social order. And, like political mobilization,

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religious energy can be harnessed not just for national, and international cultural forces. Syn- syncretisms change but also for revolution. Reacting to con- cretisms are cultural mixes, including religious Cultural, especially reli- quest or to actual or perceived foreign domina- blends, that emerge from acculturation—the ex- gious, mixes, emerging tion, for instance, religious leaders may seek to change of cultural features when cultures come from acculturation. alter or revitalize their society. In an “Islamic Rev- into continuous fi rsthand contact. One example olution,” for example, Iranian ayatollahs mar- of religious syncretism is the mixture of African, shaled religious fervor to create national solidarity Native American, and Roman Catholic saints and and radical change. We call such movements na- deities in Caribbean vodun, or “voodoo,” cults. tivistic movements (Linton 1943) or revitalization This blend also is present in Cuban santeria and in movements (Wallace 1956). candomblé, an “Afro-Brazilian” cult. Another syn- cretism is the blend of Melanesian and Christian beliefs in cargo cults. Revitalization Movements Like the Handsome Lake religion just dis- Revitalization movements are social movements cussed, cargo cults are revitalization movements. revitalization that occur in times of change, in which religious Such movements may emerge when natives movements leaders emerge and undertake to alter or revitalize have regular contact with industrial societies Movements aimed at a society. Christianity originated as a revitalization but lack their wealth, technology, and living altering or revitalizing movement. Jesus was one of several prophets who standards. Some such movements attempt to ex- a society. preached new religious doctrines while the Mid- plain European domination and wealth and to dle East was under Roman rule. It was a time of achieve similar success magically by mimicking social unrest, when a foreign power ruled the land. European behavior and manipulating symbols Jesus inspired a new, enduring, and major reli- of the desired lifestyle. The syncretic cargo cults cargo cults gion. His contemporaries were not so successful. of Melanesia and Papua New Guinea weave Postcolonial, accultura- The Handsome Lake religion arose around Christian doctrine with aboriginal beliefs (Fig- tive religious movements 1800 among the Iroquois of New York State ure 12.4). They take their name from their focus in Melanesia. (Wallace 1970). Handsome Lake, the founder of on cargo: European goods of the sort natives this revitalization movement, was a leader of one have seen unloaded from the cargo holds of of the Iroquois tribes. The Iroquois had suffered ships and airplanes. because of their support of the British against the In one early cult, members believed that the American colonials (and for other reasons). After spirits of the dead would arrive in a ship. These the colonial victory and a wave of immigration to ghosts would bring manufactured goods for the their homeland, the Iroquois were dispersed on natives and would kill all the whites. More recent small reservations. Unable to pursue traditional cults replaced ships with airplanes (Worsley horticulture and hunting in their homeland, they 1959/1985). Many cults have used elements of became heavy drinkers and quarreled among European culture as sacred objects. The rationale themselves. is that Europeans use these objects, have wealth, Handsome Lake was a heavy drinker who and therefore must know the “secret of cargo.” By started having visions from heavenly messengers. mimicking how Europeans use or treat objects, The spirits warned him that unless the Iroquois natives hope also to come upon the secret changed their ways, they would be destroyed. knowledge needed to gain cargo. His visions offered a plan for coping with the new For example, having seen Europeans’ anthropology ATLAS order. Witchcraft, quarreling, and drinking would reverent treatment of fl ags and fl agpoles, Map 10 shows the end. The Iroquois would copy European farming the members of one cult began to wor- Iroquois in North techniques, which, unlike traditional Iroquois ship fl agpoles. They believed the flag- America where the horticulture, stressed male rather than female la- poles were sacred towers that could Handsome Lake bor. Handsome Lake preached that the Iroquois transmit messages between the living revitalization should also abandon their communal longhouses and the dead. Other natives built airstrips movement began. and matrilineal descent groups for more perma- to entice planes bearing canned goods, nent marriages and individual family households. portable radios, clothing, wristwatches, The teachings of Handsome Lake produced a new and motorcycles. Near the airstrips they church and religion, one that still has members in made effi gies of towers, airplanes, and radios. New York and Ontario. This revitalization move- They talked into the cans in a magical attempt to ment helped the Iroquois adapt to and survive in establish radio contact with the gods. a modifi ed environment. They eventually gained Some cargo cult prophets proclaimed that suc- a reputation among their non-Indian neighbors as cess would come through a reversal of European sober family farmers. domination and native subjugation. The day was near, they preached, when natives, aided by God, Jesus, or native ancestors, would turn the tables. Syncretisms Native skins would turn white, and those of Eu- Especially in today’s world, religious expres- ropeans would turn brown; Europeans would die sions emerge from the interplay of local, regional, or be killed.

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appreciating DIVERSITY Some Islamic fundamentalists might frown upon the diversity caused by local characteris- Islam Expanding Globally, Adapting Locally tics, but such are the predominant forms of Islam. “Rather than discussing Islam, we might more accurately talk about ‘Islams’ in different Religious diversity has been a key interest of an- fl ects the increasingly diverse areas in which it cultural contexts,” Asani said. “We have Mus- thropology since the 19th century. One well- is practiced. lim literature from China, for example, where known anthropological defi nition of religion “Islam is a world religion,” said Ali Asani, a Islamic concepts are understood within a Con- stresses beliefs and behavior concerned with su- Harvard professor of Indo-Muslim Languages fucian framework.” pernatural beings, powers, and forces. Another defi nition focuses on congregants—a body of and Culture. “If you think about doctrine and In the region of Bengal, now part of the na- people who gather together regularly for wor- theology, when these sets of religious ideas tion of Bangladesh and the Indian state of ship, and who accept a set of doctrines involving and concepts are transferred to different parts West Bengal, a popular literary tradition cre- the relationship between the individual and di- of the world—and Muslims live in many cul- ated a context for the arrival of Islam. The con- vinity. Some religions, and the beliefs, affi rma- tures and speak many different languages— cept of the avatar is important to the Hindu tions, and forms of worship they promote, have the expressions of those doctrines and tradition, in which these deities become incar- spread widely. We learn here how Islam, the world’s fastest-growing religion, has adapted lo- theology will necessarily be infl uenced by local nate and descend to Earth to guide the righ- cally to various nations and cultures. In this pro- culture.” teous and fi ght evil. cess, although certain fundamentals endure, Sometimes such regional distinctions are “What you fi nd in 16th century Bengal is the there is also room for considerable diversity. Lo- obvious to even casual observers. Mosques, development of what you might call ‘folk litera- cal people always assign their own meanings to for example, all share common features—they ture’ where the Islamic idea of the prophet be- the messages and social forms, including reli- gion, they receive from outside. Such meanings face Mecca and have a mihrab, or niche, that comes understood within the framework of refl ect their cultural backgrounds and experi- indicates that direction. Yet they also boast the avatar,” Asani said. “So you have bridges ences. Islam has adapted successfully to many unique architectural elements and decor that being built between religious traditions as con- cultural differences, including linguistic prac- suggest whether their location is Iran, Africa, or cepts resonate against each other.” tices, building styles, and the presence of other China. The houses of worship provide what This example is quite different from condi- religions, such as Hinduism, already established Asani calls “a visual reminder of cultural diver- tions in pre-Islam Arabia, at the time of in that area. sity.” Other easily grasped regional distinctions Mohammed, where the poet held a special One in every fi ve people worldwide is a Muslim, have their origins at the level of language. While place in society. “If you consider the Koran, the some 1.3 billion believers. Islam is the world’s Arabic is Islam’s liturgical language, used for word means ‘recitation’ in Arabic, and it’s pri- fastest growing religion and it has spread prayer, most Muslims’ understanding of their marily an oral scripture, intended to be recited across the globe. faith occurs in their local language. aloud and heard; to be performed,” Asani said. Muslims everywhere agree on the Shahadah, “Languages are really windows into cul- “Viewed from a literary perspective, its form the profession of faith: “There is no God but ture,” Asani explains. “So very often what you and structure relate very well to the poetic tra- Allah; Mohammed is the prophet of Allah.” But fi nd is that theological Islamic concepts get ditions of pre-Islamic Arabia. It’s an example Islam is far from homogeneous—the faith re- translated into local idioms.” . . . where the format of revelation was determined

As syncretisms, cargo cults blend aboriginal had to be generous. People worked for the big and Christian beliefs. Melanesian myths told of man, helping him amass wealth, but eventually ancestors shedding their skins and changing he had to give a feast and give away all that into powerful beings and of dead people re- wealth. turning to life. Christian missionaries, who had Because of their experience with big-man sys- been in Melanesia since the late 19th century, tems, Melanesians believed that all wealthy peo- also spoke of resurrection. The cults’ preoccupa- ple eventually had to give their wealth away. For tion with cargo is related to traditional Melane- decades, they had attended Christian missions sian big-man systems. In the chapter “Political and worked on plantations. All the while they ex- Systems,” we saw that a Melanesian big man pected Europeans to return the fruits of their labor

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by the culture. In pre-Islamic Arabia the poet was often considered to be inspired in his po- etic compositions by jinn from another world. So when the Prophet Muhammed began re- ceiving revelations which were eventually compiled into the Koran, he was accused of being a poet, to which he responded ‘I’m not a poet but a prophet.’” . . . Islam came to Indonesia with merchants who were not theologians but simply practicing Muslims who people looked to as an example. There were also Sufi teachers who were quite willing to create devotional exercises that fi t the way people in Sumatra or Java already prac- ticed their faith. The two largest Muslim groups in Indonesia today, and perhaps in the world, are Muhammadyya and Nahdlatul Ulama. Each of them has over 30 million members, and each Muslims before an Islamic mosque in Kano, northern Nigeria. began as a local reform movement rooted in the promotion of a more modern education within the framework of Islam. . . . A large number of Muslims, of course, don’t it’s highly visible and highly educated. In the Islam is the world’s fastest growing religion live in Islamic nations at all but as minorities in days of apartheid they had the advantage of and an increasingly common topic of global other countries. The emergence of some mi- being an intermediary, a community that was conversation. Yet much of the discourse nority Muslim communities has been an inter- neither black nor white. By the 1980s the paints the faith with a single brush. As more esting and important development of the last younger Muslim leadership became very op- people become familiar with Islam around 25 to 30 years. posed to apartheid on Islamic grounds and the world it may be well for them to fi rst ask, Some relatively small communities can on basic human rights grounds. Muslims be- as Professor Asani suggests: “Whose Islam? have a large impact. The European Muslim came quite active in the African National Which Islam?” populations, for example, have a high compo- Congress (ANC). Though they were only a nent of refugee intellectuals. They’ve had an small minority when apartheid was destroyed, SOURCE: Brian Handwerk, “Islam Expanding Globally, effect on their adopted countries, and also on a number of Muslims became quite visible in Adapting Locally,” National Geographic News, Octo- the rest of the Islamic world. . . . the new South African regime—and through- ber 24, 2003. http://news.nationalgeographic.com. In South Africa the Muslim community is out the larger Muslim world. Encompassing © 2003 National Geographic Society. Reprinted with less than three percent of the population—but both Islamic states and minority communities, permission.

as their own big men did. When the Europeans intercede, to kill or otherwise defl ate the Euro- refused to distribute the wealth or even to let pean big men and redistribute their wealth. natives know the secret of its production and dis- Cargo cults are religious responses to the ex- tribution, cargo cults developed. pansion of the world capitalist economy. How- Like arrogant big men, Europeans would be ever, this religious mobilization had political and leveled, by death if necessary. However, natives economic results. Cult participation gave Melane- lacked the physical means of doing what their tra- sians a basis for common interests and activities ditions said they should do. Thwarted by well- and thus helped pave the way for political parties armed colonial forces, natives resorted to magical and economic interest organizations. Previously leveling. They called on supernatural beings to separated by geography, language, and customs,

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135°W

VOLCANO 165°E 180° Haw 150°W 135°W ISLANDS MIDWAY ai ian (Japan) Tropic of Cancer ISLAND Isl (US) an 15°N ds WAKE ISLAND HAWAII (US) NORTHERN JOHNSTON (US) MARIANAS ISLAND (US) 15°N (US) 15°N MARSHALL ISLANDS GUAM (US) Agana PACIFIC Eniwetok I. OCEAN Kwajalein Island Koror Truk KINGMAN Is. Majuro REEF (US) PALMYRA ISLAND (US) PALAU Palikir FEDERATED STATES Teraina OF MICRONESIA HOWLAND ISLAND (US) Tabuaeran BAKER ISLAND (US) Tarawa Equator 0° Yaren Gilbert JARVIS I. Islands New NAURU McKean I. (US) Bismarck M Phoenix Guinea Archipelago E SOLOMON Islands PAPUA NEW TUVALU L ISLANDS KIRIBATI GUINEA A Funafuti Marquesas Honiara TOKELAU (NZ) Islands Arafura Port N Manihiki Moresby Guadalcanal I. SAMOA (Fr) Sea E WALLIS & AMERICAN Island SAMOA F S FUTUNA (Fr) R Espiritu Santo I. Apia Pago COOK Society E VANUATU I N Tuamotu 15°S Coral FIJI Pago ISLANDS Islands C Sea Malekula I. Port- A (Fr) H Archipelago (NZ) Papeete Vila TONGA PO (Fr) NEW CALEDONIA Suva NIUE Tahiti (Fr) L Rarotonga Y (Fr) (NZ) N E Loyalty Island SI Noumea Islands (Fr) Nuku’alofa A PITCAIRN (UK) Tropic of Capricorn Pitcairn AUSTRALIA Tubuai Rapa Island Islands (Fr) Island Ducie antimodernism (Fr) Island NORFOLK ° ISLAND Kermadec 30 S Rejecting the modern (Aust) Islands 0 500 1,000 mi (NZ) for a presumed earlier, Canberra NEW 0 500 1,000 km purer, better way. Tasman ZEALAND Sea 165°E 180° 165°W 150°W 135°W fundamentalism Advocating strict fi delity FIGURE 12.4 Location of Melanesia. to a religion’s presumed founding principles. Antimodernism and Fundamentalism Antimodernism describes the rejection of the mod- ern in favor of what is perceived as an earlier, purer, and better way of life. This viewpoint grew out of disillusionment with Europe’s Industrial Revolu- tion and subsequent developments in science, technology, and consumption patterns. Antimod- ernists typically consider technology’s use today to be misguided, or think technology should have a lower priority than religious and cultural values. Religious fundamentalism, a form of contem- porary antimodernism, can be compared to the revitalization movements discussed previously. Fundamentalism describes antimodernist movements in various religions. Ironically, reli- gious fundamentalism is itself a modern phe- nomenon, based on a strong feeling among its adherents of alienation from the perceived secu- larism of the surrounding (modern) culture. Fundamentalists assert an identity separate A cargo cult in Vanuatu. Boys and men march with spears, imitating British from the larger religious group from which they colonial soldiers. Does anything in your own society remind you of a cargo cult? arose. Their separation refl ects their belief that the founding principles on which the larger reli- Melanesians started forming larger groups as gion is based have been corrupted, neglected, members of the same cults and followers of the compromised, forgotten, or replaced with other same prophets. The cargo cults paved the way for principles. Fundamentalists advocate strict fi - political action through which the indigenous delity to the “true” religious principles of the peoples eventually regained their autonomy. larger religion.

