Studies in African Archaeology 19
YOUR MONUMENT OUR SHRINE The preservation of Great Zimbabwe
Webber Ndoro Doctoral thesis in Archaeology at Uppsala University 2001
WEBBER NDORO
YOUR MONUMENT OUR SHRlNE The preservation of Great Zimbabwe
Dissertation in A:frican archaeology to be publicy examined in Auditorium Minus, Gustavianum, on May 30, 2001, at 10 am for the Degree ofDoctor ofPhilosophy. The examination will be conducted in English.
ABSRACT Ndoro, Webber. 2001. Your Monument our Shrine: The preservation of Great Zimbabwe. Studies inAfrican Archaeology 19. Uppsala 130 pp., 43 figs, 15 plates, 9 tables. ISSN 0284-5040, ISBN 91-506-1466-5.
Cultural heritage management in African and in other non-westem societies, has mainly been concemed with the pres ervation and presentation of archaeological monuments primarily from a technical point of view. In Zimbabwe the emphasis has been on the preservation of spectacular monumental architectural places like Great Zimbabwe. Most efforts to preserve and present the archaeological heritage in Southem Africa suffer from a failure to fully uuderstand the sig-nificance ofthe cultural heritage and its value to loca! commuuities. Following independence, many Southem African nations realised the value of the past in nation building and the need to restore cultural pride, which had seriously been eroded by colonialism. However, local commuuily interests are often ignored at the expense ofintema tional guidelines and frarnes of operation. Despite the attainment of independence heritage management in Southem Africa assume that loca! commuuities are irrelevant toa 'scientific' approach ofmanaging their own heritage. This thesis explores traditional ways ofheritage management. They are discussed in relations ofthe various experi ences at the Great Zimbabwe National Monument. The architectural conservation programmes implemented at Great Zimbabwe are outlined and reviewed in the context ofarchaeological heritage managers in Southem Africa. The thesis emphases the need for integrative planning and management structures !hat promotes a rapprochement between scien tific and local knowledge structures. This provides the best chance of avoiding irreversible cultural degradation result ing from arbitrary decisions ofmanagement and policy makers.
Key words: Archaeological- and cultural heritage management; preservation and presentation; cultural landscape; Great Zimbabwe; national shrines; cultural significances; local and indigenous knowledge; cultural values.
Webber Ndoro, Department ojArchaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, S:t Eriks Torg, SE- 753 10 Uppsala, Sweden and History Department, University afZimbabwe, P 0. Box MP167 Mt Pleasant, Zimbabwe ;l
YOUR MONUMENT OUR SHRINE The Preservation of Great Zimbabwe
Il' i) ~· ! 1::
ItJ I l l ' Studies in African Archaeology 19
Webber Ndoro YOUR MONUMENTOUR SHRINE
The Preservation of Great Zimbabwe
Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University Uppsala 2001
•.tc c ------Doctoral thesis at Uppsala University 2001
Printed with the aid of grants from Uppsala University and the Swedish International Development Coop eration Agency (Sida)/Department for Research Cooperation (SAREC) within the project Human Responses and Contributions to Environmental Change in Africa and Sri Lanka.
ABSRACT Ndoro, W. 2001. Your Monument our Shrine: The preservation of Great Zimbabwe. Studies in African Archaeology 19. Uppsala 130 pp., 43 figs, 15 plates, 9 tables. ISSN 0284-5040, ISBN 91-506-1466-5.
Cultural heritage management in African and in other non-western societies, has mainly been concerned with the pres ervation and presentation of archaeological monuments primarily from a technical point of view. In Zimbabwe the emphasis has been on tbe preservation of spectacular monumental architectural places like Great Zimbabwe. Most efforts to preserve and present tbe archaeological heritage in SoutbernAfrica suffer from a failure lo fully understand the sig-nificance ofthe cultural heritage and its value to local communities. Following independence, many Southem African nations realised the value of the past in nation building and the need to restore cultural pride, which had seriously been eroded by cölqllialism. However, local community interests are often ignored atthe expense ofintema tional guidelines and frarnes of operation. Despite the attaiurnent of independence heritage management in Southem Africa assume that local communities are itrelevant to a 'scientific' approach of managing their own heritage. This thesis explores traditional ways ofheritage management. They are discussed in relations oftbe various experi ences at the Great Zimbabwe National Monument. The architectural conservation prograrnmes implemented at Great Zimbabwe are outlined and reviewed in the context ofarchaeological heritage managers in Southem Africa. The thesis emphases the need for integrative planning and management structures that prornotes a rapprochernent between scien tific and local knowledge structures. This provides the best chance of avoiding irreversible cultural degradation result ing from arbitrary decisions ofmanagement and policy makers.
Key words: Archaeological- and cultural heritage management; preservation and presentation; cultural landscape; Great Zimbabwe; national shrines; cultural significances; local and indigenous knowledge; cultural values; access to the heritage. Webber Ndoro, Department afArchaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, S: t Eriks Torg, SE- 753 I 0 Uppsala, Sweden and History Department, University afZimbabwe, P 0. Box MP 167 Ml Pleasant, Zimbabwe
ISSN 0284-5040 ISBN 91-506-1466-5
© Webber Ndoro Studies in African Archaeology 19 Series editor: Paul J. J. Sinclair Editor: Christina Bendegard Cover: Ritualceremony tö re-open the fountain at Great Zimbabwe in 2000. The cover also shows the wall ofthe Great Enclosure and on the backa picture from the interior ofthe Great Enclosure.
Published and distributed by the Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Uppsala University, S:t Eriks Torg 5, S-753 10, Uppsala, Sweden
Printed in Sweden by Uppsala University, Tryck & Medier, Uppsala 200 I CONTENTS
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... :...... vn
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... IX
1. INTRODUCTION ...... 1 I. 1 Conceptual framework ...... 1 1. 2 Preservation ···'········································································································ 3 1. 3 Presentation ...... 5
2. HERITAGE MANAGEMENT IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND DEVELOPMENTS IN ZIMBABWE ...... :...... 7 2. 1 Introduction ...... 7 2. 2 Developments in Southem Africa ...... ;...... 2. 3 Protective legislation ...... 9 2. 4 International conventions ...... 11 2. 5 Risk management ...... 12 2. 6 Developments in Zimbabwe ...... :...... : ...... 14 2. 7 Discussion ...... :...... 17
3. GREAT ZIMBABWE: NATURE OF THE MONUMENT ...... 21 3. 1 Introduction ...... 21 3. 2 Archaeological background ...... 22 3. 3 Architectural details ...... 23 3. 4 Dry-stone structures ...... 28 3. 5 Dhaka (earthen) structures ...... 33 3. 6 Material culture ...... 34 3. 7 Discussion ...... 35
4. THE DEVELOPMENT OF HERITAGE MANAGEMENT AT GREAT ZIMBABWE ...... 37 4. I Introduction ...... 3 7 4. 2 The first Europeans ...... 37 4. 3 Men of science and politics ...... 39 4. 4 Men ofthe people ...... 45 4. 5 International input on managing Great Zimbabwe ...... 48 4. 6 Discussitih ...... ;; ..... ; ...... ;,,.,,;;, 50 VI
5. PRESERVING THE FABRIC OF THE MONUMENT...... 53 5. 1 Introduction ...... 53 5. 2 Dry-stone structures ...... 53 5. 3 Dhaka (earthen) structures ...... 55 5. 4 Externa! factors ...... 5 6 5. 5 Recording and docurnentation ...... 60 5. 6 Preserving sections of the monument: Case studies ...... 62 5. 7 Preservation process ...... 68 5. 8 Discussion ...... 69
6. REDEFINING THE CULTURAL LANDSCAPE ...... 71 6. 1 Introduction ...... 71 6. 2 Data collection ...... 73 6. 3 The cultural landscape before the 19th century ...... ,...... 73 6. 4 The cultural landscape after the 19th century ...... 78 6. 5 Vegetation ...... 83 6. 6 Present setting ...... 87 6. 7 Discussion ...... 91
7. GREAT ZIMBABWE: CULTURAL RESOURCE VALUES ...... 93 7. 1 Introduction ...... 93 7. 2 Cultural values ...... 94 7. 3 Global and national values ··········'·········································································· 97 7. 4 Analyses of values for Great Zimbabwe...... 97 7. 5 Cultural values for Great Zimbabwe ...... 102 7. 6 Discussion ...... 103
8. PRESENTATION OF THE MONUMENT ...... 107 8. 1 Introduction ...... 107 8. 2 Academic interpretation and public access ...... 107 8. 3 Alternative interpretation ...... 110 8. 4 Presentation and the public ...... 111 8. 5 Visitor management ...... 116 8. 6 Great Zimbabwe an educational resource ...... 117 8. 7 Discussion ...... 120
9. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...... 121 9. 1 Introduction ...... 122 9. 2 Preservation ...... 122 9. 3 Presentation ...... 122 9. 4 Conclusion ...... 123
REFERENCES ...... 125 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure 1.1 Map of Southern Africa. Figure 2.1 Map showing some ofthe sites regarded as sacred in Zimbabwe. Figure 2.2 Major steps in risk management ofheritage resources (after Darvill & Fulton 1998). Figure 2.3 Distribution of Stone Age sites in relation to Land Apportionment. Figure 2.4 Distribution ofRock Art sites in relation to Land Apportiomuent. Figure 2.5 Distribution ofEarly Farming Community sites in relation to Land Apportiomuent. Figure 2.6 Distribution ofLater Fanning Community sites in relation lo Land Apportionment. Figure 3.1 Some archaeological places mentioned in the text. Figure 3.2 Great Zimbabwe core area (after Huffman 1997). Figure 3.3 House remains from Posselt's excavations 1987 (unpublished Collett excavation). Figure 3.4 Great Zimbabwe with peripheral enclosures (after Huffinan 1977). Figure 3.5 Illustrated dry stone walling used for platform construction. Figure 3.6. . Illustration ofthe components ofa freestanding dry stonewall. Figure 3.7 Wall styles at Great Zimbabwe (after Whitty 1961). Figure 3.8 Artistic reconstruction ofprehistoric dhaka house (reconstructed from the Posselt excavation). Figure 4.1 General Map of Great Zimbabwe (Willoughby 1893). Figure 4.2 General map of Zimbabwe (Southem Rhodesia Publicity Bureau 1929). Figure 4.3 General Map of Great Zimbabwe (Wallace 1936). Figure 5.1 Digital Terrain Mode! ofthe landscape at Great Zimbabwe.
Figure 5.2 General preservation process implemented at Great Zimbabwe and related sites. Figure 5.3 Steps cut into granite. Figure 5.4 Concrete steps. Figure 6.1 Distribution of Stone Age si tes in the research area. Figure 6.2 Distribution ofEarly Farming Communities in the research area. Figure 6.3 Developments at the centre of Great Zimbabwe (After Sinciair at al. l 993b ). Figure 6.4 Distribution ofLater Fanning Communities in the research area.
Figure 6.5 Distribution of sites during the Terminal Zimbabwe phase in the research area. Figure 6.6 Distribution ofhistorical places around Great Zimbabwe (post 1800). Figure 6.7 Land classification based on the Landsat 7 image taken in November 1999 (see Plate 6.1). Figure 6.8 Land use around Great Zimbabwe in 1992. VIII
Figure 7.1 Significance ofthe site as expressed by interviewed people. Figure 7.2 Areas at Great Zimbabwe considered important. Figure 7 .3 Cultural values represented at Great Zimbabwe as seen by various groups. Figure 7.4 Benefits from Great Zimbabwe.
Figure 7 .5 Who owns Gteat Zimbabwe? Figure 8.1 Huffinan's interpretation of core area at Great Zimbabwe (after Beach 1998). Figure 8.2 Who built Greåt Zimbabwe? Figure 8.3 Sources of information at Great Zimbabwe. Figure 8.4 Illustration ofrelationship ofhouses and stone enclosures by Lance Penny 1974. (Note lack ofhuman figures owing to Rhodesian censorship. (National Museums and Monuments ofRhodesia.) Figure 8.5 Illustration by Lance Penny in 1976 to help visitors to interpret Great Zimbabwe. (National Museums and Monuments ofRhodesia).
Figure 8.6 Illustrated map ~f Great Zimbabwe by Lance Penny (National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe). Figure 8.7 Carl Mauch 's frrst impressions of Great Zimbabwe and the surrounding landscape (from Burke 1)169). Figure 8.8 Some ofthe i(fJstrated interpretations from the educational CD. Plate 3.1 Aerial view offue Bill Complex at 200 m (MT. Survey Ltd 1994). ' Plate 3.2 P-style stone ~~Il on granite boulder foundation (photo by the author). Plate 3.3 Aerial view ofthe Great Enclosure at 200 m (MT. Survey Ltd 1994). Plate 3.4 Aerial view of the Valley Enclosures at 200 m (MT. Survey Ltd 1994). Plate 3.5 Artist's impression ofthe Zimbabwe bird - a national symbol. Plate 4.1 Western Enclosure Hill Complex showing the excavated pit at 200 m (MT. Survey Ltd 1994).
Plate 4.2 Collapsed wall owing to removaI ofwooden structuraI member for 14C dating. Plate 4.3 Western Enclosure Bill Complex showing the excavated pit at 200 m (MT. Survey Ltd 1994). Plate 5.1 Aloe in the Valley Enclosures. Plate 5.2 Trees in the Great Enclosure. Plate 5.3 Tsindi monument: Tree stump and the resultant bulge. Plate 5.4 Geotextile grids for stabiiization ofwalls.
Plate 5.5 Reconstructed modern Western Entrance to the Great Enclosure. Plate 6.1 The cultural landscape and research area in November 1999 (Landsat 7). Plate 9.1 K2 after many years' excavation campaigns. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This thesis took shape over several years of research, for giving me an insight into the subject ofheritage learning and teaching. As a result many colleagues management. helped me to shape the ideas, which are presented Outside Zimbabwe Jeanette Deacon, Sharon Sulli here. I would like to thank my colleagues who have van, Joe King, George Abungu, Donald Chikumbi, so freely shared their knowledge with me discusses in this study more has to be done to 1.1. Conceptual framework secure and present the archaeological heritage Across the world, for thousands of years differ of the subcontinent. ent connnunities have left traces oftheir activi For some time cultural heritage management ties. Sometimes these traces are in the form of in Africa and perhaps other non-western socie considerable structures like the pyramids of ties, has mainly been concerned with the preser North Africa, the spectacular Graeco-Roman vation and presentation of archaeological monu architectural monuments ofEurope, or the amaz ments primarily from a technical point of view. ing temples and gardens of Asia. Some of the Very often such programmes have had a specific traces ofhuman development and achievements focus. In Southern Africa the emphasis has been survive today either as ruined architectural struc on the preservation of the architecturally spec tures or buried archaeological remains. These tacular Madzimbabwe stone walled structures prehistoric remains have attracted the .attention (Miller 1996; Matenga 1996; Ndoro 1994, 1996). of contemporary peoples. Wherever ruined The major problem withmost efforts to preserve monuments are situated, they always create a and present the archaeological heritage in South sense of wonder and curiosity to ki:J.ow and ex ern Africa seem to emanate from a failure to fully plore more about the people and cultures that understand the cultural significance of the cul produced artistic work on such a grand scale. In tural heritage and its value to local connnuni many parts ofthe world, the ruined monuments ties. Following independence, many Southem and archaeological remains have been preserved African nations realised the value ofthe past in and presented to the pub lie as evidence of the nation building and the need to restore cultural past. Legislation has also been enacted in order pride, which had seriously been eroded by colo to protect the ruined sites from destruction or nialism. It is thus surprising that very often the damage, and more positively encourage their interest of the local communities are i gno red at preservation. the expense of international guidelines and The surviving ruined monuments in many frames of operation. It also appears that despite parts of the world frequently display a high de the attainment of independence heritage manage gree of craftsmanship and intellectual refine ment in Southern Africa has tended to assume ment. The fäet that they have survived for cen that local communities are irrelevant to the of turies is a testimony to the workmanship and ten "scientific" methods of managing their own prowess of those who built them. The prehis heritage. This research explores this traditional toric ruined monuments in Southern Africa (Fig. way of heritage management. This is discussed 1. 1) are a testimony to the development of the in the light ofthe various experiences at the Great subcontinent and its diverse peoples. However, Zimbabwe National Monument. The architec given the socio- economic context, as will be tural conservation progrannnes implemented at 2 Great Zimbabwe is outlined and reviewed in the ment was being practised before and after the wider context of archaeological beritage man attainment of political independence. agement in Southem Africa. Heritage manage The study focuses on the colonial and post ment is taken to mean not just the preservation colonial influences in archaeological heritage of physical remains and its implications on de management, especially the construction and velopment issues, it is a multifaceted concept maintenance of the cultural significance of a si te. which takes into account the landscape in which The research provide an examination of the ar cultural property (both tangible and intangible) chaeological heritage management, which has and the interest of all the concemed groups. It been influenced by shifting concepts of cultural aiso involves upholding all the values ascribed significance, particularly where significance is to the heritage by all interested and affected par contested within and outside of local and inter ties. Heritage management therefore subsumes national communities. Specifically, it will focus three main concepts (Grundberg 2000): on the notion and practices of archaeological • Memories- individual, collective, cognitive heritage management, which are contested by and culturally constituted processes indigenous communities who had been previ • Culture- actions, habits, text music, rituals, ously denied access to it. The research examines events, material objects, monuments, the disjunctive relationship between the signifi structures, places, nature and landscapes cance ofthe cultural heritage and its management. • Cultural heritage- individual as well collec This involved investigating the preservation and tively defined collections of memories and presentation programs at Great Zimbabwe Na cultures made because of deliberate socio tional Monument in which the issues of manage political processes ment and representation of archaeological herit The main objective of the present study is to age are negotiated by govemment, archaeologists, explore the way archaeological heritage man specific interest groups and the Wider commu agement has been pradised in Zimbabwe and nity. Southem Africa in general and at Great Zimba This thesis examines various ways in which bwe in particular. The major concem is the man cultural heritage management has evolved in ner in which archaeological monuments have Southem Africa. Great Zimbabwe, as one of the been preserved and presented. The other eon~ well-known sites in Southem Africa, will be used cern is to examine if there have been any sig as the main example to examine these processes nificant changes in the way heritage manage- and other related places will be used to amplify O 400km Figure J. I. Map ofSouthern Africa. 3 the practise. Most studies on Great Zimbabwe Africa. Urban centres like Johannesburg-Preto have focused on the culture history and the eco ria conurbation, Harare, Lusaka and Maputo re nomic organisation ofthe settlement In Italy restoration by anastyloses, using origi lines on the application of authenticity on World nal material has been promoted as being accept Heritage sites. Authenticity is not only a condi able as long as it is based on the evidence of tion to be considered at the nomination ofWorld sound archaeological research (Feilden 1982). Heritage but also an essential criterion when clas The preservation of ruined archaeological sifying or designating cultural heritage places for monuments presents another problem. This is the national protection ( Feilden & Jokiletho 1993). problem of dealing withmaterials in an open and The emphasis on authenticity in contempo virtually uncontrollable environment. The cli rary heritage management and conservation ema matic environment in many instances contrib nates from the much-celebrated Venice Charter utes to the decay of many monuments. Yet the of 1964. The charter hannonised the two extreme size and !arge area covered by most ofthe struc views of conservation as exemplified by Viollet tures mean that any attempt to control the envi le-duc and John Ruskin. It has to be borne in ronment is bound to be unsuccessfuL mind that after the First and Second Wor!d War Choosing the appropriate intervention option Europe embarked on a reconstmction exercise, has to follow preservation principles. Before any which saw the rebuilding, and restoration of intervention, the historical evidence should be major historie monuments, which had been de fully recorded and should not be destroyed, fal stroyed. The Venice Charter sought to bring or sified or removed. This implies that intervention der in the restoration movement. As far as ar be the minimum necessary' and be govemed by chaeological structures were concemed the Char unswerving respect for the aesthetic, historical ter emphasised that ruins had to be maintained and physical integrity of the structure or site and measures necessary for the permanent pres (Feilden 1982). The intervention should also be ervation and protection of architectural features reversible if techn:ically possible. This may be and of objects discovered must be taken. Au difficult and in many cases it has been found to thenticity of archaeological monuments is em be impossible to achieve. Many physical inter phasised in the Charter by the statement that 'the ventions mightbe reversible in theory but in prac process of restoration must stop at the point tice difficult to carry out. Related to the idea of where conjecture begins.' Most contemporary reversibility is the fäet that any intervention heritage managers would agree with Cesare should not prejudice any future work. It should Brandi that 'awork of art has alife time' forthis be possible for future researchers to have access reason the work of art cannot be taken back to to all the evidence incorporated in the structures. its starting point as if time were reversible It is also important that we allow the maximum (Feilden & Jokiletho 1994). amount of existing material to be retained when It has been clearly demonstrated that the con ever possible. These principles ensure that we servation movement, which has put the Venice do not build a new design to replace the origi Charter at its centre and has been the basis of naL After all people want to see the original thoughts and actions by ICOMOS, had its ori (Price 1990; Molina-Montes 1982). It is forthis gins in Europe (Larsen 1994). It was designed to reason that authenticity is central to contempo answer heritage problems of a particular region. rary heritage management and preservation It can therefore be argued, in part, that this shows theory. The definition, meaning, contents and the ancestry of the modem heritage management origin of authenticity have been clearly illustrated and conservation movement rather than an ex by Lowenthal (1992), Eco (1986) and Jokiletho pression of a global view. The Venice Charter of (1994). Authenticity has been related to the de 1964 was also guided by the thinking that de velopment and improvement of the scientific spite all national and political differences cul methods of preservation. tural properties belong to all people. Thus the The general question of authenticity was the Charter reflects a century old debate in Europe subject of debate at two major world conferences concerning the management of cultural property. in 1995; at Bergen in Norway and Nara in Ja This perception of universal value of cultural pan. The importance of this debate has also properties is also part of the theoretical founda prompted ICCROM to issue operational guide- tion ofthe United Nations Education, Scientific - 5 !\ ' and Cultural Organisation's (UNESCO) World chaeological remains have been presented to the i - Heritage Convention of 1972. It is against this wider public. background that the concept of authenticity has Preserving the authenticity of archaeological been [ormulated. In the management of World remains while making them accessible and in Heritage sites, the operational guidelines define telligible to the visitors and the general public is authenticity in terms of design, material, work a dilemma for all who manage these resources, manship or setting. The discussions in Bergen especially ruined monuments. Archaeological re and Nara indicated that these need to be ex mains more than any other form of cultural prop panded and redefined on a regional basis. This erty are notoriously hard to understand just by has already happened with the Venice Charter, looking at them: they require additional infor which has been redefined in Australia to form mation to make them intelligible. At times mod the Burro Charter. This is specifically applica els and reconstructions can help, but !arge monu ble to the Australian situation. It is therefore clear ments are complicated structures, difficult to un that the Venice Charter and the concept ofWorld derstand without the historical and comparative Heritage are based on a western European ra knowledge which ordinary visitors lack. Yet tionale and methodology. Non-westem cultures these people, the majority of them- are subjected have a different way oflooking at the values at to the selection, classification and mode of analy tached to the monuments and hence the way they ses based on the interest ofthe research special would define authenticity. One can in part, ar ist. The models and displays at most si tes make gue that the Intemational Council ofMonuments one wonder whether we are preserving the past and Sites (ICOMOS) has extended the influence or the present (Leone 1983; Wallace 1981; of the Venice charter to other parts of the world. Shanks & Tilley 1987). In non-western societies, for example in 1.3. Presentation Southem Africa, there are fundamental problems The presentation or interpretation of the archaeo in presenting ruined monuments to the public. logical heritage includes a broad scope of en For both functionalist and stucturalist reasons, deavours ranging from förmal education and cur non-western societies are given to reflecting on riculum development to less structured programs their past in terms of myths and legends (see such as site tours and displays. It also encom Malinowski 1954; Levi-Strauss 1958), yet pres passes communicative devices such as the pub entations of the few publicised archaeological lication of popular histories, public awareness places in Southern Africa are directed at foreign posters, brochures and development of multime visitors as the targeted audience; indigenous visi dia presentations. Public presentation and inter tors benefit very little from these efforts to pretation involves the development of commu present the places. The local community is to nication strategies between the scientific re tally alienated from its own cultural heritage. If searchers and non-specialists such as park inter the cultural heritage is to be protected in South preters, whose job is to deliver the message of em Africa, then the presentation of monuments archaeology to a variety of public audiences. must take cognisance of the indigenous popula There seems to have been a growing interest in tion. Ideally, an integrated preservation and pres the last ten years to make archaeology reach the entation strategy should ensure that the message public and involve them in the discourse on her ofthe past encoded in the archaeological remains itage management (see Cleere 1984, 1989; are interpreted and presented effectively to the Gathercole & Lowenthal 1990; Hewison 1987; indigenous communities as well as the foreign Ucko 1994; Stone & Molyneaux 1994). Inre visitors (Ndoro 1994). cent years the presentation of the past and the But how can this be done, in these societies, construction of knowledge in places like muse which are supposed to have beliefs in myths and ums and archaeological sites has ihcreasingly superstitions? Recent studies in Africå and öther been criticised and questioned (Stone & non-western societies have shown that all socie Molyneaux 1994; Merriman 1993). There seems ties appreciate the past and respect their cultural to be a general dissatisfaction with the way ar- heritage-in ways of their own, not by the atti- 6 tudes ofwestem academics. Hall (1984) argues tural perceptions of the past, integrating the in that the intellectual constraints of archaeology digenous traditional and scientific pathways to and scientific research