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Master's Theses Graduate College
4-1979
The Origins and Functional Significance of Incest vA oidance
R. Daniel Murray
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Recommended Citation Murray, R. Daniel, "The Origins and Functional Significance of Incest vA oidance" (1979). Master's Theses. 2044. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/2044
This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ORIGINS AND FUNCTIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF INCEST AVOIDANCE
by
R. Daniel Murray
A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The Graduate College in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts
Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan April 1979
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis is a product of a long-term interest in the stud}7 of
human and non-human primate ethology. Initially I would like to thank
Robert P. Collins, Department of Biology, St. Clair County Community
College, for the enthusiastic introduction to the fields of anthropo
logy and primatology he provided early in my undergraduate career.
During my graduate training, I have gained from the advice and encour
agement of my major professor, Dr. Robert Jack Smith, as well as the
entire faculty of the Department of Anthropology at Western Michigan
University. The gratitude extended to those mentioned does not diminish
my full responsibility for the contents of this thesis.
R. Daniel Murray
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Uni International 300 N ZEEB ROAD. ANN ARBOR. Ml 48106 18 BEDFORD ROW. LONDON WC1R 4EJ. ENGLAND
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MURRAY, R. DANIEL THE ORIGINS AND FUNCTIONAL SIGNIFICANCE OF INCEST AVOIDANCE.
WESTERN MICHIGAN UNIVERSITY, H.A., 1979
University Microfilms International 3 0 0n ztee road, ann arbor, mi 48io6
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
I INTRODUCTION ...... 1
II THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ...... 3
Sociocultural Explanations of Incest Avoidance and Exogamy ...... 5
Previous Biological Thought on the Origins of Outbreeding ...... 7
III EVIDENCE FOR A BIOLOGICAL BASIS OF INCEST AVOIDANCE ...... 12
Aversions to Incestuous Pairing in Primates and Other Mammals...... 12
Recent Support for the Westermarck H y p o t h e s i s ...... 17
IV THE GENETIC ADVANTAGES OF O U T B R E E D I N G ...... 24
Deleterious Recessives: A Cause or a Result of the Outbreeding Pattern ...... 25
The Selective Advantages of Variability...... 29
Problems of Small-Population Genetic D r i f t ...... 31
Outbreeding, Heterosis and Evolution ...... 34
V CONCLUSIONS ...... 39
VI REFERENCES CITED ...... 41
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. INTRODUCTION
The prohibition of incest, whether characterized by avoidance
behavior in non-humans or a cultural manifestation as taboo in human
groups, has recently occupied a considerable portion of the ethologi-
cal and anthropological literature. Following Fox (1972) and Parker
(1976), the incest taboo is regarded as strictly a cultural prohibi
tion of mating between specific members of the consanguineous group,
while incest avoidance refers to the more basic mammalian behavioral
tendency to avoid mating with siblings, parents, and offspring.
The ethnographic literature covering a multitude of cultures leads
us to conclude that the presence of an incest taboo is probably uni
versal in all human groups, although it is manifested in a variety of
ways in which precise mechanisms and functions appear at this time to
be elusive. If we are to understand fully the functional relationships
of any particular incest prohibition or its culturological implications,
we may first find it useful to assess the possible causal mechanisms
for the general pattern of incest avoidance among the social mammals,
with special attention to the order of primates.
Despite a strong tendency to relegate genetic influence to any
behavior that consistently transcends taxonomic boundaries, very little
attention has been devoted to those genetic and psychobiological in
fluences that may underlie the inclination to outbreed. With the
recent documentation of non-human primate incest avoidance (Sade, 1968;
Tokuda, 1961-1962; Enomoto, 1978; van Lawick Goodall, 1968; Harcourt,
Stewart, and Fossey, 1976), kin selection theory (Hamilton, 1963; 1964; 1
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Maynard Smith, 1964), and beneficial results of heterosis as a result
of outbreeding (Schrieder, 1978), it seems appropriate to return to
these issues to readdress the possible selective advantages of this
mammalian trait.
The purpose of this essay is to present an alternative functional
explanation for the origins of incest avoidance, specifically suggesting
a superimposition of human culture upon a biological substrate. For
heuristic purposes, special emphasis is placed upon the general incest
avoidance patterns among all primates and the interrelationship between
socialization and subsequent aversion to consanguineous sexual bonding.
Incest avoidance is viewed as an expression of the genome providing a
predisposition to avoid sexual contact with those with whom the indi
vidual was socialized. Individual, rather than group genetic fitness
is emphasized in the discussion of the ontogeny of this pattern. The
existing neuro-physiological mechanisms of this sexual indifference
toward kin will be mentioned briefly, but are considered peripheral to
the primary genetic functional considerations.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
The problem of delineating the relative contributions of culture
and biology to human behavior has suffered a long history of little
reward in the social sciences. Indeed, many anthropologists, including
Kroeber and White, have attempted to separate the two, considering
culture a thing sui generis. As Parker (1976) has pointed out, the
reluctance to attribute a biological influence to human behavior may
be founded in fear of "rejection of sociocultural causation" (1976:286).
More importantly, the culture-biology distinction may stem from the
anthropocentric tendencies that dogmatically view a sharp distinction
between animal and human behavior - the latter to be attributed solely
to environment and learned behavior (culture), while the former is
relegated to a combination of social and bio-genetic forces (van den
Berghe, 1974).
The more recent use of sociobiology (Wilson, 1975; Barash, 1977)
to explain some human behavioral patterns has likewise met with consid
erable criticisms within the field of anthropology. For Sahlins,
Sociobiology challenges the integrity of culture as a thing-in-itself, as a distinctive and symbolic human creation. In place of a social constitution of mean ings, it offers a biological determination of human interactions with a source primarily in the general evolutionary propensity of individual genotypes to maximize their reproductive success (1976:X).
Nevertheless, for the evolutionary biologists and an increasing
number of anthropologists, the sociobiological framework presents an
interesting, challenging, and testable approach to the study of human
behavior. Addressing the somewhat emotionally charged reactions of
3
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Sahlins, a recent article in the American Anthropologist states:
The strength of sociobiology derives... from its ability to order diverse facts about numerous other species, facts which are almost inexplicable in terms of any other theory. Regardless of how fashionable it may be in some circles to criticize sociobiology, it is important to remember that it fits species from seahorses to lemurs, from reptiles to gulls; can we fail to apply it to human behavior? Evolutionary biology's applicability to every species but our own is unchallenged; how do we claim that it is irrelevant to our own species (as does Sahlins, 1976) without camping out with the anti-evolutionary Creationists for whom man and beast must forever be separated by the latter's lack of a soul (Barkow, 1978:7).