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Fundamentalists also seek to rescue religion from absorption into modern, Western culture, which they see as already having corrupted the mainstream version of their religion—and others. Fundamentalists establish a “wall of virtue” against alien religions as well as against the mod- ernized, compromised version of their own reli- gion. In Christianity, fundamentalists are “born again,” as opposed to “mainline,” “liberal,” or “modernist” Protestants. In Islam they are jama’at (in Arabic, enclaves based on close fellowship) engaged in jihad (struggle) against a Western cul- ture hostile to Islam and the God-given (shariah) way of life. In Judaism they are Haredi, “Torah- true” Jews. All such groups see a sharp divide be- tween themselves and other religions, and between a “sacred” view of life and the “secular” world and “nominal religion” (see Antoun 2001). Fundamentalists strive to protect a distinctive A Pentecostal church service in Oaxaca, Mexico, in 2003. There were an doctrine and way of life and of salvation. A strong estimated 680 million “born-again” Christians (i.e., Pentecostals and sense of community is created, focused on a Evangelicals) in the world in 2001, with an annual worldwide growth rate of clearly defi ned religious way of life. The prospect 7 percent, versus just 2.3 percent for Christianity overall. (This would trans- of joining such a community may appeal to peo- ple who fi nd little that is distinctive or vital in late into more than one billion Pentecostals and Evangelicals today.) their previous religious identity. Fundamentalists get their converts, mainly from their larger reli- gion, by convincing them of its inauthenticity. for 2001, about two million Americans (just 1 per- Many fundamentalists are politically aware citi- cent of the population) self-identifi ed as atheists zens of nation-states. Often they believe that gov- or agnostics. Even fewer (less than 100,000 in ernment processes and policies must recognize 2001) called themselves “secular” or “humanists.” the way of life set forth in scripture. In their eyes, Still, atheists and secular humanists do exist, and the state should be subservient to God. they, too, are organized. Like members of religious groups, they use varied media, including print and the Internet, to A New Age communicate among themselves. Just as Bud- Fundamentalists may or may not be correct in dhists can peruse Tricycle: The Buddhist Review, seeing a rise in secularism in contemporary North secular humanists can fi nd their views validated America. Between 1990 and 2007, the number of in Free Inquiry, a quarterly identifying itself as Americans giving no religious preference grew “the international secular humanist magazine.” from 7 to 16 percent. In Canada the comparable Secular humanists speak out against organized fi gure rose from 12 to 17 percent between 1991 religion and its “dogmatic pronouncements” and and 2001 (Table 12.3). Of course, people who lack “supernatural or spiritual agendas” and the “ob- a religious preference aren’t necessarily atheists. scurantist views” of religious leaders who pre- Many of them are believers who don’t belong to a sume “to inform us of God’s views” by appealing church. According to U.S. Census Bureau fi gures to sacred texts (Steinfels 1997).

TABLE 12.3 Religious Composition of the Populations of the United States, 1990 and 2001, and Canada, 1991 and 2007

UNITED STATES CANADA 1990 2007 1991 2001

Protestant 60% 51% 36% 29% Catholic 26 24 46 44 Jewish 2 2 1 1 Other 5 7 4 9 None given 7 16 12 17

SOURCE: Statistical Abstract of the United States 2009, Table 74, p. 59, http://www.census.gov/statab/www/; Census of Canada, 2001. http://www40.statcan.ca/101/cst01/demo30a.htm?sdi=religion.

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Is American society really growing more secu- SECULAR RITUALS lar? A considerable body of sociological research suggests that levels of American religiosity In concluding this discussion of religion, we may haven’t changed much over the past century (see recognize some problems with the defi nition of Finke and Stark 2005). To be sure, there are new religion given at the beginning of this chapter. religious trends and forms of spiritualism. Some The fi rst problem: If we defi ne religion with refer- Americans have turned to charismatic Christian- ence to supernatural beings, powers, and forces, ity. In the United States and Australia, respec- how do we classify ritual-like behavior that oc- tively, some people who are not Native Americans curs in secular contexts? Some anthropologists or Native Australians have appropriated the sym- believe there are both sacred and secular rituals. bols, settings, and purported religious practices Secular rituals include formal, invariant, stereo- of Native Americans and Native Australians, for typed, earnest, repetitive behavior and rites of New Age religions. Many natives have strongly passage that take place in nonreligious settings. protested the use of their sacred symbols and A second problem: If the distinction between places by such groups. the supernatural and the natural is not consis- New religious movements have varied origins. tently made in a society, how can we tell what is Some have been infl uenced by Christianity, oth- religion and what isn’t? The Betsileo of Madagas- ers by Eastern (Asian) religions, still others by car, for example, view witches and dead ancestors mysticism and spiritualism. Religion also evolves as real people who play roles in ordinary life. in tandem with science and technology. For ex- However, their occult powers are not empirically ample, the Raelian Movement, a religious group demonstrable. centered in Switzerland and Montreal, promotes A third problem: The behavior considered ap- cloning as a way of achieving “eternal life.” Rael- propriate for religious occasions varies tremen- ians believe that extraterrestrials called “Elohim” dously from culture to culture. One society may artifi cially created all life on earth. The group has consider drunken frenzy the surest sign of faith, established a company called Valiant Venture whereas another may inculcate quiet reverence. Ltd., which offers infertile and homosexual Who is to say which is “more religious”? couples the opportunity to have a child Many Americans believe that recreation and cloned from one of the spouses (Ontario religion are separate domains. From my fi eld Consultants 1996). work in Brazil and Madagascar and my reading In the United States, the offi cial about other societies, I believe that this separation recognition of a religion entitles it is both ethnocentric and false. Madagascar’s to a modicum of respect, and tomb-centered ceremonies are times when the liv- certain benefi ts, such as exemp- ing and the dead are joyously reunited, when tion from taxation on its in- people get drunk, gorge themselves, and enjoy come and property (as long as sexual license. Perhaps the gray, sober, ascetic, it does not engage in political and moralistic aspects of many religious events in activity). Not all would-be the United States, in taking the “fun” out of reli- religions receive offi cial rec- gion, force us to fi nd our religion in fun. Many ognition. For example, Scien- Americans seek in such apparently secular con- tology is recognized as a texts as amusement parks, rock concerts, and church in the United States sporting events what other people fi nd in reli- but not in Germany. gious rites, beliefs, and ceremonies.

Acing the COURSE

Summary 1. Religion, a cultural universal, consists of belief 2. Tylor considered animism—the belief in spirits or and behavior concerned with supernatural be- souls—to be religion’s earliest and most basic ings, powers, and forces. Religion also encom- form. He focused on religion’s explanatory role, passes the feelings, meanings, and congregations arguing that religion would eventually disappear associated with such beliefs and behavior. An- as science provided better explanations. Besides thropological studies have revealed many aspects animism, yet another view of the supernatural and functions of religion. also occurs in nonindustrial societies. This sees

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the supernatural as a domain of raw, impersonal real and imagined rewards and punishments, in- power or force (called mana in Polynesia and ternalized in individuals. Religion also achieves Melanesia). People can manipulate and control social control by mobilizing its members for col- mana under certain conditions. lective action. 3. When ordinary technical and rational means of 6. Wallace defi nes four types of religion: shamanic, doing things fail, people may turn to magic. Of- communal, Olympian, and monotheistic. Each ten they use magic when they lack control over has its characteristic ceremonies and practitio- outcomes. Religion offers comfort and psycho- ners. Religion helps maintain social order, but it logical security at times of crisis. However, rites also can promote change. Revitalization move- also can create anxiety. Rituals are formal, invari- ments blend old and new beliefs and have helped ant, stylized, earnest acts in which people subor- people adapt to changing conditions. dinate their particular beliefs to a social collectivity. 7. Protestant values have been important in the Rites of passage have three stages: separation, United States, as they were in the rise and spread liminality, and incorporation. Such rites can mark of capitalism in Europe. The world’s major reli- any change in social status, age, place, or social gions vary in their growth rates, with Islam ex- condition. Collective rites often are cemented by panding more rapidly than Christianity. There is communitas, a feeling of intense solidarity. growing religious diversity in the United States 4. Besides their psychological and social functions, and Canada. Fundamentalists are antimodern- religious beliefs and practices play a role in the ists who claim an identity separate from the adaptation of human populations to their envi- larger religious group from which they arose; ronments. The Hindu doctrine of ahimsa, which they advocate strict fi delity to the “true” religious prohibits harm to living things, makes cattle sa- principles on which the larger religion was cred and beef a tabooed food. The taboo’s force founded. Religious trends in contemporary stops peasants from killing their draft cattle even North America include rising secularism and in times of extreme need. new religions, some inspired by science and tech- nology, some by spiritism. There are secular as 5. Religion establishes and maintains social control well as religious rituals. through a series of moral and ethical beliefs, and

animism 287 monotheism 298 Key Terms antimodernism 304 Olympian religions 298 cargo cults 301 polytheism 298 communal religions 297 religion 287 communitas 287 revitalization movements 301 cosmology 292 rites of passage 290 fundamentalism 304 ritual 290 leveling mechanism 296 shaman 297 liminality 290 syncretisms 301 magic 289 taboo 288 mana 287

MULTIPLE CHOICE b. The concept of mana was absent in societ- Test ies with differential access to strategic 1. According to Sir Edward Tylor, the founder of resources. Yourself! the anthropology of religion, what is the c. In Melanesia, where mana was similar to sequence through which religion evolved? the notion of luck, anyone could get it; but a. animism, polytheism, monotheism in Polynesia, mana was attached to politi- b. Olympianism, polytheism, monotheism cal elites. c. mana, polytheism, monotheism d. Most anthropologists agree that mana was d. animism, cargo cults, monotheism the most primitive religious doctrine in e. polytheism, animism, monotheism Polynesia and Melanesia. 2. Which of the following describes the concept e. In both cases mana was concerned with of mana, a sacred impersonal force existing in supernatural beings rather than with the universe, as was used in Polynesia and powers or forces. Melanesia? a. In Polynesia and Melanesia, mana was taboo.

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3. What is the irony that this chapter highlights a. communal religion was the perfect breed- when describing rites of passage? ing ground for elements of capitalism. a. Despite their prevalence during the time b. the spirit of capitalism was a result of the that Victor Turner did his research, rites of rise of the concept of the modern antireli- passage have disappeared with the advent gious self. of modern life. c. the rise of capitalism required the spread of b. Participants in rites of passage are tricked the shamanistic ethic of individualism. into believing that there was a big change d. the rise of capitalism required overcoming in their lives. idiosyncratic belief systems and placing c. Rites of passage only make worse the anxi- Catholic values in their place. eties caused by other aspects of religion. e. the rise of capitalism required that the tra- d. Beliefs and rituals can both diminish and ditional attitudes of Catholic peasants be create anxiety and a sense of insecurity and replaced by values fi tting an industrial danger. economy based on capital accumulation. e. Rites of passage would be effective in di- 8. The syncretic religions that mix Melanesian and minishing anxiety and fear if they did not Christian beliefs known as cargo cults are involve the liminal phase. a. a religious response to the expansion of the 4. What is typically observed during the liminal world capitalist economy, often with politi- phase of a rite of passage? cal and economic consequences. a. intensifi cation of social hierarchy b. culturally defi ned activities associated with b. symbolic reversals of ordinary behavior the transition from one place or stage of life c. formation of a ranking system to another. d. use of secular language c. cultural acts that mock the widespread but e. no change in the social norms erroneous belief of European cultural supremacy. 5. What does the anthropological analysis of the d. just like religious fundamentalisms in that Hindu practice of ahimsa suggest? they are ancient cultural phenomena enjoy- a. Religion is a realm of behavior in which ing a rebirth in current world affairs. people do not try to behave rationally e. antimodernist movements that reject any- (i.e., maximize profi t and minimize loss). thing Western. b. generalized reciprocity c. Beliefs about the supernatural can function 9. All of the following are true about religious as part of a group’s adaptation to the fundamentalism except: environment. a. It seeks to rescue religion from absorption d. Religious beliefs often impede evolution- into modern Western culture. ary progress by encouraging wasteful b. It is a very modern phenomenon. energy expenditure. c. It is a form of animism. e. Antagonism between the sexes character- d. It is based on a strong feeling among ad- izes primitive religious practice. herents of alienation from the perceived secularism of the surrounding (modern) 6. This chapter describes how the Taliban move- culture. ment in Afghanistan imposed an extreme form e. It is a form of antimodernism. of social control in the name of religion. However, 10. Is American society really growing more secu- a. political leaders also use religion to justify lar? On this question, a considerable body of social control. sociological research suggests that b. religion is used this way only by Muslim a. it is becoming more secular because scien- clerics who want to control the politics of tifi c education in schools is improving. their society. b. this question cannot be answered accu- c. this movement had no interest in women’s rately because people typically lie about lives; it just focused on men. their religious affi liations in surveys. d. using other leveling mechanisms, such as c. is becoming more religious because more witchcraft accusations, would have been a and more people feel their national identity more effective means of social control. threatened due to rising levels of migration e. the Taliban’s extreme forms of social from non-Christian countries. control did not succeed in determining d. levels of American religiosity haven’t people’s actions. changed much over the past century. e. it is becoming more secular because less 7. In his infl uential book The Protestant Ethic and people go to church. the Spirit of Capitalism (1904/1958), Max Weber argues that

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FILL IN THE BLANK

1. According to Tylor, , a belief in spiritual beings, was the earliest form of religion. 2. magic is based on the belief that whatever is done to an object will affect a person who once had contact with it. 3. The term refers to an intense feeling of solidarity that characterizes collective liminality. 4. A refers to a custom or social action that operates to reduce differences in wealth and bring standouts in line with community norms. 5. A is a cultural, especially a religious, mix, emerging from acculturation.

CRITICAL THINKING

1. How did anthropologist Anthony Wallace defi ne religion? After reading this chapter, what problems do you think there are with his defi nition? 2. Describe a rite of passage you or a friend have been through. How did it fi t the three-stage model given in the text? 3. From the news or your own knowledge, can you provide additional examples of revitalization move- ments, new religions, or liminal cults? 4. Religion is a cultural universal. But religions are parts of particular cultures, and cultural differences show up systematically in religious beliefs and practices. How so? 5. This chapter notes that many Americans see recreation and religion as separate domains. Based on my fi eld work in Brazil and Madagascar and my reading about other societies, I believe that this separation is

both ethnocentric and false. Do you agree with this? What has been your own experience?

communitas; communitas; 4. leveling mechanism; 5. syncretism 5. mechanism; leveling 4. 3.

1. animism; 2. Contagious; 2. animism; 1. (D); 10. (C); 9. (A); 8. (E); 7. (A); 6. (C); 5. (B); 4. (D); 3. (C); 2. (A); 1. Fill in the Blank: Blank: the in Fill Choice: Multiple

Bowie, F. Hicks, D., ed. Suggested 2006 The Anthropology of Religion: An Introduc- 2010 Ritual and Belief: Readings in the Anthropol- tion. Malden, MA: Blackwell. Surveys classic ogy of Religion, 3rd ed. Lanham, MD: AtlaMira. Additional and recent work in the anthropology of religion, Up-to-date reader, with useful annotation. Readings including the politics of religious identity. Moro, P. A., and J. E. Meyers, eds. Crapo, R. H. 2010 Magic, Witchcraft, and Religion: An Anthro- 2003 Anthropology of Religion: The Unity and Di- pological Study of the Supernatural, 8th ed. : versity of Religions. Boston: McGraw-Hill. Exam- McGraw-Hill. A comparative reader covering ines religious universals and variation. Western and non-Western cultures. Cunningham, G. Stein, R. L., and P. L. Stein 1999 Religion and Magic: Approaches and Theories. 2008 The Anthropology of Religion, Magic, and New York: New York University Press. A sur- Witchcraft, 2nd ed. Boston: Pearson. Religion vey of approaches to magic and religion, ancient and culture. and modern.

Go to our Online Learning Center website at www.mhhe.com/kottak for Internet Internet exercises directly related to the content of this chapter. Exercises

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What are the arts, and how have they varied historically and crossculturally?

How does culture infl uence the media, and vice versa?

How are culture and cultural contrasts expressed in sports?