have very little meaning knowledge. A creative and meaningful presen to African communities. The preservation and tation would benefit indigenous communities, as presentation of Southem Africa's monuments they begin to participate in the conservation of must take notice of the social matrix and cul- the archaeological sites. -- 2. HERITAGE MANAGEMENT IN SOUTHERN AFRICA AND DEVELOPMENTS IN ZIMBABWE removed from their original context and pre 2.1. Introduction sented to the public in urban areas through mu Archaeological heritage management is about seums. The second phase was from the l 9th cen care and continuing development of a place such tury with the major thrust being on the protec that its significanceis retained and revealed and tion of archaeological monuments. This was its future secured. Archaeology in the context of mainly a response to the destruction of monu heritage management should add to its primary ments by developments in the process of indus aim of reconstructing the past societies, the pro trialisation and field clearance for agriculture. tection and presentation of sites and monuments. During this period, the middle classes in Europe Archaeological heritage management is not only began to visit monuments and this led to the pres the technical prescriptions but also the creation ervation and restoration of some ruined monu of a dialogue between archaeology and the gen ments. The last phase began in the !970s when eral public. Heritage management therefore be efforts were concentrated on enlarging the area stows on archaeology the additional responsibil of protection with emphasis on the surrounding ity ofbeing sensitive to public aspirations and at landscape around the monuments, This was due the same time protecting the archaeological re to the increasing understanding of the relation sources. Both as a theoretical concept and in prac ship between monuments and their surroundings. tice, heritage management is central to defining The landscape provided an important dimension archaeology's role in society. This chapter ex for understanding and experiencing the larger plores the development ofheritage management context. What is important to note here, is the in Southern Africa in general and Zimbabwe in fäet that the changes in heritage management in particular. The main objective is to outline the Europe were linked to changes in the new popu main influences, which shaped the development lar interest and behaviour of its citizens. In part of heritage management in Zimbabwe and ex it was an ideological change that developed hand plore how the present situation has arisen. in hand with changes in archaeological research According to Kristiansen (1998), archaeologi and in popular perceptions ofboth the landscape cai heritage management in Europe developed and monuments. Heritage management was part in three phases. The first phase was the before of wider changes in society. What the Heritage the l 9th century when the main emphases were agents and archaeological researchers were do on the archaeological objects. The main focus ing was to satisfy a public need. However, this i' was on research and the protection of artefacts. was not the case in Southem Africa. } ! It also focused on museum collections, classifi Archaeological heritage management as we l cation and cemetery excavation. Artefacts were know it had been introduced to Southern Africa i-: ' iod and continued to be ogy of a people. This way heritage management 1en after independence is used to promote or reinforce social strategies. agents like UNESCO. d international demands 2.2. Developments in Southem : have always driven the Africa tgement in Southern Af- 1anagement elite whose In Southern Africa, the tendency has been to think :rent from those of the that heritage management started with the Euro 1inisters new models of pean colonisation of the subcontinent. However . Indigenous views and the fäet that the Europeans found so many ar held by the wider com- chaeological sites intact means that these sites 1 disregarded. Western could survive because of some form of manage lies of cultural material ment. Obviously places associated with religions categorisation, division practice and those in everyday use received more lace of the synthetic in attention than those abandoned. In Zimbabwe it ntegration and associa- is no mere coincidence that so many of the na tional monuments are also rain making (for ex it in Europe as from the ample Khami, Great Zimbabwe, Domboshava iart, could be described and Silozwane Fig. 2.1). Such places are sacred nterpretation, an attempt and protected by a series of taboos and restric ;cape as a cultural eon tions. King Lobengula preserved Khami as a : uses and meaning over place for rainmaking and had soldiers stationed 1 as part of the cosmol- at the monument most of the time (Summers Zambezi River hangani River Mkwe \ I ~~ZIMBA~ /l 9 1967). During Lobengula's reign, the Shona re Ethiopia is shared by the University of Califor ligious leaders who resided in the Matopo area nia (Berkeley), France and Ethiopia. A similar were allowed to conduct rituals at most of the situation exists with the Olduvai Gorge material caves. Mzilikazi and Lobengula were said to fragmented between Kenya and Tanzania (Mza have sponsored some of the religions ceremo lendo 1996). In Botswana part of the cultural nies conducted in the Matopo. However, once material from the site ofDomboshaba is now at the area was designated a National Park and the the University ofTexas (USA). The dual or mul sites declared national monuments these activi tiple of ownership of archaeological resources ties were prohibited (Ranger 1999). At Dombo at times militates against a uniform and more shava the rituals still continue today but are holistically effective management system. deemed illegal by the National Monuments Act. In countries such as Kenya, South Africa and In fäet the area designated for protection is less Zimbabwe where there was a !arge European than a square kilometre but the whole hill and settler population, heritage management devel the nearby forest is supposed to be a sacred cul oped as a preserve for the few and as a result it tural landscape. The same situation prevailed at was seen as a highly academic subject and never Silozwane in the Matopo and Makwe in Wedza. meant for popular consumption. Museum organi In Mozambique the site of Manyikeni was un sations and universities where responsible for the der Shona traditional custodianship until 1975 management of sites. The main functions ofthese when it was then handed over to the University institutions were research and application of sci ofEduardo Mondlane. In Botswana there is evi entific principles. The studies usually focused dence that the Khami type-site Majojo is being on the establishment of categories, typologies used today for ritual purposes (personal obser and chronology. Very little was done in the form vations) During the pre-colonial era most places of linking the studies with the local communi of cultural significance enjoyed protection in the ties, who were also themselves seen as objects sense that no one was allowed to go to them ex of study. During the colonial times the local com cept with the sanction of the religions leaders. munities and their cultures were also to be dis- However, with the advent of colonisation these covered, analysed and taxonomised as cultural places become important scientific sites. Scien and geographical entities (Kifle 1994). It can be tific research makes the sites accessible toa wider argued that the so-called lack of interest that most and larger audience and but this has led to the indigenous communities seem to show in cul desecration of the place and its cultural debase tural resources is deeply rooted in the social and ment. political fabric of the subcontinent. Many peo Generally in Southem Africa the mandate to ple particularly in countries, which had a !arge preserve and present the archaeological heritage European settler community, were excluded from is entrusted to National Museums. In South Af cultural resources, their use and management. In rica some universities where also responsible for schools and churches, for decades they were sites, for example the Universities of Wits taught to despise their cultures. There was an watersrand ( oversees si tes in the Joharmesburg assumption that only Europeans would be inter area) and Pretoria (is responsible for Mapun ested in these things as objects of study. Whilst gubwe the early town site on the Limpopo). In the communities did not abandon their culture countries such as Uganda, Ethiopia, Malawi and wholesale, it is now difficult for them to express Tanzania the responsibility over archaeological themselves confidently. resources is shared between departments of An tiquities and Museums. This at times has led to 2.3. Protective legislation conflicts over responsibilities on specific re A central element in heritage management is an sources e.g. the ownership of artefacts and their appropriate protective legislation. All countries subsequent presentation to the public. At times in Southem Africa have laws that govem the way collections are shared even between countries for heritage resources are to be protected and used. example the Omo Early Stone Age material from The protective legislation of the archaeological 10 and cultnral heritage thronghout the world is bia and Zimbabwe. A close look at the desig nsnally governed by three basic assnmptions nated sites indicates that even after so many years namely: of independence, colonial sites dominate in all • To protect the resonrce existence for the the conntries. It is clear that despite the fäet that present and futnre generations. all Sonthern African conntries are now independ • To develop the dimension of understanding ent, sites from the colonial period clearly domi and experience the cnltnral heritage, as a nate those, which are afforded the highest pro precondition for human life quality. tection. Thns the legal instruments seem to con • To protect and extract the scientific informa tinne to nndervalne and misrepresent the cnltural tion inherent in the cnltnral environment as and archaeological heritage of Sonthern Africa. a precondition for describing and interpret Of the nearly 12,000 sites registered in Zimba ing its history. bwe, approximately 200 are of colonial ances National legislation in Sonthem Africa is similar try. This means that almost every colonial site is in many ways in its objectives, definitions, forms a national monument. of ownership, actions or practices permitted or In Zimbabwe, just as it is in other Sonthern prohibited and sanctions. The focns is on the pro African conntries, legislation is silent on the is tection of the strnctnres and objects. One univer snes ofthe intangible aspects of the heritage. (In sal reqnirement in the snbcontinent isthat it shonld Sonth Africa a new legislation introdnced in 2000 be location specific, and have historical artistic has now changed this ). The definition of ancient or scientific valne. It must also have existed be monument, the lower form of protection is any fore a certain date. 1n the case of Zimbabwe be building, ruin, relic or area ofland ofhistorical, fore 1890, in Botswana 1902 and in Sonth Africa archaeological palaeontological or other scien nntil the recent legislation (2000) it has to be at tific valne. The terms cnltnre and cnltnraL!and least fifty years old. Thns places associated with scapes are not nsed in the Act. the recent liberation strnggle cannot qnalify to be 1n all Sonthem African conntries except Sonth declared national monuments. In Sonth Africa, Africa, the government or the state agency owns places like Robben Island are protected not be designated ancient and national monuments. In canse of the infamons prison but in part becanse Sonth Africa national monuments can belong to of the colonial history represented on the island individnals or institutions. Thns the legislation dating back to the occnpation of the Cape by the gives gnidelines on how to look after nationally Dntch East lndia Company. valned property. This means that the designation Most protective legislation ranks heritage re of a place as a national monument does not in sonrces into two categories, national monuments anyway impinge on the individual or gronps and ancient monuments/relics. At the national rights to land ownership. In most of the conn leve! the main protective designation established tries therefore, the enactrnent of protective leg by varians protective legislation in Sonthern islation makes cnltnral property government Africa is a national monument. This is the high property; interest of government eqnals adher est designation and its pnrpose is to provide a ence to national and intemational regnlations means of recognising in law those monuments whose formnlation had no inpnt from the local deemed to be of national importance. This is the commnnities. The transfer to state ownership of case in Botswana, Malawi, Sonth Africa, Zam- mnch ofthe cnltnral or archaeological resonrces Table 2.1. Ranking and distribution of designated national monuments Botswana South Africa Zambia Zimbabwe Stone Age 0 14 18 3 Rock Art 8 10 15 14 Iron Age 8 14 9 13 Colonial 22 4400 22 142 Post Colonial 1 4 11 0 11 through designation also resulted in displacement for nomination. The 1972 convention was bom of local people and disempowerment in regard from the encounter oftwo intellectual traditions: to control and access to cultural resource utilisa one, emerging directly from the Athens Confer tion and management. Even in South Africa, the ence organised in 1931 under the aegis of the property laws, which allow individuals to own League ofNations concemed with the preserva land and therefore cultural sites also led to the tion of cultural heritage, relying largely on the disempowerment ofthe traditional custodians of classic concept of 'masterpiece' or 'wonder of the land and therefore cultural heritage. the world'; the other was concemed with trans Generally the protective legislation in South mitting to future generations a certain number em African countries is very strong in what they of outstanding natural sites in an unspoiled state are intended to protect. For example the Zimba (Pressouyre 1996). While enjoining states to bwean National Museums and Monuments Act undertake the inventory and assure the preser (25: 11 ), requires members of the public to no vation of the natura! and cultural heritage, the tify National Museums and Monuments of Zim 1972 Convention has formulated criteria of ex babwe (NMMZ) of any archaeological sites or cellence permitting recognition ofthe most out relics that they find. It also makes it an offence standing properties in each category and placing to destroy, alter, darnage or reinove any archaeo them under the protection of the intemational logical sites or relics without written approval community. from the Director. The penalty for the latter of At present the balance weighs heavily in fa fence isa fine ofup to Z$2000 or five years im vour of cultural heritage sites located in Europe prisonment or both. The legislation implies that (Table 2.2). At the same time the heritage of the public is responsible for ensuring that ar humankind as defined by the convention is mod chaeological resources are not destroyed with elled upon a restrictive concept of cultural herit out prior approval. Unfortunately in most of age. Cultural properties on the World Heritage Southern Africa, the general public is not aware List, whether they are monuments, groups of ofthis legislation. The reality in a number South buildings or archaeological sites, should have a ern Africa country is that existing laws are not spatial dimension. Further its intangible aspect being used and promulgation of new ones will is not considered. Africa's heritage though of not change matters. Despite many inadequacies, infinite richness does not always coincide with the existing laws could still protect the heritage the sphere of application of the 1972 Conven particularly the physical structures. Although tion. In Africa, more than elsewhere, the sim most countries have laws that specifically pro plistic classification, long challenged by anthro hibit damaging, excavation or removal of antiq pologists, which opposes the immaterial herit uities without permits, the penalties are paltry age to the physical heritage is meaningless. Cul and as a result many groups violate them. ture should be perceived in its totality and in its complexity as an ensemble of behaviours, of 2.4. Intemational conventions man's connection to the social group, to nature The other designation which applies to South and to the divine. Artistic creations are rarely em African countries that is even higher than that of a national monument, is World Heritage Table 2.2. Distribution of World Heritage cul status. The World Heritage Convention (1972) tural places was ratified by three countries in Southern Af rica (by 2000). The convention provides for the Continent Number N orth America 31 identification, protection conservation and pres Europe 224 entation of cultural and natura! sites of outstand Asia & the Pacific 81 ing universal value. Six cultural sites from South Africa (excluding Southern 44 em Africa are on the list, Zimbabwe (2) Mozam Africa) Southern Africa 6 bique (1 ), Tanzania (I) and South Africa (2). South America 39 Several other sites are currently being processed Middle East 21 12 devoid of practical, social or religious moti the archaeological heritage. There is need to vations. Thus there is a conceptual difficulty to make heritage managers in southem Africa and apply Conventions such as the one of 1972 as it the rest of the continent aware of the Charter. appears to mutilate the idea of culture by intro Even the several foreign archaeology field ducing inappropriate categories. In most cases schools need to be made aware of the charters. the idea of cultural heritage to a !arge extent has been embodied in and confined to architectural 2.5. Risk management monuments (Pressouyre 1996). There is now an increasing recognition in the The study of art and architecture, archaeol world that all heritage resources are at risk in ogy, anthropology and ethnology no longer con the sense that there is always a chance or possi centrates on single monuments in isolation but bility of loss, injury, damage or some other ad rather on considering cultural groups that were verse consequence as a result of nature or the complex and multidimensional. These demon intentional actions of individuals. This concept strate in spatial terms the social structures, ways ofrisk management is largely lacking in South oflife, belief, systems ofknowledge and repre ern Africa, although countries like Bostwana and sentations of different past and present cultures South Africa have began implementing steps in the entire world. In fäet, the search for monu towards such a policy. Four stages have been ments, groups of buildings or sites in keeping identified in the development ofrisk manage with European definitions implied in the Con ment for heritage resources (Darvill & Fulton vention has for a !mig time done Africa a dis 1998). The stages start with the identification and service by ignoring some of its most authentic perception ofrisk in terms of the kinds of haz and most precious heritage. This is the idea of ards that might impact on archaeological monu cultural landscapes whiGh does not separate the ments. Subsequent stages deal with the exami cultural and natura! heritage. Given the fäet that nation ofrisk, the evaluation of incidence and adherence to the convention brings in financial the development ofrisk reduction strategies. The incentives in the form of grants; it can be argued basis ofthis mode! is that heritage resources like that organisations such as the Intemational Coun archaeological sites or monuments exist as inte cil on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) and The gral components ofworking landscapes and are World Conservation Union (IUCN) assume thus also very fragile in being subjected to the rights of govemance. Thus fulfiHing these con erosive effects of whatever is happening both on ventions becomes the main objective ofthe her the land itself and the surrounding areas. The itage managers than the interest of the owners of landuse practices and natura! decay are the main the heritage. elements which determine the survival and con In 1990 the General Assembly of ICOMOS dition of the heritage resource. This then means adopted the Charter for the Protection and Man careful planning is required for all intended ac agement of Archaeological Heritage (ICAHM). tions which impact on the landscape be it nega The Charter calls on nations to make archaeologi tively or positively. cal resources part oftheir overall land planning in In many European countries risk management order to ensure that development does not result ofthe heritage was included in the physical plan in the destruction of the archaeological sites. It ning process ' t:'~i~kitc:f~~+ifft~titin' ,.}.s~tg~S'~'~g~~e~sflientJ '.••. . .sCientrfic invesfigations ·. ·· >-<------"--'- '"'"'"<,>-"> -'<------,- --- ,_,,_, __ .,_ ___ --- >------<' - I I ! D <==> I I Figure 2.2. Major steps in risk management ofheritage resources (after Darvill & Fulton 1998). planning. Part of this wider intemational plan itage agencies in the region will have to rely on ning is reflected in the Habitat conference in 1998 protective instruments other than their own. and the Rio conference of 1992. The other weakness in the implementation of In the sub-region, archaeological resources contain treasure, they drove a trench from the from the Royal Geographical Society and the outside wall to one ofthe ho les. The results were Association for the Advancement of Science to disappointing but they were made up for at the conduct research on the origins ofGreat Zimba next site visited, Danamombe. Here the party bwe. This was to be lead by Theodore Bent who I found silver, pottery, and chains and over 15 ozs was also linked to the treasure hunting company, of alluvial gold in the burnt and decayed houses the Rhodesia Ancient Ruins Ltd. In order to cover remains. Saner recounts how he kept the source up the mounting criticism from the academic of gold secret but he eventually told two Ameri world on the activities of the company, an ordi cans, Burham and Ingram. nance to protect the ancient monuments was All remained quiet on the ruins front until passed by the Legislative Council and it become i,. September 1894 when it was announced that 208 law in 1902 as the Ancient Monuments Protec ozs of gold had been recovered from a ruin in tion Ordinance. In this Ordinance, ancient monu Mberengwa (Belingwe). This announcement ments and relics were defined as any material came at an opportune moment for the B.S.A.Co. predating 1800. The colonial administrator was because by this stage the South African press to implement the ordinance. However, the ordi was casting doubt on the existence of vast min nance exempted ancient workings from protec eral resources in Rhodesia. The Bulawayo tion. These were to be exploited under the 1895 Chronicle played the story for all it was worth Mines and Minerals Ordinance. This exemption as a counter to the South African claims. They on mine and mineral claims as indicated earlier were further assisted by the belated announce still stands. ment that Burham and Ingram had found 607 ozs The importance ofthe 1902 Ordinance is that of gold at Danamombe. This late announcement it laid the foundation of the present heritage seems to confinn Seuer 's story that Burham and management system in Zimbabwe. However, this Ingram had followed his lead to Danamombe, ordinance did not cover Rock Art sites in its defi collected gold and taken it to London and sur nition of ancient monuments. This anomaly was reptitiously sold it to Rhodes. amended in 1912 with the proclamation ofthe The announcement of these two finds was Bushmen Relics Ordinance which was influ followed by the formation ofthe Rhodesia An enced by large-scale exploitation of Rock Art cient Ruins Ltd, a company formed to mine the sites in South Africa (Murambiwa 1991 ). 1902 stone ruins. The setting up ofthe company was was also very important in the development of however not problem free because Burham and heritage management in that this was the year Ingram already had a concession for Danamombe when the Natural History Museum in Bulawayo After some negotiations the latter two individu was established. Its mandate was research and als were given shares in the new company. The public presentation of the natural heritage with initial launching of the Company was preceded specific reference to geology. Again one might by the advertisements in The Bulawayo Chroni say the influence of gold mining was very much cle pointing out that it was the only body licensed in the minds of the people who established this to work and explore for treasure (Summers museum. 1967). Two special conditions were attached to The developments in South Africa continued this work: (i) that they were forbidden to dam to have a profound impact on the heritage legis age· the ruins as such and (ii) that on Rhodes' lation in Rhodesia with the repeal of both the instructions Great Zimbabwe was to be exciuded. 1902 and 1912 Ordinance by the 1936 Monu The B.S.A. Co. was also to receive 20 % of all ments and Relics Act. The previous ordinance finds and had the first option to purchase the rest. had not differentiated the status of ancient monu It is clear that the development of heritage ments. The 1936 Act, brought in the new con management in Zimbabwe was clearly linked to cept of ranking sites by affording some national the potential economic value ofthe ruined struc status as National Monuments. The 1936 Monu tures. Soon after the B.S.A.Co. had been granted ments and Relics Act also brought into exist a charter to occupy the land, they sought help ence the Commission for the Preservation of 16 Natura! and Historical Monwnents and Relics duct rituals. After they were moved they could better known as the Monuments Commission. not continue using the site without being pros For the first time an administrative organisation ecuted for trespassing or practising witchcraft. was proposed. Thus it was felt at this early stage Movement to new area like Gokwe and Sipolilo that protective legislation was not enough and (Guruve ), areas sparsely populated, meant that that there was need for some effective physical the places they moved to had little cultural mean protection in the form of regular inspection of ing to them (Figs 2.3 to 2.6). The superimposi the sites. Apart from unde1iaking maintenance tion ofthe site distribution maps compiled from and excavation, the commission was also tasked the databank in the Archaeological survey and with documenting and keeping a register of all that of the Land Apportionment does indicate ancient monuments and relics in Southem Rho that rnost archaeological places are now located desia. From this national register the Commis in the areas designated European Land sion could recommend some to the Minister of The Christian churches too also denounced Interna! Affairs for proclamation as National the importance of specifically traditional sacred Monuments. Although this was the thinking, it sites and their link with paganism. For example, took ten years before the Commission could after many years of unsticcessful mission work make its first appointrnent. in the Matopo the Christian church at Hope Foun By 1954, the Commissionhad designated sev tain decided to conduct its service at these sa enty-nine sites as National Monuments. The cred sites like Silozwane in an attempt to dis Commission also carried out publicity campaigns credit their use by local communities (Ranger in the form of public lectures by its members. 