The lack of attention to the behavioral similarities between man
and his closest relatives or cross-specific comparisons in the field
of anthropology (save Fox, DeVore, and Washburn, among others) has
persisted among most authors in spite of the discipline's commitment
to holism and adherence to cross-cultural comparisons. In addition,
two criteria for distinguishing between culture and nature, outlined
by Levi Strauss (1970), appear as undeclared guidelines: 1) establish
ment of rules is a cultural attribute while natural behavior is spon
taneous, and 2) culture depends on historical coincidence, while the
natural tendencies are observed to be universal (taken from Bischof,
1972). While this nature/nurture distinction expressed in this manner
may have developed from the deeper theoretical orientation of Levi-
Strauss, it reflects a widely held view of many anthropologists and
is particularly illuminating in terms of the consistent reformulation
and discussion of the incest question.
For Levi Strauss' first point, the establishment of rules to
indicate with whom an individual can mate exists in all human societies
while primates, despite incest avoiding patterns, are considered to
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lack the cognitive development necessary for social proscription of
this type. While not contesting this established psychobiological
difference, the universal existence of the same types of behavior in
both humans and non-humans should, by virtue of his second point,
challenge the culture-causative explanations popular among many
anthropologists. Unless we wish to postulate that the emergence of
culture in protohominids extinguished the suggested biological "spon
taneous" behavior and replaced them with the same behavior (i.e. incest
avoidance) of only cultural determinations, we should begin to address
the possible genetic substrate of these seemingly universal character
istics.
Sociocultural Explanations of Incest Avoidance and Exogamy
The near-universal existence of some taboo for prohibiting marriage
between certain individuals has resulted in consideration of different
types of underlying features. Although this possibility is the primary
theme of Levi Strauss (1970), he regards the incest taboo as functioning
to promote alliances and communication between human groups in the form
of reciprocity or exchange of women. In this sense he neglects the
non-human primates and concludes that such specific patterns are of
little genetic import. This parallels to some degree the early position
of Tylor (1889), but they differ in the respect that Tylor stressed the
survival advantage of exogamy to avoid being "killed off" by competing
groups of men. Levi Strauss, on the other hand, is committed to the
basic structure of the mind and considers the reciprocity a product of
that structure (Harris, 1968).
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Freud (1918), also without benefit of the ethological studies, was
probably the most influential individual in the formulations of views
on incest. The universal feature of the taboo, he believed, was evi
dence of the natural tendency to inbreed. For without this natural
incestuous tendency, there would be no need for a law prohibiting such
relations. Sir James Frazer (1910) subscribed to this view, incorpor
ating the following rationale.
It is not easy to see why any deep human instinct should need to be reinforced by law. There is no law commanding men to eat and drink or forbidding them to put their hands in the fire... The law only forbids men to do what their instincts incline them to do; what nature itself prohibits and punishes, it would be superfluous for the law to prohibit and punish... instead of assuming, therefore, from the legal prohibition of incest that there is a natural aversion to incest, we ought rather to assume that there is a natural instinct to favour it (1910:97).
In this same vein, White (1948) rejects the suggestion of a bio
logical basis of the incest taboo based again upon the reasoning that
if such influence existed, there would be no reason for a cultural
taboo to suppress mating between closely related individuals. Both
Kroeber (1963) and Harris (1968, 1971) state that in view of the vari
ability of cultural practices and attitudes toward incest, there is
little chance that a universal biological underpinning could account
for these behaviors. It should be pointed out however, that a number
of biologically based behaviors - reproduction, eating, defecation -
have a variety of cultural rituals associated with them. It would
indeed be impossible to deny the somatic foundation of these activities,
based on the variety in which these are carried out. Likewise, the
biological importance of outbreeding cannot be discarded simply because
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of a cross-cultural inconsistency in the rules governing activities
resulting in the same behavioral outcome.
Another popular idea for the explanation of the incest taboo was
presented by Starcke (1901) who felt that incestuous matings would dis
rupt paternal authority. Mother-son or sibling pairing, in this manner,
might override the established dominance of the father. Both Malinowski
(1927) and Murdock (1949) also regard incest as potentially disruptive
to family life and follow the early suggestions of Starcke.
Aberle et al. (1963), Washburn and Moore (1974), and Campbell
(1966) suggest that the incest taboo in humans also functions to avoid
premature births within the family before the young male is economi
cally stable or the girl is sufficiently mature to handle the responsi
bilities of motherhood. As a reason for the cultural prohibition, this
appears inconsistent given the variety of patterns for the taboo. Turn
bull (1968) has cited examples of premature unions of non-kin and general
sexually permissive traditions for children accompanied by strong incest
prohibitions that are not violated. Lenient early premarital sex ex
ploration would seemingly not be allowed if a purpose of the incest
taboo was to avoid unwanted premature births.
Previous Biological Thought on the Origins of Outbreeding
Westermarck (1891) was among the first to postulate a biological
basis for incest avoidance by suggesting that close association of
children with parents and siblings cause a sexual repulsion at maturity.
...there is an innate aversion to sexual intercourse between
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persons living very closely together from early youth, and that, as such persons are in most cases related, this feeling displays itself chiefly as a horror of intercourse between near kin (1891:320).
The taboo, as Westermarck saw it, is an extension of an already
existing programmed behavior. He concluded that the patterns of out-
breeding preceded the human ability to symbolize, and functions to
avoid the negative biological effects of inbreeding.
The most notable criticisms of this position were the previously
mentioned writings of Sigmund Freud and Sir James Frazer, proposing
statements of direct contradiction. With an obvious incorporation of
the psychoanalytic viewpoint, Leslie White (1948) claims that
Westermarck's thesis...is not in accord with the facts in the first place and still would be inadequate if it were. Propinquity does not annihilate sexual desire, and if it did there would be no need for stringent prohibitions (1948:420).
Nonetheless, several more recent articles tend to lend credibility
to the Westermarck hypothesis (Wolf, 1970; Shepher, 1971), and this
early suggestion also appears to be upheld by the studies of animal
behavior (Daly and Wilson, 1978). Both Parker (1976) and Demarest (1977)
vindicate the position of Westermarck with an enlarged body of information
on human and non-human primates. They differ only in that Parker sees
the psychobiological basis of incest avoidance as adaptive in the respect
that it suppresses xenophobic aggression, which is neuro-physiologically
linked to sexual behavior. Demarest, on the other hand, emphasizes that
the sexual aversion to kin was a preselection to the sociality of higher
mammals and rose specifically to avoid the genetic "deleterious recessive"
effect of inbreeding. Parker makes serious mention of these effects as
a selective disadvantage, but adds the importance of curiosity and
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exploration that promote survival advantages in inter-group relation
ships.
The lethal and abnormal effects of deleterious recessive genes,
as a result of inbreeding, is an issue raised by many authors (Aberle
et al., 1963; Campbell, 1966; Fox, 1972; Parker, 1976) in discussions
of the possible functional considerations of the incest avoidance
pattern. There is yet considerable controversy as to whether inbreeding
promotes these deleterious recessive genetic defects or if they could,
indeed, be selected out by extensive and prolonged incestuous unions.