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WHAT IS ART? Art and Religion Locating Art Art and Individuality The Work of Art OURSELVES ART, SOCIETY, AND understanding CULTURE Ethnomusicology magine a TV broadcast attracting over As one example, consider the evolution of

chapter outline Representations of Art 70 percent of a nation’s viewers. That sports coverage. From 1961 to 1998 ABC of- and Culture has happened repeatedly in Brazil as a fered a weekly sports anthology titled Wide Art and Communication I popular telenovela draws to a close. World of Sports. On a given Saturday afternoon Art and Politics (Telenovelas are prime-time serial melodra- Americans might see bowling, track and fi eld, The Cultural Transmission mas that run for about 150 episodes, then skating, college wrestling, gymnastics, curling, of the Arts end.) It happened in the United States in swimming, diving, or another of many sports. It The Artistic Career 1953, when 72 percent of all sets were tuned was like having a mini-Olympics running Continuity and Change to I Love Lucy as Lucy Ricardo went to the throughout the year. Today, dozens of special- hospital to give birth to Little Ricky. It hap- ized sports channels cater to every taste. Think MEDIA AND CULTURE pened even more impressively in 1956, when of the myriad choices now available though Using the Media 83 percent of all sets tuned to The Ed Sullivan cable and satellite, websites, the iPhone, Netfl ix, Assessing the Effects Show to watch Elvis Presley in his TV debut. A DVDs, DVRs, and the remote control. Target au- of Television single broadcast’s largest audience share in diences now have access to a multiplicity of SPORTS AND CULTURE more recent years occurred in 1983 when 77 channels, featuring all kinds of music, sports, Football percent of all sets tuned to the fi nal episode games, news, comedy, science fi ction, soaps, What Determines of M*A*S*H. In the 21st century, two Super movies, cartoons, old TV sitcoms, Spanish lan- International Sports Bowls (2008—Giants vs. Patriots, and guage programs, nature shows, travel shows, Success? 2009—Steelers vs. Cardinals) have attracted adventure shows, histories, biographies, and almost as many viewers as did the M*A*S*H home shopping. News channels (e.g., Fox fi nale, but within a signifi cantly larger U.S. News or MSNBC) even cater to particular po- population. Neither managed an audience litical interests. Although exciting Super Bowl share exceeding 43 percent. matches still generate large audience shares, I One notable development in the United doubt that if Elvis Presley and Michael Jackson States over the past few decades has been a returned from the dead for a sing-off on broad- shift from mass culture to segmented cultures. cast TV, it would get half the available audi- An increasingly differentiated nation recog- ence. It seems likely there is a connection nizes, even celebrates, diversity. The mass me- between these media developments and the dia join—and intensify—this trend, measuring “special interests” about which politicians per- and catering to various “demographics.” Prod- petually complain. Do you think people might ucts and messages are aimed less at the agree more—and Americans be less polarized— masses than at particular segments—target if everyone still watched the same TV pro- audiences. grams? After all, who didn’t love Lucy?

WHAT IS ART? expressive culture. People express them- The arts include music, performance arts, selves in dance, music, song, painting, visual arts, and storytelling and literature sculpture, pottery, cloth, storytelling, (oral and written). These manifestations verse, prose, drama, and comedy. Many of human creativity sometimes are called cultures lack terms that can be translated kot16988_ch13_310-339.indd Page 313 1/9/10 10:30:14 PM f-469 /Volumes/202/MHSF174/kot16988/0078116988/kot16988_pagefiles

easily as “art” or “the arts.” Yet even without a word for art, people everywhere do associate an aesthetic experience—a sense of beauty, appre- ciation, harmony, pleasure—with sounds, pat- terns, objects, and events that have certain qualities. The Bamana people of Mali have a word (like “art”) for something that attracts your attention and directs your thoughts (Ezra 1986). Among the Yoruba of Nigeria, the word for art, ona, encompasses the designs made on objects, the art objects themselves, and the pro- fession of the creators of such patterns and works. For two Yoruba lineages of leather work- ers, Otunisona and Osiisona, the suffi x -ona in their names denotes art (Adepegba 1991). A dictionary defi nes art as “the quality, pro- duction, expression, or realm of what is beautiful or of more than ordinary signifi cance; the class of objects subject to aesthetic criteria” (The Random House College Dictionary 1982, p. 76). According to the same dictionary, aesthetics involves “the qualities perceived in works of art . . .; the . . . Many of the high points of Western art had religious inspiration, or were done mind and emotions in relation to the sense of in the service of religion. Consider The Creation of Adam (and other frescoes beauty” (p. 22). However, it is possible for a work painted from 1508 to 1512) by Michelangelo on the ceiling of the Sistine of art to attract our attention, direct our thoughts, and have more than ordinary signifi cance with- Chapel in Vatican City, Rome, Italy. out being judged as beautiful by most people who experience that work. Pablo Picasso’s Guernica, a famous painting of the Spanish Civil War, comes narratives, not just the visual ones. In other arts to mind as a scene that, while not beautiful, is in- words, the observations to be made about “art” Include visual arts, litera- disputably moving and thus is a work of art. are intended to apply to music, theater, fi lm, ture (written and oral), George Mills (1971) notes that in many cul- television, books, stories, and lore, as well as to music, and performance tures, the role of art lover lacks defi nition because painting and sculpture. In this chapter, some arts arts. art isn’t viewed as a separate activity. But this and media inevitably receive more attention expressive culture doesn’t stop individuals from being moved by than others do. Bear in mind, however, that ex- sounds, patterns, objects, and events in a way that Dance, music, painting, pressive culture encompasses far more than the sculpture, pottery, cloth, we would call aesthetic. Our own society does visual arts. Also included are jokes, storytelling, stories, drama, comedy, provide a fairly well-defi ned role for the connois- theater, dance, children’s play, games, and festi- etc. seur of the arts, as well as sanctuaries—concert vals, and anthropologists have written about all halls, theaters, museums—where people can re- of these. art treat to be aesthetically pleased and emotionally That which is aesthetically pleasing is per- Object, event, or other moved by objects and performances. ceived with the senses. Usually, when we think of expressive form that Western culture tends to compartmentalize art art, we have in mind something that can be seen evokes an aesthetic reaction. as something apart from everyday life and ordi- or heard. But others might defi ne art more broadly nary culture. This refl ects a more general modern to include things that can be smelled (scents, fra- separation of institutions like government and aesthetics grances), tasted (recipes), or touched (cloth tex- The appreciation of the economy from the rest of society. All these tures). How enduring must art be? Visual works qualities perceived in art. fi elds are considered distinct domains and have and written works, including musical composi- their own academic specialists. In non–Western tions, may last for centuries. Can a single note- societies the production and appreciation of art worthy event, such as a feast, which is not in the are part of everyday life, as popular culture is in least eternal, except in memory, be a work of art? our own society. When featured in Western muse- ums, non–Western art often is treated in the same way as “fi ne art”—that is, separated from its liv- Art and Religion ing sociocultural context. Some of the issues raised in the discussion of This chapter will not attempt to do a system- religion also apply to art. Defi nitions of both art atic survey of all the arts, or even their major sub- and religion mention the “more than ordinary” or divisions. Rather, the general approach will be to the “extraordinary.” Religious scholars may dis- examine topics and issues that apply to expres- tinguish between the sacred (religious) and the sive culture generally. “Art” will be used to en- profane (secular). Similarly, art scholars may dis- compass all the arts, including print and fi lm tinguish between the artistic and the ordinary.

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sphere. Architecture may accentuate the setting as a place for works of art to be presented. The settings of rites and ceremonies, and of art, may be temporary or permanent. State societies have permanent religious structures: churches and temples. So, too, may state societies have buildings and structures dedicated to the arts. Nonstate societies tend to lack such permanently demarcated settings. Both art and religion are more “out there” in society. Still, in bands and tribes, religious settings can be created without churches. Similarly, an artistic atmosphere can be created without museums. At particular times of the year, ordinary space can be set aside for a vi- sual art display or a musical performance. Such special occasions parallel the times set aside for religious ceremonies. In fact, in tribal perfor- mances, the arts and religion often mix. For ex- ample, masked and costumed performers may imitate spirits. Rites of passage often feature spe- cial music, dance, song, bodily adornment, and Space transformed into art. “The Gates,” by the experimental artist Christo other manifestations of expressive culture. and his wife, Jeanne-Claude, was unveiled in 2005 in New York City’s Central In the chapter “Making a Living,” we looked at Park. Long, billowy saffron ribbons meandered through the park. An army of the potlatching tribes of the North Pacifi c Coast of paid helpers gradually released the panels of colored fabric from atop 7,500 North America. Erna Gunther (1971) shows how gates standing 16 feet tall. various art forms combined among those tribes to create the visual aspects of ceremonialism. During the winter, spirits were believed to pervade the If we adopt a special attitude or demeanor when atmosphere. Masked and costumed dancers rep- confronting a sacred object, do we display some- resented the spirits. They dramatically reenacted thing similar when experiencing a work of art? Ac- spirit encounters with human beings, which are cording to the anthropologist Jacques Maquet part of the origin myths of villages, clans, and lin- (1986), an artwork is something that stimulates and eages. In some areas, dancers devised intricate sustains contemplation. It compels attention and patterns of choreography. Their esteem was mea- refl ection. Maquet stresses the importance of the sured by the number of people who followed them object’s form in producing such artistic contempla- when they danced. tion. But other scholars stress feeling and meaning In any society, art is produced for its aesthetic in addition to form. The experience of art involves value as well as for religious purposes. According feeling, such as being moved, as well as apprecia- to Schildkrout and Keim (1990), non-Western art tion of form, such as balance or harmony. is usually, but wrongly, assumed to have some Such an artistic attitude can be combined with kind of connection to ritual. Non-Western art may and used to bolster a religious attitude. Much art be, but isn’t always, linked with religion. West- has been done in association with religion. Many erners have trouble accepting the idea that non- of the high points of Western art and music had Western societies have art for art’s sake just as religious inspiration, or were done in the service Western societies do. There has been a tendency of religion, as a visit to a church or a large mu- for Westerners to ignore the individuality of non- seum will surely illustrate. Bach and Handel are as Western artists and their interest in creative ex- well known for their church music as Michelangelo pression. According to Isidore Okpewho (1977), is for his religious painting and sculpture. The an oral literature specialist, scholars have tended buildings (churches and cathedrals) in which reli- to see religion in all traditional African arts. Even gious music is played and in which visual art is when acting in the service of religion, there is displayed may themselves be works of art. Some room for individual creative expression. In the of the major architectural achievements of West- oral arts, for example, the audience is much more ern art are religious structures. interested in the delivery and performance of the Art may be created, performed, or displayed artist than in the particular god for whom the per- outdoors in public or in special indoor settings, former may be speaking. such as a theater, concert hall, or museum. Just as churches demarcate religion, museums and the- aters set art off from the ordinary world, making Locating Art it special, while inviting spectators in. Buildings Aesthetic value is one way of distinguishing art. dedicated to the arts help create the artistic atmo- Another way is to consider placement. If some-

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thing is displayed in a museum, or in another so- York’s Museum of Modern Art. Jacques Maquet cially accepted artistic setting, someone at least (1986) distinguishes such “art by transformation” must think it’s art. Although tribal societies typi- from art created and intended to be art, which he cally lack museums, they may maintain special calls “art by destination.” areas where artistic expression takes place. One In state societies, we have come to rely on crit- example, discussed below, is the separate space in ics, judges, and experts to tell us what’s art and which ornamental burial poles are manufactured what isn’t. A play titled Art is about confl ict that among the Tiwi of North Australia. arises among three friends when one of them Will we know art if we see it? Art has been de- buys an all-white painting. They disagree, as fi ned as involving that which is beautiful and of people often do, about the defi nition and value more than ordinary signifi cance. But isn’t beauty of a work of art. Such variation in art apprecia- in the eye of the beholder? Don’t reactions to art tion is especially common in contemporary soci- differ among spectators? And, if there can be sec- ety, with its professional artists and critics and ular ritual, can there also be ordinary art? The great cultural diversity. We’d expect more uni- boundary between what’s art and what’s not is form standards and agreement in less diverse, blurred. The American artist Andy Warhol is fa- less stratifi ed societies. mous for transforming Campbell’s soup cans, To be culturally relativistic, we need to avoid Brillo pads, and images of Marilyn Monroe into applying our own standards about what art is to art. Many recent artists, such as Christo (see the the products of other cultures. Sculpture is art, photo above), have tried to erase the distinction right? Not necessarily. Previously, we chal- between art and ordinary life by converting the lenged the view that non-Western art always everyday into a work of art. has some kind of connection to religion. The Ka- If something is mass produced or industrially labari case to be discussed now makes the op- modifi ed, can it be art? Prints made as part of a posite point: that religious sculpture is not series certainly may be considered art. Sculptures always art. that are created in clay, then fi red with molten Among the Kalabari of southern Nigeria (Fig- metal, such as bronze, at a foundry also are art. ure 13.1), wooden sculptures are carved not for But how does one know if a fi lm is art? IsStar aesthetic reasons but to serve as “houses” for Wars art? How about Citizen Kane? When a book spirits (Horton 1963). These sculptures are used wins a National Book Award, is it immediately to control the spirits of Kalabari religion. The elevated to the status of art? What kinds of prizes Kalabari place such a carving, and thus localize a make art? Objects never intended as art, such as spirit, in a cult house into which the spirit is in- an Olivetti typewriter, may be transformed into vited. Here, sculpture is done not for art’s sake art by being placed in a museum, such as New but as a means of manipulating spiritual forces.

BURKINA Gusau Kano Dutse Maiduguri FASO Potiskum Azare Damaturu Zaria

Biu BENIN Kontagora Kaduna Bauchi Gombe Mubi Jos Kumo

NIGERIA Yola Kishi Jebba TOGO Bida Abuja Jalingo Shaki Offa Be Iseyin Lokoja nue

Ibadan Makurdi e r

s e n s

g u Ondo O i CAMEROON

g N O Nsukka Benin Enugu Lagos City Asaba 6°N ross Sapele Onitsha C R ive Afikpo r Owerri 0 100 200 mi Warri Burutu Aba Uyo Calabar 0 100 200 km Tombia Port Harcourt KALABARI Oron N Bonny 4°N Gulf of ig Ifoko er Delta OKRIKA BONNY Guinea EQUATORIAL GUINEA 2°E64°E °E8°E

FIGURE 13.1 Location of the Kalabari of Nigeria.

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The Kalabari do have standards for the carvings, it if he could. If not, one or more of his fellows but beauty isn’t one of them. A sculpture must might help him out. be suffi ciently complete to represent its spirit. In Western societies, artists of many sorts (e.g., Carvings judged too crude are rejected by cult writers, painters, sculptors, actors, classical and members. Also, carvers must base their work on rock musicians) have reputations for being icono- past models. Particular spirits have particular clastic and antisocial. Social acceptance may be images associated with them. It’s considered more important in the societies anthropologists dangerous to produce a carving that deviates too have traditionally studied. Still, there are well- much from a previous image of the spirit or that known individual artists in non-Western societies. resembles another spirit. Offended spirits may They are recognized as such by other community retaliate. As long as they observe these standards members and perhaps by outsiders as well. Their of completeness and established images, carvers artistic labor may even be conscripted for special are free to express themselves. But these images displays and performances, including ceremo- are considered repulsive rather than beautiful. nies, or palace arts and events. And they are not manufactured for artistic but To what extent can a work of art stand apart for religious reasons. from its artist? Philosophers of art commonly re- gard works of art as autonomous entities, inde- pendent of their creators (Haapala 1998). Haapala Art and Individuality argues the contrary, that artists and their works Those who work with non-Western art have been are inseparable. “By creating works of art a per- criticized for ignoring the individual and focus- son creates an artistic identity for himself. He cre- ing too much on the social nature and context of ates himself quite literally into the pieces he puts art. When art objects from Africa or Papua New into his art. He exists in the works he has created.” Guinea are displayed in museums, generally In this view, Picasso created many Picassos, and only the name of the tribe and of the Western do- exists in and through those works of art. nor are given, rather than that of the individual Sometimes little is known or recognized about artist. It’s as though skilled individuals don’t ex- the individual artist responsible for an enduring ist in non-Western societies. The impression is artwork. We are more likely to know the name of that art is collectively produced. Sometimes it is; the recording artist than that of the writer of the sometimes it isn’t. songs we most commonly remember and perhaps To some extent, there is more collective pro- sing. Sometimes we fail to acknowledge art indi- duction of art in non-Western societies than in the vidually because the artwork was collectively cre- United States and Canada. According to Hackett ated. To whom should we attribute a pyramid or (1996), African artworks (sculpted fi gures, tex- a cathedral? Should it be the architect, the ruler or tiles, paintings, or pots) generally are enjoyed, cri- leader who commissioned the work, or the mas- tiqued, and used by communities or groups, ter builder who implemented the design? A thing rather than being the prerogative of the individ- of beauty may be a joy forever even if and when ual alone. The artist may receive more feedback we do not credit its creator(s). during the creative process than the individual artist typically encounters in our own society. Here, the feedback often comes too late, after the The Work of Art product is complete, rather than during produc- Some may see art as a form of expressive free- tion, when it can still be changed. dom, as giving free rein to the imagination and During his fi eld work among Nigeria’s Tiv the human need to create or to be playful. But people, Paul Bohannan (1971) concluded that the consider the word opera. It is the plural of opus, proper study of art there should pay less attention which means a work. For the artist, at least, art is to artists and more attention to art critics and work, albeit creative work. In nonstate societies, products. There were few skilled Tiv artists, and artists may have to hunt, gather, herd, fi sh, or farm such people avoided doing their art publicly. in order to eat, but they still manage to fi nd time to However, mediocre artists would work in public, work on their art. In state societies, at least, artists where they routinely got comments from onlook- have been defi ned as specialists—professionals ers (critics). Based on critical suggestions, an artist who have chosen careers as artists, musicians, often changed a design, such as a carving, in prog- writers, or actors. If they manage to support them- ress. There was yet another way in which Tiv art- selves from their art, they may be full-time profes- ists worked socially rather than individually. sionals. If not, they do their art part-time, while Sometimes, when an artist put his work aside, earning a living from another activity. Sometimes someone else would pick it up and start working artists associate in professional groups such as on it. The Tiv clearly didn’t recognize the same medieval guilds or contemporary unions. Actors kind of connection between individuals and their Equity in New York, a labor union, is a modern art that we do. According to Bohannan, every Tiv guild, designed to protect the interests of its artist was free to know what he liked and to try to make members.

