Chinabrief Volume IX Issue 15 July 23, 2009
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Introduction This Statement Is Submitted to the U.S.-China
USCC Hearing China’s Military Transition February 7, 2013 Roy Kamphausen Senior Advisor, The National Bureau of Asian Research Introduction This statement is submitted to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission to address issues related to the transition to the new top military leadership in China. The statement addresses the composition of the new Central Military Commission, important factors in the selection of the leaders, and highlights salient elements in the backgrounds of specific leaders. The statement also addresses important factors of civil-military relations, including the relationship of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to China’s top political leadership, potential reform of the military-region structure of the PLA, and the likely competition for budget resources. Composition of the China’s New Central Military Commission As expected, new Chinese Communist Party general secretary Xi Jinping was appointed in November 2012 as the Central Military Commission (CMC) chairman. Additionally, army general Fan Changlong and air force general Xu Qiliang were promoted to positions as vice chairmen of the CMC—Fan from Jinan Military Region commander and Xu from PLA Air Force commander. Other members of the new CMC include General Chang Wanquan, who will become the next Minister of National Defense when that position is confirmed in early spring 2013; General Fang Fenghui, chief of the General Staff Department (GSD), who previously had been Beijing Military Region commander since 2007; General Zhang Yang, director of -
Chinese Military Leadership After the 17Th Congress: Hu’S Guys Or Whose Guys?
Mulvenon, China Leadership Monitor, No. 23 Chinese Military Leadership After the 17th Congress: Hu’s Guys or Whose Guys? James Mulvenon The civilian political leadership changes at the 17th Party Congress in October 2007 have received close scrutiny from outside observers, but important and interesting personnel adjustments in the military have garnered less attention. This article examines recent Chinese military leadership changes in detail, focusing principally on the Central Military Commission but also tracking significant moves at the Military Region and Service level. Military Leadership Changes Leading Up to the 17th Congress Prior to the 17th Party Congress and the selection of the new Central Committee, Politburo, and Politburo Standing Committee, systematic and sweeping changes were made in the leadership structures of all seven military regions and the services. These reshuffles were not a purge, but an unusually intense round of the PLA’s regular command rotations and age-based removals of personnel. According to a reliable, Beijing-owned newspaper, commanders of the Beijing, Nanjing, Guangzhou, Lanzhou, Chengdu, and Shenyang Military Regions were replaced, as well as the heads of important units such as the General Staff Headquarters, General Armament Department, Air Force, and National Defense University.1 Table 1 Major Military Region Leadership Changes, 2007 Name Previous Position New Position Fang Fenghui COS, GZMR2 CDR, BJMR3 Zhao Keshi COS, NJMR CDR, NJMR4 Zhang Qinsheng DCOGS (Intel), GSD CDR, GZMR5 Li Shiming DCDR, CDMR CDR, CDMR6 Zhang Youxia DCDR, BJMR7 CDR, SYMR8 Wang Guosheng COS, LZMR Commander, LZMR9 Liu Chengjun DCDR, PLAAF CDT, AMS Wang Xibin COS, BJMR CDT, NDU Zhang Yang Dir., Poltical Dept., GZMR PC, GZMR Li Changcai DPC, NJMR PC, LZMR Chen Guoling DPC, GZMR PC, NJMR Zhang Haiyang DPC, BJMR PC, CDMR Tong Shiping Asst. -
U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress
U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress Shirley A. Kan Specialist in Asian Security Affairs October 27, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL32496 U.S.-China Military Contacts: Issues for Congress Summary This CRS Report, updated through the 113th Congress, discusses policy issues regarding military- to-military (mil-to-mil) contacts with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and records major contacts and crises since 1993. The United States suspended military contacts with China and imposed sanctions on arms sales in response to the Tiananmen Crackdown in 1989. In 1993, President Clinton reengaged with the top PRC leadership, including China’s military, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Renewed military exchanges with the PLA have not regained the closeness reached in the 1980s, when U.S.-PRC strategic alignment against the Soviet Union included U.S. arms sales to China. Improvements and deteriorations in overall bilateral engagement have affected military contacts, which were close in 1997-1998 and 2000, but marred by the 1995-1996 Taiwan Strait crisis, mistaken NATO bombing of a PRC embassy in 1999, the EP-3 aircraft collision crisis in 2001, and the PLA’s aggressive maritime and air confrontations. Issues for Congress include whether the Administration complies with legislation overseeing dealings with the PLA and pursues contacts with the PLA that advance a prioritized set of U.S. security interests, especially the operational safety of U.S. military personnel. Oversight legislation includes the Foreign Relations Authorization Act for FY1990-FY1991 (P.L. 101-246) and National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for FY2000 (P.L. -