The possibility of defects would undoubtedly be influenced by the nature
and frequency of recessive genes in the original population. Whether
the higher death rate shown by Schull and Neel (1965) for incestuous
offspring would cause demographic difficulties in finding an appropriate
mate of the right age within the family has yet to be investigated.
Slater (1959) has proposed that mate acquisition in early hominid groups
would have posed a serious dilemma, and the pattern of exogamy and
incest avoidance developed from demographic necessity and later became
culturally normative from the experienced advantages of group alliance.
Robin Fox (1972) has produced one of the most recent biological
discussions on the origins of the incest taboo in humans. His theory,
which incorporates much of the previous work of Chance (1967), views
the incest taboo as having developed out of a state of chaos within
the consanguineous protohominid group, which resulted from strife and
competition for available kin-sex partners. The outcome, as Fox sees
it, was a change from hormonal to cortical control of these behaviors
(delaying gratification and introducing feelings of guilt), which
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concomitantly caused the subordinate males to seek mating outside the
family group. Fox argues that the incest taboo was the primordial
"rule" among humans and that it may have catalyzed "the whole process."
A linear hierarchy of dominance is conceptualized by Fox as the under
lying model of this organization - the dominant or alpha male having
total sexual access to the females, to the exclusion of the other males
within the troop.
It is certainly questionable, first of all, that the protohominid
groups were organized as troops as are those of baboons or macaques.
It is more conceivable that the loosely arranged social organization of
the chimpanzee should be used as a model of early hominid group compo
sition (Reynolds, 1966; Kortlandt and Kooij, 1963). Second, more
recent analysis of macaque behavior has challenged the suggested rela
tionship between dominance and impregnation of females (Eaton, 1974;
Modahl and Eaton, 1977; Enomoto, 1974). The unilinear and unidimen
sional dominance, as assumed by Fox, has also met considerable criti
cism. Chalmers (1973), for one, has asserted that no single model of
dominance can operate for all species of animals, while Bernstein (1970)
has argued that the agonistic encounters, mounting sequences, and
grooming relations used as criteria of dominance do not always corre
late and are not derived from any single social mechanism.
The most troublesome issue, however, is that Fox's "feelings of
guilt" presupposes the existence of culture as a mechanism to avoid
incestuous pairing in protohominid groups. If incest prohibition was
a "preadaptation" to human culture, it is tautological to presume that
this mechanism consisted of guilt feelings which are thought to accompany
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the advent of culture Itself. Although Fox's paper does contain many
original and noteworthy considerations, it most conspicuously lacks
any discussion of the specific genetic features involved in the origin
of the panmammalian characteristic to outbreed.
In spite of the many explanations that have been posited for the
origins and functions of the human incest taboo, as reviewed above,
the problem still remains unresolved for its existence in one form or
another in almost all species of primates. The primary intent of this
paper is to provide an explanation for the general panmammalian char
acteristic to outbreed and thus to provide some insight regarding the
possible biological basis for this behavior among humans. In order to
address the mechanisms for this, we shall turn first to the variability
in this outbreeding pattern.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. EVIDENCE FOR A BIOLOGICAL BASIS OF INCEST AVOIDANCE
Ethological and ethnological research has disclosed significant
evidence of a biological basis of incest avoidance. The documented
transfer of individuals between troops in many species of non-human
primates, as a form of exogamy, has begun to suppress the erroneous
notion that incest avoidance is a uniquely human characteristic.
Further research has indicated that confined troops of primates (in
cluding humans lacking a cultural incest taboo) exhibit a general aver
sion to mate with individuals of close familial association.
Aversions to Incestuous Pairing in Primates and Other Mammals
There are two principal manners in which animals avoid sexual con
tact with those of the same brood. The most widely practiced method
among the mammals involves a spatial separation of potential incest
partners by differing mechanisms of family dissolution. These types
of behaviors are most characteristic of the social animals which generally
require prolonged periods of parental care and sibling association.
Bischof (1972) has outlined four mechanisms by which spatial separations
take place, summarized here with supplemental data.
1) Isolation of individuals from the natal group after weaning
in mammals would reduce the chance of incestual unions to the random
level. Segregation of both young males and females from their siblings
and parents before sexual maturity has been shown to occur in rodents
(Eisenberg, 1966; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1970), the opossum (Reynolds, 1952),
12
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the tiger (Schaller, 1967), and the red fox (Tembrock, 1957). Also,
cases of only the male leaving the pride and finding mates not of kin
were observed in both the coati (Kaufmann, 1962) and the European wild
boar (Gundlach, 1968). Bischof has pointed out that these dissolutions
with only the male leaving the family group reduces the possibility of
incest to the same degree as dispersion of both sexes. It is plausible
that this type of early avoidance of incestual mating by isolation
exists in many of the unstudied lower mammalian taxa.
2) Change of object. The more social mammals are character
ized by sharing a need for social attachment through their lives. Raised
within a family-like grouping, such species requiring prolonged parental
care may undergo a change of object or shifting focus of attention at
sexual maturity, or at the onset of the rutting season. At this time,
social contact is switched from the uterine group to unfamiliar indi
viduals. The possible psychobiological mechanisms involved with this
behavior are not completely understood, although hormonal activation
could very well induce aggressive as well as sexual activity, which in
turn may suppress xenophobic tendencies and promote exploration.
In the first of three forms of object shift, males often
form all-male groups rather than remain with their home kinship network.
During the mating season or as females become available (for mammals
without a defined season), the males will then disperse to seek attach
ment in female groups for the duration of breeding activity. This type
of organization is observed in the wapiti (Altmann, 1963), the red deer
(Darling, 1951; Etkin, 1964; Eisenberg, 1966), and the African elephant
(Nicholson, 1955; Ewer, 1968).
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The second form of shift involves a double set of object
changes with males, that eventually lead to sexual bonding outside the
natal group. Initially, the males from several groups join together
to form a fraternity as described previously. These males split up,
however, during the female estrous period to form a permanent conjugal
union and do not return to either the natal or all-male groups. Bischof
adds that these unions appear as intense as the original family bonding.
This type of early-adult double change is characteristic of both one-
male and multi-male group organizations and is the most typical among
the non-human primates. Polygynous or one-male groups of primates that
exhibit this type of family dissolution include the hamadryas baboon
(Kummer, 1968; 1971), the Hanuman langur (Jay, 1965; Sugiyama, 1967;
Yoshiba, 1968; Blaffer-Hrdy, 1977), and the patas monkey (Hall, 1968).
The polygamous or multi-male group organizations of this type are repre
sented by over ten species of macaques (Koford, 1963; Imanishi, 1957,
Simonds, 1965; 1974), the gorilla (Schaller, 1963), and to some degree
the chimpanzee (Reynolds and Reynolds, 1965; Goodall, 1965; 1967; van
Lawick-Goodall, 1971).
