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And Beatrice Webb THE DECAY OF CAPITALIST CIVILISATION. BY SIDNEY AND BEATRICE WEBB THIRD EDITION PUBLISHED BY THE FABIAN SOCIETY, AND 25 TOTHILL STREET, WESTMINSTER ; BY GEORGE ALLEN AND UNWIN, LIMITED. 1923. PREFACE WE may as well forestall the obvious criticism that this " little book is not constructive." It is not intended to a of reconstruction. supply plan For such a plan, in considerable detail, the reader is referred to the works advertised in the final and pages ; particularly to A Con- stitution for the Socialist Commonwealth of Great Britain, and, on another The Prevention Destitution in plane, of ; or, the form of a political programme, the pamphlet of the British Labour Party, Labour and the New Social Order (33 Eccleston Square, London. Price Threepence). We gratefully acknowledge the help of various friends, who will excuse the omission of their names. But we cannot refrain from expressing our deepest gratitude to our oldest friend and comrade, Mr. Bernard Shaw, who kindly undertook the revision of the proofs in the midst of a General Election when we were otherwise engaged. 41 GROSVENOR ROAD, WESTMINSTER, January 1923. been [The opportunity of a Second Impression has taken to correct various verbal and literal errors, principally in the quotations and references.] CONTENTS NM PREFACE ....... v INTRODUCTION . CHAPTER I THE POVERTY OF THE POOR ..... CHAPTER II INEQUALITY OF INCOME . .16 CHAPTER III INEQUALITY IN PERSONAL FREEDOM . 45 CHAPTER IV THE INITIAL SUCCESS op THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM . 63 CHAPTER V THE EVENTUAL FAILURE OF THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM . .8$ CHAPTER VI THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM AS A CAUSE OF WAR . '47 INDEX ... vii INTRODUCTION IT is one of the illusions of each generation that the social institutions in which it lives in some " are, peculiar sense, natural," unchangeable and permanent. Yet for count- less thousands of years social institutions have been successively arising, developing, decaying and becoming gradually superseded by others better adapted to con- temporary needs. This book shows how we, the nations to claiming be the most advanced in civilisation, are no less than our subject predecessors to this process of as the the perpetual change. Just Sumerian, Egyptian, the Greek, the Roman and the Christian mediaeval civilisations have passed away, our present capitalist civilisation, as mortal as its is predecessors," dissolving" before our eyes, not only in that septic dissolution diagnosed by the Dean of St. Paul's, brought upon us by war, and curable by genuine peace, but in that slower changing of the epochs which war may hasten, but which neither we nor anything else can hinder. The question, then, is not whether our present civilisation will be transformed, but how it will be transformed. It may, by considerate adaptation, be made to pass gradually and peacefully into a new form. Or, if there is angry resist- ance instead of adaptation, it may crash, leaving mankind from the lower painfully to build up a new civilisation disorder in which not level of a stage of social chaos and intellectual and only the abuses but also the material, will have been lost. moral gains of the previous order Unfortunately many who assent to this general pro- 2 INTRODUCTION inevitable fail to realise what the position of change, social institutions are to which this law of change applies. To them the basis of all possible civilisation is private in it is so with property in a sense which bound up human nature, that whilst men remain men, it is no more than the rotation of capable of decay or supersession the earth on its axis. But they misunderstand the position. It is not the sanction and security of personal possessions that forms the foundation of our capitalist system, but the institution of private ownership of the means by which the community lives. At the risk of pedantry we define our meaning. By the term capitalism, or the capitalist system, or as we the -pfeferptne capitalist civilisation, we mean particular stage in the development of industry and legal institutions in which the bulk of the workers find themselves divorced from the ownership of the instruments of production, in such a way as to pass into the position of wage-earners, whose subsistence, security and personal freedom seem dependent on the will of a relatively small proportion of nation those and their the ; namely, who own, through legal ownership control, the organisation of the land, the machinery and the labour-force of the community, and do so with the object of making for themselves individual and private gains. That the land and the other instruments of wealth pro- duction should be the private property of a relatively small class of individuals, with hardly more public responsibility attached to it than to the