679274.Pdf (978.7Kb)
The Case of the Missing Indigene: Debate Over a “Second-Generation” Ethnic Policy The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Elliott, Mark. 2015. “The Case of the Missing Indigene: Debate Over a ‘Second-Generation’ Ethnic Policy.” The China Journal 73 (January): 186–213. doi:10.1086/679274. Published Version doi:10.1086/679274 Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:34306000 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The Case of the Missing Indigene: Debate Over a “Second-Generation” Ethnic Policy Mark Elliott* ABSTRACT e last few years have seen a vigorous public policy debate emerge over a “second- generation” ethnic policy (di’erdai minzu zhengce) which, if implemented, would constitute a major revision of ethnic politics in China. Despite the fact that nationalities policy is a notoriously sensitive subject within China, the debate is happening openly in newspapers, academic journals and on the Internet. e prominence accorded to anthropological theory and international comparison is a notable feature of the debate. is article rst explores the main positions in the ongoing policy discussion, then goes on to argue that, rather than comparing China’s non-Han peoples to minority immigrant populations in the industrial- ized democracies, a better comparison is to indigenous peoples. It then considers why this perspective is completely missing from the present debate. -
“Young Guards”: the Recent High Turnover in the PLA Leadership (Part I: Purges and Reshuffles)
Promoting “Young Guards”: The Recent High Turnover in the PLA Leadership (Part I: Purges and Reshuffles) Cheng Li The continuing consolidation of power has been the most noticeable trend under the leadership of Xi Jinping since the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in November 2012. Undoubtedly, a key component in this strengthening of both Xi’s personal power and his new administration’s authority has centered on the military domain. Xi has gone about the consolidation process through several important political and tactical moves, including the purges of the two highest-ranking generals under the previous administration on corruption and other charges; the arrest of over 40 senior military officers on various charges of wrongdoing; large-scale reshuffling of generals between regions, departments, and services; ongoing efforts to reform the PLA structure and operations; and, most importantly, the rapid promotion of “young guards” (少壮派) in the Chinese military. All of these bold measures will have profound implications—not only for Xi’s political standing in preparation for the next leadership turnover in 2017, but also for the trajectory of civilian-military relations in the country and for the assessment of China’s military modernization. The first installation in this series focuses on the recent purges and reshuffling of military leaders, which has significant consequences in the political dynamics of present-day China. It is an old saying in the history of the Chinese Communist movement that “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun.”1 Although this famous Mao Zedong slogan emphasizes the Communist doctrine that the party commands the army in seizing and retaining state power, a top party leader’s consolidation of personal power cannot be achieved without strong support from the military. -
China's New Military Leadership
77\12 25 November 2012 CHINA’S NEW MILITARY LEADERSHIP Jayadeva Ranade Distinguished Fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi Except for the top post of Chairman, China’s military leadership “ He pointedly added that Hu Jintao “has pushed China’s military was essentially decided and formally announced before the development one giant step forward based on achievements Chinese Communist Party (CCP)’s 18th Party Congress opened made under the leadership of Chairman Mao Zedong, Chairman in Beijing on November 8, 2012. The unusually early Deng Xiaoping and Chairman Jiang Zemin.” Hu Jintao, in turn, announcement of key appointments was clearly indicative of asserted that Xi Jinping was qualified and ready to lead the Hu Jintao being firmly in charge of the PLA and that his influence People’s Liberation Army (PLA). will continue. Xi Jinping, at the same meeting, took visible charge and laid In addition to appointment of the entire top echelon of the PLA, down his criteria—visible also in the new appointments—for appointments to the Military Commission’s Secretariat, which the PLA. He said: “The military must promote and appoint cadres continues to be an entirely civilian body, were additionally based on their political performance and guarantee that ‘guns’ effected. Xi Jinping would have been consulted in the are always controlled by reliable people with loyalty to the appointments, especially as all but two of the newly appointed Party.” He ordered the military to ‘always put the country’s officers will serve co-terminus with him. Hu Jintao’s decision to sovereignty and security first, comprehensively improve the relinquish the post of Chairman of the Central Military military’s deterrent power and capability of real combat to protect Commission (CMC) should be viewed in this backdrop, as also China’s sovereignty, security and development interests at an in the context of reports emanating from information-based age’. -