The final type of object shift omits the unisexual grouping
in that maturing members leave the family-type organization and join
a new group directly. This form of rearrangement exists to the greatest
extent with monogamous species such as the gibbon (Carpenter, 1940;
Ellefson, 1968) and Callicebus groups (Mason, 1968), although in many
respects it is difficult to determine the extent of voluntary behavior.
Nonetheless, in some species of antelope the males reportedly leave their
uterine group without expulsion (Hendricks and Hendricks, 1971).
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3) Abduct ion. Whereby the males leave and therefore avoid
incestuous unions via both former types of mechanisms, separation of
females from their father can occur by abduction of females from the
family group by outside males. This has been documented in both mono
gamous species by an active emancipation by the female or in polygynous
animals by outside males abducting the maturing females.
Species exhibiting this type of pattern with the females
may have, in addition, a different form of family dissolution for the
abducting male such as change of object or expulsion. Bischof has
pointed out that abduction of females may or may not be accompanied by
aggressive interactions between males. Abduction in the hamadryas baboon
takes place before the females sexual maturity and occurs with only
passive interest on the part of the troop's dominant male (Kummer, 1968).
Female transference in the gorilla, on the other hand, is done with con
frontations sometimes resulting in open wounds (Harcourt, Stewart, and
Fcssey, 1976; Fossey, personal communication).
4) Expuls ion. In addition to the above mechanisms, family
dissolution for mating purposes may result from a growing intolerance
and expulsion of the maturing sub-adult. In most cases, this is a
combination of waxing aggressiveness by the adult parent of the same
sex in a monogamous union and growing emancipatory tendencies on the
part of the rejected individual. Therefore, both change of object and
expulsion may operate in the separation of parents from their sexually-
maturing offspring. Carpenter (1940) and Ellefson (1968) have reported
expulsion of both males and females in the white-handed gibbon and males
have been expelled from their group at maturity in the howler monkey
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(Carpenter, 1965) and rhesus macaque (Carpenter, 1942). In the case
of the rhesus, however, there is not total agreement, since Sade (1968)
considers the departure of the young males voluntary and lacking any
parental pressure (Bischof, 1972:2-4).
In addition to dispersal of the familial unit, the social mammals
have exhibited an obviously accurate recognition of close consanguineous
associates and refrain from mating with them. This has been documented
in confined groups of primates in which dispersion of maturing indivi
duals is not possible. The likelihood of incestuous mating under these
circumstances would seemingly be random and identical to any other sexual
union between non-kin. On the contrary, few instances of son-mother or
sibling completed copulations have been documented for over 20 troops
of Japanese macaques in 25 years of observations (Enomoto, 1974; Hanby,
Robertson, and Phoenix, 1971; Eaton, 1974). Among the rhesus, Sade
(1968) has reported only one incestuous son-mother pair among 363 cop
ulations at Cayo Santiago. This latter single instance was atypical,
since it involved the unusual reversal of the mother-son dominance re
lationship (Sade, 1968). In addition to the incest avoidance afforded
by the mechanisms of "change of object" through transference in feral
or unconfined populations, there appears an underlying psychological
mechanism that tends to extinguish sexual motivation between kin. In
all probability, this same psychological phenomenon is the foundation
for the previously mentioned mechanisms of dissolution which combine
as an integral aspect of the social organization.
The recognition of relatives may be limited to the social animals
whose periods of sibling and parental associations are prolonged. This
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type of incest avoidance is most typical among the primates whose non-
sexual association in uterine groups may exist throughout their lives
(Murray and Mayer-Murdoch, 1977). The increased probability of-incest,
as a potential genetic disadvantage to sociality, is necessarily cir
cumvented by a psychobiological avoidance mechanism in these animals.
For most asocial mammals, however, mating between closely-related
kin presents no problem. The early family dissolution, unlike the social
primates, takes place before sexual maturity and no substantial loss of
genetic fitness or inbreeding depression is possible. The lack of
social complexity in these animals, therefore, may not require a further
elaboration of mechanisms for the suppression of mating between kin.
Regarding these mechanisms, considerable attention has been devoted
to discussions of the sexual aversion to kin displayed by the primates
and most other social mammals. There are sufficient examples from human
and non-human behavioral studies suggesting that the mechanisms which
promote sexual avoidance within the consanguineous group are directly
linked to familial closeness during socialization. These examples
support the early positions of Westermarck (1891) and Hobhouse (1912),
who were among the first to counter the untenable "voice of the blood"
theories (i.e. a genotypic recognition of kin) by suggesting that fam
iliarity within the kin-group may foster sexual disinterest.
Recent Support for the Westermarck Hypothesis
In the Israeli communal kibbutz, age peer children are reared to
gether in one location. They, in effect, are sociological siblings,
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dressing, bathing, sleeping, and eating communally until the age of
about 12 or 13. One surrogate housemother is in charge of the unit
and tends to most of their needs.
Although intra-kibbutz marriage is allowed, and in many cases
encouraged, Talmon (1964) has observed no cases of post-pubescent sex
uality or marriages between members of the same age-peer group. At
maturity there is a growing avoidance of the opposite sex within the
unit. Young maturing females are embarrassed by the closeness within
the kibbutz and turn their attention to males outside the group. Males
report no interest in their ’’siblings” because they know them too well.
One informant summarized the attitude of males toward the females in
the group in the following statement: "We are like an open book to
each other. We have read the story in the book over and over again
and know all about it" (1964:504). Joseph Shepher (1971), addressing
this same phenomenon, has noted that among 2769 marriages between second
generation kibbutzniks, there were no instances of unions between two
individuals of the same age-peer group. In addition, no cases of
heterosexual activity were reported to Shepher during the study, and
sexual avoidance within the group appeared to be completely voluntary.
On the other hand, both males and females actively sought friends of the
opposite sex outside their kibbutz group.
Seymour Parker has provided three general observations regarding
outbreeding based on interviews with young adult kibbutzniks:
1) Marriage does not occur in spite of early sexual exploration and experimentation. 2) There is no existing taboo regarding sexual relationships among community members. Young adults do not believe there is anything "wrong" or "strange" with intra-kibbutz sexuality, if so desired.
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3) Although there is no taboo, the lack of novelty and excitement and not being "turned on" by one another were consistently provided as reasons for the lack of intra-group relationships (Parker, 1976:291-292).
Likewise, Wolf (1966, 1968, 1970), in discussions of adopted-daughter
Chinese (northern Taiwan) marriages, has characterized these unions as
having a high degree of sexual and marital dissatisfaction. In these
"minor" unions, children are betrothed at the adoption of the daughter
and the future affines are raised as siblings by the male's parents
until the time of marriage. These early and prolonged childhood asso
ciations before wedlock differ from the "major" or other form of marriage
in Taiwan in which the two betrothed individuals are relatively un
familiar with one another.