1999). Above all by the late 1970's the African Generally by this time the nwnber of visits by reserves were over populated and this led to de the public to National Monwnents like Great forestation and general land degradation. As a Zimbabwe, Victoria Falls, Rhodes M<1topos and result archaeological sites were destroyed and Inyanga was on the increase. The Commission cultural landscapes altered. The effects of the also had several publications aimed at both the land appropriation can be seen today by the per academic and general public. They even had a ceived lack of appreciation and care for archaeo schools program aimed at popularising archae logical sites in areas where people were moved ology. (Pwiti & Ndoro 1999). Thus it can be argued However, during this time the general public that the creation ofthe Monuments Commission was defined as 'white'. (This was not so much although a positive move in terms of protecting pronounced during the Federation 1953-58). the archaeological heritage, some of the colo Even the major archaeological surveys, which nial laws on land impacted negatively on the led to the creation of a comprehensive database, cultural landscape. only concentrated on the settler commercial The 1972 National Museums and Monuments farms. Thus in the African reserves the aware Act repealed the 1936 Act. The main contribu ness of heritage management issues as articu tion ofthe new Act was to bring about the amal lated in the protective legislation remained un gamation of the Monuments Commission and known. This was made more complicated by the the various city museums in the country. Al large-scale population movements, which re though this move h<;1s been viewed negatively sulted from the 1931 Land Apportionment, and by some (see Collett 1992; Murambiwa 1991), 1969 Lar1d Tenure Act. A number of places of it helped to spread heritage management to all cultural significance like Great Zimbabwe, the major cities. It can also be argued that the Matopo, Mhakwe, Ntabazikamambo, Khami and city museums expanded the presentation of the Tsindi were placed under commercial or National archaeological heritage to the general public. It Parks lands. The Africans in the reserves no also meant that for the first time all-archaeologi longer had official access to them. For example, cal property (finds and sites) were under a sin the people of Mangwende in Murewa used to gle curatorial administration. The 1972 Act lead occupy the area around Tsindi and used to eon- to the creation of five administrative regions and 17 at present all the regions have the capacity to The main problems faced by Southem Africa protect and present the archaeological heritage. countries in heritage management are numerous It is however, at Great Zimbabwe that most ex but the main ones here include: perimentation in terms ofpreservation and pres i) Mass destruction of sites by development entation has been made. The heritage manage projects ment system at Great Zimbabwe in part reflects ii) Looting and illegal exportation of antiqui the general thrust ofthe system in Zimbabwe. ties iii) The quality ofmanagement of archaeologi 2.7. Discussion cal resources. Since the arrival of colonisation in Sonthern iv) Limited efforts in making the heritage re Africa, local communities have become increas levant to the local situation. ingly alienated from their cultural heritage. Most v) Negative impacts on the few places cho- of the legislation and administrative structures sen for tourist exploitation. were set up N .. Earfy stone Are o Middle Stone Age * Late Stone Age s Unclassified Stone Age Sites + f1ii African Purchase Area D Commercial Farmland (European Area) ll!1!lli Lake D National Land D Communal Area (African area) D Unreserved Areas D ö 100 0 100 200 Kilometers Figure 2.3. Distribution ojStone Age sites in relation to Land Apportionment. -:::i N • Rock Art Sites lill! African Purchase Area D Commercial Fann land (European Area} llil!!!il Lake · + D National Land CJ Communa1 Area (African area} CJ Unreserved Areas 100 0 100 200 Kilometers ~~~---- Figure 2.4. Distribution of Rock Art sites in relation to Land Apportionment. r 19 N l * Early Farming Communities g African P urchase Area D Commercial Farmland (European Area) ~-Lake , E:J National Land + I D Communal Area (African area) C=:J Unreserved Areas 100 0 100 200 Kilometers Figure 25. Distribution of EFC sites l""""li~~==- in relation to Land Apportionment. N • Late Farming Communities - African Purchase Area D Commercial Farm land (European Area) ~Lake + D National Land IT;JJ Communal Area {African area) D Unreserved Areas 100 0 100 200 Kilometers Figure 2, 6, Distribution of LFC sites 1"""5iiiiiiiil""~=i0iiiiil in relation to Land Apportionment. 20 in these places. Thus to them heritage manage legislation and regulatory mechanism in South ment is not restricted to the physical archaeo em Africa is not founded on the objective ap logical remains but that cultural resources have proach to preserve the diverse African cultural tangible and intangible aspects of the world that landscape, but on rather narrow definitions of has meaning, regardless of when it was last ac what constitutes a cultural landscape. In most cepted. The protective legislation in most coun cases the local communities would care little for tries needs to reflect these ideas common to their the global Charters or the local legal instruments people. It appears therefore that the protective from central govemment. 3. GREAT ZIMBABWE: NATURE OF THE MONUMENT tracted, abundant and relatively reliable rainfall 3 .1. Introduction for crops, an easily tilled soil, ample timber and Great Zimbabwe with its associated features forms firewood as well as small game. one ofthe most unique architectural and dramatic Great Zimbabwe enjoys the advantage of ly bistorical landscapes in sub-Saharan Africa. Its ing close to two other ecological zones. The hills development is perhaps the most important his to the north ofthe site are part ofthe g°'!,d-belt of torical and cultural symbol of African identify in the metamorpbic rocks that produce heavy and Southem Africa. All these characteristics were very fertile red soils. The country just south of it recognised by its designation as a national monu suddenly descends into the drier and much more mentanda World Heritage Site. Even though tbis open grassland environment that is suitable for might be the case, tbis world heritage site admin cattle rearing. istered by National Museums and Monuments of The impressive Great Zimbabwe National Zimbabwe (NMMZ) has always been at the cen Monument is the largest of many similar sites tre of controversy in its management. As a prel scattered in the region between the Limpopo and ude to the discussion on the cultural significance the Zambezi River. There are more than 300 dry of this monument and its associated landscape, stone walled sites in the region. The famous ones this chapter introduces the physical and material apart from Great Zimbabwe, are Danamombe, components of the monument. These have been Naletale, Khami, Shangagwe in Zimbabwe, the main focus ofmany studies in archaeology so Domboshaba in Botswana, Manikweni in Mo far. It has generally been assumed that the stone zambique and Thulamela in South Africa (Fig. walling, being the most visible evidence of the 3 .1 ). These ancientAfrican Later Farming Com settlement defines the main parameters ofthe spa munities (LFC) structures are constructed largely tial extent of Great Zimbabwe. in the rocky granite hills which characterise the The si te of Great Zimbabwe is located at the landscape in this region. The ruined structures southem edge ofthe Zimbabweau plateau (Fig. comprise dry stone walls and numerous earthen 3.1). The scarp here formed by numerous gran (dhaka) structures ofvarying sizes. The monu ite hills, precipitates moisture from prevailing ment presently defined occupies ai1 area of ap south-easterly winds. Its rainfall is higher than proximately 720 ha (Fig. 3.2). elsewhere around it, often with days oflocal mist The Later Farming Communities structures and light drizzle throughout the year even when associated with the Zimbabwe type sites, are pro the rest ofthe country is dry (Garlake 1973). The totype of settlements found all over Southern light saudy soils between the hills have the ca Africa. The word Zimbabwe is derived from the pacity to support luxuriant woodlaud and Garlake Shona ( a variant of the Bantu lauguage) word suggests that the country around these hills at- dzimbahwe meaning houses of stone. 22 Zsmbezi Riv *TSINDI \ *MAJOJO *MANYIKENI 0 ,( Figure 3.1. Same archaeological places mentiond in the text. 32. Archaeological background this period (Huffman 1981; Mahachi 1991; Collett, Vines & Hughes 1991 ). The settlement As indicated, the Madzimbabwe tradition is was constrncted over several centuries starting mainly associated with the dry-stone wall archi from c. AD 900 to about AD 1500 (Sinclair el al. tecture ofthe Southern African Farming Com 1993a; Chipunza 1994). At its peak it appears to munities. It is associated with the settlements of have had a population of between 12,000 to Bantu speakers, and their dominance of the re 15,000 people settled over the area ofthe present gion extending between the Zambezi and the day monument (Garlake 1973; Huffman 1997). Limpopo rivers. The settlements were based on The monument is what remains of an ancient military prowess and the accumulation ofwealth capita! which controlled most of present day in cattle and trade with Arab-Swahili traders on Zimbabwe. The monumental architectural struc the east coast of Africa. The Great Zimbabwe tures are a reflection of the settlement's power site is perhaps the most spectacular and best and wealth in the region. Its wealth was based known of this Madzimbabwe tradition (Huffman mainly on cattle husbandry, crop cultivation and 1997; Sinclair 1987; Mahachi 1991). the domination of the trade routes between the During the Later Farming Communities pe gold fields on the Zimbabwe plateau and Indian riod, Great Zimbabwe was probably the largest Ocean in the east. Trade contacts between Zim settlement in sub-Sahara Africa. It was certainly babwe in the southern African interior and the the largest built up area before the colonisation Arab-Swahili on the east coast were established ofthe region by Europeans. The settlement pat well before AD 900 and by AD 1250 the Later tern of this Later Farming Communities si te re Farming Community town of Great Zimbabwe flects the socio-economic arrangements and cul had become an important commercial centre tural ethos of the African communities \, -, •i ~- \~..•. ' ._....I - tf.. c::>_ . .::~~ 0.. ··"t- i ~j}· ~~~.. VALLEY ENCLOSURES .fi .::.- ~ •' GREAT ENCLOSURE 0 200m I I Figure 3.2. Great Zimbabwe core area (after Huffinan 1997). Towards the end of the fifteenth century the Europeans who visited the site [L __ J Post hole ~Dagakerb Figure 3.3. House remainsfrom Posselt excavations 1987 (unpublished Col/ett excavation). 25 of the Great Enclosure and the Valley Ruins, is another stone lintelled entrance, the only origi separates these areas from the surrouuding pe nalentrance remaining on the site. This wall, one ripheral areas. of the mo st spectacular pieces of engineering, is The Hill Complex is constructed on the hill fouuded on several uueven granite boulders. The 1ocated north ofthe site. The occupation ofthe original builders introduced wall breaks in or hill goes back to the Early Fanning period when der to stop the walls from sliding on the slopes the communities had not yet developed the tech ofthe rock foundation (Plate 3 .2). This technique nique of dry stonewalling. The archaeological is also seen at another Madzimbabwe type-site stratigraphic sequence shows that stonewall called Matendere. Another imposing wall is the building began on the hill (Chipunza 1994). Here, south wall, built on the brink of a rock preci the dry stonewalls constitute the major architec pice. Although its height is approximately 9.95 tural features (Plate 3.1). The Western Wall with m, the base is only 4.2 m wide. In most of the its solid stone conical turrets and monolith deco enclosures on the hill the natura! granite bou1- rations is the largest wall. With its lintelled en ders were incorporated into the matrix of the dry trance, this is perhaps the finest architectural stone structure to create a close symbiosis with construction on the site. The Western Enclosure the landscape. The hill more than anywhere else provides massive evidence ofhuman occupation shows the engineering qualities ofthe traditional and gives the only complete occupation sequence stone masonry. Mo st of the dry stonewall struc of the whole settlement from the Early to Later tures on the hill are free standing, except on the Farming Communities (Robinson 1961; Huff slopes where retaining walls are used to terrace man 1971; Mahachi 1991). The Western Enclo the slope or to provided a building platfonn. This sure contained 3-5 m of stratified house floors; could have been necessitated by a gradual ex the thickest concentration anywhere on the pansion of the settlement. Very few dhaka struc monument and this deposit forms a complete tures remain as part of the Hill Complex but, sequence. At the back of the Western Enclosure when it was discovered in the late nineteenth j ! ! I l Flate 3.1. Aerial view oj the Hill Complex at 200 m (MT Survey Ltd 1994). 26 century, the Western Enclosure had moulded featur~ of the outer wall is the gradual change in dhaka platforms, benches and walls. These were size and improvements in workmanship. The back largely destroyed in 1915 under the misconcep ofthe wall is decorated with stone monoliths and tion that weight endangered the stability of the a chevron pattern. The entrances were originally dry-stone wall, (Garlake 1982). On the south and lintelled with wood just like those in the Hill Com western slopes of the hill is evidence of exten plex (Matenga 1996). However, the entrances are sive settlement in the form of terracing and round and the externa! orres have stepped thresh construction of retaining walls. olds. Most of the interna! entrances have a pair of semi-circular projections that look like buttresses. The Great Enclosure However, the features seem not to have a struc The Great Enclosure (Plate 3.3), situated across tural function except that they narrow the entrance the valley but adjacent to the Hill Complex, is and prevent seeing through the enclosure. The perhaps the most spectacular and substantial struc same role seems to be played by the parallel pas ture on the monument. With its outer wall of ap sages found on the site. The main features are the proxirnately 252 m in length and with a maxi platforms and house remains which survived the mum height of 11 m, it is by far the largest single early excavations by Hall (1905). prehistoric structure in sub-Saharan Africa (Garlake 1973; Sununers 1971; Hall 1987). In The Valley Ruins side, it contains a number of interna! stone enclo The Valley Ruins, Iocated between the Hill Com sures, dhaka platforms and other architectural fea plex and the Great Enclosure, contain most of tures including the irnpressive Conical Tower. In the architectural features already described. They this single enormous structure, the evolution of are similar to the Great Enclosure except that the masonry techniques as well as the growing the Valley Ruins comprise several individual ambitions of its builders can be traced. A notable enclosures. Although the external entrances have Flate 3.2. P-style stone wall an granite boulder foundation (photo by the author). 27 Flate 3.3. Aerial view oj the Great Enclosure al 200 m (MT Survey Ltd 1994). semi-circular buttresses as in the Great Enclo area it is about 10 % ofthe whole estate declared sure, they are much wider and show no evidence a monument. There are a number of peripheral ofbeing lintelled. One ofthe striking features is enclosures and settlements within the monument the parallel passages. These connect individual and immediately outside it (Fig. 3.4). These are enclosures in the valley (Plate 3.4). The longest situated around the ring of hills that encircles connects the valley enclosures and the Great the core or central Great Zimbabwe. These ar Enclosure. The na..rrow ( a..r1d at times buttressed) eas have stonev1alling, terraces, dhaka structures entrances and the parallel passages seem to sug and various features of archaeological impor gest the idea of restriction of peoples' movement tance. Usually these areas are neglected in terms within this ancient complex settlement. of research and effective management. However any serious attempt to lJ!lderstand or present the Peripheral settlement monument should take into consideration these The three areas discussed above constitute the peripheral areas. These were the areas where main core area of stone building, but in terms of most ofthe population lived as evidenced by the 28 Flate 3.4. Aerial view ojthe Valley Enc/osures al 200 m (MT Survey Ltd 1994). numerous house floors around the hilis surround survived. However, ihe determination ofihe in ing the core structures (Chirawu 1988; Mahachi terna! socio-political and the temporal relation 1991 ). This evidence is important because it con ships ofthe component parts ofthe monument firms Garlake (1973) and Sinclair's (1987) sug is as important as finding the relationship be gestions that the stone walls must be viewed tween core walled areas and non-walled periph merely as one component of a building technol eral areas. ogy for which most evidence happens to have 29 N ilNemanwa ' + KEY /V.River '/\/ Stone walling ·~- Occupation Mtuzu ' 0 500 m • Figure 3.4, Great Zimbabwe withperipheral enclosures (after Huffman 1977). 3.4. Dry-stone structures Generally, the retaining walls comprise an outer Although other materials such as dolerite ·and face of coursed regular blocks (Fig 3.5). Unlike ironstone rocks, timber and dhaka were also used the free-standing walls, the core material is more in the construction of the monumental walls, irregular hut of a similar size to the face blocks granite was the predominant material. (Fig. 3.6). The core blocks have been placed in Geological investigations indicate that the the backfill material up to two metres behind the granite used for the blocks was mainly biotite face of the wall. The majority of the core mate and its mineralogical composition is summarised rial cannot be considered to be part of the retain below in Table 3.1. The blocks were quarried ing wall as many gaps exist between the blocks, from the exfoliating bedrock located in the out which are filled with backfill material. These crops that surround the monument. walls cannot be considered to act as gravity struc The dry-stone walls at Great Zimbabwe per tures as the walls' sections are generally insuffi form two functions, free standing enclosures or cient to resist the over-turning movements. A boundary walls and retaining walls for the provi sion of terracing. The construction and structural Table 3.1. Mineralogical and physical properties behaviour of symbolic structures, such as the of granite from Great Zimbabwe Conical Tower and the buttress found along pas Material Sample Overall sage walls, although not performing either of the sample above functions, may be considered similar to the 1 Quartz 35% free standing walls. The free-standing walls are generally constructed of two outer faces of care 2 Feldspar Microline 28% 58% fully staked and coursed blocks infilled with core Plagioslase 30% blocks. Core material comprised of blocks that 3 Biotite 4% are less regular in size and shape but generally of 4 Muscovite 3% a similar nature. Contrary to the general belief, 5 Iran ores <1% the core was not rubble but was carefully packed. FAC2 0 50cm Figure 3.5. lllustrated dry stone walling usedjor platform construction. l'ACE FACE 0 FRE-E..sTANDIN6 Figure 3.6. Illustration oj the components oj afreestanding dry stone wall. 31 number of walls were constructed as free stand dressing to shape, presenting sometimes a smooth ing with two outer faces, but have subsequently unfaceted surface to view but often enough hav been backfilled and have become retaining walls. ing an edge or corner knocked off to make a bet Walls like these act like gravity retaining walls ter fit. Witb very few exceptions all the stone has (Jones 1979). been noted, particularly in the bases of wa!Js of The walls at Great Zimbabwe are founded ei this class, of occasional stones much rounded by ther on granite bedrock or on soil material. The weathering. Rectangularity was in any case obvi quality of foundation provided varies consider ously not the primaryrequirement for blocks (tri ably. A number of retaining walls in the Valley angular-faced blocks are sometimes used) nor was Enclosures have been built on granite bedrock, consistency of size, for this varies considerably, which slopes downwards away from the wall same stones being !arge enough to require two men face. For walls built on so il material the founda to left. In spite ofthese irregularities the resultant tion comprises layers of granite blocks at the base face of the_ wall is fully consistent in texture and of the wall. These foundations can be surface usually approximates to the vertical. This class of footing, or have foundations up to as much as a walling commonly, but not invariably, exhibits metre deep. The soil material on which the walls very careful laying ofblocks, which are fitted to are constructed appears to vary between natural gether so that gaps and holes are few, and a nice granite sandy clays and midden waste. Some face maintained. walls have foundations built partly on dhaka (2) Class Q walling. This is easily recognised as the material used to leve! the footing, for example better-class and neater work. Walls of this type the Buttress Entrance in the Hill Complex. are built of approximately rectangular blocks laid There are noticeable architectural variations in relatively even and leve! courses. The blocks throughout the dry stonewalls at Great Zimba laid relatively even and leve! courses. The blocks bwe, and from the time ofMauch onwards, these are confined to a far more consistent size than in aesthetic difference have been recorded. Hall class P walls, the face of a typical one being about (1905), Stevens (1931) and Whitty (1961) have 7-10 inches (178-254 mm) long by 4-6 inches described the style differences in the masonry at (102-152 mm) high. Mos! ofthese stones show Great Zimbabwe. All these descriptions are very evidence ofhaving been roughly dressed to shape. similar. In 1961 Whitty proposed a system for The greater part of this dressing work has been classification of wall styles based on observa applied to the end and faces of the blocks, the tion of the shape and size of the face blocks, upper and lower edges being in any case more or quality of workmanship and general aesthetic less parallel due to the natura! tabular cleavage of appearance. He generally divided the wall styles the granite. The stones appearto have shaped only into four categories. Because of their importance in order to obtain a rectangular face, those parts in the debate on the chronology and development of them hidden within the structure having been ofthe site as well as their importance in the docu left random. The are carefully matched in height mentation process of the cultural property it is so that unbroken courses of equal depth run in worth giving Whitty's descriptions here: some cases for as much as 100 ft (30.5 m). Areas of walling of this class often cover many square ( 1) Class P walling. This consists of structures in yards without a false course. The courses gener which blocks forming the wall face are irregular ally run out by tapering down to a shallow size, in shape and size. They are laid in such a \vay that two such courses giving place to a single deeper the longer dimension lies roughly in horizontal one. As a rule each course is set wide of the face plane. This method of building produces a wall of the one below by a fraction of an inch, so the with pseudo courses running for short distances wall acquires its characteristic balter. more or less horizontally but taking such crazy swoops as the variable thickness oftbe blocks and (3) Class R walling. The walls ofthis class are com the lie of the land may dictate. The majority of posed usually of a mixture ofblocks typical of P the building stones show no sign of systematic and Q together with triangular and other irregu- 32 lar-shaped lumps of stone. They are poorly fit - Batter inconsistent, irregular, ted together, needing the frequent use of small - Squared entrances, irregular; wedges, and often show gaps and holes in the - Foundations: structures follow topogra- facing, which varies considerably in appearance. phy, no trenching; There is sometimes what looks like half-hearted - Acted as predominantly retaining and some attempts to lay blocks in courses, hut the results 'screening' (free-standing) walls. to achieve the standard of Class Q walls. There Q style - Generally sited on low-lying ground is no systematic batter on the walls, whose fac without boulders; ing is rough, irregular and craggy. - Height/base width ratio rarely exceeds 2.5; - Fully consistent batter, in higher walls ( 4) Class PQ walling. This in appearance a style more marked towards the top; intermediate between P and Q, having some char - Rounded wall ends; acteristics ofeach. Although it is well represented - Frequently trenched, levelling oftrench, in the Great Enclosure, it is inuch less common some evidence offooting in other parts of the ruins. As there is ample evi - Predominantly free/standing enclosure dence, described below, and confirmed by Sum walls, few retaining. mers in Part IV36 for being a transitionary type, The architecmral details of the stone walling it is treated as such here. Undoubtedly there is of Great Zimbabwe are important in the under no walling in the Great Enclosure, which could standing of the developmental sequence of the by a stronger argument, be described as "PR" or individual areas. Generally it has been observed "QR". that Class P predominates on the Hill Complex Whitty also made a very useful observation that and the röcky sides of the valley; Class Q pre adjoining walls are not bonded together and dominates in the Great Enclosure and the valley, therefore the later wall must be leaning against Class R generally occupies the outlying areas. the earlier. Tbis provides a relative chronology, The work ofRobinson (1961), Summers (1961) particularly when linked to the archaeological and Whitty (1961 ), apart from demonstrating an results of Summers and Robinson. Using the indigenous evolution ofthe stone masonry styles, styles P, PQ, Q and R, Whitty established a also indicated that Class P walling is the earliest chronological relationship, which was con and is followed by Class Q which later devolved firmed by archaeological research. This has into the uncoursed Class R (Pig 3.7). been used to establish a tentative framework From the work ofWhitty, Robinson and Sum for the development and expansion of the set mers a tentative chronological sequence could tlement over the 200 years or so of its effective bemade: occupation (Collett, Vines & Hughes 1991; Period 1: Early settlement, no walls built; pole Chipunza 1994). and dhaka house - c. AD 400 As mentioned before, the difference between Period 2: The first solid dhaka house built on wall styles is essentially aesthetic. However, the the hill and trading connections well estab overall more impressive appearance of the Q lished with the East African cost style walls is an indication of an improved form Period 3: Stone walling in the Hill Complex of construction. The blocks in Q style walls are begins and is extended to the slops -AD more regular and cuboidal in shape. The cours 1085 ing and bonding in Q style is generaiiy better Period 4: Q walling is introduced and the than in others. Great Enclosure built-AD 1450 These styles are also associated with particu" !ar architectural features. By looking at imported ceramics Garlake (1973) P style - Generally sited on sloping rocky was able to refine the chronological sequence of terrain or amongst boulders; the monument. He examined a piece of ceramic -Heightlbase width ratio in order 3.5; of Persian origin, which was found to be similar 33 P-Style Q-Style R-Style Figure 3. 7. Wall styles at Great Zimbabwe (afler Whitty 1961). to ones found in Mogadishu, and this was _dated houses were dated to 113 0 AD, period 3 of to the 13th century. He further examined other Robinson, Summers and Whitty to the 12th and imported ceramics made of sea-green celadon 13th centuries. Thus the construction ofthe walls which had Chinese designs and these were dated at the Great Enclosure is now dated to the 13th to the Chinese Ming dynasty (AD 1368-1644). century and style Q to the 14th century. This His dates were supported by Huffman's (1981) shortens the occupation period of Great Zimba excavations at which an Arab coin with the in bwe to less than 200 years. However, the dis scription of Al-Hasan bin Sulaiman was found. covery of the blue on white porcelain of the This was dated to AD 1320-33. The ceramic and Honghzi period ofthe Ming Dyriasty (AD 1488- coin evidence were strengthened by the new "C 1503) by Collett, Vines and Hughes (1991) indi dates from Great Zimbabwe (Huffman & Vogel cates that the site might have been occupied for 1991). These show that the first solid dhaka a longer period albeit with a reduced population. 