The Bo Xilai Affair and the PLA
The Bo Xilai Affair and the PLA James Mulvenon On 15 March 2012, Chongqing Municipality leader, princeling, and aspiring national elite Bo Xilai was stripped of his party posts, following the dramatic flight of his former deputy police chief Wang Lijun to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu and revelations about the possible involvement of Bo’s wife in the murder of a British businessman. In the wake of his purge, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Falungong-controlled media were rife with rumors about Bo’s relationships with senior military officers and even a possible coup attempt in Beijing. This article examines Bo’s ties with the PLA through his career, assesses the validity of various claims about the fallout in the military from his purge, and speculates about any possible implications for party-military relations. Introduction On 15 March 2012, Chongqing Municipality leader, princeling, and aspiring national elite Bo Xilai was stripped of his party posts, following the dramatic flight of his former deputy police chief Wang Lijun to the U.S. consulate in Chengdu and revelations about the possible involvement of Bo’s wife in the murder of a British businessman. In the wake of his purge, Hong Kong and Taiwan media were rife with rumors about Bo’s relationships with senior military officers and even a possible coup attempt in Beijing. This article examines Bo’s ties with the PLA through his career, assesses the validity of various claims about the fallout in the military from his purge, and speculates about any possible implications for party-military relations. -
The Contributions of Chinese Anthropology a Conversation Between Roberto Malighetti and Yang Shengmin
2017 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 6, N° 1, GIUGNO 2017: 301-317 INTERVISTE The contributions of Chinese anthropology A conversation between Roberto Malighetti and Yang Shengmin Roberto MALIGHETTI University of Milano-Bicocca Yang SHENGMIN 杨圣敏 Minzu University, Beijing ABSTRACT: This article is the product of a long-term relationship between Prof. Yang Shengmin (Minzu University of China) and Prof. Roberto Malighetti (University of Mi- lano-Bicocca). It is the outcome of a scientific collaboration that started in 2012 in Bei- jing, continued with the conference Anthropologies From in China. The First Italian Con- ference (University of Milano-Bicocca, 13.12. 2013), and was consolidated by the didactic activities at the Minzu University of China. It took the present form in the course of a conversation in the offices of the Collaborative Innovation Center for Ethnic Minority Development (Minzu University, Beijing) on the 6th of June 2016. Transcribed and then revised by both authors, the text considers the importance of Chinese anthropology and its contribution to the international dialogue. It probes the possibilities open to Chinese anthropology to offer an original articulation of its tradition with the Western influ- ences that accompanied, from the very beginning, the development of anthropology in China. The Chinese innovative proposals are synthetized under three approaches: the historical, the Marxist, the applied, and the study of minorities. KEYWORDS: CHINESE ANTHROPOLOGY, HISTORY, MARXISM, APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY, MINORITIES AND ETHNIC GROUPS. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons © Roberto Malighetti, Yang Shengmin The contributions of Chinese anthropology. A conversation between Roberto Malighetti and Yang Shengmin 2017 ⎸ANUAC. VOL. 6, N° 1, GIUGNO 2017: 301-317. -
Is Xi Jinping the Reformist Leader China Needs? JEAN-PIERRE CABESTAN
Current affairs China perspectives Is Xi Jinping the Reformist Leader China Needs? JEAN-PIERRE CABESTAN ABSTRACT: In autumn 2012, following the 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), Xi Jinping is to succeed Hu Jintao as General Secretary of the Party and also, in all probability, as Chairman of the Central Military Commission, where he has been second-in-command since 2010. In March 2013, he is set to become President of the People’s Republic of China. Born into the political elite, he enjoys a great deal of support in the Nomenklatura. Having governed several coastal provinces, the current Vice-President is thoroughly acquainted with the workings of Party and state. He also has support within the Army, where he spent a short time at the beginning of his career. In addition, in recent years, he has acquired significant international experience. Urbane and affable, Xi is