Testing the validity of the Westermarck hypothesis, Wolf (1970)
has indicated contrasting rates of birth and divorce between these two
types of marriages. Despite stronger conjugal ties between the male's
parents and the adopted daughter that would tend to encourage marital
stability and productivity, minor marriages produced fewer children and
incurred higher rates of divorce than the major and more popular form
of union. Further investigations revealed that adultery, as an indicator
of marital dissatisfaction, in minor marriages was over five times that
of the major form. Drawing from these data, Wolf postulates that the
early childhood association in adopted daughter marriages depresses
erotic sexual desire which in turn promotes marital dissatisfaction
and infidelity. He vindicates the early position of Westermarck by con
cluding that "there is some aspect of childhood association sufficient
to preclude or inhibit sexual desire" (1970:515). The Chinese adopted-
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daughter marriages, like the Israeli kibbutzim, offer considerable evi
dence that intra-familial sexuality is suppressed by closeness during
socialization, and that psychological suppression of desire may operate
in the absence of any cultural sanction enforcing it.
Popular accounts of non-human primates raised by humans also offer
evidence of the same type of sexual avoidance at the onset of the "foster
child's" sexual maturity. Temerlin (1972) gives an interesting and
amusing account of the change in a young female chimpanzee's behavior
at menarche toward himself as her human father. All affection and
physical contact toward Temerlin and his adolescent son totally van
ished at the onset of each monthly estrous period, although sexually
gregarious behavior was exhibited to unwary outside visitors and nude-
male magazine foldouts. The young female chimp would elicit screams
at any attempt by Temerlin to make contact during these periods. On
the other hand, no general avoidance behaviors were exhibited at any
time toward females.
Although this isolated example does not, by itself, offer proof
of the Westermarckian hypothesis, it may provide insight that could con
tribute to our understanding of the basis of incest avoidance. The lack
of any abstract inter-specific communication regarding proscription of
mating solicitation is immediately apparent.
Wild female chimpanzees have also exhibited these same types of
behaviors (screams, threats, retreat) toward siblings when mounting
attempts were made during estrous (van Lawick-Goodall, 1971). The
same females that denied sexuality to a brother would actively seek
males of casual aquaintance. Pre-pubescent sexual play among siblings
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in chimpanzees is quite common although repulsion by the female at
estrous prevent brother-sister and son-mother matings in these ani
mals (1971:188).
In an evaluation of this general avoidance tendency, Kcrtmulder
(1968) suggests that bonding behavior of any type is usually associated
with considerable fear and aggressive reactions. He suggests that the
early family bonding necessitates a reduction of these behaviors that
also tend to inhibit sexual desires. It is postulated, therefore, that
there may exist an optimum level of aggression, exploration, and novelty
that would act as prerequisites of sexual arousal.
Parker (1976), in a discussion of these relationships, has referred
to studies by Goldstein and Jacoby (1955) and Barfield and Sachs (1968)
who found that marked increases in sexual behavior could be induced in
rats by mild convulsive shocks. These studies indicate a strong link
between sex and aggressive arousal since behaviors such as feeding,
drinking, gnawing, and nest-building were seemingly unaffected while
heightened sexual behaviors were obviously exhibited (Parker, 1976).
Barclay and Haber (1965), and Clark (1952) have revealed a positive
correlation between the initiation of sexual arousal and subsequent
aggressive behavior in human subjects. The experimental reversal of
these arousal links appear to produce the same relationship since Bar
clay (1971) has noted that the inducement of aggressive behavior would
similarly elicit sexual excitement. During these experiments, aggression
promoted sexual behavior exclusively, since general needs for affilia
tion and attachment were not suggested by the thematic apperception test.
This dismisses the possibility of a "general arousal" and indicates a
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specific relationship between xenophobic aggression and sexual moti
vation. The familial associations characterizing the social mammals
seemingly necessitates a suppression of the former with a resulting
sexual aversion to these same familial individuals. Parker (1976)
supports this view and suggests that this psychobiological mechanism
is the foundation of all incest prohibition.
...long-term socialization in the human or non-human family necessitates an inhibition of (overt) aggressive behavior among family members and results in a low level of hostility and fear. As a consequence of the association of sexual and agonistic responses, sexual arousal is reduced among family members. The social-behavioral system of the family, involving as it does close association between its members, acts on a pre-existing biologically based tendency for incest avoidance (1976:293-294).
Another possible explanation may rest with the habituation or
stimulus satiation that would occur within a family-like condition.
This accordingly would promote exploratory behavior, causing the indi
viduals to seek new mates. In any case, the "outsider" will elicit a
heightened sexual response and, depending on availability of mates,
promote a sexual rejection of individuals within the kin group. It is
plausible that the duration and intensity of socialization are important
determinants i.i the degree of sexual repulsion to kin.
It is concluded, therefore, that the aversion to incestuous mating
is probably derived from a psychobiological underpinning and manifests
itself by a general lack of sexual motivation to those with whom the
individual was socialized. The psychobiological foundation is evidenced
not only among the social mammals, but operates in human groups in the
absence of a cultural proscription of courtship and marriage. The selec
tive and adaptive features are herein believed to be of genetic origin
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. and function to assure the reproductive success of the individual and
the evolutionary success of the organism.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE GENETIC ADVANTAGES OF OUTBREEDING
Having outlined manners in which animals refrain from consanguin
eous pairing, and suggested a probable mechanism for this general incest
avoidance, what is the adaptive value or genetic advantage of an out-
breeding pattern? The relinquishing of available kin mates to other
individuals, as a seemingly altruistic act, would need to be offset by
a concomitant increase in fitness that would be inherent in non-incest-
uous matings. While fitness gain for any behavioral manifestation is
only relative to all alternative fitness-limiting behaviors, the adap
tiveness of any behavioral feature can be demonstrated by a recognition
of its dysfunctional alternative. Indeed, negative genetic and evolu
tion-limiting aspects of incest do exist. These may result from in-
breeding depression or loss of genetic variability through stochastic
processes. Outbreeding, on the other hand, guarantees continual vari
ability through gene flow as an agent of evolutionary change. This
variability and resulting heterozygosity are selected attributes favored
in the evolution of biparental or sexual reproduction.
One of the most troublesome aspects of postulating a genetic contri
bution to behavior rests with the yet undetermined mechanics of gene
action. The question of how the genotype in an individual will unfold
to phenotypic behavioral expression is a monumental task for biologists
who for now must assume a one-to-one mapping between a single polypetide
chain and a somatic characteristic (Lewontin, 1971).