34 3.5. Dhaka (earthem) structures and, at times artistically moulded and decorated features expressing some symbolic and figura As described above, the dry-stone walls, syn tive ethos ofthe Later Farming Communities. onymous with the Madzimbabwe tradition, can Although the Madzimbabwe tradition dhaka only be described as the skeleton ofthe prehis structures show some genealogical relationships toric monuments. The flesh is the dwelling struc with contemporary Southem African vemacular tures, built with Africa's most common indig architecture, archaeological evidence indicates enous building material, dhaka a paddled clayey some subtle differences in their design and con soil, binding together naturally weathered gran struction. The structures were designed to last, ite grave! aggregate. When dry, the mixture and were more complex !han the more recent forms a durable material, which is described as single compartment house dwelling synonymous dhaka cement or grave! cement because of its with dhaka material. The houses then were of characteristics. In prehistoric times the builders ten divided into two or more compartments, with utilised the plastic properties of the material, verandas, and complicated interior platforms and when wet, to construct substantial round houses fittings all under on roof(Fig 3.8). Some ofthe and moulded fittings on the walls and floors. The walls seem not to incorporate a timber frame fittings were mainly benches, kerbs and basins. work within the dhaka matrix and were non-load At times decorative motifs were designed on the bearing. The outside veranda posts supported the wall or floors (Garlake 1973). Some ofthe dhaka roof. The non-load hearing walls were used to features are lees easily identifiable today. Dif protect and divide interior space. The veranda ferent dhaka surface textures and colour changes sometimes had a low dhaka wall around it. The were achieved by exploiting the vari ed clay min surface finishes for the walls and floor were simi eral compositions derived from the local parent lar and at times decorated (Rudd 1984). geology. The most carefully selected and worked The mineralogical constituents are summa dhaka produced a hard, durable smooth surface rised (Table 3 .2). Mo st of the dhaka structures and was able to survive considerable wear and were made from grey or brown material. The exposure. Some of the dhaka structures have colour difference also reflects the two quarrying partially survived in various forms for 500-900 sites on the monument. Chemically, the mate years. In prehistoric times the domestic dhaka rial has a high content of silica and aluminium, structures were enclosed by the dry-stone walls, and moderate amounts of iron and potassium in order to divide space into areas and to form oxides. The deficiency of kaolin clay mineral in courtyards and enclosures. In some sections of some of the material indicated some degree of the settlement the stonewalls were also plastered firing the remains Table 3.2. Approximate minerological and physical properties of dhaka from Great Zimbabwe Minerals Hill Valley (Grey samples % ) (Brown/Red samples % ) Quarts 51.3 40.0 Kaolin 41.2 11.2 Mica 0.8 30.0 Felspar 4.3 3.5 Iron/Potassium 2.8 2.8 Physical properties of dhaka Mean density 1.8g/ml Mean porosity 33% Size range of pores-microns >500 40% <500>105 11% <105 49% *pH Approx 6.6 Soluable salts < .23% ing vividly. Gold, Copper and bronze objects management viewpoint is that they are widely have also been found and these are usually re used as visual images for promotion of the site lated to adomment or ceremonial objects. The and one of them has become the national sym most famous and perhaps most intriguing are the bol (Plate 3.5). Several other soapstone objects Zimbabwe birds ( a series of soapstone mono like dishes and figurines were also found. Some liths which have at their apex a carved bird). of the material culture found at Great Zimba These have received more attention from re bwe are a testimony to its trade prowess; these searchers than any other type of category found include imported glass beads, Chinese celadon, at Great Zimbabwe (Matenga 1998; Jacobson Islamic glazed ceramics and double iron gongs Widding 2000). More important from a heritage which are also found in Zambia and the Congo. Figure 3. 8. Artists impression af a prehistoric dhaka house (reconstructedfrom the Posselt excavation). 36 o 30em Flate 3.5. Artistis s impression ojthe Zimbabwe bird - a national symbol. 3.7. Conclusion !imitation of this assumption in heritage man This chapter has defined the monument largely agement will be discussed in Chapters 5, 6 and basing it on the archaeological research so far 7. Research carried out by Sinclair and others carried out. It is clear from this that stonewalls has indicated that even for archaeological pur have largely been used to define the site. This poses the monument is much broader. 4. THE DEVELOPMENT OF HERITAGE MANAGEMENT AT GREAT ZIMBABWE I ,i' i' Santos had vaguely referred to the settlement of I 4.1. Introduction 11! ~ Zimbabwe in their writings of the sixteenth and From the beginning of the twentieth century, sev seventeenth century. They were intrigued by the eral attempts to preserve the site of Great Zim stone structures reported to them and sought to babwe were made. Most of these involved the explain their origins. To them the ruins could clearing ofvegetation and provision of access to only be linked with such legendary figures like the visiting public. The "discovery " of Great Prester John, King Solomon and the Queen of Zimbabwe by Carl Mauch, a German explorer Sheba. But no detailed eye witness accounts were in 1871 led to many speculations on the inter available. In Southern Africa however, by the pretation of the site particularly its origin (Hall l 8th century many myths and ideas about Great 1987; Kuklick 1991; Mahachi 1991). Some of Zimbabwe had developed particularly centred on the preservation problems affecting the monu the idea of a !ost city in the interior of Africa. ment today emanate from the early attempts to These ideas were particularly strong in South research and interpret the site. The British South Africa. However, it was Carl Mauch who re Africa Company sponsored a number of expe vealed the ~ettlement for the first time to the ditions. Their aims were directed at the question outside world. By the time Mauch visited the site, of the authorship of the monument. Theodore . many myths had already been built on the ru '!\ Bent who was accompanied by R. W. M. Swan, ined si te. Many Europeans thought of it as a !ost a cartographer and surveyor mounted orre ofthe city in the interior. Carl Mauch had heard about il first projects in 1891. Tliey managed to produce the ruins whilst in South Africa and like many 'I maps ofthe monUl'!lent and these early maps have Europeans of his time had been taught that the played an important ro le in the subsequent docu southeast coastal area of Africa was the biblical mentation of the site. Among other excavation land ofOphir. With the gold fever gripingSouth pioneers at Great Zimbabwe was Willoughby em Africa at this time, it was natura! that when I (1893) who extensively dug on the site and he ever a reference to the ruins was made it was produced orre of the earliest maps (Fig. 4.1 ). linked with the ancient Ophir. Thus when Mauch found the ruins he confirrned mythology from time immemorial. Mauch explored the site with 4.2. The first Europeans Adam Renders, a European whom he found liv Carl Mauch brought the size and grandeur ofthe ing with the Shona people. He mapped the ruins Great Zimbabwe ruins to the attention of Euro and speculated on the possible builders. Using I peans in 1871. During the l 6th century, Portu wood splinters from a crossbeam comparing with guese traders had written about the rich and fa his pencil, he concluded that the wood was ce mous kingdom in the interior. De Barros and Dos dar. Cedar could not possibly be found in this 38 ' ;~ 39 part ofthe world and therefore should have been ned the destruction of viable archaeological imported. The ruins could thus have only been material. He threw away layer after layer of what built at the instructions of the Queen of Sheba. he termed kaffir rubbish. He argued that the ar His description ofthe ruins and its origins found chitectural style of the ruins supported a south support from popular literature of the time such Arabian origin. He suggested that ifAfricans had as Rider Haggard's King Solo mons mines. Carl built Great Zimbabwe, they would have done so Mauch's beliefs became widespread in Europe. "as slaves of a race ofhigher civilization" (Ben! Here the mythology of African societies being 1892, p. 33). The second research commissioned incapable of anything and backward found sup by Rhodes was for an archival research for de port from the imperialist Cecil John Rhodes. scriptions of the monument in European librar Rhodes was convinced that the site of Great Zim ies and archives. Alexander Wilmot undertook babwe had been constructed by Phoe-nicians. this (Knklick 1991). Linked to the idea ofthe Phoenicians having built However, the first archaeologistDavid Randall Great Zimbabwe was the general Victorian be Maclver who had been trained by the famous liefs about African societies being incapable of Flinders Pettie excavated the Great Enclosure. He change. Rhodes and his company, the British uncovered artefacts, which were basically simi South Africa Company saw the importance of lar to modem Shona material. This indicated to the site in the overall plan of their dream. They him that the builders were ancestral to the Shona I could use this to justify the colonization of the people. He also demonstrated that the Arab and ! area. They were after all following in the foot Persian imports could not possibly date beyond I steps ofthe Phoenicians. Thus when Ceci!John the Middle Ages and thus the theory about King I Rhodes visited Great Zimbabwe, the local peo Solomon could not be sustained. He wrote that: I ple were told that the great white chief was com 'the people who inhabited the Elliptical Temple I ing to visit the home of his ancestors. belonged to tribes whose arts and manufacturing ' were indistinguishable from those of modern Makalanga(Shona)' (Randal-Maclver 1906, p. 63). 4.3. Men of science and politics The settler community did not accept such find The link of Great Zimbabwe with Ophir and King ings. Hall led them in attackingRandal-Maciver Solomon's mines had unfortunate implications. arguing that Maciver had no intimate knowledge Many fortune seekers ransacked the ruins. of Africa. The settlers partly rejected the inter Rhodes commissioned two separate research pretation because it was attacking the central studies on the monument. The first was archaeo ideological justification of colonizing Zimba logical, led by Theodore Bent, an antiquarian. bwe. Rhodes and his followers saw the coloni His 'findings' reinforced the mythology that zation as legitimate since they were resurrecting Sabean Arabs who were influenced by the the !ost Caucasian civilization as represented by Phoenicians built Great Zimbabwe. People like the Phoenicians (Sinamai 1997, p. 27). In I 926 Posselt and Theodore Bent were able to find F. J. Scholfield studied the architecture and build more treasures like the carved birds, which have ing methods and concluded that the structures become a national symbol. Bent found the carved were of African authorship. This was reinforced birds and he duga trench around the base ofthe by Gertrude Caton-Thompson who also revealed conical tower, destroying the stratigraphy around that the monument in all probability was indig the Great Enclosure. Aithough he recovered a enous in origin and that the cultural material from few Persian beads, he ignored and threw away her excavations showed that the present dåy in thousands of artefacts, which he thought were habitants had everything to do with the monu I of a latter date. More damage was to follow with ment. She did not see any greatness in the archi I the creation of the Rhodesian Ancient Ruins tecture. It was typical of "native" style and like Company. The 1902 legislation to protect the mast of her compatriots did not think highly of j monument had no effect on Ben! for he contin- the local populations. Thus, she wrote: J i.' ...... L....'Jf ______40 'No other than our happy-go-lucky Bantu could took tums to exploit its symbolic power and be accused oferectingthem. Who else could build reinvent history according to the political needs a place as bigas the temp le withoutworking from ofthe time (Hobsbawm & Ranger 1983). a plan? Who else would just make encircling walls It was however, specifically the question of si te come together by a little deviation from the sym management that led to the appointment of the metrical when they were not goingto meet? What first curator for Great Zimbabwe in 1902, R. N. other race would build walls without using a plumb Hall. As indicated earlier he was appointed by the line?' (cited from Kuklick 1991, p. 155). British South Africa Company to undertake "not In her own words: scientific research but the preservation of the buildings" in order to make the monument more 'the architecture at Zimbabwe, irnitative appar attractive to the tourist (Garlake 1973). However, ently of daub prototype, strikes me as essentially the early controversies surrounding the origins of the product of an infantile mind, pre-logical mind, the prehistoric settlement led Hall to change his a mind which having discovered the way to mak job description. He began to conduct extensive ing or doing a thing goes on childishly repeating excavations particularly in the Great Enclosure. the performance regardless of incongruity' (Caton The belief that the dry stone walls were not built Thompson 1931, p. 103). by Africans led to his destruction of most of the Thus the Europeans who visited the site during dhaka structures and artefacts, which clearly in the early part of the twentieth century generally dicated the indigenous origin of the site. Most of attributed the construction of the monument to the excavated trenches were not backfilled and the Arabs, but the first serious archaeological in many ofthe erosion problems experienced on the vestigations by Randal-Maclver and Caton site today have their origins in those early investi Thompson confirmed the African origins of the gations. When Randall-Maclver visited the site site. Nevertheless, niost of the settler commu in 1905 he castigated the amateurish methods of nity would not believe in these so-called scien R. N. Hall and his predecessors for having caused tific investigations. much damage to the monument. There is hardly any doubt that by 1960 within Hall's excavation culminated in the publica the National Historical Monuments Commission tion ofhis book Great Zimbabwe (1905), which the creation of Great Zimbabwe was taken to be was widely condemned by the intemational sci indigenous. In 1958 Roger Summers, Keith entific community, but proved ;very popular Robinson andAnthony Whitty launched a large among the settler community. The interest on the scale research program at Great Zimbabwe. The origins ofGreat Zimbabwe by 1919 had gener aim was not to revisit the question of the build ated no less than sixty-three books and articles ers since this to most archaeologists had been on the subject (Cooke 1974). In 1909 the first solved, hut to refine the chronology using the systematic report on howthe site was to be man ceramics and architectural styles. Thus from a aged was drawn up by Masey (1911). This was research point the question of origin had been partly a response to the extensive damage done solved hut the dating of the cultural material re on the site by R. N. Hall. The British South Af mained an important issue. The question of chro rica Company commissioned the report. Masey's nology could only be refined during the l 970s. report noted the need to maintain the monumeqt Despite the rejection by the settlers at !arge of particularly to clear vegetation. He also pointed an indigenous authorship ofthe monument, Great out the problems, which were being caused by Zimbabwe and particularly the Zimbabwe bird tourists and that cattle grazing in the monument were being used since 1924 as national emblems. from the nearby communities also led to destruc First on the Southem Rhodesian flag, then the tion of some structures. His recommendation was Rhodesia and Nyasaland federation flag and fi that the monument be fenced at least to prevent nally on the UDI Rhodesian flag. Thus even dur cattle from coming in. He also noted the need to ing the colonial times Great Zimbabwe's value employ a resident archaeologist to take care of as a national symbol was recognized. Politicians the general preservation work. Masey realized 41 the need to manage the visitors and suggested under the assumption that the dry stone walls that a site museum be erected. This would serve were the only important component ofthe monu to interpret the site to the wider public. Given ment. As a result dhaka structures and archaeo the general controversies surrounding Great Zim logical artefacts were destroyed. The excavation babwe at the time, Masey's report was quite com by the PWD Ieft a huge exposed pit, which in a prehensive and recommended specific actions to few years had alm ost doubled its size due to con be taken. Apart from general maintenance work tinuous erosion (Plate 4.1) his report also suggested that collapsed walls Apart from Masey's report, the early years of should be restored. The report also pointed out managing Great Zimbabwe were marked by the the problem with Iocal communities in letting absence of any direct intervention on the fabric their cattle graze and at times causing fires in of the dry stone walls. However, with the ap the estate. One ofthe major problems on the site pointrnent of S. Wallace in 1914 as curator of of Great Zimbabwe is the rapid erosion of parts Great Zimbabwe, the face ofthe monument be of the Western Enclosure of the Hill Complex. gan to change. Wallace was responsible for a This was triggered offby the well meaning but !arge number of necessary but misguided and misinformed preservation recommendations inaccurate restorations. Using Masey's 1911 re from Masey's report that many of the dry stone port, he embarked on major restoration of the walls could be preserved by removing the ar monument. This marked a departure from pre chaeological and dhaka remains resting against vious efforts, which were mainly directed at find them. The work was carried out by the Public ing the origins of the site and also provide ac Works Department ofSouthem Rhodesia (PWD). cess to tourists. From 1914 to 1931 Wallace re The excavation was carried out with Iittle con stored many walls at Great Zimbabwe including sideration for the archaeological or aesthetic ap the entrances at the Hill Complex as well as those pearance ofthe area. The work was al so execilted of the Great Enclosure. The restorations were Flate 4.1. The Western Enclosure Hill Complex showing the excavated pit at 200 m (MT. Survey Ltd 1994). t1 :W?IL~-. ------_,_j 42 architecturally inaccurate and did not follow any prevented the collapse oflarge areas ofthe deco" : preservation ethics (Walker & Dickens 1992; rated faca:des. However, the disadvantage ofthis ,i Ndoro 1994). After Wallace, many curators at was that their aesthetic appearance becomes too Great Zimbabwe carried out unsystematic repairs artificial. Concrete or cement grouting was used to collapsed and unstable walls on dry stone ru at some sections of Khami, particularly on the . ins. However, priority was placed on the inter hill. Here dhaka was mixed with cement. As will · pretation of this unique heritage. Many people be shown below the local communities were were visiting such sites as Great Zimbabwe, opposed to the use of cement on all monuments, ~ Khami and Danamombe and these needed more However Hall and T. Bent. Apart from attributing the con posits on si te. What mattered most were the dry struction of the monument to the Phoenicians, stone walls. No respect was given to the archae there was an attempt to link the site with the his ology or cultural significance of the si te. In any tory ofRhodesia. Major Alan Wilson one ofthe case the visitors were mainly of European ori heroes ofthe 1893 Anglo-Ndebele war hadorigi gin who had no cultural affiliation to the sites. nally been buried at Great Zimbabwe. Wallace Part of the monument was even tumed into a (1936) in his guidebook urged the tourist not to golf course. The ultimate alienation ofthe monu leave the monument without paying a visit to ment occurred under the National Parks admin Wilson's first grave. The number ofvisitors was istration when forced labour bridges of prison growing each year and soon Great Zimbabwe ers were used to keep the monument tidy for tour became the second most popular attraction in the ists. Great Zimbabwe's management was under country after the Victoria Falls. As a result, visi National Parks, an organization whose main con tor facilities such as a site museum, a curio shop cem was the preservation ofwild life rather than and a traditional village were erected. Also in cultural property. Even the research archaeolo cluded were lodges for visitors and a car park. gists like Robinson and Summers, who where At Khami a site museum was also built. Most of under the Historie Monuments Commission, the facilities were randomly located and no con operated from the Natura! History Museum in sideration was given to the archaeological de- Bulawayo, more than 300 km away from the site. Figure 4.2. General map af Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia Publicity Bureau 1929). 44 '· "•. ·~ z ~ j <( • \ ..l g ~ ·.. ·.. "· ... , a. ·.. ,, \ r{l" ·· .J. u'"" .. -~ -~··· <(JO \ a: 11 "·· .•.. i.I • 'i! ...z 0 ! ... N .;i / ·,_ .~-- •v - ,,..·· .. \ \ .• ·...... · ,, •.. 45 4.4. Men ofthe people era! public did not suggest that Great Zimbabwe had a proven African authorship. The textbooks From the 1900 to the 1970s despite the analyti used in African schools up to independence in cal research findings, most ofthe colonial set 1980 emphasized that" old tribal stories tell us tlers continued to believe that the Phoenicians of a race of brown-skinned people with straight built Great Zimbabwe. The Governments ofthe black hair used to mine gold here long ago. They day did everything to encourage this nation. The built stone forts or villages called Zimbabwe fear was that should the archaeological findings "(Miller 1960, p. 29). The control of access to be accepted, all the nations about the African this monument and its grandeur also prompted people's backwardness would be challenged. an opposite reaction in the African Nationalist This could be a strong base to challenge the co politics ofthe 1960's and 70's. The nationalist lonial theory of white supremacy. They there movements saw the site as a potential political fore made sure that the dissemination of such symbol which could unify people against colo-. findings was restricted. nia! rule by appealing to the pride of the civili The Rhodesia Front government, itself built zation ofGreat Zimbabwe. They not only began an an antagonism to all African aspirations to narning their political parties after Great Zimba wards equality, recognized the dangers of pro bwe (e.g. Zimbabwe African National Union moting black cultural pride and political con ZANU and Zimbabwe African Peoples Union sciousness through any indication that Zimba ZAPU), but went further to declare that an inde bwean history, however remote, had a proud pendent Rhodesia would be narned Zimbabwe. record of achievement (Garlake 1973, 1982). The Rhodesian authorities were outraged. For This fear was heightened by the rise of African example, a correspondent for the Rhodesia Her nationalism on the continent and the attainment ald of 4 June 1962 talked of the misappropria of independence by some African states such as tion of the ancient pre Bantu narne ofZimbabwe Ghana and Nigeria. to the cause ofMr. Nkomo and his fellow black Following the 1965 Unilateral Declaration of settlers. The correspondent argument was that Independence and the rigorous control of infor the black people of the country were like the mation that accompanied it, archaeologists found whites, recent arrivals and thus "it is of great that research had become an open political ac importance that those who currently usurp the tivity. Andries Joannes Bruwer (1965) who dedi ancient name of Zimbabwe have historical or cated his book Zimbabwe, Rhodesia Ancient cultural right to do so". Greatness to the Prime Minister Ian Smith per During the 1976 to 1980 war in Zimbabwe ceived a concerted conspiracy by Peter Garlake, (then Rhodesia) most sites were abandoned for Roger Summers and others archaeologists who security reasons. For almost six years no main continued to suggest that Great Zimbabwe was tenance was carried out on archaeological monu of African origin. Several other publications in ments. Thus the vegetation, which had occasion Southern Africa branded these archaeologists ally been cleared, did manage to grow and either as misguided tools ofpolitically motivated threaten the structural stability ofthe monuments. enemies or traitorous agents of a worldwide com However, after independence in 1980 the gov munist conspiracy ofsubversion (Gayre 1972). ernment viewed such sites as Great Zimbabwe During the colonial period, the settler com as major visitor attractions and a source ofgreat munity provided the orga11izational milieu, funds national pride. After all, the nation had been and audience for research, presentation and pres narned after this great monumental archaeologi ervation ofthe monument. From 1965 to 1980 cal site. There was therefore the need to pay at the Rhodesian Front acted to control and censor tention to the long-term integrity of the monu all displays, material, guidebooks and archaeo ments and forge new management systems sen logical research that were accessible to the pub sitive to all the demands ofthe monument. Just lic. They ensured that all historical and archaeo like the previous governments, the opportunity logical writings that were accessible to the gen- offered by Great Zimbabwe in fostering unity 46 anda new identity could not be missed. Many of Wallace before him, Mufuka also turned his at the artefacts from Great Zimbabwe become na tention to the fabric. He unsystematically restored tional symbols depicted on the country's cur some of the collapsed walls in the valley ruins. rency, stamps, and insignia and on the flag (Pwiti Early uncontrolled excavations had on disturbed 1996). these. Just like the previous government, the nation This interplay between nationalism and ar alist government, after independence, took the chaeology was not unique to Zimbabwe. In West opportunity offered by Great Zimbabwe in fos Africa the Negritude movement (literary writers tering anew identity. For the government ofZim movement in French speaking Africa) in their babwe, the past (including the archaeological protest against French rule stressed the su past) could play a political role. After all the premacy of African culture. It was natura! there country had been named after the archaeologi fore that Negritude's emphasis on Africa's past cal site. Thus at independence the Prime Minis cultural richness led to an interest in archaeol ter of the new nation could declare that " inde ogy as expressed by the work of Cheikh Anta pendence will bestore on us ... a new future and Diop (1979). Diop argued for a close relation perspective and indeed a new history and a new ship between black Africa and Ancient Egypt. past" (cited in Pwiti 1996, p. 153). Just like the He used archaeological evidence to trace migra colonial government, the new government was tion routes, arguing that the burial mounds of not hesitant to build a past they were comfort the Niger Delta were West Africa versions of able with. Herbert Ushewokunze, (the then Min Egyptian pyramids (Diop 1979; Roll 1990). It ister of Home Affairs) started it rather more appears that like N egritude, a distinctive brand bluntly in a foreword on a book on Great Zim of archaeology has developed in postcolonial babwe" Now the time has come to set the record West Africa. It has closely remained connected straight, to seek out and renew our past. Archae to issues of national consciousness and ethnic ology is no more than a tool. For the first time in identity and has stressed continuities between the Zimbabwe it is wielded for the people" (Pwiti past and present, often providing a charter for 1996, p 153). Thus emphasizing the vulnerabil the present day that is given authority by refer ity of archaeology and Great Zimbabwe to po ence to the past (Hall 1995; Holl 1990). litical manipulation. It has also been argued for example that there A major step was made by reopening Great is more at stake thanjust archaeological fäets in Zimbabwe to the public and providing a skeletal the debate on the status ofthe Neolithic in East staff to maintain and service the expected visi emAfrican. The Neolithic skeletal material from tors. Major publicity campaigns were made and east Africa was often classified as Caucasoid these were given a tremendous boost by the pub giving rise to racialist theories of migrations of lication ofMufuka's populist guidebook to Great Azanians, Harnites or Megalithic Cushites (Ony Zimbabwe Dzimbabwe: Life in the Golden Age ango-Abuje & Wandibba 1979). Onyango-Abuje (1983) and Peter Garlake's (1982) Great Zim (1980) suggested that there may have been a babwe described and explained. Mufuka's use number of centres of animal and plant domesti of oral traditions, myths and legends was heav cation in sub-Saharan African which await dis ily criticized by all !eading academics in Zimba covery and notes that it is overdue for archae bwe. However, many ordinary Zimbabweans ologists start looking for these. He then suggests weicomed his book. It offered a past which they that autochthonous domestication of animals in could easily identify with rather than the dry Eastem Africa can only be properly investigated pottery classifications, and chronostratigraphic ifthe reactionary and traditional diffusionists are analyses that have until recently characterized stopped from carrying out research in Africa studies on Great Zimbabwe. The focus on linear (Onyango-Abuje 1980, p. 292). chronology or cultural identity based on pottery Great Zimbabwe is important to nationalism studies which have been emphasized appear to and state ideology in two main ways. The first is be irrelevant to the heritage of most people. Like through religion and ancestral worship and sec- 47 ondly as an example of African achievement. Her first attempt to