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Just how much work is needed to make a work of art? In the early days of French impressionism, many experts viewed the paintings of Claude Monet and his colleagues as too sketchy and spontaneous to be true art. Established artists and critics were accustomed to more formal and clas- sic studio styles. The French impressionists got their name from their sketches—impressions in French—of natural and social settings. They took advantage of technological innovations, particu- larly the availability of oil paints in tubes, to take their palettes, easels, and canvases into the fi eld. There they captured the images of changing light and color that hang today in so many museums, where they are now fully recognized as art. But before impressionism became an offi cially recog- nized “school” of art, its works were perceived by its critics as crude and unfi nished. In terms of community standards, the fi rst impressionist paintings were evaluated as harshly as were the This musician living in the Central African Republic carved this instrument overly crude and incomplete Kalabari wood carv- himself. ings of spirits, as discussed previously. To what extent does the artist—or society— make the decision about completeness? For famil- a symmetrical shape and polished for hours. Ac- iar genres, such as painting or music, societies cording to Henshilwood (quoted in Wilford 2002b), tend to have standards by which they judge “It’s actually unnecessary for projectile points to whether an artwork is complete or fully realized. be so carefully made. It suggests to us that this is Most people would doubt, for instance, that an an expression of symbolic thinking. The people all-white painting could be a work of art. Stan- said, ’Let’s make a really beautiful object . . . ’ Sym- dards may be maintained informally in society, or bolic thinking means that people are using some- by specialists, such as art critics. It may be diffi - thing to mean something else. The tools do not cult for unorthodox or renegade artists to inno- have to have only a practical purpose. And the vate. But, like the impressionists, they may ocher might be used to decorate their equipment, eventually succeed. Some societies tend to reward perhaps themselves.” conformity, an artist’s skill with traditional mod- In Europe, art goes back more than 30,000 els and techniques. Others encourage breaks with years, to the Upper Paleolithic period in Western the past, innovation. Europe (see Conkey et al. 1997). Cave paintings, the best-known examples of Upper Paleolithic art, were separated from ordinary life and social ART, SOCIETY, AND CULTURE space. Those images were painted in true caves, located deep in the bowels of the earth. They may More than 70,000 years ago, some of the world’s have been painted as part of some kind of rite of fi rst artists occupied Blombos Cave, located in a passage involving retreat from society. Portable high cliff facing the Indian Ocean at the tip of art objects carved in bone and ivory, along with what is now South Africa. They hunted game musical whistles and fl utes, also confi rm artistic and ate fi sh from the waters below them. In expression throughout the Upper Paleolithic. Art terms of body and brain size, these ancient usually is more public than the cave paintings. Africans were anatomically modern humans. Typically, it is exhibited, evaluated, performed, They also were turning animal bones into fi nely and appreciated in society. It has spectators or au- worked tools and weapon points. Furthermore, diences. It isn’t just for the artist. they were engraving artifacts with symbolic marks—manifestations of abstract and creative thought and, presumably, communication through Ethnomusicology language (Wilford 2002b). Ethnomusicology is the comparative study of ethnomusicology A group led by Christopher Henshilwood of the musics of the world and of music as an as- Comparative study of South Africa has analyzed 28 bone tools and other pect of culture and society. The fi eld of ethno- music as an aspect of artifacts from Blombos Cave, along with the min- musicology thus unites music and anthropology. culture and society. eral ochre, which may have been used for body The music side involves the study and analysis painting. The most impressive bone tools are three of the music itself and the instruments used to sharp instruments. The bone appears fi rst to have create it. The anthropology side views music as been shaped with a stone blade, then fi nished into a way to explore a culture, to determine the

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role—historic and contemporary—that music by orchestras or singers. Alan Merriam (1971) de- plays in that society, and the specifi c social and scribes how the Basongye people of the Kasai cultural features that infl uence how music is province of the Democratic Republic of the Congo created and performed. (Figure 13.2) use three features to distinguish be- Ethnomusicology studies non-Western music, tween music and other sounds, which are classi- traditional and folk music, even contemporary fi ed as “noise.” First, music always involves popular music from a cultural perspective. To do humans. Sounds emanating from nonhuman crea- this there has to be fi eld work—fi rsthand study of tures, such as birds and animals, are not music. particular forms of music, their social functions Second, musical sounds must be organized. A sin- and cultural meanings, within particular societ- gle tap on the drum isn’t music, but drummers ies. Ethnomusicologists talk with local musicians, playing together in a pattern is. Third, music must make recordings in the fi eld, and learn about the continue. Even if several drums are struck together place of musical instruments, performances, and simultaneously, it isn’t music. They must go on performers in a given society (Kirman 1997). playing to establish some kind of sound pattern. Nowadays, given globalization, diverse cultures For the Basongye, then, music is inherently cul- and musical styles easily meet and mix. Music tural (distinctly human) and social (dependent on that draws on a wide range of cultural instru- cooperation). folk ments and styles is called World Fusion, World Originally coined for European peasants, folk Of the people; e.g., the Beat, or World Music—another topic within con- art, music, and lore refer to the expressive culture art, music, and lore of temporary ethnomusicology. of ordinary people, as contrasted with the “high” ordinary people. Because music is a cultural universal, and be- art or “classic” art of the European elites. When cause musical abilities seem to run in families, it European folk music is performed (see photo be- has been suggested that a predisposition for mu- low), the combination of costumes, music, and sic may have a genetic basis (Crenson 2000). often song and dance is supposed to say some- Could a “music gene” that arose tens, or hun- thing about local culture and about tradition. dreds, of thousands of years ago have conferred Tourists and other outsiders often perceive rural an evolutionary advantage on those early humans and folk life mainly in terms of such perfor- who possessed it? The fact that music has existed mances. Community residents themselves often in all known cultures suggests that it arose early use such performances to display and enact their in human history. Providing direct evidence for local culture and traditions for outsiders. music’s antiquity is an ancient carved bone fl ute In Planinica, a Muslim village in (prewar) from a cave in Slovenia. This “Divje babe fl ute,” Bosnia, Yvonne Lockwood (1983) studied folk- the world’s oldest known musical instrument, song, which could be heard there day or night. dates back more than 43,000 years. The most active singers were unmarried females Exploring the possible biological roots of mu- age 16 to 26 (maidens). Lead singers, those who sic, Sandra Trehub (2001) notes striking similari- customarily began and led songs, had strong, full, ties in the way mothers worldwide sing to their clear voices with a high range. Like some of their children—with a high pitch, a slow tempo, and a counterparts in contemporary North America distinctive tone. All cultures have lullabies, (but in a much milder fashion), some lead singers which sound so much alike they cannot be mis- acted unconventionally. One was regarded as im- taken for anything else (Crenson 2000). Trehub modest because of her risqué lyrics. Another speculates that music might have been adaptive smoked (usually a man’s habit) and liked to wear in human evolution because musically talented men’s trousers. Local criticism aside, she was mothers had an easier time calming their babies. thought to be witty and to improvise songs better Calm babies who fell asleep easily and rarely than others did. made a fuss might well have been more likely to The social transition from girl to maiden (mar- survive to adulthood. Their cries would not at- riageable female) was signaled by active partici- tract predators; they and their mothers would pation in public song and dance. Adolescent girls get more rest; and they would be less likely to be were urged to join in by women and performing mistreated. If a gene conferring musical ability maidens. This was part of a rite of passage by appeared early in human evolution, given a se- which a little girl (dite) became a maiden (cura). lective advantage, musical adults would pass Marriage, in contrast, moved most women from their genes to their children. the public to the private sphere; public singing Music would seem to be among the most social generally stopped. Married women sang in their of the arts. Usually it unites people in groups. In- own homes or among other women. Only occa- deed, music is all about groups—choirs, sympho- sionally would they join maidens in public song, nies, ensembles, and bands. Could it be that early but they never called attention to themselves by humans with a biological penchant for music were taking the lead. After age 50 wives tended to stop able to live more effectively in social groups— singing, even in private. another possible adaptive advantage? Even master For women, singing thus signaled a series of pianists and violinists are frequently accompanied transitions between age grades: girl to maiden

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(public singing), maiden to wife (private sing- CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC SUDAN ing), and wife to elder (no more singing). Lock- Bangassou N Bangui Bomu wood describes how one recently married CAMEROON Bondo Uele woman made her ritual fi rst visit after marriage Gemena Watsa i Buta g Isiro to her family of origin. (Postmarital residence n ÉQUATEUR a ORIENTALE b Bumba Lake U i was patrilocal.) Then, as she was leaving to re- go Lisala wim Albert

on ru C C C A turn to her husband’s village, for “old times’ CONGO Bunia i Yangambi r Margherita o sake” she led the village maidens in song. She BASIN z e Peak n g GABON Kisangani e Mbandaka n w a

Lake R T u used her native daughter status to behave like a shu a L R Lake Boende pa o Edward m L UGANDA Tumba Ikela a u NORD- maiden this one last time. Lockwood calls it a m a l a i a KIVU Franceville b Goma

nostalgic and emotional performance for all a DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC b Kigali Lake Lake RWANDA Mai-Ndombe OF THE CONGO Kivu who attended. Bolobo m Bukavu REP. OF THE a KASAI- Singing and dancing were common at prelos Kw ORIENTAL u SUD- CONGO o Bandundu Kindu KIVU BURUNDI g t n Ka o sai Lodja Uvira attended by males and females. In Planinica the ankuru i Brazzaville C S MANIEMA Bujumbura KINSHASA CABINDA Ilebo

Serbo-Croatian word prelo, usually defi ned as M (Angola) Kinshasa Lusambo Kigoma

BAS-CONGO K KASAI- “spinning bee,” meant any occasion for visiting. Inga Mbanza- w Kikwit OCCIDENTAL Boma a Ngungu n Matadi BANDUNDU Kananga BASONGYE Prelos were especially common in winter. During g Kalemie Banana o Kabalo TANZANIA Mbuji-Mayi the summer, villagers worked long hours, and Tshikapa L uvu Moba Kahemba Mwene- a Ditu Manono prelos were few. The prelo offered a context for Uige Lake s Tanganyika play, relaxation, song, and dance. All gatherings K

t

a s

a Kamina Luanda i of maidens, especially prelos, were occasions for n OCEAN Lake song. Married women encouraged them to sing, ATLANTIC ANGOLA KATANGA o Mweru M

KATANGA a

0 150 300 mi al

l

often suggesting specifi c songs. If males were also u u Lake Dilolo p Kolwezi p a Bangweulu 0 150 300 km Likasi a present, a singing duel might occur, in which u PLATEAU L

maidens and young men teased each other. A suc- zi e Lubumbashi b

m

cessful prelo was well attended, with much sing- a Z ing and dancing. ZAMBIA Kitwe Public singing was traditional in many other contexts among prewar Bosnian Muslims. After FIGURE 13.2 Location of the a day of cutting hay on mountain slopes, parties Basongye of the Democratic Republic of village men would congregate at a specifi c place on the trail above the village. They formed of the Congo. lines according to their singing ability, with the best singers in front and the less talented ones behind. They proceeded to stroll down to the vil- lage together, singing as they went, until they reached the village center, where they dispersed.

Musicians playing alpenhorns in a ceremony at Munster, Alsace, France. For whose pleasure do you suppose this performance is being given? Nowadays, such performances attract tourists as well as local people.

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through the eyes of Representations of Art and Culture OTHERS Art can stand for tradition, even when traditional art is removed from its original (rural) context.

STUDENT: erica Tso The creative products and images of folk, rural,

COUNTRY OF ORIGIN: China (Hong Kong) and non-Western cultures are increasingly

SUPERVISING PROFESSOR: Elliot Fratkin spread—and commercialized—by the media and

SCHOOL: Smith College tourism. A result is that many Westerners have come to think of “culture” in terms of colorful customs, music, dancing, and adornments: cloth- Visual Arts in Hong ing, jewelry, and hairstyles. Kong and the United A bias toward the arts and religion, rather than more mundane, less photogenic, economic and States social tasks, shows up on TV’s Discovery Chan- nel, and even in many anthropological fi lms. rt preserves culture and memories. An American artist asked me what Many ethnographic fi lms start off with music, of- was special about art in Hong Kong. I replied without hesitation, “We ten drumbeats: “Bonga, bonga, bonga, bonga. Ahave a bit of everything.” Hong Kong is a dynamic city where East Here in (supply place name), the people are very meets West. Art in Hong Kong helps preserve the 3,000-year history of religious.” We see in such presentations the previ- Chinese and Hong Kong culture, but it also looks to the new. Some artists ously critiqued assumption that the arts of nonin- create traditional Chinese ink paintings, calligraphy, and seal-character en- dustrial societies usually have a link with religion. gravings, while others work with more Western-oriented media like oil, wa- The (usually unintended) message is that non- tercolor, and acrylic paints. The most prominent feature of art in Hong Kong Western peoples spend much of their time wearing is its fusion of Eastern and Western themes and techniques. More and more colorful clothes, singing, dancing, and practicing artists fuse the two traditions—putting Japanese origami into oil paintings, religious rituals. Taken to an extreme, such images writing Chinese calligraphy in colorful acrylic paints, for example—to create portray culture as recreational and ultimately not groundbreaking work unique to Hong Kong. serious, rather than as something that ordinary I have seen a diversity of artwork in the United States; to me, these people live every day of their lives—not just when pieces of art feel like totally individual works, in contrast to the deep con- they have festivals. nection I see between art and the artists who make it in Hong Kong. For example, the works of famous American artists like Andy Warhol, Chuck Close, and Leonard Baskin are all very different in their compositions, Art and Communication colors, meanings, and mediums. Not knowing the artists, it is probably harder to determine whether a piece of their work is “American Art.” In Art also functions in society as a form of com- Hong Kong, although all of the artwork is unique in its own way, the com- munication between artist and community or mon incorporation of Chinese elements along with Chinese themes makes audience. Sometimes, however, there are inter- these works more easily identifi able as “Hong Kong Art.” The amount of mediaries between the artist and the audience. support for art in the United States was another difference that struck me Actors, for example, are artists who translate the when I fi rst came to Massachusetts. In Hong Kong, a student would be works and ideas of other artists (writers and di- considered odd and incapable if he or she chose to study geography, his- rectors) into the performances that audiences see tory, or art. Public opinion in the United States supports a person’s choice and appreciate. Musicians play and sing compo- to pursue life as an artist; people are not disparaged for what they choose sitions of other people along with music they to study. In this aspect of culture, I think Americans are more liberal than themselves have composed. Using music written the Chinese. Most students and young adults in Hong Kong would be by others, choreographers plan and direct pat- forced to follow the forces of a market economy. terns of dance, which dancers then execute for Although Hong Kong was a British colony until 1997, the people of audiences. Hong Kong feel strongly a part of Chinese culture. We love our traditional How does art communicate? We need to know culture, and many artists are working hard to preserve it. In the United what the artist intends to communicate and how States, however, art is in fl ux and does not show a strong sense of unique the audience reacts. Often, the audience commu- culture; brand-new ideas and media emerge every day—this constant nicates right back to the artist. Live performers, change is perhaps in itself the distinctive quality of American art. for instance, get immediate feedback, as may writers and directors by viewing a performance of their own work. Artists expect at least some variation in reception. In contemporary societies, with increasing diversity in the audience, uniform reactions are rare. Contemporary artists, like busi- According to Lockwood, whenever an activity of nesspeople, are well aware that they have target work or leisure brought together a group of audiences. Certain segments of the population maidens or young men, it rarely ended without are more likely to appreciate certain forms of art public song. It would not be wrong to trace the than other segments are. inspiration for parts of Snow White and Shrek (the Art can transmit several kinds of messages. It movies) back to the European countryside. can convey a moral lesson or tell a cautionary

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tale. It can teach lessons the artist, or society, wants told. Like the rites that induce, then dispel, anxiety, the tension and resolution of drama can lead to catharsis, intense emotional release, in the audience. Art can move emotions, make us laugh, cry, feel up or down. Art appeals to the intellect as well as to the emotions. We may de- light in a well-constructed, nicely balanced, well- realized work of art. Often, art is meant to commemorate and to last, to carry an enduring message. Like a cere- mony, art may serve a mnemonic function, mak- ing people remember. Art may be designed to make people remember either individuals or events, such as the AIDS epidemic that has proved so lethal in many world areas, or the cataclysmic events of September 11, 2001.