Since the initial thrust of behavioral genetics by Calvin Hall (1951),
the inheritance of behavioral traits has been documented for several
24
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species of animals, including human and non-human primates (Kurland,
1977). The genetic inheritance of the hamadryas baboon's hording
behavior, as it relates to selection and retention of mates, is parti
cularly illuminating (Kummer, Goetz, and Angst, 1970). The hamadryas
baboon male was shown to possess a genetically controlled behavior to
herd females which contributes as an intrinsic aspect of their social
organization. In this case, genetic influence is species and gender
specific, but indicates, nonetheless, the extent of genotypic contri
bution to sexual behavior in higher primates.
Likewise, the previously postulated psychobiological basis of
incest avoidance is believed to be represented as a genetic manifesta
tion in all mammals. The variation of social organization, including
the adaptive reinforcement of this behavioral tendency in the form of
a cultural taboo, are products of this underlying structure. The nature
of this genetic basis and the evolutionary necessity of a mechanism to
assure outbreeding are now reviewed.
Deleterious Recessives: A Cause or a Result of the Outbreeding Pattern
The "deleterious recessive" explanation of the biological foundation
of incest avoidance differs from the posited "inbreeding depression"
statement above, inasmuch as the latter is concerned with the out-
breeding tendency as a genetical programmed prerequisite of sexual
behavior in general. Most earlier models concerned with problems of
inbreeding, however, have considered only the lethal and abnormal effects
resulting from increased expression of recessive deleterious genes.
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Inbreeding would permit these deleterious recessives to pair frequently
since kin mates, by virtue of their genetic relationship to one another,
have a greater likelihood of possess still another identical deleter
ious recessive at that locus. In normal exogamous mating patterns,
these rarely express themselves because of the expanded variability in
the gene pool. Dysfunctional recessives are most often masked by the
dominant normal gene, and phenotypic expression is limited to the rare
and truly random occurrences of recessive homozygosity.
Morgan (1377) and Westermarck (1891) were among the first concerned
with the "deleterious recessive" problem, and this major theme has
flourished in both the scientific literature and in popular Western
folk belief throughout the last several decades. The more recent
essays on this issue, including Demarest (1977) and Parker (1976), con
sider this hypothesis as a foundation for their models addressing both
the function and origin of outbreeding patterns among primates. These
authors suggest that the chance of homozygosity for dysfunctional re
cessive genes provides a biological basis cf the behavior to avoid in
dividuals within the consanguineous group and, therefore, selection
pressures have promoted social mechanisms to assure non-incestuous mating.
Although I seriously question any relationship between deleterious re
cessives and the origins and functions of incest avoidance, I will
briefly review the evidence and controversies associated with its use.
There is little disagreement that incestuous unions do promote
problems that may otherwise be overridden in the genome by the contri
bution of an outside mate. Indeed, Adams and Neel (1967, Schull and
Neel (1965), Seemanova (1971), and Carter (1967), studying the products
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of incest among humans, indicate a high mortality and abnormality for
children of father-daughter and sibling incest. The problem of these
defects is envisioned as the combining of recessive deleterious genes
in greater frequencies as a result of the shared-genes among individuals
closely related.
Criticisms of this popular position often point to the fact that
the deleterious recessive genes would be offset by the presence of ad
vantageous recessives that would also receive full expression. In
this manner, it is argued that no advantage or disadvantage would be
conferred upon individuals with any particular proscription of mating.
Apart from the fact that this criticism may indicate a misunderstanding
of the origin and function of these genes, several previous observa
tions just mentioned disqualify this assertion. Addressing this con
troversy, Aberle et al. (1963), utilizing the research of L e m e r (1958)
and Morton (1961), argue that the potential disadvantage of incest,
promoting homozygous deleterious recessives, could not be offset by
any advantages of functional recessives pairing in the genome.
...it has become clear that the ratio of deleterious and lethal recessive genes to selectively advantageous genes is very high indeed...as we move from (biologically defined) second cousin matings to first cousin matings to parent-child or sibling matings, both the models of population genetics and the experi mental and observational evidence from animals indicate that the reduction of heterozygosity increased rapidly, and hence that the percentage of individuals homozygous for lethal or deleterious recessive genes also rises sharply (Aberle et al., 1963:256).
Presenting still another popular criticism, Livingston (1969) main
tains that incestuous unions would probably decrease, rather than in
crease, the number of homozygous recessive lethal genes by removing
them from the gene pool by natural selection. In this manner, he
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believes that outbreeding is less adaptive since it tends to retain
lethals that would otherwise cease to exist through simple selective
processes. This argument, however, addresses the question of genetic
or group fitness only in respect to dysfunctional homozygous recessives.
Since individual fitness advantages in reproductive success exists
with the outbreeding pattern, sorting out dysfunctional or lethal
genes by inbreeding would only result in diminishing heterosis, with
other concomitant disadvantages that will be discussed later.
While there are known advantages of heterozygosity and biparental
reproduction, the disadvantages previously suggested for inbreeding
focus upon deleterious genes as a cause rather than a result of an
evolutionary sequence of outbreeding patterns. The genetic diversity,
as a product of biparental reproduction and outbreeding, has obviously
allowed for the existence of many dysfunctional genes in all populations.
Because of the recombinal non-incestuous pattern of reproduction, the
probability of these dysfunctional or deleterious genes combining at
one locus is retained well below the random level. In other words, if
the pattern of outbreeding had never existed, there would undeniably
be a lower concentration of deleterious recessives. Therefore, we
must bear in mind that outbreeding itself has allowed this high frequency
of these genes to be present without detriment to most individuals.
It is, therefore, tautological to conclude that the existence of these
deleterious genes had provided an evolutionary foundation for the out-
breeding pattern.
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The Selective Advantages of Variability
While I believe it is doubtful that the problems resulting from
the combining of recessive deleterious genes will shed any light upon
the origins and functions of incest avoidance, another aforementioned
genetic disadvantage of inbreeding depression or loss of variability
is present. Bischof (1972), in a more general theoretical framework,
states:
A species which allowed the obligatory mating of siblings only would retain almost all of the disadvantages of biparental generation, without being able to profit from a single one of its advantages. Its variety would sink to the low level of self fertilization, and its evolutionary rate would accordingly be so halting that it could stand up against competition only under highly favorable conditions of life; as a general rule the lack of adaptive plasticity would act as a death warrant (1972:24).
Two obviously important advantages of heterozygosity over homozy-
osity exist: it provides the individual with greater evolutionary
plasticity and improved biochemical versatility (Demarest, 1977).
Heterozygosity in biparental reproduction offers a greater assortment
of genes to a changing environment. When both parents are heterozygous
for a particular two allele trait, there are obviously three possible
genotypic expressions for offspring. However, when one parent is homo
zygous, only two expressions are possible, and when both parents are
homozygous, there is only a single possible resultant. Heterosis
clearly allows greater phenotypic variety and is an important requisite
in the establishment of a predictive measure of evolutionary success
(Slobodkin and Rapoport, 1974).