settle at Great Zimbabwe was With the rise of nationalism in Zimbabwe in the in 1974. However the colonial govemment did 1960's there came a cultural revival which mani not allow her to do so. Instead they imprisoned fested itself in the regeneration of traditional re her on two occasions between 1978 and 1979 ligion. Ranger (1985) refers to Peter Fry a Chris (Garlake 1983, p. 16). She was only released a tian Evangelist who said: week after the 1980 elections. She immediately ' I have been led to believe that traditional beliefs retumed to Great Zimbabwe were she began to and practices were drying ont and were of little conduct cleansing rituals on the site particularly significance to contemporary situation. However, of the freedom fighters who had just returned bit by bit I become aware that this was by no means from the war. However, these activities, although the case .. .the number of people succumbing to supported by traditional leaders, did not go down spirit mediumship was increasing, churches were well with government who then sent soldiers to burnt and stoned .. .It become quite clear that tra evict her. After a bloody battle the spirit medium ditional beliefs and practices were related to the was evicted. This indicated clearly that govem rise of African nationalism' (Peter Fry cited in ment was prepared to use force against the local Ranger 1985, p. 187). communities in order to regain what was seen Gelfand (1959), Abraham (1966) and Lan (1985) as a national symbol ofunity. Sophia's c)aim to also allude to this revival in traditional religion. stay at Great Zimbabwe is shared by most of the Spirit mediums such as Nehanda, Chaminuka local people. ChiefNemanwa shares the need to and Kaguvi became nationally important 5 .1. Introduction 5.2. Dry-stone structures The National Museums and Monuments Act of The Great Zimbabwe ruins are situated in a re Zimbabwe promulgated in 1972 sets out the le gion with an abundance of stone. Large outcrops gal provisions of protecting the prehistoric ru of rock occur throughout the region and are char ined monuments of Zimbabwe. The act also acteristic features of the landscape. The rock is brings Great Zimbabwe under national adminis medium-to coarse-grained granite. The rock is tration and the state is responsible for its preser fresh (not decaying or decomposing) and conse vation and presentation through the statutory quently very strong. The Upper and lower faces organisation of National Museums and Monu of blocks are fairly regular but are frequently ments. This chapter attempts to highlight some curved and converging. The blocks are predomi ofthe problems associated with the preservation nantly from naturally formed slabs taken from and presentation of Great Zimbabwe. It also gives the granite outcrops. These slabs originate from a brief introduction to the physical condition of stress releases within the rock mass (Rodrigues the monument that up to now has been the focus & Manuelshagen 1987). When the overburden ofthe preservation efforts. The primary purpose is removed the rock mass expands in proportion is to show the link between the preservation of to the removed loads. When the expansion is the fabric of the ruins and the overall problems incompatible with the physical integrity of the of presentation of ruined structures. As already rock mass, the expansion is accomplished by the indicated, the important structures are built of development ofrupture surfaces inside the rock. stone and dhaka ( earth) materials. These have These rupture surfaces tend to be roughly paral their own structural problems and their different lel to the topography, which explains their gen behaviour has implications on trying to present tly curved appearance. The undisplaced slabs the monument as an integral entity. There are produced by this mechanism are thick and wide also exogenous factors, for example tourism, and some are several metres long. Weathering which also contribute to the deterioration of the agents like temperature and moisture changes can integrity ofthe site; these also have a hearing on accelerate the formation ofthese slabs and their the overall presentation of the cultural landscape. development. However, weathering agents, un This chapter also highlights some of the prob like pressure releases, tend to produce thinner lems associated with defining the monument as and shorter slabs. the stone and dhaka structures at the expense of Once the slabs were formed it was not diffi the totality of the cultural landscape. cult for the builders to break them into smaller 54 usable blocks for the construction of stone struc ing the extent of decay. Once lichens are grow tures. It has been suggested that using heating ing on a wall they produce a certain amount of and pouring water on them to promote rapid con decay. Nevertheless, the high quality of most of traction and subsequent breakage broke the slabs. the stone blocks significantly reduces the effects Recent experimental work has shown that there of this weathering agent. was no need for water; the heat generated could The !arge voids and the small number of con produce the desired results (Dube 1990). How tact points between blocks in the wall means that ever, an examination of the granite outcrops in water is not drawn in by capillary action. Further the borrow areas reveals fine examples of the more, rainwater drains through the walls, thus re broken slabs with very distinct features indicat ducing its potential as an agent of decay. It seems ing that percussion was used to produce some of unlikely that the weathering of the rock is a sig the blocks. Even though this could have been a nificant factor in the degradation ofthe structures. later development it is easy, cheap and more Nevertheless, while weathering has little signifi within the competence of the builders than the cance in the overall process of degeneration, its fairly complex heating and cooling process. The effect on some pieces ofthe stone located in criti heating and cooling method is undoubtedly more cal positions within the wall may promote dis expensive in terms oftime, Iabour and resources. tress in the structure and can trigger its collapse. As Rodrigues and Manuelshagen (1987) indi cate, the question of how the slabs were broken Stabil ity into usable blocks is of more than purely aca demic or archaeological interest. The two meth Certain characteristics of the stone blocks have ods suggested introduce different degrees of fis already been described but it is worth remem suring in the stones, which, in tum affects the bering those which affect the stability of the strength and durability of the blocks. structure. The construction procedures adopted by the original builders seem to be the main cause Weathering of most of the distress. An examination of a col lapsed wall reveals that the walls have one well Very few of the blocks are derived from moder defined stack of blocks in each externa! face. ate ly weathered outcrops but, even in such cases, These externa! stacks extended from the bottom they still have sharp edges and a high strength, to the top of the wall. The externa! faces of the suggesting that weathering has been insignifi wall at times look like a succession of pillars cant since they were placed in the wall. It is also made up ofblocks stacked one on top ofthe other, rare to see fractured granite blocks on the site. having poor linkage with either the interior or The most common occurrence of decay consists even laterally. This peculiarity in the construc in the peeling-off of small chips mainly along tion is further evidenced in some collapses where the edges and corners of the blocks. These fea only the outer skin has fallen down. This is also tures always occur in retaining walls for exam seen in some pronounced bulges where !arge ple in the Hill Complex. This peeling-off seems voids can be seen. In the interior of the walls to be a continuation of the natura! weathering blocks are placed with a tendency towards in mechanism of stress release but it is also assisted cipient coursing but the interlocking is often very by temperature and moisture fluctuations. poor. Frequently, these haphazardly placed Some natura1 outcrops and large boulders in blocks behave more like erratic agglomerations the Hill Complex showneat "taffoni" on the sur than self-supporting, interlocked block struc face. Their origin is linked to the lichen growths tures. The safety factor in such structures is very in the area. The base rock is initially colonised low and the minimum disturbance is enough to by lichens, which promote some decay around trigger a destabilisation and collapse. The main their hyphae, producing small pitches in the rock. manifestation of these failure mechanisms can Once these features have been created, then other be summarised as follows ( after Dickens & colonisers take advantage of them thus increas- Walker 1992): 55 Bulging- a section of stone blocks in the wall usually expected with such material, it seems protrude outwards to forma convex vertical pro cracks appear on the structure immediately after file in a previously plane wall face. Bulging in a construction. These tend to follow the joints be free standing wall is likely to result from distur tween the floors, fittings and on the wall. The bance of the core material. In a retaining wall cracks in contemporary structures are normally bulging may result from development of exces covered up Flate 5.1. Aloes in the Valley Enclosures. Flate 5.2. Trees in the Great Enclosure. •------58 its stability means that trees can grow within a discourage plant growth. The grids are ofdpe wall structure for a long time before collapse. mesh construction, usually comprise polypti)py By this time the wall will have been deformed !ene or polyethylene with carbon/black ultni.yi()+ and blocks moved out ofposition. In some cases let radiation inhibitors (Plate 5.4). Thus as f Plate 5.3. Tsindi monument: Tree stump and the resultant bulge. 59 the management of the estate (Nehowa 1997). The visitors cause damage to the site for exam Apart from the destruction oftrees which in tum ple by climbing on walls, walking over archaeo could lead to the exposure of archaeological logical deposits and over use of certain paths and material to erosion, the effects offire on the dry areas of the monument. Exarnples are the en stone and dhaka structures is doubtful. Veld fires trances to the Great Enclosure and the western are common in this area and after its abandon enclosure of the Hill Complex. Animals such as ment, Great Zimbabwe must have witnessed sev baboons and monkeys can cause the same prob eral bouts of them before the establishment of lems. However the Great Zimbabwe ruins are the modem management system. Veld fires rarely under continued pressure from the ever-increas bum at temperatures above 500 °C, and accord ing tourist industry. The monument has the ad ingly will have very minimal effect on the dry ditional problem !hat it isa basic tourist resource stone structures. It is however the prevention of and also an area of great archaeological and re fires and prohibition of harvesting dead wood search value each of which requires its ov.n par which leads to the accumulation of wood fuel ticular management techniques. which in tum increases the chances of a veld fire. As pointed out earlier, previous archaeologi The biggest cause of veld fires in the monument cal and preservation practice have also affected is supposed to be the surrounding local commu the preservation of the monument and hence its nities (Nehowa 1997) The villagers normally presentation. However, the general public par cause these fires when they clear land for culti ticularly the local community is perceived as one vation or when they collect firewood. In fäet of the major threats to the site by management. Nehowa's report applauds the eviction of peo Given what has happened at sites like ple from the nearby Morgenster farm because it Domboshava where archaeological sites have reduced the occurrence of fires. Thus even for been vandalised by local communities, perhaps the present day management at Great Zimbabwe, their fears are not unfounded (see Pwiti & the removal ofthe local community to as far away Mvenge 1996). The threats are in the form of from the monument as possible would be a wel poaching, cattle grazing, cutting down of trees come move to the present managers. for domestic use and the conducting of rituals Human effects: Because the site isopen to the on monument. The local communities have been public the visitors cause some ofthe problems. blamed for the perennial devastating veld fires 0 SO cm Flate 5. 4. Geotextile grids for stabilization afwal/s. 60 on the designated monument. Although not a toring component in areas identified in ( a) above, major threat to the fabric of the monument, the and to improve the effectiveness ofrecent work. local community frequent requests to conduct Besides the grid laying for the co-ordinate rituals on site are considered a nuisance by man system which can be done by precise triangula agement. There is also fear that the granting of tion, terrestrial photogrammetry is perhaps the such permission would involve National Muse most accurate documentation system suitable for ums in what they consider 'petty local politics' the periodic surveys. It will give the general (Matenga pers. comm.). Thus, in all preserva morphologyofthe surface ofthe structures and tion and presentation decisions, the local com an indication of the extent of defects. Further munity has always been seen as a threat to the more, it also allows fixing the structures and the survival of the monument. individual problems in a system of grid refer ence for easy access. Photogrammetry can also be used for the production of topographic maps 5.5. Recording and documentation and ground plans for archaeological remains. Whitty's (1961)P, Q, R styles have always pro Although potentially it could be used for precise vided fora systematic recording of the aesthetic monitoring, for a site like Great Zimbabwe this appearance ofthe dry-stone walls. This, together could be very expensive Its use should therefore with the fäet that walls abut each other and on be restricted to periodic surveys. However, the · dhaka structures, provides a chronological record cost of acquiring and maintaining the photo of how the monument was built and developed grammatric equipment makes this form of sur throughout the centuries. Potentiallythese archi vey far beyond the means of a developing coun tectural features at Great Zimbabwe, together try like Zimbabwe that will have to rely on do with excavated archaeological stratigraphy, pro nations for the acquisition of the technology. vide a historical documentation ofthe site. How Besides, photogrammetry needs highly skilled ever, preservation and heritage management technicians. Therefore, conventional survey tech practices demand a far more systematic record niques would be preferred as starting points for and documentation thanjust a chronological se the periodic documentation. For the day to day quence. The two essential guidelines in record monitoring of critical areas a combination of tri ing and documentation are accuracy and easy angulation and use of strain gauges should be access to the recorded data. A system of co-or sufficient to detect any serious movement. A dinates provides for such requirements at Great combination of basic mapping and precise re Zimbabwe given its size. Co-ordinates provide cording can also be used to obtain a warning for easy access and accurate checks on areas of system for the dhaka structures. However, be structural deformations, geometrical changes or cause one is dealing with largely indeterminate in the case of dhaka remains where mechanical structures, which have capabilities of readjust changes and deterioration of the landscape are ing to a new equilibrium, monitoring should be taking place. repeated regularly before any action of interven At Great Zimbabwe the documentation and tion is taken. Dismantling an existing structure recording system is two-fold in orderto cater for for the purpose of remedial action should be ex preservation needs: ecuted only when a scheduled plan of interven a) Survey to provide a co-ordinate system tion has been established. This insures that proper establishing the condition of the monwuent to recording and investigations take place. In 1994, be recorded. Such surveys on the condition of the Finnish government, as part of its contribu the site will provide an early warning sign to ar tion to the preservation of Great Zimbabwe un eas that may need intervention. This can also dertook an aerial and photogrammatric survey. provide a record of the nature of intervention and This resulted in the production of a Digital Ter its effectiveness in the long term. Such surveys rain Mode! (DTM) for the central area of the should be done periodically. monument, thus providing a base for which fu b) A recording system that provides a moni- ture condition surveys of the monument can be 61 ,:;;\ ..1 ..______62 made (Fig. 5 .1 ). It will be the base line against useful data upon which an assessment can be which any changes can be measured and identi made to see whether interventions are needed or fied. The aerial photographs together with the ter not. restrial photogrammetry plates give an accurate The monitoring scheme implernented on the status of the cultural landscape as it stood then. dry stone structures at Great Zimbabwe are It is important to emphasise the need for pre largely aimed at: intervention documentation and recording, not Identifying areas where significant pro only to show the condition of the structures but gressive movement and hence structural insta also to give an indication of the likely problems. bility was occurring. No practical measures ofintervention should be Quantifying the movement and structural undertaken in relation to the monument without instability. an intimate knowledge of that property. Such Identifying causes of deterioration. knowledge can only be acquired by archaeologi Assessing levels and extent of required cal research recording and the surveys mentioned corrective intervention measures. above. Photography is perhaps the most impor Several methods were tried as monitoring tant and simplest visual method, which provides schemes. Old and new photographs were com for a diachronic and synchronic record of the pared in order to identify the recent developrnent monument. Fortunately for Great Zimbabwe, an ofbulges or collapses. Some ofthe photographs archive ofphotographs taken between l S90 and had been taken Documentation & Survey of Cultural Property Assessment · of physical, Field Observation chemical & & documentation of structural potential problems characteristics befining' the preservation problems and issues Mcmitoring' ·.• 11111111 of . prob,1.ems·. and ····field ~auses $.• I .- research .· -problems· f~~~i1f~f~~f~~1I~~~~ Ass'essinel'lt ·· · of i Fi ·p~ssl~t~ l SeleC:tiån • ot\• Fp;e1 No action Application of p()ssible recommended .... ! treatment ~~~Yrf5i~i:!'\\~~~A~~i?ir\r~'lfi~•• Monitoring of -.J recommended fift. ,:~.,•• action Further research Figure 5.2. General preservation process implemented al Great Zimbabwe and related sites. 64 Monitoring schemes using demountable demec to exarnine and evaluate possible causes of the strain gauges and triangulation survey were in instability. To ensure an authentic reconstructiöil troduced. Gauge points are mounted into small of the stone wall, the wall face was mapped 31:\d drilled, stainless steel discs affixed to the sur each face block colour coded. However, once th~ face of stone blocks and readings are taken be wall was dismantled no quick solution could he tween them at regular intervals of time (Hendry found on howto deal with it and for several year~; 1977; Hume 1989). The discs are placed in pairs the wall could not berestored. At this stage n:ot" across horizontal and vertical joints in the wall, much knowledge was available on the mech:iP. one discon each block on either side ofthe joints. nisms of deterioration and collapse of these Faee of Line of butress granite outerop Steps ut into granit&- 200 mm Figure 5.3. Steps cut into granite. 66 Concrete steps Height of step200 mm Figure 5.4. Concrete steps. as retrogressive and unproven myths. Experimental Yard. In addition the lack of expe C) Doweling blocks: A number ofbase blocks rience and of detailed specifications on how the could be fixed to the granite using small diam geogrid was to be used meant that its introduc eter dowels. The doweled blocks would need to tion would have been on an experimental basis. be bedded on cement mortar and the remainder The long term allowable strength of the geogrid placed on dhaka wedges was unknown. However, it is known that its The preservation team on site at Great Zim strength could be influenced by the construction, babwe was to implement the outlined solutions. the sustained-load ( creep) and chemical and bio It was made clear that from an engineering point logical polymer degradation. of view solution (A) of cutting the granite slope During the mid 1980s a number of short walls would be preferred. Apart from the suggestions had collapsed and had been restored by the tradi to strengthen the foundation of the Buttress En tional stone mason. A method of recording the trance, the engineers suggested the use of geogrid · structures by photographs and planning frames to strengthen the wall structure. The geogrid had been introduced. Whenever a wall collapsed, would be laid horizontally at several courses and any available old photographs would be retrieved this would reduce the movement of individual and assessed to evaluate how much of the origi blocks. All these solutions would eliminate or at nal stone remained and whether there was suffi least minimise the need to constantly maintain cient historical evidence for a restoration by the and repair the structures. Apart from introduc stone mason. In the case of those walls in danger ing new material, Doweling individual blocks of collapsing the blocks would be colour coded, could not guarantee structural stability. photographed and mapped. Before the disman Against the background of the preservation t!ing ofthe Terrace Platform and the But+.ress En principles the options given by the engineers trance this procedure ofrecording had been fol were then evaluated. All three options presented lowed. During the dismantling further documen serious problems. Apart from the above factors, tation was taken to ensure accuracy in accordance it was also felt that the necessary experience in with archaeological and preservation ethics. Given introducing these radical interventions was not the fäet that the traditional stone masons had in available, at Ieast at Great Zimbabwe. Preference the past only dealt with smaller structures, there would have been to try these methods first in the was some hesitation in trying them on this But- 67 tress Entrance. However, since none of the rec also be seasonal. However, no serious rnovernent ommended options was consistent with preser has been recorded on these sections. vation principles it was decided that the walls be restored using the original method of construc The Western Entrance tion and with no introduction of new material. Archival records were also consulted. The Great Enclosure has three entrances and all With the Buttress Entrance wall the same pro of them were restored inaccurately before 1915 cedure was followed. The task ofreconstruction by S. Claire Wallace as open entrances. From was made relatively easier by the fäet that the the observations made by Carl Mauch (Burke wall had not yet collapsed and documentatio n 1969) and by Ben! (1892) the main entrances to had been carefully completed. However, the the Great Enclosure and the Hill Complex were foundation presented practical problems since it lintelled. The lintels were either ofwood or stone. was on sloping granite bedrock. During the procc There is clear evidence that at least two of the ess of dismantling it had been noted that clay Great Enclosure entrances had wooden lintels'. (dhaka) had been used to wedge theföundation From the monitoring program the Western Ene blocks into position. The same process was fol trance of the Great Enclosure had shown con lowed. Whilst the introduction of clay could tinuous movement which had resulted in a bulge. potentially lead to problems in future, it played The engineers from Loughborough University an important role in ensuring stability ofthe wall advised that the wall would evenrually collapse Flate 5.5. The restored Western Entrance to the Great Enclosure. 68 graphy of the monument. It was felt that the res rated in the structures. It is also important that toration of this wall offered an opportunity to we allow the maximum. amount of existing ma rehabilitate the entrance with a lintelled one terial to be retained whenever possible. These (Matenga 1996), thus correcting the misconcep principles ensure that we do not build a new de tion which many visitors ·seem to have about the sign to replace the original. After all people want Great Enclosure entrances. The primary obliga to see the original (Price 1990; Molina-Montes tion in this restoration work was the national leg 1982). islation, as well as intemational conventions such However, although the principles of conser as the much criticised Venice Charter (see Larson vation may be universal, intervention at each 1994; Lawenthal 1996; Sullivan 1985). The other ruined structure or site depends on the local cir consideration was the ' visiting publie' to whom cumstances. The solution must arise out of the the action was to be explained (Matenga 1996). ethos and social enviromnent of the particular The restoration used traditional stone masons for culture we are seeking to preserve. The method the greater part of the work. However, the and the degree of intervention depend on the wooden lintels were not load hearing. Stone values we assign to the site. We have to consider beams were used in order to stabilise the entrance the significant cultural, archaeological and any (Plate 5 .5). other values of the site. In the case of Great Zim The idea of remaining faithful to the methods babwe and related monuments, the significance of the original builders ensures that the restored of the dry stone architecture is central. Whilst area is as authentic ås possible. It limits the intro all aspects of the site have to be considered as a duction of new materiats. The method also en whole in order to appreciate the historical sig sures that violation of preservation principles as nificance ofthe site. It cannot be denied that it is laid down by the various intemational statutes is the fäet ihat this AfricanFarming community had minimised. It is important to note that most radi the ability to build such monumental architec cal interventions require expensive equipment and ture using stones without mortar that makes it a high leve! of technical expertise to implement. unique. The concept of dry -stonewalling is in Most organisations which manage archaeologi many ways synonyinous with the Great Zimba cal sites cannot afford such solutions. bwe site. This should have a hearing in deciding the method and degree of intervention. We should assess whether the method of interven 5. 