Art and Politics What is art’s social role? To what extent should art serve society? Art can be self-consciously proso- cial. It can be used to either express or challenge Appreciation for the arts must be learned. Here, three American boys seem community sentiment and standards. Art enters intrigued by the painting Paris on a Rainy Day at the Chicago Art Institute. How the political arena. Decisions about what counts does the placement of art in museums affect art appreciation? as a work of art, or about how to display art, may be political and controversial. Museums have to balance concern over community standards with Today, no museum director can mount an ex- catharsis a wish to be as creative and innovative as the art- hibit without worrying that it will offend some po- Intense emotional ists and works they display. litically organized segment of society. In the United release. Much art that is valued today was received with States there has been an ongoing battle between revulsion in its own time. New York’s Brooklyn liberals and conservatives involving the Na- Museum of Art has documented how art that tional Endowment for the Arts. Artists have shocks or offends when it is new becomes ac- been criticized as aloof from society, as creating cepted and valued over time. Children were pro- only for themselves and for elites, as out of hibited from seeing paintings by Matisse, Braque, touch with conventional and traditional aes- and Picasso when those works fi rst were dis- thetic values, even as mocking the values of or- played in New York in the Armory Show of 1913. dinary people. The New York Times called that Armory Show “pathological.” Almost a century later, the City The Cultural Transmission of New York and then mayor Rudolph Giuliani took the Brooklyn Museum to court over its of the Arts 1999–2000 “Sensation” show. After religious Because art is part of culture, appreciation of the groups protested Chris Ofi li’s Holy Virgin Mary, a arts depends on cultural background. Watch Jap- collage that included elephant dung, Giuliani anese tourists in a Western art museum trying to deemed the work sacrilegious. The ensuing interpret what they are seeing. Conversely, the court trial prompted anticensorship groups and form and meaning of a Japanese tea ceremony, or art advocates to speak out against the mayor’s a demonstration of origami (Japanese paper fold- actions. The museum won the case, but Ofi li’s ing), will be alien to a foreign observer. Apprecia- work again came under attack when a man tion for the arts must be learned. It is part of smuggled paint inside the Brooklyn exhibition enculturation, as well as of more formal educa- and tried to smear it on the Virgin (University of tion. Robert Layton (1991) suggests that whatever Virginia, n.d.). According to art professor Michael universal principles of artistic expression may ex- Davis, Ofi li’s collage is “shocking” because it de- ist, they have been put into effect in a diversity of liberately provokes and intends to jolt viewers ways in different cultures. into an expanded frame of reference. The mayor’s What is aesthetically pleasing depends to reactions may have been based on the narrow some extent on culture. Based on familiarity, defi nition that art must be beautiful and an music with certain tonalities and rhythm pat- equally limited vision of a Virgin Mary as de- terns will please some people and alienate oth- picted in Italian Renaissance paintings (Mount ers. In a study of Navajo music, McAllester Holyoke College 1999). (1954) found that it refl ected the overall culture

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FIGURE 13.3 Location of the Navajo.

. Arches N.P. R Black Canyon of Fountain do the Gunnison N.M. Gunnison A Moab ra rka lo 50 ns o Montrose as Canyonlands C Canon City R. N.P. Capitol Pueblo Reef Telluride COLORADO R UTAH 191 O N.P. 285 C Great Sand Bryce Blanding K Dunes N.M. Canyon Fry Canyon 160 Zion N.P. Natural Mesa Y Verde 15 N.P. Bridges Cortez Alamosa N.M. N.P. Durango Fort Lake Powell Garland St. George Mexican UTE MTN. S. UTE Hat IND. RES. IND. RES. M

Page Shiprock O Kayenta Aztec Red River NAVAJO U

Grand Canyon 89 INDIAN Shiprock Farmington N 160 285 Natl. Park RESERVATION JICARILLA T Tuba 666 APACHE A lorado R Taos . I Co City IND. RES. Chimayo N Grand Chinle HUALAPAI S Canyon De Los Alamos IND. RES. Canyon HOPI Chelly N.M. IND. RES. Bandelier N.M. 25 Nelson Santa Fe Window Gallup NEW MEXICO Humphreys Pk. Wupatki Rock Las Vegas 40 N.M. Rio Pe Williams Bernalillo cos 40 Zuni Grants Rancho R. Flagstaff Petrified Pueblo ACOMA Sedona Winslow Forest N.P. ZUNI IND. Albuquerque 40 IND. LAGUNA Santa Cottonwood Holbrook RES. El Malpais ARIZONA RES. IND. Los Lunas Rosa 93 N.M. RES. Prescott Camp Verde 191 0 50 100 mi 285 Payson Show Low 15 FORT APACHE 0 50 100 km 25 N IND. RES.

of that time in three main ways: First, individu- alism was a key Navajo cultural value. Thus, it VIDEOS was up to the individual to decide what to do living anthropology with his or her physical property, knowledge, ideas, or songs. Second, McAllester found that a Art of the Aborigines, www.mhhe.com/kottak general Navajo conservatism also extended to This clip focuses on an aboriginal artist in the music. The Navajo saw foreign music as danger- community of Galiwinku in northern Australia. The clip ous and rejected it. (This second point is no lon- provides an excellent illustration of how aspects of ger true; there are now Navajo rock bands.) culture (art, religion, kinship, economics, law) that stand Third, a general stress on proper form applied apart in our own society are so closely related as to be to music. There was, in Navajo belief, a right inseparable in others. The artist makes a string bag, way to sing every kind of song (see Figure 13.3 based on a pattern her father originated. She uses for the location of the Navajo). knowledge taught to her by her mother, grandmother, People learn to listen to certain kinds of music and grandfather. According to the narrator, the artist and to appreciate particular art forms, just as they weaves a story of the dreamtime—the mythical past learn to hear and decipher a foreign language. when the world as we know it was created—into the Unlike Londoners and New Yorkers, Parisians bag, which thus has spiritual as well as artistic and don’t fl ock to musicals. Despite its multiple functional signifi cance. How widespread is this art in French origins, even the musical Les Miserables, a the community shown here? How was the bag used huge hit in London, New York, and dozens of cit- during gathering? How does the creative act here ies worldwide, bombed in Paris. Humor, too, a depict enculturation? form of verbal art, depends on cultural back- ground and setting. What’s funny in one culture may not translate as funny in another. When a joke doesn’t work, an American may say, “Well, example, there are families of carvers, musicians, you had to be there at the time.” Jokes, like aes- dancers, and mask makers. Among the Yoruba of thetic judgments, depend on context. Nigeria, two lineages of leather workers are en- At a smaller level of culture, certain artistic tra- trusted with important bead embroidery works, ditions may be transmitted in families. In , for such as for the king’s crown and the bags and

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bracelets of priests. The arts, like other professions, often “run” in families. The Bachs, for example, produced not only Johann Sebastian but several other noted composers and musicians. In Chapter 1, anthropology’s approach to the arts was contrasted with a traditional humanities focus on “fi ne arts,” as in art history, “Great Books,” and classical music. Anthropology has extended the defi nition of “cultured” well beyond the elitist meaning of “high” art and culture. For anthropologists, everyone acquires culture through enculturation. In academia today, growing accep- tance of the anthropological defi nition of culture has helped broaden the study of the humanities from fi ne art and elite art to “folk” and nonwest- ern arts, and the creative expressions of popular culture. This chapter’s “Appreciating Anthropology” A violin class for a large group of four-year-old children at a Korean music shows that techniques that anthropologists have school. used to analyze myths and folktales can be ex- tended to two fantasy fi lms that most of you have seen: The Wizard of Oz and Star Wars. “Appreciat- ing Anthropology” again highlights the contribu- tions of the French anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss (1967) along with the neo-Freudian psychoanalyst Bruno Bettelheim (1975). Both have made important contributions to the study of myths and fairy tales. In many societies, myths, legends, tales, and the art of storytelling play important roles in the transmission of culture and the preservation of tradition. In the absence of writing, oral traditions may preserve details of history and , as in many parts of West Africa. Art forms often go together. For example, music and storytelling may be combined for drama and emphasis (see the lower photo), much as they are in fi lms and theater. At what age do children start learning the arts? In some cultures, they start early. Contrast the This photo was taken on St. Paul Island, on the Bering Sea coast of Alaska. A photo of the Korean violin class (above left) with traditional Aleut storyteller uses a drum to tell his tale to young Aleut people. the photo of the Aleut gathering (below). The Who are the storytellers of your society? How do their narrative techniques Korean scene shows formal instruction. The teach- and styles differ from the one shown here? ers take the lead in showing the kids how to play the violin. The Aleut photo shows a more infor- mal local scene in which children are learning about the arts as part of their overall encultura- The Artistic Career tion. Presumably, the Korean children are learn- In nonindustrial societies, artists tend to be part- ing the arts because their parents want them to, time specialists. In states, there are more ways for not necessarily because they have an artistic tem- artists to practice their craft full-time. The num- perament that they need or wish to express. ber of positions in “arts and leisure” has mush- Sometimes children’s participation in arts or per- roomed in contemporary societies, especially in formance, including sports, exemplifi es forced North America. Many non-Western societies also enculturation. It may be pushed by parents rather offer career tracks in the arts: For example, a child than by kids themselves. In the United States, per- born into a particular family or may dis- formance, usually associated with schools, has a cover that he or she is destined for a career in strong social, and usually competitive, compo- leather working or weaving. Some societies are nent. Kids perform with their peers. In the pro- noted for particular arts, such as dance, wood cess, they learn to compete, whether for a fi rst-place carving, or weaving. fi nish in a sports event or a fi rst chair in the school An artistic career also may involve some kind orchestra or band. of a calling. Individuals may discover they have a

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appreciating ANTHROPOLOGY activity. Thus Luke, who travels aboard space- ships, is a Skywalker, while Dorothy Gale is I’ll Get You, My Pretty, and Your Little R2 swept off to Oz by a cyclone (a gale of wind). Dorothy leaves home with her dog, Toto, who is pursued by and has managed to escape Techniques that anthropologists have used 2. Reversing the order of the elements. from a woman who in Oz becomes the to analyze myths and folktales can be ex- 3. Replacing a male hero with a female hero. Wicked Witch of the West. Luke follows his tended to two fantasy fi lms that most of you 4. Preserving or repeating certain key elements. “Two-Two” (R2D2), who is fl eeing Darth Vader, have seen. The Wizard of Oz has been tele- Through such operations, two apparently the witch’s structural equivalent. cast annually for decades. The original Star dissimilar myths can be shown to be variations Dorothy and Luke each start out living with Wars remains one of the most popular fi lms on a common structure, that is, to be transfor- an and an . However, because of of all time. Both are familiar and signifi cant mations of each other. the gender change of the hero, the primary cultural products with obvious mythic quali- We’ll see now that Star Wars is a systematic relationship is reversed and inverted. Thus ties. The contributions of the French structur- structural transformation of The Wizard of Oz. Dorothy’s relationship with her aunt is pri- alist anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss We may speculate about how many of the re- mary, warm, and loving, whereas Luke’s rela- (1967) and the neo-Freudian psychoanalyst semblances were conscious and how many tionship with his uncle, though primary, is Bruno Bettelheim (1975) to the study of simply refl ect a process of enculturation that strained and distant. Aunt and uncle are in the myths and fairy tales permit the following Star Wars writer and director George Lucas tales for the same reason. They represent analysis of visual fairy tales that contempo- shares with other Americans. home (the nuclear family of orientation), rary Americans know well. The Wizard of Oz and Star Wars both begin which children (according to American culture Examining the myths and tales of different in arid country, the fi rst in Kansas and the norms) must eventually leave to make it on cultures, Lévi-Strauss determined that one tale second on the desert planet Tatooine. (Recap their own. As Bettelheim (1975) points out, could be converted into another through a se- 13.1 lists the similarities discussed here.) Star fairy tales often disguise parents as uncle and ries of simple operations, for example, by doing Wars converts The Wizard’s female hero into aunt, and this establishes social distance. The the following: a boy, Luke Skywalker. Fairy-tale heroes usu- child can deal with the hero’s separation (in 1. Converting the positive element of a myth ally have short, common fi rst names and sec- The Wizard of Oz) or the aunt’s and uncle’s into its negative. ond names that describe their origin or deaths (in Star Wars) more easily than with

particular talent and fi nd an environment in which Goodale and Koss (1971) describe the manu- that talent is nourished. Separate career paths for facture of ornamental burial poles among the Tiwi artists usually involve special training and ap- of North Australia. Temporary separation and de- prenticeship. Such paths are more likely in a tachment from other social roles allowed burial anthropology ATLAS complex society, where there are many sep- pole artists to devote themselves to their work. arate career tracks, than in band or tribal The pole artists were ceremonially commissioned Locate the societies, where expressive culture is less as such after a death. They were granted tempo- ethnographic site for formally separated from daily life. rary freedom from the daily food quest. Other the Tiwi of North Artists need support if they are to de- community members agreed to serve as their pa- Australia on Map 10. vote full time to creative activity. They trons. They supplied the artists with hard-to-get fi nd support in their families or lineages if materials needed for their work. The burial pole there is specialization in the arts involving kin artists were sequestered in a work area near the groups. State societies often have patrons of the grave. That area was taboo to everyone else. arts. Usually members of the elite class, patrons The arts usually are defi ned as neither practical offer various kinds of support to aspiring and nor ordinary. They rely on talent, which is indi- talented artists, such as court and palace paint- vidual, but which must be channeled and shaped ers, musicians, or sculptors. In some cases, an in socially approved directions. Inevitably, artistic artistic career may entail a lifetime of dedication talent and production pull the artist away from to religious art. the practical need to make a living. The issue of