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The variability afforded by sexual reproduction does not in itself
cause evolution or change the gene frequencies in populations. However,
while any frequency may remain relatively stable, reproduction by the
union of haploid gametes will form new combinations of genes in each
successive generation. Without the effects of mutation, meiotic drive,
gene flow, genetic drift, and selection, the gene pool would remain
stable and evolution would not occur despite the retention of vari
ability in each successive generation of organisms as a result of re
combination. In the presence of these agents, the degree of variability
in any population, offering a wider assortment of phenotypes for selec
tion, will allow evolution to occur by a change in gene frequency.
Through differing rates of reproductive success, a gene pool may under
go an increase in the frequency of genes for an adaptive behavior and
a decrease or extinction of genes influencing a maladaptive one. Most
importantly, this plasticity is directly related to the degree of genetic
variability since selection, and hence evolution, can only occur in the
presence of polymorphisms.
An agent that is capable of producing changes and promoting vari
ability may also, by virtue of demographic limitations, negatively
affect a population and reduce variability. Most of the evolutionary
agents mentioned, such as mutation, meiotic drive, and selection, tend
to remain stable irrespective of population size but are more highly
influenced by other outside environmental factors. In this essay,
however, we are interested with only those evolutionary agents whose
rates of evolutionary change are altered by the size reduction of the
effective breeding population, promoting inbreeding depression as a
detrimental loss of variability from within the gene pool.
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Problems of Small-Population Genetic Drift
Genetic drift is one primary evolutionary agent in which change
in gene frequency can take place in a population. Since genetic drift
results from sampling error, and the amount of error is proportional
to the size of population, any discussion of the negative effects of
inbreeding (i.e. a reduction of effective breeding population) should
necessarily begin with an explanation of the mechanisms and effects of
continuous drift. For large populations, the two allele Mendelian
system will produce a large number of gametes whose gene frequency
will closely match, but not be identical to, that of the parents.
However, when the number of parents in the population is small, random
errors in gene frequency tend to be relatively greater and the ultimate
fate of sampling errors' "random walk" (in probability theory) may
ultimately result in homozygosity at any particular locus from these
stochastic processes alone.
The impact of this potentially dramatic reduction in gene frequency
through drift in small breeding populations such as a familial incest
uous unit can best be contrasted with the relative genetic stability
in large populations by an example. If we envision a 1:1 ratio of black
and red marbles in a container (representing a hypothetical distri
bution of alleles p & q at any locus), the chances of randomly choosing
an all black or all red sample of marbles (an elimination of either p
or q) diminishes with increased sample size. A probability of .008
exists for an elimination of one color in a choice of eight marbles,
while the chances on a one-color representation among a hundred marbles
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-3 0 chosen at random are 1.58 x 10 . The greater the sample (popula
tion), the less chance of sampling error and reduction in variability
through fixation or loss of an allele. The gain and losses of any
allele in a two-allele Mendelian system will conform to the central
limit theorem of probability which indicates that as the population (N)
becomes large, the change in gene frequency ( A p) will be -normally
distributed with a mean of zero (Wilson, 1975). This occurs as a
result of the distribution of A p for interbreeding sub-units so
that the gains and losses from sampling error offset one another. The
sum of A p in the negative direction (losses in the frequency of p)
will be equal to the A p in the positive direction (gains in the fre
quency of p). In other words, the sampling errors would tend to off
set one another in large populations, whereas the effects of sampling
errors in a population the size of a family could eventually extinguish
genetic variability at any locus from accumulative random errors alone.
In addition, changes in gene frequency from drift in a population are
often offset by gene flow from another. Without the outbreeding pattern
however, there would be no gene flow and therefore, drift in any pop
ulation could not possibly be offset by the variability in other pop
ulations. In normal patterns of outbreeding, genetic drift and gene
flow are interrelated; both have foundations with the origins and evolu
tion of biparental reproduction.
Genetic drift is, therefore, an appropriate term for the changes
in gene frequency due to chance alone. These stochastic processes are
dependent upon the size of the population and may be cumulative in the
respect that they may ultimately lead to total loss of genetic variability
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in a small effective breeding population. Sewall Wright (1969) main
tains that in the absence of any other evolutionary agent that could
promote new variability, fixation or loss of an allele will occur at
the average rate of 1/ 4(N) per locus, per generation. Therefore, for
any given mean familial population of six, for example, it will take
only 24 generations on the average for homozygosity to occur at any
particular locus.
Summarizing this position, inbreeding in effect would limit the
size of the effective breeding population to levels conducive to con
tinuous, uncontrolled genetic drift. The loss of heterozygosity would
have a great effect on evolutionary change and reproductive success in
the face of environmental fluctuation or increased competition. Indi
viduals would have otherwise tended to maximize inclusive fitness by
an adoption of behaviors for outbreeding that would have promoted con
tinual genetic variability.
Where dispersion of the non-social animals assures a continual
genetic variability by virtue of the expanded size of the effective
breeding population, the social primates without benefit of a parti
cular genetic basis of sexual repulsion toward kin would, in effect,
limit the size of the breeding population to disadvantageous levels.
It is unlikely that social behavior evolved in these animals without
genetic selection of a behavior to assure the same degree of genetic
variability as their asocial ancestors. Indeed, social behavior could
not have evolved, given the principles of evolutionary biology, if
it was accompanied by a loss of genetic fitness to those individuals.
More importantly, the framework presented is supported by both
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observational and experimental data on outbreeding behavior previously
discussed.
Outbreeding, Heterosis and Evolution
The beneficial effects of increasing heterozygosity or hybrid
vigour brought about by outbreeding are well documented in both the
animal and plant kingdoms (Pirchner, 1969). To what extent this pheno
menon exists in the higher primates is more difficult to determine due
to experimental difficulties in lengthy developmental rates, and the
ethical and logistic problems of experimental control. Nevertheless,
several researchers have begun to disclose increasing evidence of a
heterotic effect on human intelligence, body size, infant survival, eco-
sensitivity, and general acceleration of growth and development.
Comparing survival rates for offspring of exogamous and endogamous
unions, Wolanski (1975) has noted a 10% increase in a survival index
for the former, with minor increases in ecosensitivity. The heterosis,
as a result of exogamous unions, provided the progeny with increased
stature and growth rates under adequate living standards. These data
concur with those of Nikityuk and Filippov (1977) who demonstrated a
positive correlation between a number of biological parameters (stature,
shoulder breadth, and dolichocephalization) and the increasing grade of
exogamy in Ukrainian communities. These studies, among others (Hulse,
1957; Lasker, 1960; Schrieder, 1978), suggests that the secular growth
trend during this century may in fact be a result of increasing hetero
sis from relocation of human groups, rather than simply the product of
improved nutrition and standards of living (Tanner, 1962; Schrieder, 1978).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. More importantly, if heterosis is partially responsible for the early
protohominid growth trend as evidenced from the fossil record, it would,
by virtue of implied outbreeding, tend to refute the "incestuous horde"
concept of organization indicated by some previous authors (Fox, 1972;
Levi Strauss, 1970). The data undeniably point out that outbreeding
may have played a significant role in human evolution and that hetero
sis as a result of this pattern continually promoted the development of
intelligence and cognitive abilities necessary for culture. In this
sense, the pattern of outbreeding predisposed the advent of culture as
an adaptive fitness maximizing strategy.