7. Preservation process tion coulc;i..possibly violate the significance of Choosing the appropriate intervention option has the site (Sullivan 1985; Crosby 1984). It is as to follow preservation principles. Before any sumed that when conserving Great Zimbabwe intervention, the historical evidence should be type sites the idea is to preserve the concept of a fully recorded and should not be destroyed, fal prehistoric society's historical an_d architectural sified or removed. This implies that intervention achievements. This should not however, be con be the minimum necessary and should be gov fused with advocating a policy of" conserve as erned by unswerving respect for the aesthetic, found" which can inhibit appropriate interven historical and physical integrity of the structure tion to the extent of losing the site. Apart from or site (Feilden 1982; Price 1990). The interven the conservation principles, the attitude and tion should also be reversible iftechnically pos views of the local community must be respected. sible. This may be difficult ai--id in many cases it Great Zimbabwe Monument piays an important has been found to be impossible to achieve. Many function in the cultural and socio-economic life physical interventions might be reversible in of the local people. For example, 6.1. Introduction The approach followed here starts from a need to understand the dynamics and historical devel In the previous chapter it was demonstrated that opment ofthe present-day cultural landscape in the concentration on architectural and archaeo order to arrive at its present cultural significance logical features at the core of the site ofGreat rather thanto understand better the detailed func Zimbabwe does not clearly define the important tions and appearance of landscapes in the past. aspects of this cultural heritage. It was also The objective is to demonstrate that at any given pointed out that the local community is uneasy time the cultural landscape is not static. This with some of the solutions. The suggested solu implies that the definition of Great Zimbabwe tions although conforming to intemational stand as a cultural place is always changing. The per ards as outlined in UNESCO charters can be ceptions too are ever changing given both cul described as 'technofixes' that show little under tural and political influences. The approach also standing ofthe real complexities underlying the aims at giving a better understanding of what dynamics of cultural landscapes. The principles the cultural landscape is. This then leads to the of preservation as espoused by ICOMOS and development of methods of understanding the ICCROM do not take into consideration the current landscape in archaeological terms and of socio:cultural matrix in which the monument is assessing its cultural values in order to guide the situated. These solutions usually treat the monu decisions in the management ofthe cultural prop ment as a museum object to be curated and sepa erty and its landscape. Documenting and under rated from the larger cultural environmental con standing cultural landscapes is irnportant for text. In order to begin addressing this fundamen preservation and presentation of cultural prop tal aspect, this chapter discusses the cultural land erty because without it, the cultural significance scape on which the site is situated and how this remains incornplete. has developed. The cancern here is not only to Landscape research varies widely from the offer a diachronic synthesis, but also to show that systematic/scientific enviromnental reconstruc at a_ny given moment the immediate !andscape tion approaches of Rossignol and Wa.'1dsnider would have been of cultural importance. The (1992), to historical ecological approaches which primary objective ofthis part ofthe research was look at the environrnent as cumulative human to generate an understanding of the evolution modification effects (Balee 1998; Crumley 1994; ary dynamics that have shaped and continue to Whitehead 1998), to the phenomenological per structure the social-cultural landscape on which spectives of Tilley (1994) and Bender (1992). Great Zimbabwe is located. The latter also explores the cultural meanings '------72 associated with a landscape and the metaphors kilometres uf dense forests, provide a catchment and symbolism through which meanings are ex area that protects drinking sources and provide pressed. In this chapter the landscape is seen as herbs for medicinal purposes. These groves and an arena ofpolitical discourse, not as something forests are protected through a system oftaboos already understood hut socially constructed and and customs provided by the custodianship of hence subject to continuous reinterpretation ( e.g. five villages. Thus it becomes difficult to sepa Hewison 1987; Bender 1993; McGlade 1999). rate nature from culture (Amoaka-Atta 1995). In terms of definition, cultural landscapes are The landscape is also a communal resource. It geographic areas that include both cultural and should be pointed out that the focus of this the natura! resources and are associated with historie sis on cultural resources is in a sense artificial, developments, events, and activities or exhibit as a discussion of this resource is intricately in cultural values. Culture exists in people's minds, tertwined with the use and control of other re not on the ground. However, the activities, which sources such as water, soil, forests and grasslands shape the landscape maybe culturally, con The monuments on the landscape can also be struct.ed (Mulk & Bayliss-Smith 1999). In prac seen as a cultural mnemonics-monumentally con tical terms cultural landscapes consist oftopog nected with local communities and organizations. raphy; vegetation, structures and settlements. Monuments canalso be seen as permanent mark Tilley ( 1994) suggests five classifications of . ers on the landscape interpreted and dealt with in space through which identities of place are con many different ways after they were built in pre structed. somatic, perceptual, existential, archi history. This relationship between landscapes, tectural and cognitive space. Heritage manage monuments and cultures occurs continuously and ment always engages with all forms ofthese in cannot be seen as frozen at a particular moment terwoven spaces. In most cases cultural land This in many ways challenges the whole basis of scapes subsume three vital concepts for heritage authenticity in setting as expounded by the World management. Heritage Convention (1972). - Nature as fundamental heritage in its own The cultural landscape created at Great Zim- right. . babwe includes both intentional and uninten - Enviromnent as the setting ofhuman actions. tional enviromnental modifications. Intentional Sense of place as awareness of local differ changes include the erection of the monument ences and cultural links with specific phenom and the interna! management regulations which enon on the landscape. These could be tangi were put in place from 1902 through the various . ble or intangible. legislation. The unintentional include the vari All this leads to awareness of natura! and cul ous effects of continued farming activities and turaCcomplexity and the stewardship needs of the effects of land appropriation and redistribu the landscape. This landscape provides an im tion. The use of parts of the monument as cattle portant dimension for understanding and expe pens at the turn of the century, the construction riencing the larger contexts - landscapes are cre oftourist facilities, the setting up of a golf course ated by people. Thus landscape can be viewed or the construction of a water reservoir are all as part of the cosmology of a people. In most intentional events, which have left their mark on African societies there is no distinction between the cultural landscape. It has to be pointed out nature and creator and no sharp separation be that the cultural landscape around Great Zimba tween humanity and nature. The trees, moun bwe has evidence of human occupation for all tains, rocks, forests and animals are treated as the major archaeological periods extending from part ofhuman life. They too are supposed to have hunting and gathering communities of several a soul. Thus the landscape provides for the in millennia BC to the farming communities of re terplay of the human and natura! species in a cent historical times. The focus on the monu shared enviromnent. For example in Ghana the ment does not mean that other earlier or later sacred groves of Tali which covers 25 square landscapes are unimportant. '!f I 73 6.2. Data collection beyond this, the objective here was to study the immediate impact on the management of the The recording and classification of archaeologi monument. As pointed out by Sinclair (1987) cal sites in the past has concentrated on discrete the information from the database from Archaeo si tes usually identified by a six-figure grid refer logical Survey has !imitations in terms of accu ence which refers on a map to an area approxi racy and sample bias. This is particularly so when mately 100 by 100 meters. This translates to a trying to evaluate settlement size and socio-eco dot in real terms with a defined location but with nomic relationships among si tes in the same lo no defined boundary. These ": 0 '"• ·20 30' 30° 45' 31° 45' Flate 6.1. The cu/tural ländscape and research area in November 1999 (Land sal 7). 75 same period the monumental architecture at diate vicinity. By looking beyond the walls we Great Zimbabwe began to be constructed. At one begin to have a clearer definition of what the level it seems as if the monumental structures monument is about and how we can interpret and were built to imitate the natura! distinctive fea present the cultural landscape. tures on the landscape like granite boulders. The spatial layout of Great Zimbabwe and Some ofthe boulders were even iucorporated into other Madzimbabwe tradition sites has been the some ofthe stone enclosures thus forming a sym subject of considerable discussions (Sinclair biotic relationship between natura! and cultural 1987; Mahachi 1991; Huffinan 1997). Sinclair creations. Nature was incorporated into newer (1984) and Garlake (1978) have alluded to the structures as they provided a source of social possibility of transhumance at Great Zimbabwe power in the form of monumental architecture. extending the catchment area to more than 40 Not only did the stone structures resemble the km. Cattle grazing played a major part in deter natural granite boulders they were obviously mining relationships with the natura! environ constructed out of raw material that could be ment. Most archaeologists (see Garlake 1973; obtained from outcrops of this kind. The granite Mahachi 1991; Chipunza 1994) seem to agree boulders, outcrops and shelters would have that the building was not planned and represents played a crucial ro le in human perceptions ofthe a series of events rather than a single one. How world. The connection ofthe rock boulders and ever, whether it was intentional or unintentional, shelters with rainmaking and Mwari belief sys the construction of the monumental architecture tem is well established (Beach 1982; Ranger and the associated settlement appears to have had 1999). It is no coincidence that the other most a tremendous impact on the landscape develop important religious place to the Shona, the ment from henceforth. The effects on the sur Matopo (Matonjeni) landscape is characterized rounding landscape which might result in the by natural granite boulders, outcrops, caves and modification of the area due to agriculture, cut shelters. ting and burning ofwood for domestic and met The effects of the resultant settlement and as allurgical purposes is debatable. Metallurgy is sociated landscape modification were largely well attested with reports of iron smelting and owing to the heavy population concentration. gold working (Hall 1905; Caton-Thompson Another sign of incremental population growth 1931;Ndoro 1994). Theexcavationofdhakafor is the development of buildiug platforms on the building however, did leave physical impressions slops of the hill (Fig. 6.3). Apart from the cen iu the form of dug out pits. The relative absence tral areas of Great Zimbabwe, evidence of set of vegetation in some parts of Great Zimbabwe tlement has been found on a number of small today might be explained through the !arge con hills that surround the designated monument. centration of population. However, as indicated This evidence is in the form of exposed walls, below this fails to explain why the enclosures the remains of dhaka walls, ceramics and were overgrown by the l 900s, unless there was middens. This evidence is important because it a deliberate policy to remove vegetation and confirms Garlake's (1973) and Sinclair's (1987) make sure that it does not grow outside the en suggestions that the stone walling must be closures. If we assume that the core area was viewed merely as one component of a building effectively occupied for at least 200 years, the technology, a component for which most evi vegetation would have recovered over the 400 dence happens to have survived. Very little ar years after occupation. This seems to have hap chaeological work has been done on most of pened with the areas inside the enclosures. these peripheral settlements. However, the de It has been indicated from the archaeological termination of the interna! socio-political and research conducted so far that !arge population temporal relationships of the component parts movements possibly accompanied the decline of of Great Zimbabwe is as important as finding Great Zimbabwe (Garlake 1973; Beach 1980). the relationships between this complex and the This is also supported by existing oral traditions smaller walled and unwalled sites in the imme- (Abraham 1966, Robinson 1966). The reasons ...... ______l r --i °' 31 .3J .3J il EartyStone Age ,.. Midde Stone ~ ., Late Stone Age * Rock Paintings o Unclassified stone Age sites /\/ Rivers 0 Great Zimbabwe /\/ Contot.rS N + 31 10 0 10 20 Kilometers Figure 6.1. Distribution oj Stone _Agesites in the study area. 31 -20 "'° ,. Early Fanning Conmlllities !V' Rivers @ Great Zimbab111.e l\j Contoll"S N + 31 1n O 10 20 Kilometers Figure 6.2. Distribution oj Early Farming Communities (c. 200-900) in the study area. --J --J =·-·- "------'""'-'- _,..,,.__ ..___., .. " ______"~-~ _, _____----- 78 6 N - AD 300-900. ~ c{\D 1QOO iml:AP1150-13QO ~AD f300-1450 ~~-La. t~.'.O.. ccupation ~SCale "/S,/Perii:n~ter W,all I\; Bopnd_ary of Moryu_ment~ ·O 200m Figure 6. 3. Developments at the centre ofthe Great Zimbabwe monument (After Sinclair et al. 1993b). for the decline of Great Zimbabwe have been 6.4. The cultural landscape after the partly explained in terms of ecological problems. Tills explanation is virtual!y indisputable. The 19th century argument isthat the local environment collapsed Apart from the archaeological survey data, the because of over-exploitation in every essential information on the situation after 1800 is com aspect of subsistence agriculture. It just failed to plemented by oral interviews and also by pub cope with the concentration ofpeople. However, lished reports by same European travellers. These if the archaeological sites from this period are sources clearly document a vibrant and dynarnic reliable indicators of occupation it appears the but contested landscape. area continued to attract large-scale populations From the archaeological survey data for the (Fig. 6. 4). The settlements appear to have been period after 1800 (generally referred to as Ref smaller but right up to the 1800s !arge concen uge but hereafter as Terminal Zimbabwe), the trations seem to have been the norm around Great area around Great Zimbabwe was again densely Zimbabwe. Once the monumental structures populated (Fig. 6. 5 & Fig. 6. 6). Mauch and Bent were constructed, it appears the area become a also corroborate this high population density major attraction of settlements. Although the ,_ ..3) ..3) "'- * Late FarmingCorrmunities NRivers @ GreatZiml:abwe NContours +N 31 10 o 10 20 Kilometers Figure 6.4. Distribution oj Later Farming Communities (c. 900-1700 AD) in the study area. --.:i '-0 Il 31 00 0 .3) .3) ®> Tenrinal Zirrbabv.eSites /\/Rivers @ GreatZirrbabwe /\/ Contours N + 31 10 O 10 20 Kilorrders Figure 6.5. Distribution ofsites during the Terminal Zimbabwe phase in the study area. 31 .,a) .,a) • HistoricalPlaces /\/Rivera @ Great Zirrbabv.e /\/ Contoors +N 31 1n 1o 20 Kilon-eters ·~,....~""""""'...... iOiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiil Figure 6.6. Distribution ofhistorical places around Great Zimbabwe (post 1800). -00 -~~·"--"""'-.,-'"'""''2":=-~.::;:..~_:::c- --~ ::...... '-~-- 82 from this it appears that the landscape at Great Bent (1892, p. 31) wrote: Zimbabwe was a contested one with the victor 'All the people and tribes around Zimbabwe ... and occupying the monument and hence controlling this is the most populous part of the whole coun access. Mauch again confirms that Mugabe's try ... call themselves by one name ... '. relative Haruzivishe had become the high priest Oral and published data suggest that l 9th cen ofthe monument even though the group had ar tury settlements were generally !arge and occu rived in the area fairly late. During the late 1800s pied hilltop locations and that a lot of farming it appears access to the monument was not strictly was going on in this area (Palmer 1977; Beach limited. Bent witnessed on several occasions that 1977; Bhila 1982). Collett's excavations at cattle were grazing within the monument and that Goose Bay site also confirm the location and size people were being buried within the monument of the Terminal Zimbabwe phase settlements itself particularly on the hill. Chief Mugabe's (Mahachi 1991 ). brother even lived on the hill at Great Zimba There is both oral and documental evidence bwe but not in the stone enclosures. to the effect that the local communities in these However the armexation of Great Zimbabwe areas were subject to Ndebele raids ofthe nine by the BSA Company and its subsequent impo teenth century. The settlement location I Church, which had grabbed the land adjacent to monument it was clear !hat ceremonies or ritu the monument. This led to mass movement of als held within the monument were regarded as populations to other areas. The mass movement far more important and desirable. However given also continued In 1961 when the Kyle Dam was the blariket prohibition of such activities they had built and the Kyle Game Park was designated. to look for other sites to enable them to commu More than three-quarters of the land !hat origi nicate with their ancestors. nally was being contested by Mugabe, Duringthis project a limited study ofthe veg Charumbira and Nemanwa people had been !ost etation growing in the Great Zimbabwe estate to the government by 1970. Areas around the were identified and their effects on the preser monument become private property. Above all, vation of the site were evaluated in Chapter 5. they had lo st all access and control of Great Zim Here the net effect on the management of veg babwe. etation on the site will be re-examined in the context of the development of the cultural land scape. The research into the vegetation in part 6.5. Vegetation was aimed at assessing the changes that have A major component of any cultural laridscape is taken place on the monument in the last 100 the vegetation, which plays an important part in years. It was also felt that vegetation more than the overall preservation and presentation of any anything else would indicate lasting effects on monument. Some trees in Shona tradition have the landscape. Thus the intention was to study special roles as intermediaries with the divine. the presence or absence of certain species. Some F orests are considered the home of the Historically, vegetation has been seen as a spirits and become sacred. The importance of major problem for the stone structures from both trees is especially interesting in African mythol esthetical and conservation points of view. The ogy, either as a single tree or as a species, each early travellers who visited the place commented with special attributes or more broadly as sacred on the vegetation and this also marked the be woods or forests. The relationship between na ginning of vegetation clearance. The creation of ture and culture is also important. Shona resource the golf course in 1960 and the settingup ofvisi management finds natura! expression in environ tor facilities led to the clearing of many areas in mental knowledge, technical and ritual practices. the core area of the monument. The clearing of Resource management is embedded in the be vegetation on the si te was one of R. N. Halls lief systems which have in tum contributed to principle activities. Subsequent curators who the conservation, sustainable use ofboth cultural followed him also continued this practice. and natura! resources. Usually shrines represen! Carl Mauch complained that the dense veg a quintessential natura! source of culture; the two etation hampered his work on site: are inseparable, so that human society has no meaning without the rocks, the pools, the caves 'However, the ruined walls were hidden to such and the trees and they in tum are given meaning an extent by trees, !horns, nettles, creepers, shrubs, only by the residence among !hem human be grass and dry branches, that I had to do the sketch ings (Ranger 1999). In the area around Great without accurate measurements'. Zimbabwe the Nemanwa, Charumbira and From his writing we can identify the major spe Mugabe peop!e do have trees, which are consid cies of trees present on site (Tab!e 6.1 ). ered important in communicating with the an This can be compared with Bent's a few years cestors. Some ofthese areas are within the pres later who add the following (Table 6.2). ently designated monument. N o sacred forests We however, have to bear in mind that these exist for any of the groups but individual trees people were not interested in the vegetation and or species seem to be significant. For example in most cases were not able to identify some of Parinari curatelifolia (Muhacha). Some of the the species present. In 1997 when the present trees were indicated to the writer. Although trees investigations were done the following tree spe could be used for such purposes outside the cies were identified (Table 6.3). 84 Table 6.l. Identification ofmajor species oftrees in Great Zimbabwe after Carl Mauch's writing Scientific Name ShonaName Ndebele Name Uses Afze/ia quanzensis Mukamba Umkamba Wood carving Albizia arianthifolia Mucherenje Artabotrys branypetalus Mudavashoko Umthabilila Brachystegia glaucescens Muunze Umbuze General purpose wood Brachystegia spiciformis Musasa Igonde General purpose wood Canna indica Grewia sp. Maerua angolenis Ibiswa, Umfusamvu Markhamia acuminata Mugopa, Mudyamhara Umpetakwale Rothmanniafischeri Table 6.2. T. Bent's identification (adding to the species in Table 6.1) Scientific Name ShonaName Ndebele Name Uses Alsophia capensis Euphorbia sp. Mukonde Umhlonhlo Medicinal purposes Protea repeus Table 6.3. Results of inventory of tree species in Great Zimbabwe 1997 Scientific Name ShonaName Ndebele Name Uses A cacia karoo Mubayamhodoro Is inga Medicinal Alibizia amara Muora Umbola Washing soap & medicinal Alibizia gummifera Munjerenge Aloe chabaudii Aloe excelsa Gavakava, Ruvati Inhlaba Medicinal (treatment of woods) Annona senegalensis Muroro Ibubesi Medicinal Antidesma venosum Mushambarahwahwa Berchemia disco/ar Munyi Umnyiyi Edible fruits Brachylaena rotundata Mukapamabwe Umphahla, Umngebe General purpose Celtis africana Murima, Mugara Umdhlautu Delosperma mahoni Diospyros mespiliformis Mushuma Umdlawuzo Edible fruits & timber Dovyalis caffra Tsoritsoto Umgokolo Edible fruits Erythrina abyssinica Mutiti Umgqogqogqo ''f 85 I I I Table 6.3. Continuation Scientific Name ShonaName Ndebele Name Uses Ficus burkei Mutsamvi Intenjane Edible fruits Ficus capei1sis Mukuyu Umkhiwa Edible fruits Flacourtia indica Mududwe Umthunduluka Edible fruits Gardeniajovis-tonantis Mutara Umvalasangwana Carving ornaments & medicinal Lannea edulis Mustambatsi Intakubomvu Lannea disco/ar Mushamba Isigangatsha General purpose timber Lantana camara Mbarapati Ubuhobi besikhiwa Maytenus undata Iqayi emhlope Meteropyxis dehniae Mimusops zeyheri Muchechete Umbumbulu Edible fruits Nemesia zimbabweres Obertia tenax Ozoroa reticulata Mugaragunguwo Isafice Fuel Parinari curatellifolia Muhacha Umkhuna Edible fruits, communica- tian with the spirit world Pericopsis angolensis Muvanga Umbanga General purpose timber & medicinal Piliostigma thonningii Musekesa Ihabahaba Pods eaten and roats used for medicinal purposes Podrana brycei Gwebwa Polypodium polypodiodes Pomheya rosea Sclerocarya caifra Mapfura Umganu Fruits (made inta intoxicating drink) Solanecia mannii Strychnos cocculoides Mutamba Umkhemethswane Fruit & medicinal Syzgium cordatum Mukute Umdoni Fruit il' Trema guineenisis Mufefeti Gun powder Uapaca kirkiana Muzhanje Umhobohobo Fruit/Charcoal Vangueria infausta l\1unzvirv,1a Umthofu Fruit Vernonia myrianthia Vetexpayos Mutsubvu Umishwankela Edible fruits Ximenia caffra Muntengeni Ziziphus mucronata Muchecheni Note: Source for Shona and Ndebele names 'A Rhodesian Botanical Dictionary ofAfrican and English Plant names 'Wild, H. (ed.) 1972. 86 Apart from the indigenous vegetation, some it the impression of an uncared-for monument. exotic trees have also been introduced on the Efforls to eliminate the weed using herbicides landscape as indicated in Chapter 5. The exotic have met with only partial success. This might trees disturb and also distort the esthetical ap be owing to the methods of application. pearance of the !andscape. As a result of their Given the controlled management of vegeta introduction some indigenous species disappear tion within the estate several observations can be or no longer do very well owing to competition. made. The management system pertaining to the The main exotit species are the J acaranda (Jaca fauna and flora in the estate has followed the na randa mimosifolia) the Eucalyptus and the tional park management systems. This normally Lantana camara. These species were introduced assumes that the subsistence methods of the in over many years by various management regimes digenous communities ignore the ecological car at the monument. Apart from introduction of rying capacity threshold of the area. This in tum exotic trees, certain indigenous species were destroys the natural equilibrium that had existed encouraged and helped to propagate in order to between people and nature. They completely for create a particular scenery. For example, the His get that before colonialism nature and people co torie Monuments Commission encouraged the existed in the area from time immemorial. Cordell propagation oftheAloe excelsa. An aloe garden (1993) has even suggested that the implementa was even created for the visitors. This was sup tion ofprotective legislation can be characterized posed to create a romantic scenery around the as a new wave of colonialism, which excludes monument. However, the aesthetic appearance people from their ancestral areas (Hitchcock 1990; of any monument is purely subjective Mueller Homewood & Rodgers 1987). There is mounting (1998) suggests that the same aloes create a evidence that many landscapes, which have his somewhat morbid atmosphere! Thus the result torically been considered as natural, and degrad ant landscape has been altered and reshaped by ing on account ofhuman impact are in fäet depre the successive heritage management regimes ciation because humans are excluded from the who have been in charge of the monument. This systems. This has been demonstrated on the is process is continuing even today with several land ofNew Guinea (Fairhead & Leach 1996) and rehabilitation programs being introduced ( see in Australia (Jones 1969). Research in Australia Nehowa 1997; Mueller 1998). There is no doubt is particularly interesting in that the distribution that the Jacaranda and the Eucalyptus trees were and diversity of Australian biota acrossthe conti deliberately introduced. The Jacarandas are nent are considered artefacts of Aboriginal peo mainly concentrated in areas where there are ples intentional management. This is also wit buildings, e.g. the curio shop, the museum, nessed in Namibia in the Nyae Nyae area where lodges and staff houses. It appears one of the the ecology is a result ofthe product of careful reasons for its introduction was to camouflage strategic buming. The local community the Ju/ the built up areas. The Eucalyptus trees are hoa:nsi argued that many places in the northem mainly concentrated in the built area as well as reaches ofNyae Nyae have degraded claiming that at the bottom of the Hill Complex particularly this is due to absence of a burning regime during on the western side. the colonial times (Powel 1998). Lantana camara might not have been delib According to the local eld ers in N emamwa, erately planted. The weed colonises !arge areas Mugabe and Chanunbira area fires play an im in a very short period of time. By 1980 almost portant role in grazing regeneration, germination 70% ofthe designated monument was infested of species and in bringing rain to the area. It is by this weed. The most affected area was the part of their subsistence system that has to be slope of the Hill Complex (see Sassoon 1982). done at some point during the year before the The problem with Lantana camara apart from planting season. Further more they argue that the destabilizingthe cultural material is that it makes absents of regular buming results in biomass parts of the si te inaccessible and al so affects the accumulation and this makes the area prone to aesthetic appearance of the monument. It gives veld fires which in tum destroy trees and expose 87 sacred places. In contrast to non-western land tion management by past management regirnes. users notions of fire, land managers subscribing Fire has Jong been part of the environment of to conventional scientific management principles what is now the monument. Lightning and in have only very recently began to realize the need digenous community burning practices have sig for· fires in maintaining an ecological balance. nificantly influenced the development of plant Fires within the estate were not allowed and as a and animal communities. In some flora! regimes result vegetation cover has increased. The con burning is a necessary component of maintain tinued non-burning of vegetation has created a ing vegetation balance; in others fires darnage dangerous situation. Any fires nowadays tend to significantly the possibilities of regeneration. be difficult to extinguish given the accumulated Some adapted to fire, some are dependent on it fuel over many years. This has created an artifi for their survival and others are destroyed by it. cial forest around Great Zimbabwe. Tills artifi Thus the present flora and to a !arge extent the cial forest has meant that considerable time and landscape has been altered over the past century funds have to be spent in fire prevention. Surely to the extent that it is now impossible to recreate before 1902 fires were part of forestry manage the original tandscape. ment in the area. The assumption has been that Of all the natura! resources at Great Zimba I the heat generated by the fires will affect the stone bwe, vegetation has been one ofthe most con :I walls. Thus fire management is seen as