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the death of or separation from real parents. of Oz, an initially terrifying fi gure who later is acters often come in threes. Dorothy takes Furthermore, this permits the child’s strong proved to be a fake. Bettelheim notes that the along wisdom (the Scarecrow), love (the Tin feelings toward his or her real parents to be typical fairy-tale father is disguised as a mon- Woodman), and courage (the Lion). Star Wars represented in different, more central charac- ster or giant. Or else, when preserved as a includes a structurally equivalent trio—Han ters, such as the Wicked Witch of the West human, he is weak, distant, or ineffective. Solo, C3PO, and Chewbacca—but their associ- and Darth Vader. Dorothy counts on the wizard to save her but ation with particular qualities isn’t as precise. Both fi lms focus on the child’s relationship fi nds that he makes seemingly impossible de- The minor characters are also structurally par- with the parent of the same sex, dividing that mands and in the end is just an ordinary man. allel: Munchkins and Jawas, Apple Trees and parent into three parts. In The Wizard, the She succeeds on her own, no longer relying Sand People, Flying Monkeys and Stormtroop- mother is split into two parts bad and one part on a father who offers no more than she her- ers. And compare settings—the witch’s castle good. They are the Wicked Witch of the East, self possesses. and the Death Star, the Emerald City and the dead at the beginning of the movie; the In Star Wars (although emphatically not in rebel base. The endings are also parallel. Luke Wicked Witch of the West, dead at the end; the later fi lms), Luke’s mother fi gure is Princess accomplishes his objective on his own, using and Glinda, the good mother, who survives. Leia. Bettelheim notes that boys commonly the Force (mana, magical power). Dorothy’s The original Star Wars reversed the proportion fantasize their mothers to be unwilling cap- goal is to return to Kansas. She does that by of good and bad, giving Luke a good father tives of their fathers. Fairy tales often disguise tapping her shoes together and drawing on the (his own), the Jedi knight who is proclaimed mothers as princesses whose freedom the Force in her ruby slippers. dead at the fi lm’s beginning. There is another boy-hero must obtain. In graphic Freudian im- All successful cultural products blend old good father, Ben Kenobi, who is ambiguously agery, Darth Vader threatens Princess Leia with and new, drawing on familiar themes. They dead when the movie ends. Third is the evil a needle the size of the witch’s broomstick. By may rearrange them in novel ways and thus father fi gure, Darth Vader. As the good-mother the end of the fi lm, Luke has freed Leia and win a lasting place in the imaginations of the third survives The Wizard of Oz, the bad-father defeated Vader. culture that creates or accepts them. Star Wars third lives on after Star Wars, to strike back in There are other striking parallels in the successfully used old cultural themes in novel the sequel. structure of the two fi lms. Fairy-tale heroes of- ways. It did that by drawing on the American The child’s relationship with the parent of ten are accompanied on their adventures by fairy tale, one that had been available in book the opposite sex also is represented in the secondary characters who personify the vir- form since the turn of the 20th century. two fi lms. Dorothy’s father fi gure is the Wizard tues needed in a successful quest. Such char-

how to support artists and the arts arises again oped manifestation of human creativity and sym- and again. We’ve all heard the phrase “struggling bolism, with an undoubtedly long evolutionary artist.” But how should society support the arts? If history. Monumental architecture, along with there is state or religious support, something is sculpture, reliefs, ornamental pottery, and written typically expected in return. There is inevitably music, literature, and drama, have survived from some limitation of the artist’s “free” expression. early civilizations. Patronage and sponsorship also may result in the Countries and cultures are known for partic- creation of art-works that are removed from pub- ular contributions, including art. The Balinese lic display. Art commissioned for elites often is are known for dance; the Navajo for sand paint- displayed only in their homes, perhaps fi nding its ings, jewelry, and weaving; and the French for way into museums after their deaths. Church- making cuisine an art form. We still read Greek commissioned art may be closer to the people. tragedies and comedies in college, as we also read Shakespeare and Milton, and view the works of Michelangelo. Greek theater is among the Continuity and Change most enduring of the arts. The words of Aeschylus, The arts go on changing, although certain art Sophocles, Euripides, and Aristophanes have forms have survived for thousands of years. The been captured in writing and live on. Who Upper Paleolithic cave art that has survived for knows how many great preliterate creations and more than 30,000 years was itself a highly devel- performances have been lost?

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RECAP 13.1 Star Wars as a Structural Transformation of The Wizard of Oz

STAR WARS THE WIZARD OF OZ

Male hero (Luke Skywalker) Female hero (Dorothy Gale) Arid Tatooine Arid Kansas Luke follows R2D2: Dorothy follows Toto: R2D2 fl ees Vader Toto fl ees witch Luke lives with uncle and aunt: Dorothy lives with uncle and aunt: Primary relationship with uncle Primary relationship with aunt (same sex as hero) (same sex as hero) Strained, distant relationship with uncle Warm, close relationship with aunt Tripartite division of same-sex parent: Tripartite division of same-sex parent: 2 parts good, 1 part bad father 2 parts bad, 1 part good mother Good father dead at beginning Bad mother dead at beginning Good father dead (?) at end Bad mother dead at end Bad father survives Good mother survives Relationship with parent of opposite sex Relationship with parent of opposite sex (Princess Leia Organa): (Wizard of Oz): Princess is unwilling captive Wizard makes impossible demands Needle Broomstick Princess is freed Wizard turns out to be sham Trio of companions: Trio of companions: Han Solo, C3PO, Chewbacca Scarecrow, Tin Woodman, Cowardly Lion Minor characters: Minor characters: Jawas Munchkins Sand People Apple Trees Stormtroopers Flying Monkeys Settings: Settings: Death Star Witch’s castle Verdant Tikal (rebel base) Emerald City Conclusion: Conclusion: Luke uses magic to accomplish goal Dorothy uses magic to accomplish goal (destroy Death Star) (return to Kansas)

Classic Greek theater survives throughout the stores in any world capital hawk “traditional” world. It is read in college courses, seen in the arts, including musical instruments, from a hun- movies, and performed live on stages from Athens dred Third World countries. to New York. In today’s world, the dramatic arts American culture values change, experimen- are part of a huge “arts and leisure” industry, tation, innovation, and novelty. But creativity which links Western and non-Western art forms also may be based on tradition. The Navajo, for in an international network that has both aesthetic example, can be at once individualistic, conser- and commercial dimensions (see Marcus and vative, and attentive to traditional form. In some Myers, eds. 1995; Root 1996). For example, non- cases and cultures, as with the Navajo, it’s not Western musical traditions and instruments have necessary for artists to be innovative as they are joined the modern world system. We’ve seen that being creative. Creativity can be expressed in local musicians perform for outsiders, including variations on a traditional form. We see an ex- tourists who increasingly visit their villages. And ample of this in this chapter’s “Appreciating “tribal” instruments such as the Native Austra- Anthropology” above, in which Star Wars, de- lian didgeridoo, a very long wooden wind instru- spite its specifi c story and innovative special ef- ment, are now exported worldwide. At least one fects, is shown to share its narrative structure store in Amsterdam, the Netherlands, specializes with a previous fi lm and fairy tale. Often, artists in didgeridoos, the only item it carries. Dozens of show fealty to the past, associating with and

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building on, rather than rejecting, the work of their predecessors. As ingredients and fl avors from all over the world are combined in modern cuisine, so too are elements from many cultures and epochs woven into contemporary art and performance. We’ve seen that the arts typically draw in multiple me- dia. Given the richness of today’s media world, multimedia are even more marked.

MEDIA AND CULTURE Today’s mass culture, aka popular culture, features cultural forms that have appeared and spread rap- idly because of major changes in the material con- ditions of contemporary life—particularly work organization, transportation, and communication, including the media. Sports, movies, TV shows, amusement parks, and fast-food restaurants have become powerful elements of national (and inter- national) culture. They provide a framework of common expectations, experiences, and behavior In Athens, Greece, ancient Greek theater is being staged for a contemporary overriding differences in region, class, formal reli- audience. Theater is typically a multimedia experience, with visual, aural, and gious affi liation, political sentiments, gender, eth- often musical attributes. nic group, and place of residence.

Using the Media Any media-borne image or message can be ana- lyzed in terms of its nature, including its symbol- ism, and its effects. It also can be analyzed as a text. We usually think of a text as a textbook, like this one, but the term has a more general meaning. Text can refer to anything that can be “read”—that is, processed, interpreted, and assigned meaning by anyone exposed to it. In this sense, a text doesn’t have to be written. The term may refer to a fi lm, an image, or an event. “Readers”—users of the text— make their own interpretations and derive their own feelings from it. “Readers” of media mes- sages constantly produce their own meanings. In his book Understanding Popular Culture (1989), John Fiske views each individual’s use of popular culture as a creative act (an original “reading” of a text). For example, a particular A synthesis of new and old theater techniques, including puppetry, is used in rock star or movie means something different to the Broadway production of Disney’s The Lion King. What artistic infl uences each fan as well as each person who really hates have inspired the images shown in this photo? that star or fi lm. As Fiske puts it, “the meanings I make from a text are pleasurable when I feel that they are my meanings and that they relate to unavailable in the local setting, to locate informa- text my everyday life in a practical, direct way” (1989, tion, to make social comparisons, to relieve frus- Cultural product that is p. 57). All of us can creatively “read” print me- trations, to chart social courses, and to formulate processed and assigned dia, along with music, television, fi lms, celebri- life plans. Through popular culture, including meaning by anyone ties, and other popular culture products (see various media, people may symbolically resist exposed to it. Fiske and Hartley 2003). the unequal power relations they face each day in Media consumers actively select, evaluate, and the family, at work, and in the classroom. Popular interpret media in ways that make sense to them. culture (from hip-hop to comedy) can be used to People use media for all sorts of reasons: to vali- express discontent and resistance by groups that date beliefs, to indulge fantasies, to fi nd messages are or feel powerless or oppressed.

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For years, India’s Bollywood fi lm and TV industry has been an important non–Western center of cultural produc- tion. Shown here, an Indian cinema worker mounts a poster for the Oscar winning movie Slumdog Millionaire which was inspired in part by the Bolly- wood tradition.

In one town in southern Brazil, Alberto Costa cable, satellite, the Internet, television, movies, found that women and young adults of both radio, telephones, print, and other sources) that sexes were particularly attracted to telenovelas, can provide contact, information, entertainment, melodramatic nightly programs often compared and potential social validation. In Brazil, greater to American soap operas, usually featuring so- use of all media (e.g., TV and print) was part of phisticated urban settings (see Kottak 1990a). In an external orientation, a general wish for infor- the small community that Costa studied (as part mation, contacts, models, and support beyond of a larger study of TV in Brazil in which I par- those that were locally and routinely available. ticipated), young people and women used the This linking role of media probably is less impor- more liberal content of telenovelas to challenge tant for people who feel most comfortable in and conservative local norms. In Brazil, traditional with their local setting. For some of our infor- information brokers and moral guardians (e.g., mants in Michigan, media offered a welcome older men, elites, intellectuals, educators, and gateway to a wider world, while others were the clergy) tended to be more suspicious and dis- comfortable with, and even sought to enhance, missive of the media than were less powerful their isolation, limiting both media exposure and people—pr obably because media messages often the outside social contacts of themselves and clashed with their own. their children. In a more recent study in Michigan, focusing Connection to a wider world, real or imag- on media use in the context of work and family ined, is a way to move beyond local standards decisions, Lara Descartes and I (2009) found that and expectations, even if the escape is only tem- parents selected media messages that supported porary and vicarious. David Ignatius (2007) de- and reinforced their own opinions and life scribes the escapist value of 19th-century English choices. Varied media images of work and fam- novels, expressed particularly through their ily allowed parents to get a sense of what others heroines—women who were “passionate seek- were thinking and doing, and to identify or con- ers,” pursuing “free thought and personal free- trast themselves with media fi gures. Our infor- dom,” rejecting the “easy comforts and arranged mants compared themselves with people and marriages of their class” in their quest for some- situations from the media as well as with people thing more. Despite (and/or because of) their in- in their own lives. We also found, as in Brazil, dependent or rebellious temperaments, characters that some people (traditionalists) were much such as Elizabeth Bennett in Jane Austen’s Pride more dismissive of, distrustful of, or hostile to and Prejudice almost always found a happy media than others were. ending. Sympathetic 19th-century readers found When people seek certain messages and can- such a heroine’s success “deeply satisfying” be- not easily fi nd them in their home communities, cause there were so few opportunities in real life they are likely to look somewhere else. The media (the local community) to see such behavior and offer a rich web of external connections (through choices (all quotes from Ignatius 2007:A21).

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The arts allow us to imagine possibilities be- Assessing the Effects of Television yond our own circumstances and experience. The In the Brazilian study mentioned in the last sec- mass media are an important source for such tion, and described more fully in Chapter 1, my imagining. In this chapter’s “Appreciating Diver- associates and I studied how TV infl uences behav- sity” we see how contemporary American popu- ior, attitudes, and values. That research is the basis lar culture creates idealized social worlds. As the of my book Prime-Time Society: An Anthropological media celebrate the rich and the famous, media Analysis of Television and Culture (expanded ed. portrayals often present a homogenized upper 2010)—a comparative study of television in Brazil middle-class lifestyle in which social diversity is and the United States. One possible effect of televi- minimized. This contrasts with the class diversity sion on reproductive behavior was suggested by that typifi es Brazilian television, which is dis- an account in the popular press. I fi rst considered cussed later in this chapter. An anthropological the possibility that TV might be infl uencing Brazil- approach to the arts recognizes that they must be ian family planning when I read an intriguing ar- understood in relation to sociocultural diversity ticle in the New York Times. Based on interviews in time and space. with Brazilians, that report suggested that TV Another role of the media is to provide social (along with other factors) was infl uencing Brazil- cement—a basis for sharing—as families or ians to limit family size. Fortunately, we had the friends watch favorite programs or attend such quantitative data to test that hypothesis. events as games and performances together. The Our fi ndings in Brazil confi rmed many other media can provide common ground for much studies conducted throughout the world in show- larger groups, nationally and internationally. Bra- ing that the strongest predictor of (smaller) fam- zilians and Italians can be just as excited, at the ily size is a woman’s educational level. However, same moment but with radically different emo- two television variables—current viewing level, tions, by a soccer goal scored in a World Cup and especially the number of years of TV pres- match. And they can remember the same winning ence in the home—were better predictors of goal or head butt for decades. The common infor- (smaller) family size than were many other mation and knowledge that people acquire potential predictors, including income, class, and through exposure to the same media illustrate religiosity. Furthermore, the contraceptive effects culture in the anthropological sense. (For other of TV exposure had been totally unplanned. media roles, functions, and effects, see Askew and In the four towns in our study with the longest Wilk, eds. 2002, and Ginsburg, Abu-Lughod, and exposure to television, the average woman had a Larkin, eds. 2002).

Popular demand for birth control often must be created, for example, through multimedia cam- paigns, illustrated by the poster shown in this photo from India. In Brazil, how- ever, there has been little direct use of TV to get people to limit their offspring. How then has television infl uenced Brazilians to plan smaller families?