possession of a watch or walking- stick that this should constitute ; private ownership the basis of the arrangement on which the rest of the com- obtain their livelihood and that it munity ; should carry with it the control and organisation of the production and distribution of the commodities and services that are the very life of the nation and this is what is meant by capitalism this amazing arrangement, far from being eternal and ubiquitous throughout human history, has WHAT CAPITALISM IS 3 become the characteristic feature of the civilisation of the United States within three or four only generations ; and of Europe only within the last few centuries, through the unregulated squattings of commercial adventure on the derelict sites left by the gradual failure of the feudal system of land tenure and agriculture in the country, and of a relatively less important gild organisation of manu- facture and trading in the towns. We know that, in Europe, before the feudal system and the craft gilds existed, civilisations were based on different forms of slavery or serfdom, the family or the caste. These in their times seemed as rooted in human nature and as unchangeable as capitalism does. What is more, they lasted many centuries, and were thought out and organised in States and Churches as divine orders of society in which every man, from Emperor and Pope to serf and slave, was responsible to God for the use he made of his opportunities. The commercial squatting which, though it began in England under Henry VII., did not come into power until George III. was king, has never been authorised and organised politically and religiously in the old enduring fashion. The sages who thought it out as political economists declared that it had no concern with the Churches, and that the lawgivers must not meddle with it : its operations were to be godless and they were to be lawless. On these frankly buccaneering terms it undertook to secure the livelihood of the people, not as its aim, but as an incident of its devotion on principle to the art of getting rich quickly. Its sole claim to tolera- tion, was its success in fulfilling that cardinal condition. It is the thesis of this book that though it never fulfilled the condition completely, and in many places violated it with every circumstance of outrage, yet there was a moment, roughly placeable at the middle of the nineteenth century, when it could claim that, in a hundred years, it had produced, on balance, a surprising advance in material civilisation for greatly increased populations. 4 INTRODUCTION But we must add that from that moment to the present it has been receding from defeat to defeat, beaten ever more and more hopelessly by the social problems created by the very civilisation it has built up and the very fecundity it has encouraged. In short, that it began to decay before it reached maturity, and that history will as as an and regard capitalism, not an epoch but episode, in the main a tragic episode, or Dark Age, between two epochs. And, seeing that no individual owner recognises himself as a dictator, let it be at once added that, as will the is a class dictator- presently be explained, dictatorship is as in the face ship, and each separate capitalist helpless of the institution of ownership for private profit as are the wage-earners themselves. His control of the forces of at a competitive capitalism is, bottom, no greater than sailor's control of the wind. But as the institution makes each owner a member of a privileged class, and could be superseded by more advantageous arrangements if the class would give up its privileges, it is not altogether unfair to hold each and every member of the class responsible for the results of these privileges. The labour and socialist movement of the world is essentially a revolt against the capitalist system of society. We believe that the most advanced races are to-day, in knowledge, character and intelligence ripe for dispens- with this relation for the of industrial ing ; supersession oligarchy by industrial democracy, and of the motive of pecuniary self-interest by that of public service. We realise that there have been, and over the greater part of the globe still are, other dictatorships more vicious in their motives and more disastrous in their results than the dictatorship of the owners of the instruments of production over the wage-earners. Such are the coercion of slaves by their proprietors, of vanquished races by their conquerors, of whole peoples by autocrats or themselves on a oligarchies, basing monopoly of political power by an individual or by a restricted aristocracy or OTHER DICTATORSHIPS 5 other minority of race, class or creed. Running in and out of all these systems of oppression, sometimes waning, sometimes waxing, are the domestic tyrannies of the man over the woman, and of the parent over the child.
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