part of tentious issues. It has had a direct hearing on the the preservation strategies for the dry-stone wall system ofmanagement on the estate. Apart from ing. These policies have now led to a situation fuel wood, vegetation is important for grazing where the occurrence of fire becomes areal dan and the carving of curios. The fäet that the man ger to the cultural tandscape given the accumu agement system is geared towards the interests lation ofdead wood in the monument. Apart from of tourists has generated tension and animosity fires, certain species appear to have been targets with the Jocal communities. The local commu of previous administrators before 1980 a lot of nities are usually prohibited from harvesting veg the indigenous species were replaced with fast etation for fear that this will affect the aesthetics growmg ones. ofthe monument. The preservationist approach The concentration of high population in the has proved costly and difficult to police, as the designated communal areas has also led toa criti dispossessed local population who live around cal harvesting of trees in the areas around the the peripheries of the designated monument are monument for fuel. Recently the curio industry often forced because of resources scarcity to en fuelled by tourists who visit the monument has croach upon the protected areas. The protected led to depletion of some species. These seem to monument lead to shrinkage ofthe land resources be poached from the monument or national parks. accessible to the Jocal communities, they are As pointed out by Sinclair (1987) itappears that forced to modify their methods of subsistence most of the Brachystegia species are depleted which usually Jeads to unsustainable land use within the core area itself. This is perhaps partly practices (Deihl 1985). For example around due to a deliberate policy in the early 1960's to Great Zimbabwe overgrazing, soil exhaustion replace some ofthe trees with the.Aloe excelsa, and high population density isa major problem. which has flower and creates a romantic atrnos phere. The diverse vegetation of the monument re 6.6. Present setting flects the range of management systems, fire, At present the land surrounding Great Zimba rainfall and other environmental parameters bwe estate is still under different land holding present in the area. The insulation of the estate systems (Fig. 6.1 ). To the north there is the for the past 100 years from the outside commu Mutirikwe National Park (state land) and to the nities has largely contributed to the diversity and west is the communal land on which is the uniqueness of the flora. The flora also demon Nemanwa Growth Point. The land still remain strates a variety of responses to fire and vegeta- ing in the communal area is divided among 88 Chiefs Mugabe, Charumbira and Nemanwa. On • Grazing lands. (Cattle ownership is still re- the eastern side some commercial farms still garded as very important). exist, some of which have now been divided into • Wood harvesting for fuel and carving. smallholder plots. Some ofthe farms have been • Tourist facilities. earmarked for resettlement. To the south is the • At least five areas were identified as impor Dutch Reformed Church land used for educa tant for rituals and these included three trees. tional and limited farming purposes. However, • Burial areas. the whole area around Great Zimbabwe from It however emerged that the Hill Complex area 1980 has witnessed several 'squatter and evic was regarded as the mast sacred area. The con tion' problems. One of the suggested solutions cept of a sense ofbelonging toa place enshrined to the problem of 'squatters' and 'preservation' in religious and spiritual beliefs affects a com has been the idea of creating a buffer zone and munity's disposition towards the cultural land fencing off the designated area. NMMZ have scape. U sually the community cares for only been able to fence the area and this has resulted those materials and metaphysical elements that in the creation of an isolated estate managed and have direct significance to their spiritual appa administered as a no go area for the local com ratus. Same sites may be sacrosanct and unal munity. Both natura! and cultural resources in ienable, but other manifestations of the cultural the designated area are not legally available to landscape might be demolished or neglected as them. However, the local people have contested having no significance. The local communities the question of creating a buffer zone. For ex felt that the monument and its environs were ample in 1985 the Governor ofthe province told worth looking after and caring for. the people around the monument to move away Within the 10-km radius considered here, sev from the area since the monument was govem eral tourists' facilities have been established in ment property. The elder's reply was that they the past decade. The population around Great knew no boundaries in the past and therefore Zimbabwe has increased and the landscape has would not respect the buffer zone. also significantly changed through time. There In 1980 when the country become independ have also been new developments like the es ent, mass movements were witnessed around tablishment of curio markets and reduction in Great Zimbabwe with people moving inta the the area under cultivation. The developments National Park area for land. However, they were related to tourism have also led to the growih of quickly evicted. Apart from the question of short a semi urban area at Nemanwa growth point. The age of land, Great Zimbabwe has also become growth has been fuelled by the need to provide an economic attraction with many people want housing to the various tourist enterprises which ing to settle around it in search of employment have been established. This has led to demands opportunities. It is no wonder then that the area for modem installations like water reservoirs and around it has been subject to squatter problems were evenlocated in the monument itselfin 1998. and the mushrooming of unplanned settlements. This was done without any impact assessment The shortage of grazing and farming land does of the construction of the reservoirs on the cul not seem to deter would be settlers. tural landscape. The perceived economic gains Fieldwork observations and inquiries on the from provision of tourist services goes back to current situation produced five general land and the 1890's as witnessed by Bent (1892). This has natura! environmental categories that were continued to the present. However there is clear viewed as essential for consideration in the man evidence that in times ofdrought, e.g. 1992, more agement of the cultural · landscape near Great than 90 % of families within the study area were Zimbabwe. These are: dependent on providing various services to the • Cultivation (this was considered important but tourist industry. These have transformed the cul observations were that very few families de tural landscape in several ways. As indicated on pended on crop cultivation). the satellite image (Plate 6.1 taken November ll 1111Oense vegetation · !1t::tllli'iRocky & sandy. area D Sparse vegetation I > I Vegetation cleared areas + ·:20°10' 0 ~ W~~ Figure 6. 7. Land classification based an the landsat 7 images taken in November 1999 (see Plate 6.1). 00 \() -,---===------~·--- 90 1999) the comrnunal areas are overgrazed and hood. Thus Great Zimbabwe is not just about a have had a depletion of vegetation cover ( see Later Farming Community civilization, but also · ! .; Fig. 6.7 on land clasifical based on the satellite about people who live around it today. The trans~ image) However, this has not been the case with fer tö state ownership of much of the cultura! the area designated as the national monument property and the land resulted in displacement and private land. Part ofthe National Park north ofpeople and also led to local disempowermen{. of the monument has sparse vegetation due to with regard to the control and access to the monu~/ the fäet that until J 9,84 the area had squatters ment. This also led to new management systems: and now it is begiunirtg to recover. To the east of of the cultural landscape. For a long time now • the monument are areas which have recently the new heritage management systems have come under resettlementprograms and although given credibility to the position that local knowl" ' these were established lc;:ss than ten years ago, edge and local concepts of protecting the cul" vegetation cover is fast disappearing (Fig. 6.8). tural landscape (as well as.t~e ecological sys tems) are a result of superstltiolis and of subjec tive interpretation. They seem to support Mali 6.7. DiscussfÖil' nowski 's (1954) discredited assertion the indig The particular behaviour of the people towards enous comrnunities interests in totems and ta a monument in a given social and historical con boos is inspired by nothing more than the text is informed by their collective understand rumblings oftheir stomachs (Powell 1998). ing of the past. The cultural memory reassures Great Zimbabwe is part of a cultural landscape the members of a cultural group of their identity in the functional sense and also because of its and supplies them with an awareness of unity historical dimensions. Its functional role ema and singularity in time and space. More often nates from the importance of the area as an eco than not prehistoric monuments acted as visible nomic resource and as part of the natura! re time markers in the landscape, referring people source. There also exists within the imrnediate back to the distant past and prompting them to area of the designated monument many traces treat the site in a particular way (Lowenthal 1985; of cultural presence in the past, such as all the Evans 1985; Holtorf 1998). Identity of the past habitation sites which we can trace from the and present is very often closely associated with Stone Age period. However, Great Zimbabwe's specific locations and structures in the landscape. cultural significance goes beyond the communi The accumulation of evidence from different ties around it. The imposition first of the status periods in particular locations suggests that peo ofNational Monument and later in 1986 ofWorld ple have always had a very strong sense ofplace Heritage position appears to have placed bounda with regard to Great Zimbabwe and its associ ries, regulations and legal restrictions. These ated landscape. The frequent recurring settlement have led to the curtailment of viewing the monu on the cultural landscape imply a sense of be ment in its proper setting and accepting that it is longing and continuity built upon human expe part of a wider cultural landscape. In order to rience and cultural identity. More recently it is define this cultural entity and manage it we need clear that the comrnunities around the monument to appreciate the way in which past and present do not consider the Great Zimbabwe as an an comrnunities have encoded their values on it " J cient relic but a cultural landscape from which rather than confining ourselves to the physical they derive their spiritual and economic liveli- fabric of the stone walls. 31 N -20 + "" r Schools 7 O 7 -- 14 Kilometers Figure 6.8. Land use around Great Zimbabwe in 1992. \0- -~~~- ..---=-='"""---·~o-- ---~,,.,_~~- ---;;---- ~--:_-A"_o------·-~~"=="'-· -·~-- 7. GREAT ZIMBABWE: CULTURAL RESOURCE VALDES 7 .1. Introduction Ultimately, cultural sites depend fortheir value It is clear from the previous chapter that Great on the recognition society, or sections of it, af Zimbabwe is far from being an ancient relic whose fords them. In order to manage such a place as only interest is to the antiquarian and to the for Great Zimbabwe there is need to understand in eign tourists. It has been demonstrated that it is a detail the nature ofthe cultural values ofthe place dynamic cultural landscape and that contempo to society, so that appropriate management which 1i rary communities around the monument depend conserves these values, can occur. If we under on it for economic and spiritual survival. In order stand these values, we minimize the risk that to redress the emphases on tehnofixes in the man management decisions will be made which in agement of this vibrant cultural landscape, this advertently destroys or diminish important as chapter examines the cultural values associated pects ofthe site's significance. The cultural sig with the World Heritage site. It is argued that in nificance of a site are the values it holds for the order to develop an effective management sys community, or sections ofthe community. As a tem the values ofthis heritage to past, present and concept, cultural significance's purpose is to help future society must be assessed. The values of a identify and assess the attributes which make a cultural landscape such as Great Zimbabwe are place of value to the community, to the nation varied and at times conflicting. These values are and to the world. Once the value of a place is constantly changing as Lowenthal (1985) remarks: understood, informed decisions can now be made .. . preservation in itself reveals that perrnanence to enable the values to be retained or revealed . is illusion. The more we save, the more aware we The objectives of identifying these values are: become that such remains are continually altered • to know why the place is important and reinterpreted ... what is preserved like what is to identify the nature of the values and remembered is neither a true or resemble likeness how they come about ofpast reality (p. 410) • to evaluate the importance of the values The monument at Great Zimbabwe represents Ifwe accept that mo st cultural sites have some the best example ofthe Madzimbabwe tradition value in these terms, why do we have to evalu and culture as the largest, most evolved and best ate them? The answer is in two parts. preserved monument of a type unique to South Firstly as indicated in earlier chapters, there ern Africa. The monument together with associ are many management alternatives for any place, ated remains contribute to an archaeological and for proper decision-making we need to know landscape without parallel in Southern Africa its significance as a prerequisite for deciding its which richly demonstrates human experience and future. achievement in prehistoric times. Some of the altematives are to: ___ l 94 • Make conservation its main aim. • economic • Incorporate conservation of the site as part of • aesthetic the land management package for the area. The Burra Charter of Australia ICOMOS also • Passively manage a site with little active in has four categories namely: tervention that might alter the place. • social • Allow or recommend the destruction of a site, • historical because of conflicting land use decisions about • scientific the appropriate course of action decided upon. • aesthetic Decisions about the alternate course of action Whilst Lipe's categories largely arise ont of the depend on assessment of the degree and type of experiences of heritage management in Europe value that the place has. The assessment ofthis and North America, for the Burra Charter these value is compared with other values or needs that arise ont of the Australian situation. The Aus society has. Accepting that we carmot preserve tralian situation shares many similarities with and actively conserve all sites, assessment al Zimbabwe and indeed Southem Africa. These lows decisions to be made about appropriate include the colonial experience and minority or management of a particular place. majority rights problems of access to land etc. Secondly, even when a place is very impor For the purposes of evaluating the values of Great tant, legally protected, and proposed for active Zimbabwe World Heritage ~ite it was felt that conservation, we need details as to why it is sig the Burra Charter is approp;fate and thus war nificant in order to determine the most appropri rant same elaboration. ate method of consetving its cultural signifi Social value: Social value embraces the quali cance. Some 'conservation' measures may actu ties for which a place has become a focus of spir ally detract from the cultural significance. For itual, political, national, or other cultural senti instance, some forms of protection or interpre ments to amajority or minority group (The Aus tation may compromise the aesthetic significance tralian ICOMOS 1988). Obviously many tradi of a place. For exarnple the construction of a tional sites have such a value. The local, regional water reservoir in the middle of a monument or national community may find them a source might affect the landscape, even though its loca of pride, or education, or celebration, or a sym tion might be sound engineering for the provi bol of enduring culture. This may be because the sion of water. The evaluation requires the plac site is accessible and well known, rather than ing of the site in its historie and social context, particularly well preserved or scientifically im and relevant consultation with the community portant. in which the site exists, or for which it is par These values are very important and are prob ticularly significant. Risk management becomes ably the 'strongest' in terms ofthe conservation important in such cases. of a site. They apply not only to the finest and best example of sites. Local, relatively unknown sites may also have powerful values that are 7.2. Cultural values given to them by the local community. 95 ! 'i, f! still a potential for disagreement on how to man which the area is associated. They often become ' age the si te! The Maasai feel that they should part of the majority's heritage. There are often determine its management whilst the government problems for indigenous groups in the majority feels that the site is of world significance and culture's attitude to the minorities' heritage. The therefore cannot be managed locally. particular cancerns and wishes of the minority Equally frequently, places with religions or tend to be disregarded or belittled. In colonial traditional value also have great social signifi times even the concerns of the majority were cance which relies on the knowledge of the com ignored. For example, people may not want 'out munity. They get their value from this associa siders' to visit sites that are culturally signifi I tion. A good example of such a place is Njelele cant. These values may, on occasion, conflict in the Matopo. This is supposed to be the most with the official aims of governments in devel important Mwari shrine in Zimbabwe (Ranger oping countries. Sub-groups may use their her 1999). There is no physical evidence for the site itage to identify themselves as different from but the place is important, spiritually and socially. other sub-groups and this may be perceived as Nowadays the aspect of intangible heritage is undermining a policy of building a unified na becoming more and more openly discussed tion. These potential conflicts in assigning value (Rossler & Saouma 1999). In many instances a may be resolved by applying a general 'rule of place has both tangible and intangible aspects as thumb': as long as the source ofvalue is impor seems to be the case for Great Zimbabwe. tant to mo st members of the population, then the One aspect of significance which has been place should be preserved. Within this frarne poorly represented in conservation thinking in work, the specific interpretation of the site by the past, has been the value of sites to local com sub- groups within the population is of no con munities. Perhaps this has been because the defi cern. Thus, Rhode's grave should be protected nition and evaluation of community value is far because he is an important figure in the history more difficult than many others. Part of the rea ofZimbabwe. The majority ofZimbabweans will son in places like Southem Africa, has already probably have a negative evaluation ofRhodes' been discussed in previous chapters, for exam contribution to the country although some groups ple that local communities do not understand the will evaluate his contribution positi vely. scientific techniques required by modem herit Historie value: This value recognizes the con age management systems. The other is the vari tribution a place makes to the achievement and ous evictions and resettlements, during the co to our knowledge of the past. A place can be a lonial and postcolonial period. This helped to cut typical or well-preserved example of a cultural, the community from the traditional sites and group, period oftime, or type ofhuman activity, hence the values they had ascribed to the places or it can be associated with a particular indi iii' in their original area, There are many places val vidual. Often, a place rather than representing ued by communities which are unknown to the one phase or aspect of history, has a long se wider society. These special places often con quence ofhistory, and shows this in its develop tribute to the community's sense of stability by ment Many places have historie value because reflecting the historie, scenic, recreational or they reflect a long period ofhuman history. They I ) social experiences common to that community take our imagination back in time and cause us to ponder on the past lifestyles and histories of 'I:;. and which distinguish that community and that i.i,1 locality from other communities and localities. our ancestors. Such places are a trigger to the Only rarely will the community feel the need to historie imagination and have powerful evoca state its strong feelings for such places. Often tive and educational value. Rhodes' grave in the the realization ofthe value ofthe site only comes Matopo or Nyadzonya and Chimoiyo in Mozarn when the place is threatened. bique or Sharpville and Rob ben Island in South Places often have a range of other values such Africa would be cases in point as historical, scientific or aesthetic interests to Scientific value: These are features of a place the whole community or to the particular group that provide, or have a realistic potential to yield 96 knowledge that is not obtainable elsewhere. The concept and symbolism of ancient things and the scientific or research value of a place will de evidence oftime's passing has itself a strong ef pend upon the importance of the data involved fect on the visitor. The concept of 'alienness' or or its rarity, quality or representative ness and 'othemess' is also very strong. These combined on the degree to which the place may contribute with innate beauty ofthe art and setting produce a further substantial information. This value is powerful aesthetic and emotional experience. This variously called scientific, archaeological, re is in contrast to the local community views. Time search or information value. Scientific or re past is the immeasurable and dynamic because it search value has often been the major value at is the time ofthe ancestors. The past is very often tached to places by Western professionals and seen as the present. Aesthetic value is therefore Western Law. It has been used not only to pro subjective, especially when it arises from cultural tect sites but also to remove them from their backgrounds and individual taste. Aesthetics, like owners' care. As indicated in Chapter 2, many beauty "is in the eyes of the beholder" legislation in Southern Africa protect places be These cultural values are almost always in cause of their scientific value. This as we saw terrelated and subject to interpretation. They also led to the removal of access to the site by the apply differently to a local area, region, a coun local communities and traditional custodians. try and to the world. In other words a cultural Findings from scientific research have at times value might appeal differently in different con been used to interpret a site or culture in a way text and circumstances. Various sections of a site with which traditional people may not agree. might also have different values. For example at However, scientific value has the potential to add the site of Silozwane, the cave is important sci or even enhance other values, which can result entifically for its contribution to our understand in a very strong case for protection. An example ing of the hunter-gatherer communities, on the . the site of Thulamela in the Kruger National other hand the hill has religious significance to Parks in South Africa, recent scientific research the present Kalanga community who conduct has led to it being linked to the local community rituals there. thus providing a new value to the site. Before Within the cultural values economic values the 1996 excavation very little was known about are beginning to have an influence and therefore Thulamela. The same can be sa.id of the site of should be considered as derived values. Gener Manyikeni in Mozambique. Here the work of ally the economic value applies because other archaeologists (from Uppsala and Eduardo values are present. However a place may repre Mondlane universities) led to the increased ap sent the only source of opportunity for revenue preciation of the site by the local communities. and employment or may be held as a focus for At Great Zimbabwe it can also be argued that potential achievement in this arena. These val the work of archaeologists in the last century did ues are critical reality. Economic issues very of enhance the val ue of the monument. ten temper decisions. Places perceived to have a Aesthetic value: Aesthetic value may be de high economic potential often attract more in scribed as the beauty of design, association or terest and can therefore be more susceptible to mood that the place possesses or it may be dem exploitation. Very often the economic values onstration in a place, of a particular design, style, depends on the location ofthe site. For example artistic development ofhigh leve! or craftsman a site near an urban centre or area.ofhyper tour ship. This isa recognition that a place represents ist activities like Domboshava is likely to have a high point of the creative achievement in its an economic value to people who live around it. design, its style, artistic development and crafts There is potential of attracting visitors who in manship. Aesthetic value may sometimes be dif turn might buy souvenirs, need accommodation ficult to measure or quantify. In Western society and transport. Thus apart from providing direct with its strong emphasis on measured time, the income there is potential for employment and other down stream economic development. I I j j ·~ 97 7.3. Global and national values civilization which is living or which has disappeared. The cultural value of Great Zimbabwe is clearly • Be directly or tangibly associated with seen in the fäet that the country is named after it. events or living traditions, with ideas, or More importantly even before independence the with beliefs, with artistic and literary works site had been declared a National Monument. In of outstanding universal significance. 