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appreciating DIVERSITY The poor are noticeably absent, however, in the great artistic fl owering of the American What Ever Happened to Class? novel at the turn of the 19th century, in the work of writers like Henry James, William Dean Howells and Edith Wharton, who are almost All cultures express imagination—in dreams, and where the class divide—especially the gap exclusively concerned with the rich or the as- fantasies, songs, myths, and stories. The arts separating middle from upper—was an ines- piring middle classes: their marriages, their allow us to imagine a set of possible lives be- capable fact of life. The yearning to bridge this houses, their money and their stuff. Not acci- yond our own. One very important source for gap is most persistently and most romantically dentally, these novels coincided with America’s this imagining has been the mass media, in- cluding television, movies, and the popular evoked in [F. Scott] Fitzgerald, of course, in Gilded Age, the era of overnight fortunes and press. Here we see how American popular cul- characters like the former Jay Gatz of Nowhere, conspicuous spending that followed in the ture has moved from a preoccupation with class N.D. (The Great Gatsby), staring across Long wake of the Civil War . . . differences to a tendency to deny or ignore their Island Sound at that distant green light, and all One of the messages of the novel is that in existence. Although the media continue to ap- those moony young men standing in the stag America new money very quickly, in a genera- preciate the lifestyles of the rich and famous, line at the country club, hoping to be noticed tion or less, takes on the patina of old; another what is gone is the preoccupation with differ- ence. The narratives we see on screen and in by the rich girls. is that the class structure is necessarily propped print today often present a homogenized upper But there is also a darker version, the one up by deceit and double standards. . . . middle-class lifestyle in which social diversity is that turns up in Dreiser’s “American Tragedy” What was the appeal? Vouyerism, in part . . . minimized and the economic underpinnings of (1925), for example, where class envy . . . Fiction back then had a kind of documentary class are ignored. causes Clyde Griffi ths to drown his hopelessly function; it was one of the places Americans On television and in the movies now, and proletarian sweetheart, and where the impos- went to learn about how other Americans lived. even in the pages of novels, people tend to sibility of transcending his lot leads him inevita- In time novels ceased to be so reportorial. . . . dwell in a classless, homogenized American bly to the electric chair. (In the upstate New Novels these days take place in a kind of Never-Never Land. This place is an upgrade, York town of Lycurgus, where the story takes all-purpose middle-class America, in neighbor- but not a drastic one, from the old neighbor- place, Dreiser reminds us that “the line of de- hoods that could be almost anyplace, and hood where Beaver, Ozzie and Harriet, and marcation and stratifi cation between the rich where the burdens are more psychic than eco- Donna Reed used to live; it’s those yuppifi ed and the poor was as sharp as though cut by a nomic, with people too busy tending to their city blocks where the friends on “Friends” and knife or divided by a high wall.”) faltering relationships to pay much attention to the “Seinfeld” gang had their apartments, or in Some novels trade on class anxiety to keeping up with the neighbors. the now more fashionable version, it’s part of evoke not the dream of betterment but the It’s a place where everyone fi ts in, more or the same exurb as One Tree Hill and Wisteria great American nightmare: the dread of wak- less, but where, if you look hard enough, no- Lane—those airbrushed suburbs where all the ing up one day and fi nding yourself at the body feels really at home. cool young people hang out and where the bottom. Frank Norris’s “McTeague” is about a Novel reading is a middle-class pastime, pecking order of sex and looks has replaced San Francisco dentist who, unmasked as a which is another reason that novels have so the old hierarchy of jobs and money. . . . fraud, sinks to a life of and degrada- often focused on the middle and upper classes. In the years before World War II, you couldn’t tion . . . These books . . . suggested that the Mass entertainment is another matter, and go to the movies or get very far in a novel with- worst thing that could possibly happen to an when Hollywood took up the class theme, out being reminded that ours was a society American was to topple from his perch on which it did in the 1930’s, it made a crucial ad- where some were much better off than others, the class ladder. . . . justment. During the Depression, the studios,

TV set in her home for 15 years and had 2.3 preg- of reproductive histories. Of course, television ex- nancies. In the three communities where TV had posure at a site is an aspect of that site’s increasing arrived most recently, the average woman had a overall access to external systems and resources, home set for four years and had fi ve pregnancies. which usually include improved methods of con- Thus, length of site exposure was a useful predictor traception. But the impact of longer home TV expo-

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reality television, when Paris Hilton and Nicole Richie drop in on rubes in “The Simple Life,” or when upper- and middle-class families trade moms on “Wife Swap” and experience a week of culture shock. But most reality television trades in a fan- tasy of sorts, based on the old game-show for- mula: the idea that you can be plucked out of ordinary life and anointed the new supermodel, the new diva, the new survivor, the new assis- tant to Donald Trump. You get an instant infu- sion of wealth and are simultaneously vested with something far more valuable: celebrity, which has become a kind of super-class in America, and one that renders all the old cat- egories irrelevant. Celebrities, in fact, have in- herited much of the glamour and sexiness that used to attach itself to the aristocracy . . . But if the margins have shifted, and if fame, for example, now counts for more than breed- ing, what persists is the great American theme of longing, of wanting something more, or other, What’s the class status of these “Desperate ,” who reside on TV’s Wisteria than what you were born with—the wish not to Lane? From what do they derive this class status? rise in class so much as merely to become classy. If you believe the novels of Dickens or which were mostly run by immigrant Jews, gaps, these are stories of harmony and inclu- Thackeray, say, the people who feel most at turned out a string of formulaic fantasies about sion, and they added what proved to be an en- home in Britain are those who know their place, life among the Gentile upper crust. during twist on the American view of class: the and that has seldom been the case in this coun- These movies were essentially twin varia- notion that wealth and privilege are somewhat try, where the boundaries of class seem just tions on a single theme: either a rich young crippling conditions. . . . elusive and permeable enough to sustain both man falls for a working girl . . . or an heiress Television used to be fascinated with blue- the fear of falling and the dream of escape. takes up with a young man who has to work for collar life, in shows like “The Honeymooners,”

a living. . . . “All in the Family,” “Sanford and Son” and SOURCE: Charles McGrath, “In Fiction, a Long History of The upper-class person is thawed and hu- “Roseanne,” but lately it too has turned its at- Fixation on the Social Gap.” From The New York manized by the poorer one, but in every case tention elsewhere. The only people who work Times, June 8, 2005. © 2005 The New York Times. All the exchange is seen as fair and equitable, with on televison now are cops, doctors and law- rights reserved. Used by permission and protected by the Copyright Laws of the United States. The printing, the lower-class character giving as much as he yers, and they’re so busy they seldom get to copying, redistribution, or retransmission of the Mate- or she gets in return. Unlike the novels of class, go home. The one vestige of the old curiosity rial without express written permission is prohibited. with their anxieties and sense of unbridgeable about how other people live is in so-called www.nytimes.com

sure showed up not only when we compared sites cluding contraception) are greater in Brazil now but also within age cohorts, within sites, and among than they used to be. But, as Manoff (1994) notes, individual women in our total sample. based on experience in Africa, Asia, and Latin What social mechanisms were behind these America, family planning is not assured by the correlations? Family planning opportunities (in- availability of contraceptives. Popular demand for

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contraception has to be created—often through Football “social marketing”—that is, planned multimedia Football, we say, is only a game, yet it has become campaigns such as that illustrated by the photo a hugely popular spectator sport. On fall Satur- above showing an advertisement for vasectomies days, millions of people travel to and from college in India (see also Manoff 1994). In Brazil, however, football games. Smaller congregations meet in high there has been little direct use of TV to get people school stadiums. Millions of Americans watch tele- to limit their offspring. How then has television vised football. Indeed, nearly half the adult popu- infl uenced Brazilians to plan smaller families? lation of the United States watches the Super Bowl, We noticed that Brazilian TV families tend to which attracts fans of diverse ages, ethnic back- have fewer children than traditional small-town grounds, regions, religions, political parties, jobs, Brazilians do. Narrative form and production social statuses, levels of wealth, and genders. costs limit the number of players in each telenovela The popularity of football, particularly profes- (nightly soap opera) to about 50 characters. Tele- sional football, depends directly on the mass me- novelas usually are gender-balanced and include dia, especially television. Is football, with its three-generation extended families of different so- territorial incursion, hard hitting, and violence, oc- cial classes, so that some of the main characters casionally resulting in injury, popular because can “rise in life” by marrying up. (Notice how the Americans are violent people? Are football specta- Brazilian portrayal of class diversity contrasts tors vicariously realizing their own hostile and ag- with the current American tendency to overlook gressive tendencies? The anthropologist W. Arens class differences, as described in “Appreciating (1981) discounts this interpretation. He points out Anthropology” on pp. 324–325.) These narrative that football is a peculiarly American pastime. Al- conventions limit the number of young children though a similar game is played in Canada, it is per TV family. We concluded that people’s ideas less popular there. Baseball has become a popular about proper family size are infl uenced as they sport in the Caribbean, parts of Latin America, and see, day after day, nuclear families smaller than Japan. Basketball and volleyball also are spread- the traditional ones in their towns. Furthermore, ing. However, throughout most of the world, soc- the aim of commercial television is to sell products cer is the most popular sport. Arens argues that if and lifestyles. Brazilian TV families routinely are football were a particularly effective channel for shown enjoying consumer goods and lives of lei- expressing aggression, it would have spread (like sure, to which viewers learn to aspire. Telenovelas soccer and baseball) to many other countries, may convey the idea that viewers can achieve such where people have as many aggressive tendencies lifestyles by emulating the apparent family plan- and hostile feelings as Americans do. Furthermore, ning of TV characters. The effect of Brazilian tele- he suggests that if a sport’s popularity rested sim- vision on family planning seems to be a corollary ply on a bloodthirsty temperament, boxing, a far of a more general, TV-infl uenced shift from tradi- bloodier sport, would be America’s national pas- tional toward more liberal social attitudes, de- time. He concludes reasonably that the explana- scribed in Chapter 1. Anthropologist Janet Dunn’s tion for football’s popularity lies elsewhere. (2000) further fi eld work in Brazil has demon- Arens contends that football is popular be- strated how TV exposure actually works to infl u- cause it symbolizes certain key aspects of Ameri- ence reproductive choice and family planning. can life. In particular, it features teamwork based on specialization and division of labor, which are pervasive features of contemporary life. Susan SPORTS AND CULTURE Montague and Robert Morais (1981) take the analysis a step further. They argue that Ameri- We now turn to the cultural context of sports and cans appreciate football because it presents a min- the cultural values expressed in them. Because so iaturized and simplifi ed version of modern much of what we know about sports comes from organizations. People have trouble understand- the media, we also are extending our consider- ing organizational bureaucracies, whether in ation in this section to the pervasive role of the business, universities, or government. Football, mass media in contemporary life. This section the anthropologists argue, helps us understand mainly describes how sports and the media re- how decisions are made and rewards are allo- fl ect culture. Sports and the media infl uence cul- cated in organizations. ture as well, as we just saw in the discussion of Montague and Morais link football’s values, how Brazilian television modifi es social attitudes particularly teamwork, to those associated with and family planning. Thus, the infl uence of me- business. Like corporate workers, the ideal players dia (and sports) on culture and vice versa is re- are diligent and dedicated to the team. Within cor- ciprocal. Chapter 1 discussed how sports porations, however, decision making is compli- participation can modify body types, and how cated, and workers aren’t always rewarded for cultural values (about body proportions) causes their dedication and good job performance. Deci- sports participation by men and women to vary sions are simpler and rewards are more consistent in different cultures.

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in football, these anthropologists contend, and this audiences. Brazilian television, by contrast, has helps explain its popularity. Even if we can’t fi gure much less sports coverage, with no nationally out how ExxonMobil or Microsoft run, any fan can televised annual event comparable to the Super- become an expert on football’s rules, teams, scores, bowl or the World Series. The World (soccer) Cup, statistics, and patterns of play. Even more impor- held every four years, is the only sports event that tant, football suggests that the values stressed by consistently draws huge national audiences. business really do pay off. Teams whose members In international com petition, outstanding Bra- work the hardest, show the most spirit, and best zilian athletes, such as 1984 Olympic silver med- develop and coordinate their talents can be ex- alist swimmer Ricardo Prado—or any soccer pected to win more often than other teams do. player in the Olympics or World Cup—represent Illustrating the values of hard work and team- Brazilians, almost in the same way as Congress is work, consider some quotes from a story about the said to represent the people of the United States. selection of New England Patriots quarterback A win by a Brazilian team or the occasional na- Tom Brady as 2007 Associated Press Male Athlete tionally known individual athlete is felt to bring of the Year. On the value of hard work: “Tom Brady respect to the entire nation, but the Brazilian me- arrives at Gillette Stadium before the sun comes dia are strikingly intolerant of losers. When Prado up. As always, there is work to be done, and no swam for his medal in the fi nals of the 400 Indi- time to waste.” “You see him here at 6:15 in the vidual Medley (IM), during prime time on na- morning, lifting weights, watching fi lm and work- tional TV, one newsmagazine observed that “it ing out.” On the value of teamwork: “I play in a was as though he was the country with a swim- team sport,” Brady said. “Everybody I play with is suit on, jumping in the pool in a collective search responsible for what each of us accomplishes as for success” (Isto É 1984). Prado’s own feelings individuals and for what we all accomplish as a confi rmed the magazine, “When I was on the New England Patri- team.” (All quotes from Ulman 2007). stands, I thought of just one thing: what they’ll ots quarterback Tom think of the result in Brazil.” After beating his old Brady (12) calls a What Determines International world record by 1.33 seconds, in a second-place play during an NFL fi nish, Prado told a fellow team member, “I think Sports Success? football game I did everything right. I feel like a winner, but will against the Why do countries excel at particular sports? Why they think I’m a loser in Brazil?” Prado realized as Broncos on Sunday, do certain nations pile up dozens of Olympic med- he swam that he was performing in prime time Oct. 11, 2009, in als while others win only a handful, or none at all? and that “all of Brazil would be watching” (Veja Denver. Brady exem- It isn’t simply a matter of rich and poor, developed 1984a). He complained about having the expecta- and underdeveloped, or even of governmental or tions of an entire country focused on him. He con- plifi es the values of other institutional support of promising athletes. trasted the situations of Brazilian and American hard work and It isn’t even a question of a “national will to win,” athletes. The United States has, he said, so many teamwork consid- for although certain nations stress winning even athletes that no single one has to summarize the ered to be important more than Americans do, a cultural focus on win- country’s hopes (Veja 1984a). in football. ning doesn’t necessarily lead to the desired result. Fortunately, Brazil did seem to value Prado’s Cultural values, social forces, and the media performance, which was responsible for “Brazil’s infl uence international sports success. We can see best result ever in Olympic swimming” (Veja this by contrasting the United States and Brazil, 1984a). Previously the country had won a two countries with continental proportions and total of three bronze medals. Labeling large, physically and ethnically diverse popula- Prado “the man of tions. Although each is its continent’s major eco- silver,” the media nomic power, they offer revealing contrasts in never tired of char- Olympic success: In the 2008 Summer Olympics acterizing his main the United States won 110 medals, while Brazil event, the 400 IM, in managed only 15. which he once had held the Through visual demonstration, commentary, world record, as the most and explanation of rules and training, the media challenging event in swim- can heighten interest in all kinds of sports— ming. However, the kind amateur and professional, team and individual, words for Ricardo Prado spectator and participatory. Americans’ interest in did not extend to the rest sports has been honed over the years by an ever- of the Brazilian team. The growing media establishment, which provides a press lamented their steady stream of matches, games, playoffs, cham- “succession of fail- pionships, and analyses. Cable and satellite TV ures . . . accumulated in offer almost constant sports coverage, including the fi rst days of competi- packages for every sport and season. The Super tion” (Veja 1984a). (Brazil Bowl is a national event. The Olympic games fi nally got swimming gold get extensive coverage and attract signifi cant at the 2008 games in

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Swimmers take off in a heat of the Men’s 50m Butterfl y at the World Swim- ming Champion- ships in Rome, Italy, on July 26, 2009. Such sports as swimming, diving, and track give spe- cial value not only to winning but also to “personal bests” and “comebacks.”