appreciated for his consensual approach. Nonetheless, Xi is taking charge of the country at a particularly delicate time. China is having to adopt an alternative growth model whilst the government is struggling with powerful economic and regional feudalities. The Bo Xilai affair has highlighted the weakening of the central government, the corruption of the elites, and deep-rooted ideological differences within the Party machine that are damaging the political legitimacy of the regime and endangering its stability. As a result, Xi must not only reunify the Party leadership and machine but also establish his authority over all the country’s civil and military institutions. His style and charisma will help him. But his success will also and above all depend on his ability to form a united coalition set on reform and capable of dismantling the privileges acquired by the regime’s many bosses. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement October 2008 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC ......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 29 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 36 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 45 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR................................................................................................................ 54 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR....................................................................................................................... 61 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 66 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 October 2008 The Main National Leadership of the -
Regions 15 – 19
TOP TEN OVERALL DIVISION 1 SCORES: Regions 15 – 19 # Reg Score Student School City 1 18 33* ZHANG, XIAOXUAN Wuhan Foreign Language School Hubei 2 15 33* LIU, XIAOLING The Experimental High School Beijing Attached To Beijing Normal University 3 17 33 ZHANG, SHUANGYI Nanjing Foreign Language School Jiangsu 4 19 32 LUO, JINXUAN Xi'an Gaoxin NO.1 High School Shaanxi 5 16 31* FENG, SIQIN Hainan Middle School Hainan 6 17 31* LIU, YIRAN Nanjing Foreign Language School Jiangsu 7 15 31* GE, LE The High School Affiliated to Renmin Beijing University of China 8 19 31* REN, TIANSHU Xi'an Gaoxin NO.1 High School Shaanxi 9 16 31 LI, GONGQI Shenzhen Middle School Guangdong 10 17 30* YU, CHANG Haian Senior School of Jiangsu Jiangsu Province TOP TEN OVERALL DIVISION 2 SCORES: Regions 15 – 19 # Reg Score Student School City 1 16 30 WANGA, YUANHAO International Department of the Guangdong Affiliated High School of SCNU 2 17 29* SHI, WENZE Nanjing Foreign Language School Jiangsu 3 17 29 YU, SIQIN High School Affiliated to Nanjing Jiangsu Normal University 4 17 28* LI, YIMING Nanjing Foreign Language School Jiangsu 5 15 28 QINN, GUANGHUI The Affiliated High School of Shanxi Shanxi University 6 19 27* FEI, YU No.7 High school Chengdu Sichuan 7 17 27* TAN, YONGQI Gezhi High School Shanghai Shanghai 8 19 27* SONGI, SIRUI No.7 High school Chengdu Sichuan 9 17 27 YAO, SHUNYU Gezhi High School Shanghai Shanghai 10 16 26* HUANG, BAICHUAN Shenzhen Middle School Guangdong Note: Ranking for tied scores is based on the tiebreaker rules… scoring from the end of the test to the front. -
China's Military Calls for Putting Its Nuclear Forces on Alert
China’s Military Calls for Putting Its Nuclear Forces on Alert Gregory Kulacki January 2016 © 2016 Union of Concerned Scientists All Rights Reserved Gregory Kulacki is the China Project Manager in the UCS Global Security Program. The Union of Concerned Scientists puts rigorous, independent science to work to solve our planet’s most pressing problems. Joining with citizens across the country, we combine technical analysis and effective advocacy to create innovative, practical solutions for a healthy, safe, and sustainable future. More information about UCS and the Global Security Program is available on the UCS website: www.ucsusa.org/our-work/nuclear- weapons This report is available online (in PDF format) at http://www.ucsusa.org/ChinaHairTrigger The opinions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect those of the organizations that funded the work or the individuals who reviewed it. The authors bear sole responsibility for the report’s content. NATIONAL HEADQUARTERS WASHINGTON, DC, OFFICE WEST COAST OFFICE MIDWEST OFFICE Two Brattle Square 1825 K St. NW, Ste. 800 2397 Shattuck Ave., Ste. 203 One N. LaSalle St., Ste. 1904 Cambridge, MA 02138-3780 Washington, DC 20006-1232 Berkeley, CA 94704-1567 Chicago, IL 60602-4064 t 617.547.5552 t 202.223.6133 t 510.843.1872 t 312.578.1750 f 617.864.9405 f 202.223.6162 f 510.843.3785 f 312.578.1751 Summary Therefore, at some point in the near future, quite possibly during the current process of drafting the next For the first time, China is discussing putting its nu- five-year plan, military leaders may ask President Xi clear missiles on high alert so that they could be Jinping and China’s new generation of leaders to con- launched quickly on warning of an attack, similar to sider putting China’s nuclear forces on high alert.