Substantiating this proposition, Beals and Kelso (1975) have reported
a marked increase in the degree of heterosis through each stage of socio
cultural complexity. Moving from band level through tribal, chiefdom,
and state level societies, the average frequency of heterozygosity in
creases 3% per evolutionary stage. The authors indicate that the dis
tribution of heterozygosity is strongly dependent on cultural evolution.
Lacking any empirical method of determining these dependencies, the
aforementioned effects of heterosis suggest that the reverse may as
likely be true; cultural evolution may be dependent to some degree on
the distribution of heterozygosity within populations. Although the
documented relationship between heterosis and developing cultural com
plexity is not clear, it may prove useful to consider an interplay between
these two phenomena. Such an alternative viewpoint may be of heuristic
value in addressing the unanswered problems concerning the rise of civi
lization, which in many cases do not correspond to environmental causa
tive explanation. Present models dealing with the rise of state level
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societies have simply concentrated upon the cultural innovations brought
about by contacts, and environmental conditions conducive to agricul
tural and hydrau _ organizational growth. On the other hand, cultural
activities such as exchange, invasion, and migration could provide new
genetic variability to a population while this resulting heterosis may
foster a biological vigor that may indeed promote further cultural
elaboration.
Limited by the existing degree of biological variation or hetero
sis in the population, an organism tends to maximize its own reproductive
success through a continued evolutionary selection of behavioral strate
gies that tend to assure that the greatest amount of the individual's
genes will be passed to subsequent generations. Behaviors to enhance
reproductive success such as outbreeding, courtship, or parental care
are directly selected upon at the individual inclusive level and are,
therefore, retained within the gene pool at the expense of the less-fit
segment of the population. The sociobiological model expressed in this
form suggests that the result of selection for reproductive success,
through the use of these strategies, reflects a purpose of direction
in the course of evolutionary change.
The theoretical development of the "new evolutionary biology" has
developed independently but paralleling other earlier teleological
explanations of biological evolution, which did not incorporate repro
ductive success as the all-important propensity influencing the direc
tion of biological change. Harold Blum (1968), referring to the Second
Law of Thermodynamics, claims that biological and cultural change is
an expression of this thermodynamic process that rims counter to the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37
Second Law. Rather than a breakdown and disorganization in the phy
sical world as an entropic tendency, the biological and cultural pro
cesses are a movement "toward greater organization, greater differen
tiation of structure, increased specialization of function, higher
levels of integration, and greater degrees of energy concentration"
(White 1949:367).
Again using the negentropy concept for his teleological explanation
of change, Blum states:
When we accept the idea that living organisms as well as non living evolve in a general direction pointed by time's arrow we see some reason for an appearance of purposiveness. That is, evolution goes only one way in time, and at the point to which it has led us we see greater fitness than has character ized the past (1968:196).
The evolution of behavior to assure the direction of "time's arrow"
has been supplemented, but to some degree supplanted, by the develop
ment and evolution of culture as an extended behavioral strategy of
evolutionary success.
Boehm (1978) has argued that "rational preselection" or rational
decision making has enabled hominids to select, to some degree, their
destinies by choosing from a number of available evolutionary alterna
tives. In this manner, the direction of time's arrow may, in fact, be
influenced by decisions based upon social advantages of an exogamous
pattern in accord with the fitness-maximizing blind teleonomic selec
tion for the biologically based behavior. Given a psychological pro
pensity to avoid mating with those of close familial association, it
appears that decisions on the part of individuals, acting in accord
with such a basis, have resulted in a strategic adoption of specific
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38
exogamous practices that would prove advantageous under a given set
of demographic and environmental circumstances. The adoption of rules
to indicate with whom an individual can marry, as a cultural attri
bute, would necessarily follow processes of culture change identical
to the selection and retention of any other cultural attribute. In
any instance, however, the cultural manifestation must operate depen-
dently and in accord with the biologically based fitness-maximizing
strategy selected throughout the course of the evolutionary process.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CONCLUSIONS
In addition to the genetic functions presented, there undeniably
exists a multitude of sociological functions of the incest taboo and
patterns of exogamy among human groups. The question of primary con
cern here has been whether any of these sociocultural explanations that
have been posited over the years can account for the origins of incest
avoidance, or if they are simply additional social advantages rendered
by this general pattern. The cross-cultural variability in the rules
of marriage and exogamy suggests that rational selection of specific
patterns in each culture has occurred in accord with the psychobiolo
gical propensity to outbreed.
The alliances between human groups fostered by an exchange of women
or exogamy (Levi Strauss, 1970) not only appears to be a plausible sup
plementary function, but it also conforms to modem genetical theory on
kin selection (Hamilton, 1963; 1964). Since exogamous groups possess
a genetic investment in one another by virtue of shared genes, altruism
or inter-group cooperative behavior is predictable. The extent of al
truistic behavior under these circumstances would be in direct relation
ship with the degree of genetic relationship between any two groups.
.Another secondary advantage or supplementary function of the pattern
of outbreeding is the ease and expediency of mate acquisition (Slater,
1959). Since the number of available mates within an extended family
is limited, there are definite fitness advantages in relinquishing kin
to other neighboring groups, thereby allowing oneself access to a variety
of potential mates of the appropriate age and social compatability from
39
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the outside nexus. While such functions are probably not of primary
importance in the origin of exogamy, the relinquishing of kin to others
is explicable in terms of present theory of reciprocal altruism (Trivers,
1971). This results in a net gain in fitness from a greater availability
of mates in adjacent groups, irrespective of the initial loss of repro
ductive potential by forfeiture of kin to others. It is stressed that
the principal of reciprocal altruism is necessarily limited to rational
decisions believed to be limited to humans, since they necessitate the
adoption of cooperative behavior through specific rules of mating. In the
absence of evidence for this phenomenon among the other social mammals,
demographic necessity can only be used as an additional and uniquely
human function for the culturological taboo and not a function for the
general pattern of incest avoidance among other animals.
This essay suggests that the primary function of incest avoidance
is rooted in the origins of biparental reproduction and that it serves
to maximize genetic variability necessary for biological change or adap
tation. In accord, the human incest taboo is an extention of the bio
logical predisposition, but serves a multitude of additional social
functions that have been addressed previously by several authors. While
these earlier suggestions have adequately substantiated the importance
of exogamy for human groups today, we must understand their inade
quacy for revealing the basis of the panmammalian tendency to outbreed
and the universal existence of the human incest taboo as a product of
that same basis.
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