Beijing, with Cesar Cielo Filho winning the fast enough, when they don’t make previous 50 meter freestyle race.) times. One might predict, accurately, that sports Because Brazilian athletes are expected almost with more subjective standards would not be very to be their country, and because team sports are popular in Brazil. Brazilians like to assign blame emphasized, the Brazilian media focus too exclu- to athletes who fail them, and negative comments sively on winning. Winning, of course, is also an about gymnasts or divers are more diffi cult be- American cultural value, particularly for team cause grace and execution can’t be quantifi ed as sports, as in Brazil. American football coaches are easily as time can. famous for comments such as “Winning isn’t ev- Brazilians, I think, value winning so much be- erything; it’s the only thing” and “Show me a good cause it is so rare. In the United States, resources loser and I’ll show you a loser.” However, and par- are more abundant, social classes less marked, ticularly for sports such as running, swimming, opportunities for achievement more numerous, diving, gymnastics, and skating, which focus on poverty less pervasive, and individual social the individual, and in which American athletes mobility easier. American society has room for usually do well, American culture also admires many winners. Brazilian society is more strati- “moral victories,” “personal bests,” “comeback fi ed; a much smaller middle class and elite group athletes,” and “Special Olympics,” and commends comprise perhaps a third of the population. those who run good races without fi nishing fi rst. Brazilian sports echo lessons from the larger so- In amateur and individual sports, American cul- ciety: victories are scarce and reserved for the ture tells us that hard work and personal improve- privileged few. ment can be as important as winning. Americans are so accustomed to being told Being versus Doing that their culture overemphasizes winning that The factors believed to contribute to sports suc- they may fi nd it hard to believe that other cultures cess belong to a larger context of cultural values. value it even more. Brazil certainly does. Brazilian Particularly relevant is the contrast between as- sports enthusiasts are preoccupied with world re- cribed and achieved status. Individuals have little cords, probably because only a win (as in soccer) control over their ascribed statuses (e.g., age, gen- or a best time (as in swimming) can make Brazil der); these depend on what one is rather than indisputably, even if temporarily, the best in the what one does. On the other hand, people have world at something. Prado’s former world record more control over their achieved statuses (e.g., in the 400 IM was mentioned constantly in the student, golfer, tennis player). Because we start press prior to his Olympic swim. Such a best-time out the same (at least in the eyes of American standard also provides Brazilians with a ready law), American culture emphasizes achieved over basis to fault a swimmer or runner for not going ascribed status: We are supposed to make of our

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lives what we will and can. Success comes through American media almost always focus on some as- achievement. An American’s identity emerges as pect of doing, some special personal triumph or a result of what he or she does. achievement. Often this involves the athlete’s In Brazil, on the other hand, identity rests on struggle with adversity (illness, injury, pain, the being rather than doing, on what one is from the death of a parent, sibling, friend, or coach). The start—a strand in a web of personal connections, featured athlete is presented as not only success- originating in social class and the extended fam- ful but noble and self-sacrifi cing as well. ily. Parents, in-laws, and extended kin routinely Given the Brazilian focus on ascribed status, are tapped for entries to desired settings and posi- the guiding assumption is that one can’t do more tions. Family position and network membership than what one is. One year the Brazilian Olympic contribute substantially to individual fortune, Committee sent no female swimmers to the Sum- and all social life is hierarchical. High-status Bra- mer Olympics because none had made arbitrarily zilians don’t stand patiently in line as Americans established cutoff times. This excluded a South do. Important people expect their business to be American record holder, while swimmers with attended to immediately, and social inferiors no better times were attending from other coun- readily yield. Rules don’t apply uniformly, but tries. No one seemed to imagine that Olympic differentially, according to social class. The fi nal excitement might spur swimmers to extraordi- resort in any conversation is “Do you know who nary efforts. you’re talking to?” The American opposite, re- Achievement-oriented American sports cov- fl ecting our democratic and egalitarian ethos, is erage, in stark contrast, feasts on unexpected “Who do you think you are?” (DaMatta 1991). results, illustrating adherence to the American The following description of a Brazilian judo sports credo originally enunciated by the New medalist (as reported by Veja magazine) illustrates York Yankee legend Yogi Berra: “It’s not over till the importance of ascribed status and the fact that it’s over.” American culture, supposedly so in Brazilian life victories are regarded as scarce practical and realistic, has a remarkable faith in and reserved for the privileged few. coming from behind—in unexpected and mi- raculous achievements. Middle-weight Olympic bronze medalist These values are those of an achievement- Walter Carmona began judo at age six and oriented society where (ideally) “anything is possi- became a São Paulo champion at twelve . . . ble” compared with an ascribed-status society in Carmona lives in São Paulo with his family which it’s ended before it’s begun. In American (father, mother, siblings) . . . He is fully sup- sports coverage, underdogs and unexpected re- ported by his father, a factory owner. Walter sults, virtually ignored by the Brazilian media, pro- Carmona’s life has been comfortable—he has vide some of the “brightest” moments. Brazilian been able to study and dedicate himself to culture has little interest in the unexpected. Athletes judo without worries (Veja 1984b, p. 61). internalize these values. Brazilians assume that if Faced with an athlete from a well-off family, you go into an event with a top seed time, as Ri- American reporters, by contrast, rarely conclude cardo Prado did, you’ve got a chance to win a that privilege is the main reason for success. medal. Prado’s second-place fi nish made perfect

Refl ecting larger cultural values, Americans usually do well in sports that emphasize in- dividual achieve- ment. “Special Olympics,” such as the one shown here in Atlanta, Georgia, commend people who run good races without being the best in the world.

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Chemically achieved that by the time athletes actually enter Olympic success violates the competition all are so similar (the American value American work ethic. of equality) that only mysterious and chance factors The success of an ar- can explain variable success. The American focus tifi cially modifi ed be- on the unexpected applies to losses as well as wins. ing is illegitimate Such concepts as chance, fate, mystery, and uncer- compared with the tainty are viewed as legitimate reasons for defeat. Runners and skaters fall; ligaments tear; a gymnast achievements of a “inexplicably” falls off the pommel horse. self-made champion. Americans thus recognize chance disaster as Anabolic (protein- companion to unexpected success, but Brazilians building) steroids place more responsibility on the individual, as- speed up muscle re- signing personal fault. Less is attributed to factors covery after exercise, beyond human control. When individuals who increasing muscle should have performed well don’t, they are bulk and allowing a blamed for their failures. It is culturally appropri- more intensive train- ate in Brazil to use poor health as an excuse for ing schedule. Side ef- losing. Brazilian athletes routinely mention colds fects include or diarrhea as a reason for a poor performance, or even for withdrawing from a race at the last min- aggressiveness, liver ute (Veja 1984c). Brazilians use health problems as damage, edema (fl uid an excuse, whereas Americans use poor health as retention), impo- a challenge that often can be met and bested. tence, acne, priapism Despite its characteristic focus on doing, Amer- (persistent painful ican culture does not insist that individuals can erection), and viril- fully control outcomes, and it’s not as necessary ization in women. sense back home because his former world record as it is in Brazil for athletes to explain their own had been bettered before the race began. failures. The Brazilian media, by contrast, feel it Given the overwhelming value necessary to assign fault for failure—and this usu- American culture places on work, it ally means blaming the athlete(s). Characteristi- might seem surprising that our me- cally, the American media talk much more about dia devote so much attention to the injuries and illnesses of the victors and fi nish- unforeseen results and so little to ers than those of the losers and quitters. Recently, the years of training, prepara- in the baseball steroid scandal, Americans have tion, and competition that un- faulted athletes for chemically achieved success, derlie Olympic performance. It certainly a violation of the American work ethic. probably is assumed that hard Even if one is doing drugs, steroid use alters what work is so obvious and funda- one is. The success of a modifi ed being is illegiti- mental that it goes without say- mate compared with the achievements of an inde- ing. Or perhaps the assumption is pendently self-made champion.

Acing the COURSE

1. Even if they lack a word for “art,” people every- Summary Much art has been done in association with reli- where do associate an aesthetic experience with gion. In tribal performances, the arts and religion objects and events having certain qualities. The often mix. But non-Western art isn’t always linked arts, sometimes called “expressive culture,” in- to religion. clude the visual arts, literature (written and oral), music, and theater arts. Some issues raised about 2. The special places where we fi nd art include religion also apply to art. If we adopt a special at- museums, concert halls, opera houses, and the- titude or demeanor when confronting a sacred aters. However, the boundary between what’s object, do we display something similar with art? art and what’s not may be blurred. Variation in

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art appreciation is especially common in con- in an international network with both aesthetic temporary society, with its professional artists and commercial dimensions. and critics and great cultural diversity. 6. Any media-borne message can be analyzed as a 3. Those who work with non-Western art have been text, something that can be “read”—that is, pro- criticized for ignoring individual artists and for cessed, interpreted, and assigned meaning by focusing too much on the social context and col- anyone exposed to it. People use media to vali- lective artistic production. Art is work, albeit date beliefs, indulge fantasies, seek out messages, creative work. In state societies, some people make social comparisons, relieve frustrations, manage to support themselves as full-time artists. chart social courses, and resist unequal power In nonstates artists are normally part-time. Com- relations. The media can provide common munity standards judge the mastery and comple- ground for social groups. Length of home TV ex- tion displayed in a work of art. Typically, the arts posure is a useful measure of the impact of tele- are exhibited, evaluated, performed, and appreci- vision on values, attitudes, and beliefs. The effect ated in society. Music, which is often performed of Brazilian television on family planning seems in groups, is among the most social of the arts. to be a corollary of a more general TV-infl uenced Folk art, music, and lore refer to the expressive shift from traditional toward more liberal social culture of ordinary, usually rural, people. attitudes. 4. Art can stand for tradition, even when traditional 7. Much of what we know about sports comes from art is removed from its original context. Art can the media. Sports and the media both refl ect and express community sentiment, with political infl uence culture. Football symbolizes and sim- goals, used to call attention to social issues. Often, plifi es certain key aspects of American life and art is meant to commemorate and to last. Grow- values (e.g., hard work and teamwork). Cultural ing acceptance of the anthropological defi nition values, social forces, and the media infl uence in- of culture has guided the humanities beyond fi ne ternational sports success. In amateur and indi- art, elite art, and Western art to the creative ex- vidual sports, American culture tells us that hard pressions of the masses and of many cultures. work and personal improvement can be as im- Myths, legends, tales, and the art of storytelling portant as winning. Other cultures, such as Brazil, often play important roles in the transmission of may value winning even more than Americans culture. Many societies offer career tracks in the do. The factors believed to contribute to sports arts; a child born into a particular family or lin- success belong to a larger context of cultural val- eage may discover that he or she is destined for a ues. Particularly relevant is the contrast between career in leather working or weaving. ascribed and achieved status: being versus doing. An American’s identity emerges as a result of 5. The arts go on changing, although certain art what he or she does. In Brazil, by contrast, iden- forms have survived for thousands of years. tity rests on being: what one is from the start—a Countries and cultures are known for particular strand in a web of personal connections, originat- contributions. Today, a huge “arts and leisure” in- ing in social class and the . dustry links Western and non-Western art forms

aesthetics 313 ethnomusicology 317 Key Terms art 313 expressive culture 313 arts 313 folk 318 catharsis 321 text 327

MULTIPLE CHOICE e. Most or all societies use creative expression Test for both religious and secular purposes. 1. Which of the following statements about the Yourself! relationship between art and religion is true? 2. How do most Western societies view, errone- a. All non-Western art is produced for reli- ously, non-Western art? gious purposes. a. as always linked to religion b. All the greatest accomplishments in West- b. as purely secular ern art have been commissioned by formal c. as purely profane religions. d. as the product of individuals c. Since nonstate societies lack permanent e. as unimportant buildings dedicated to art (museums) or re- 3. The example of the Kalabari wooden sculpture ligion (temples, churches), there is no link that serves as “house” for spirits makes the between art and religion in these societies. point that d. Western art today is completely divorced a. sculpture is always art. from religion. b. religious sculpture is not always art.

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c. the Kalabari do not have standards for c. people identify less and less with national carving. TV programs. d. non-Westerners have no concept of d. cultural norms have not changed during completeness. the last 50 years in Brazil. e. non-Western art always has some kind of e. there has been a rise in conservative atti- connection to religion. tudes among the younger generation of Brazilians. 4. To emphasize the dynamic nature of aesthetic values and tastes, this chapter describes how 8. Brazilians and Italians being just as excited, at French impressionism was initially the same moment but with radically different a. heralded as one of the great innovations of emotions, by a soccer goal scored in a World 19th century painting. Cup match is an example of b. based on abstract sand paintings from a. art’s ability to provoke catharsis. French colonies in West Africa. b. how people can fi nd in messages in inter- c. a throwback to “old school” painting styles. national that are unavailable in the local d. criticized for being too sketchy and sponta- setting. neous to be considered art. c. how much is lost in translation. e. lauded for being at the forefront of high d. media’s role as a social cement by provid- society. ing a common ground for people, nation- ally and internationally. 5. Symbolic thinking in art is an important aspect e. how much more competitive Brazilians of appreciating the novelty of the emergence of and Italians are in sports compared to culture in human history. Symbolic thinking everyone else. means that a. other forms of thinking, such as analytical 9. A study assessing how TV infl uences behavior, skills, are sacrifi ced for the sake of aesthetic attitudes, and values in Brazil found that pleasure. smaller family size correlated with the number b. scientifi c thought becomes less important of years of TV presence in the home. What in society. probable reason did researchers put forth to c. human groups stop making and using explain this correlation? tools for practical ends and instead use a. There is no social mechanism that can them for ritual. explain this correlation. d. people use one thing to mean something b. Telenovelas may convey the idea that else. viewers can achieve a different lifestyle e. some cultural skills are more adaptive than (i.e. having fewer children) by emulating others. the apparent family planning of TV characters. 6. Exploring the possible biological roots of mu- c. Greater exposure to TV was correlated to sic, researchers have speculated that music less time engaged in sexual activity. might have been adaptive in human evolution d. Women with longer exposures to the moral because code of TV characters rejected their a. musically talented mothers had an easier extreme liberal ways. time calming their babies (calmer babies e. More TV time correlated with higher attract fewer predators, grant more rest to divorce rates. their moms, and are less likely to be mistreated). 10. Cultural values, social forces, and the media in- b. music promotes competition. fl uence international sports success. When com- c. music may have made the activities of paring the United States and Brazil, which of hunting and gathering more productive. the following is true? d. singing and dancing are correlated with a. Brazil has much more television sports higher rates of pregnancy. coverage than the United States. e. musically talented mothers increased their b. Americans’ interest in sports has been chances of attracting physically fi t and car- honed much more over the years by an ing male partners. ever-growing media establishment. c. The popularity of football among Ameri- 7. Alberto Costa’s fi ndings of what attracted cans proves that Americans are more vio- young people and women in Brazil to lent than Brazilians. telenovelas is an example of how d. Researchers have found that the increasing a. American soap operas are more popular in popularity of soccer correlates with less in- rural Brazil. terest in teamwork. b. popular culture can be used to express dis- e. Americans are more focused on winning content, in this case with conservative local than Brazilians are. norms.

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FILL IN THE BLANK

1. The term culture is synonymous with the arts. 2. is the study of the musics of the world and of music as an aspect of culture. 3. refers to an intense emotional release. 4. Around years ago, some of the world’s fi rst artists occupied Blombos Cave in what is now South Africa. In Europe, evidence of art goes back to about years. 5. can refer to anything that can be “read”—that is, processed, interpreted, and assigned meaning, by anyone exposed to it.

CRITICAL THINKING

1. Recall the last time you were in an art museum. What did you like, and why? How much of your aes- thetic tastes can you attribute to your education, to your culture? How much do you think responds to your own individual tastes? How can you make the distinction? 2. Think of a musical composition or performance you consider to be art, but whose status as such is debat- able. How would you convince someone else that it is art? What kinds of arguments against your posi- tion would you expect to hear? 3. Can you think of a political dispute involving art or the arts? What were the different positions being debated? 4. Media consumers actively select, evaluate, and interpret media in ways that make sense to them. People use media for all sorts of reasons. What are some examples? Which are most relevant to the way you con- sume, and maybe even creatively alter and produce, media? 5. This chapter describes how sports and the media refl ect culture. Can you come up with examples of how

sports and media infl uence culture?

3. Catharsis; 4. 70,000; 30,000; 5. Text 5. 30,000; 70,000; 4. Catharsis; 3.

expressive ; 2. Ethnomusicology; Ethnomusicology; 2. ; 1. (B); 10. (B); 9. (D); 8. (B); 7. (A); 6. (D); 5. (D); 4. (B); 3. (A); 2. (E); 1. Fill in the Blank: the in Fill Choice: Multiple

Anderson, R. L. Hatcher, E. P. Suggested 2004 Calliope’s Sisters: A Comparative Study of 1999 Art as Culture: An Introduction to the An- Philosophies of Art, 2nd ed. Upper Saddle River, thropology of Art, 2nd ed. Westport, CT: Bergin & Additional NJ: Prentice Hall. A comparative study of aes- Garvey. Up-to-date introduction. Readings thetics in 10 cultures. Morphy, H., and M. Perkins, eds. Askew, K. M., and R. R. Wilk, eds. 2006 The Anthropology of Art: A Reader. Malden, 2002 The Anthropology of Media: A Reader. MA: Oxford/Blackwell. Survey of the major is- Malden, MA: Oxford, Blackwell. Useful anthol- sues, with a focus on visual art. ogy, with numerous case studies involving me- Myers, F. R. dia, society, and culture. 2002 Painting Culture: The Making of an Aborigi- Blanchard, K. nal High Art. Durham, NC: Duke University 1995 The Anthropology of Sport: An Introduction, Press. Artistic transformation in Australia’s rev. ed. Westport, CT: Bergin and Garvey. Sports western desert. and games in crosscultural perspective.

Go to our Online Learning Center website at www.mhhe.com/kottak for Internet Internet exercises directly related to the content of this chapter. Exercises

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When and why did the world system develop, and what is it like today?

When and how did European colonialism develop and how is its legacy expressed in postcolonial studies?

How do colonialism, Communism, neoliberalism, development, and industrialization exemplify intervention philosophies?

In Kebili, Tunisia, two Bedouin men use a laptop in the desert. Might they be uploading a photo of their camel to Facebook?