1937 on the recommendations of the Commis Thus the cultural values of Great Zimbabwe sion for the Preservation ofNational and Histori have to be considered at various levels; the lo cal Monuments and Relics in terms of section 9 cal, national, regional and global and these do ofthe Monuments and Relics Act (Chapter 70), not always coincide. At times they may be in Great Zimbabwe was declared a National Monu conflict. Managing a cultural site involves re ment. This designation led to the transfer to state solving and negotiating these seemingly irrec ownership of the communally owned landscape oncilable values. Conflicting and ambiguous and its associated resources. Hunting, harvesting values and interests in cultural resources ema of forest products and religious rituals were then nating from the local, national and global values banned. This led to large-scale displacement of also results in multiple jurisdictions conceming, communities located in the designated area. It also use ownership, access and control ofthe herit led to local dis-empowerment in regard to con age. For example the intemational conventions trol of resource utilization management and ac have to be applied at Great Zimbabwe in order cess to many parts of the cultural property. The to satisfy its World Heritage Status. At the same traditional taboos and rules of ensuring ecologi time the National Museums and Monuments of cal balance were discarded and yet government Zimbabwe's protective legislation act 25: 11 has . itself particularly after independence did not have to operate at national leve! together with all the the resources to enforce the protective legislations. other national and district regulation. At each Great Zimbabwe also provides a prime exam leve! access is continuously limited. ple of the past ingenuity and achievement of Africans. As such Africans across ethnic bounda 7.4. Analyses ofvalues for Great ries regarded Great Zimbabwe as an African her itage, it has become more than just part of na Zimbabwe tional heritage but an essential part of the Afri It has to be pointed out at the outset that the ad can heritage. It can also be argued that Great Zim ministration National Museums and Monuments babwe provided the liberation movements with usually blames the local community for not fully inspiration ( see Chapter 5). appreciating the values of the site and they in The outstanding universal value of Great Zim tum accuse the govemment agent of desecrating babwe was recognized in 1986 by inscribing it the monument. Whilst some ofthe cultural val as a World Heritage Site under the UNESCO ues for Great Zimbabwe are assumed to be World Heritage Convention. The Convention known, an assessment was carried out among provides for the identification, protection, con the local community, tourists and workers in the servation, and presentation of cultural and natu hospitality industry around Great Zimbabwe. ra! si tes of outstanding universal value. Fora si te These groups were identified as the communi to be included on the World Heritage list, it must ties who had a direct bearing or link with the at least meet one of the six criteria set out in the monument (stakehoiders). Traditionaily the Convention. The inscription of Great Zimbabwe Nemanwa and Mugabe people have had claims on the list was based on three of the criteria, as of custodianship over the monument. However, set out by the convention, namely: given the long turbulent demographic history • Represents a masterpiece of human around the monument it is now impossible to creative genius say that only these two groups have a legitimate • Bears a unique or at least exceptional claim to Great Zimbabwe(see Mtetwa 1976). testimony to a cultural tradition or to a This is particularly so if we are considering the 98 monument as part of a cultural landscape. How Within the ten-kilometre radius are two ho ever, the further a group is from the monument tels and nine !odges built to provide facilities to the less their relationship and impact on the those visiting the monument. There are also vari monument and its landscape. For this study it ous government organization and local authori was felt that those within ten kilometres around ties in the area. Of importance to the landscape the designated monuments have a stronger at is National Parks and Masvingo Rural Council. tachment and they have a direct influence on the Several schools exist in the neighbourhood of cultural landscape and the monument. They are the monument. These include Nemanwa Primary more likely to be affected by the management School, Chirichoga Secondary School, Morgen systems in place at the monument. That should ester College, and many others. not however deny the fäet that this is an arbi Apart from the values ascribed to the monu trary boundary and that decisions made twenty ment the research was aimed at determining the or fifty kilometres away could also have some general knowledge which the community had on influence on the cultural landscape. the monument. It was felt that understanding Like in most parts of Zimbabwe the basic so these values would lead to the creation of an en cial unit in the area was the household imba vironment conducive toa participatory heritage through to the village musha and then the district management built on an understanding of a com dunhu. The village which is the bases ofthe com mon heritage. In order to evaluate the value and munity recognizes itself as a congregation of also the attitudes of people towards the monu households. The village then is part of a larger ment interviews were held over a period of three community (territorially). In the area are approxi years. The first set of interviews was conducted mately 73 villages: The people have a strong reli in 1997 August and another followed in the fol gions and cultural belief system based on ances lowing year. August was chosen as the month tral spirit reverence. However, many have been with the highest recorded number of visitors in influenced by missionary activities and Christian the past five year (from 1992). These two sets of teachings particularly by the Dutch Reformed interviews were targeted at the local community Church through its mission station at Morgenster (i.e. people living within ten kilometre radius), farm. In a way the cultural belief systems have Zirnbabwean tourists (visitors from within Zim been eroded to some extent by the Christian faith babwe excluding those from Masvingo town), which looks down upon them. Important however, Foreign visitors and people employed in the hos from a heritage management point of view is the pitality industry. The total sample for the two underlying traditional and cultural views and val years is shown in Table 7 .1. ues attached to the monument and its environs. Table 7 .1. Sample size of interviewed people Sample Approximate population Approximate % interviewed Zimbabwean Tourist 85 350 (in tluee weeks) 24.3 Foreign Tourist 159 900 (in tluee weeks) 18.0 Local Community 202 3500 (estimate from 6.0 District Administrators Office) Local W orkers 27 200 14.0 r,i ;!1 99 , Ir The interviews were carried out over a period larly rituals associated with the traditional belief I I I ofthree weeks. Apart from asking questions par systems. Whilst it is fair to say that Great Zimba I ticipant observation was very important for ex bwe is sacred to the Shona people it is important ample on the question of benefits to the commu to note that although they are regarded as a single nity. Most people indicated that they did not and group there are significant regional and local dif yet they were employed by organizations such as ferences, especially in the area of religion. An NMMZ or the Hotels. Most ofthe interviews with cestral spirits play a fundamental role in the daily the local community took place at their homes. lives ofpeople and on many different levels. These The third set of interviews was aimed at the range from the farnily to the whole community or ]ocal communities around Great Zimbabwe and even at national leve!, as Lan's account of the was aimed at verifying certain trends which importance of the spirit mediums to the libera seemed to be emerging from the first set of inter tion struggle shows (Lan 1985). Although the views. This final interviewwas carriedoutinJanu spirit world can be divided into various catego ary 2000 and 98 individuals were interviewed. ries (Lan 1985, p 38), it is the mudzimu and mlwndoro, which are important in relationto Great Ranking the monument Zimbabwe. It is them who are believed to have built Great Zimbabwe and still dwell there accord From the interviews all groups recognize the ing to the local informants. They lead all the tra importance of the site as a national and a place ditional ceremonies performed at Great Zimba ofworld importance (Fig. 7.1). Most ofthe peo bwe. They own the land and control rain. They ple interviewed were not aware of its World have more power than the political chiefs do (Lan 1' Heritage status although a number thought that 1985, p. 34). I it was orre ofthe "Seven Wonders ofthe World". From the interviews it was clear that the ·! This was especially so from the foreign tourists. Matopo (Matonjeni and Njelele) are by far more However, very few considered its importance for sacred to the Shona than Great Zimbabwe. How the local area. Even with the local community ever at Great Zimbabwe the Hill Complex although they wanted to have access they felt emerged as the most sacred part of the monu that Great Zimbabwe was of national importance ment particularly the cave. It is here that the spir first and some referred to it as a national shrine. its used to speak through the rocks. Some speak Generally respondents had varying levels of ofhuge caves and underground passages in the knowledge about the site. Hill Complex. In recent times the Conical Tower Cultural values: From the interviews (Fig. 7.2 has also gained popularity particularly with the & Fig. 7.3) it is clear that the local communities Nemarnwa people. For the local communities, view the place as orre with social values particu- Great Zimbabwe is viewed as a sacred place es- 120 100. 80 i.El Local /-_,------~----- i: 60 ml Regional DNational OGlobal 'i' Figure 7.1. Significance oj the site as expressed by interviewed people. · 100 pecially the cave in the Hill. They are seen as accounts of the nineteenth century atiach greaf. the only way by which the ancestors can be con spiritual significance to the site. In recent appeals tacted because they are said to be living in and to govemment, the traditional leadership liying speaking from these places. Local informants cite around Great Zimbabwe had this to say: ' incidences when voices were heard enianating 'There used to be a lot of communication anjpng '" from the caves and water that miraculously ap traditional custodians ofsacred shrines. The white peared whenever the rightfnl spirit medium went government stopped the communication becliµse to the area to prepare the grain for the brewing they wanted to assert their power. When independ- ence came and the Africans took control thetra of beer used at the ceremonies as some of the ditional leaders celebrated because they fefr"we mysteries that had vanished. Chief Nemanwa could now practice our customs and traditi~ns. said that Madzimbabwe were not built for liv Every month customs and traditions W"ere ing people but for the spirits of the dead, and the practiced. There used to be one major gathytkpg at sacred places each year. That is no more. a!- houses within them were for the spirit mediums. lowed except clandestinely' ,. He claims that the Nemamwa were the rightful With this attitude the local people complain tlliit custodians of the monument. He says that the the heritage managers at Great Zimbabwe wete people came to Great Zimbabwe for solutions to denying them freedom of cultural expression '{;y different calamities befalling them. Summers prohibiting them from carrying out ceremoni.~;; (1971, p. 2) says: at the site. To the local communities the place'Ts o;'>':t1 Dzimbabwe was a place sacred to the chiefs and essentially linked to the land, their ancestö'fs~ his ancestors where förmal supplications were made their culture and the site embodies life forces'. to the Great God Mwari in times of ra Local2000 30 DIZimTourist oTourist 20 Olocal98 10 • Local Workers 0 X © ~ 2 © w E ~ ~ ~ 1il w (jj =O.. ö © .y ~ ..Q :r: w ~ I E ~ (.'Ju 0 "> c E () 2 Figure 7.2. Areas at Great Zimbabwe UJ UJ considered important. 120 100 liii!Social 80 111 Historical D P.esthetics OScientific •Economic Figure 7.3. Culturalvalues represen/ed Local2000 Zim Tourist Local98 Local at Great Zimbabwe as seen by various Tourist Workers '--~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~__, groups. 101 Tourism and economic dimensions has one of the highest employed rural popula tion in the province. The tourists perceive the monument differently It appears most farnilies seem to benefit from from the other groups. Generally speaking the their location around Great Zimbabwe, all though aesthetic and scientific values are considered to most people seem not to recognize this. Thus be the main values for the monument. The older the answers were deduced from observation of tourists above 50 consider aesthetics as of para activities the people were engaged in. The con mount importance and consider the ruinous na cept of benefits was usually perceived as direct ture of the place as creating a romantic atmos cash benefit. It also emerged from answering to phere. Their ideas are also reinforced by what this question that most local communities felt they perceive as the most important area on the that National Museums and the hospitality in monument. The Great Enclosure, the Shona Vil dustries were making huge profits in their ac lage and the museum are considered important tivities. The benefit of employment though ac areas. The Great Enclosure was seen as of knowledged after reminding them, it was always "architecturally pleasing appearance". It is in felt that the high payingjobs or those of author teresting to note that the reconstructed village is ity 80 70 60 50 40 30 !i Local 2000 20 Dl Local1998 10 0 © © c 0 c © © ~in © c "' CN E ~ © :c " >- il! 1' 15 i"' "' 0 ~" u. c z -,: c. 'Og~ "' © ::J E UJ s Figure 7.4. Benefitsfrom Great Zimbabwe. 102 lm Local 2000 BBZlm Tourist DTourists Dlocal199B • Localworkers ~ " ;: .0 lf)" "' "' :a ~ E E "' E N :;:;"' :;:;" 2 -" 0"' Figure 7.5. Who owns Great Zimbabwe? "Museum or Monuments organization." A high situation at Great Zimbabwe is consistent with proportion of the people interviewed regarded the observations ofMabvadya (1990) in north the site as now having been appropriated by gov em Zimbabwe. His study on the local attitudes errirnent and that officially it was no longer a to museums and monuments outlines similar is communal property. Differences in attitudes sues pertaining to the restoration of walls at about who owns the site can have profound ef Madzimbabwe tradition sites. The elders argued fects on the success of managing the heritage. that these places were the homes of the ances Whist heritage managers felt that they where tors. When they disintegrate and fall into ruins, protecting the site on behalf of the local com there was nothing wrong. The ancestors were munities, they in tum felt that their interests had simply abandoning their homes and relocating been usurped. to some other places. Heritage Manager should not interfere with this natura! process. It is also Restoration programs clear that the monument is not just the architectu rally pleasing stonewalls but also the natura! re On the walls collapsing mast people said that sources, the land boundaries, the historically most of the walls were collapsing because the shared experience and traditional knowledge. ancestors were not pleased with what was going This conflict is not unique to Zimbabwe. For on. "Unless we are allowed to appease our an example in Thailand the heritage managers of cestors the way we like, the collapsing of walls the ancient Buddist temples of Chaing Saen feel shall continue and worsen". They also claim that that the architectural fabric has to be preserved it is traditionally wrong and culturally unaccept whilst for the local community the collapse of able to restore the fallen walls. The excavation the temples is regarded as the wishes af Buddha and preservation and restoration works are con (Lertrit 1997). tentious issues today. From a local Shona per Both categories of tourists were also opposed spective the spirit of a man remains with the to massive restoration of the structures at Great house he built or dwelt in 1t 104 plex is actuallyjgnored by the heritage manag to the Iocal communities (Sinclair etal. 1993(a): ers. The caves are seen as the dwelling places of p. 429). the ancestors and they should be honoured as Another example is the restoration ofthe stone sacred. They also say that there is nothing as madzimbabwe type monument at Thulamela, important as the caves at the site because they occupied between AD 1400-1700. The Shona house the people responsible for the well being dialect-speaking people, who made up part of ofthe Iocal people. Local traditional elders main modem Venda community, are directly linked to tain that the ancestors look after all sites used Thulamela. The Venda who were moved from for cultural functions. Sacred areas are supposed this area when the park was created claim tradi to be out' of bounds at anytime except 1,1 11~ ,"I 8. PRESENTATION OF THE MONUMENT brochures and development of multimedia pres 8.1. Introduction entations. In Chapter 7 it was demonstrated that various Stone (1994) identifies four basic approaches groups have different interests in the monument. to presentation of the archaeological remains. It was also outlined that the interests of the tour • Academic or theoretical archaeology. ists and perhaps of the urbanised Zimbabwean • Indigenous views of the past. coincide very much with those of the heritage • School history. managers and the ideas espoused by intemational • The past as presented to the public in organisations like UNESCO and ICCROM. museums and archaeological sites. However, the majority ofthe local communities Generally in Southem Africa the academic in are ill at ease with these ideas. These new val terpretation and the museum presentation repre ues seem to deny the local community any mean sent the same approach and as Mazel and Ritchie ingful access to their heritage. It is proposed in (1994) indicate the museum displays and the way this chapter that to begin to address the question monuments are presented has not changed sig of access and restoration of pride among the lo nificantly in the past fifty years or so. cal communities their interests must be incorpo rated in the way the monument is generally pre 8.2. Academic interpretation and sented. The raison d'etre for preservation ofthe public access cultural heritage in the final analysis is presen tation to the general public. By reconciling the Archaeologists have for sometime been aware various cultural values of the site we began to of the importance of interpretation, of the way address some of the problems of making vari evidence is exhibited, the social responsibilities, ous groups have access and be proud of their which they have, and the possible implications past and their heritage. It is also argued that this for human rights (Gatherecole & Lowenthal approach does not alienate the foreign visitor but 1990). The interpretation and presentation of that it offers an experience, which is uniqueiy archaeological sites like Great Zimbabwe has African. always been done by academics. The original Presentation (public interpretation) includes debate on Great Zimbabwe from the time of Carl a broad scope of endeavours ranging from för• Mauch to the late 1970' was the question of the mal education and curriculum development to authorship ofthe monumental architecture. The less structured programs such as site tours and crucial research by Randall-Maclver in 1905 museum displays. It also encompasses singular helped to sol ve this debate. This established the communication devices such as the publication date and African origins of the Madzimbabwe of popular histories, public awareness posters, structures. Subsequent work by Caton-Thomp- 108 son (1931), Summers (1964), Robinson (1961), ment ofthe Indian population away from a sense Whitty (1961), and others essentially refined of positive participation in the country's past. The Maciver's monumental work. After the l970's debates on Great Zimbabwe have largely re the debate on the origins of Great Zimbabwe mained academic and limited efforts have been among academics was generally regarded as a made to make the interpretation available to non-issue. The debate shifted to the study of non schools or the general public. This was clearly walled areas or dwellings outside the prestigious demonstrated Dara (Malo» ...... vuoO. t """"-··---. 31;.····~m' •• ••••• •.·ii ;i. Figure 8.1. Huifman s interpretation ofcore area at Great Zimbabwe (after Beach 1998). 1, I . I i.'· 110 now fäil to draw apart those elements of the past local communities is the word of mouth, oral that are truly historical and those that were forced history and from general history taught at on them either through the colonial education schools. Schools were the main source of infor system or via other forms of information ex mation for the Zimbabwe tourist. For the for change (Ucko 1994). It was also illustrated that eign tourists trave! literature was the main source whilst the debate on the origins of the Zimba particularly the book Lonely Planet. This book bwe tradition was solved decades ago by archae is very inaccurate not just on Great Zimbabwe ologists the general public (those who visit the but also on other sites in Southem Africa and monument and those who live near it) have not yet more than 70 % of the tourists had read this yet had access to this information. The site mu book. Very few people were aware of the gen seum and the guidebooks have failed to com eral academic debates going on about the site municate some of the most interesting and vi despite the fäet that the si te museum )lad abridged brant discussions on the monument. versions ofHuffinan's interpretations. Sources of information 8.3. Alternative interpretation The source of information on how different As indicated above question of the builders of groups come to know about the site were varied. Great Zimbabwe among the general public is still However academic literature was not one of debatable. Although it is generally agreed that them. Generally there seems to be a lack of any the ancestral Shona were responsible for the con organised campaign to inform people on the struction each individual group seems to claim monument. This is compounded by the lack of ownership. For example both the Newanwa and suitable and affordable literature at the monu Mugabe groups claim to have built the place ment. The main source of information for the despite the fäet that historically they arrived re- 111 Local Workers Olocal1998 OTourist l!Zim Tourist Blocal2000 0 50 100 150 Figure 8.2. Who built Great Zimbabwe? 160 140 120 100 mLocal2000 80 llZim Tourist 60 DTourist 40 El Local98 20 l!I Local Workers 0 School Leaflets Work Family& Travel Others posters friends Books Figure 8. 3. Sources oj information on Great Zimbabwe. 111 centlyintothe area (see Chapter 7). The national Why did they abandon it? Who lived in this area? significance and the resultant political clout has What did they do here? How did they build it? led to this situation where every group would Providing answers for these questions is there like to be associated with the monument. How fore one of the primary requirements if visitors ever, although they are many competing claims are to be satisfied. The time constraints that af on the ownership ofthe monument, they all agree fect visitors, coupled with their short attention on the significance of the place as a national span, makes it imperative that !hese questions shrine along si de other places like Nj elele. There are answered in a simple and clear manner. The is also agreement that religions activities syn number of messages provided should be limited onymous with the place should be allowed to to those necessary to answer the six basic ques take place. tions outlined above. Despite the fäet that the local cornmunities Tourists also have difficulty in visualising have their own opinion on the history and sig what the site would have looked like. This ex nificance of the monument these have had little tends to the understanding of rock-paintings impact on the way the monument has been pre where the composition reflects chaotic 'trance sented or interpreted. These opinions as ex experiences'. The difficulties in visualising what pressed in Chapter 7 have largely been based on a site would have looked like are often com oral traditions and histories and academics have pounded by the problem of differential preser dismissed them as baseless myths and legends. vation. The elements that visitors cannot see - Ken Mufuka's (1983) book was the first bold for exarnple the decayed dhaka structures at sites attempt to incorporate the opinions of the local like Great Zimbabwe lead them to construct in cornmunities in the way the monument was be correct interpretations on the basis of what they ing presented to the general public. His book is can see. It is therefore essential to provide on largely on oral histories collected from the local site displays, which help the tourist to visualise cornmunities. These largely emphasises the idea an area in its totality. In the late l 970's National of a bright and glorious life at Great Zimbabwe. Museums and Monuments ofRhodesia produced This interpretation contrast very sharply with a guide book with illustrations reconstructed sec those reached by academic historians like tions of the monument to show the relationship Mtetwa (1976) and Beach (1980) who describe of the stone walls and use of some of the enclo conditions at Great Zimbabwe as slum-like. sures (Fig. 8.4 & Fig. 8.5). Albeit limited, this Mufuka's (1983, p. 24) interpretation portrays went a long way in explaining life ' .1! ''I 'I I I , I '! Figure 8.4. Illustration ojrelationship ojhouses and stone enclosures by Lance Penny 1976. (Note the lack ojhumanfigures owing to Rhodesian censorshifl. (National Museums and Monuments ojRhodesia). i I Figure 8.5. Illustration by Lance Penny in 1976 to help visitors to interpret Great Zimbabwe (National [i Museums and Monuments ojRhodesia). 114 . . .. i ! ./l.. ·····.·.····"···.·,· ' ..._J ...·. Jl :i,i·-: Jlf :·1· 115 '1!·.I l;i ; '! with varied symbolic overtones will never be interest of the local communities who need guide objective and will always present controversial books in indigenous languages. debates. Stonehenge and the Acropolis are well The oral traditions, myths and legends, which known examples. the western schalar so rnuch despised, have to So far the public who visit museums and cul find their way into the exhibitions, displays and tural sites have been assumed to consist of for general presentations. This serves not just the eign visitors or people with a European connec local communities, hut the foreign visitor, who tion. The idea has been that the sites and exhib is genuinely interested in the culture of the area, its are unique and mysterious and can only ap for it creates that visitor experience which is peal to curious foreign visitors. This is demon uniquely Southern African. It also helps to gen strated by the medium of communication used erate the contextual framework in which to in for displays and in guide books. Using both the terpret the cultural heritage. As Bourdieu (1984) Fry and Cloze test, the official guide books and puts it, a work of art has meaning and interest labels on exhibitions in Zimbabwe Museums only for someone who possesses the cultural scores an average reading level of above 17 years cornpetence that is the code, into which it is en whilst the university student reading levels is coded. Bourdieu (1977) introduces the concept around 15. Besides being above local reading of habitus, which takes into account the wider levels both the guide book and museums displays social contexts that provide the basis on which are biased towards the use of technical termi culture is assirnilated, in the appreciation of ar nology. For example the fairly complex pottery chaeological remains and what they represent. classifications used by archaeologists are indis These he says is founded in the influence ofhome criminately used on displays aimed at the pub and the school in representing these values. lic. The use ofEnglish and the above mentioned Bourdieu's underlying thesis is that people, in fäets mean that more than 70% of the African order to appreciate or understand certain cultural community is alienated from the site. Yet any resources, must have experienced certain forms good preservation strategies will depend on the of socialisation, that isa familial upbringing and Figure 8. 7. Carl Mauch :S first impressions oj Great Zimbabwe and the surrounding /andscape (from Burke 1969). 116 education, that has endowed them with the cul 8.5. Visitor management tural competence necessary to recognise such things. Yet the study of the past in the schools Visitor management incorporates a number of curricula is dominated by the past as presented methods, skills and techniques such as psycho in written records. logical barriers, signs and staff presence to pro The presentation of the past through archae tect areas, to the provision of presentation (in~ ology has tended to be sketchy at most and for terpretation) programs such as guides, guide obvious reasons that presented by indigenous books and visitor facility aimed at enhancing the communities' non-existence Any meaningful understanding the place and maintaining its sig and lasting exhibition strategy will depend on nificance. The main aim of visitor management the interest of the indigenous local communities. should be the provision of a worthwhile on-site In order to cater for all these people it is neces experience (Peason & Sullivan 1995). sary to use indigenous languages. The use ofin There are two aspects ofvisitor management digenous languages should not just be a direct that should be considered when dealing with translation ofthe English version but should uti presentation of the archaeological remains. lise concepts which the locals can identify with. • The provision of a worthwhile visitor An example is the well-executed display panels experience and enjoyment. at Domboshava caves, which are translated into • The provision of this experience with · Shona. However, the complex trance hypotheses minimum interference to the conservation of theory ofLouis Williams is also thrown inta the the site and its immediate environs. indigenous version ofthe panel. The panels even Recent studies show that the number ofvisi dismiss the rain making ceremony as past prac tors to Great Zimbabwe has been increasing and tices and yet the last one was held in 1998 ! Whilst obviously this has an effect on the site or mu the indigenous people should be given access to seum (Table 8. 1). The visitors facilities can also enjoyment of their heritage by use of a medium be extended beyond their intended capacity. All which they are familiar with, this should not be these factors mean that in order to give the pub equated with the exclusive right to interpret the lic access and limit damage to the cultural herit site as suggested by Mufuka (1983). The sug age careful planning and monitoring is para gestion is that there should be parallel ways of mount. presentations of monuments in countries like Visitors on average spend about two and a Zimbabwe with a long colonial experience, by half-hours on the monument per visit, and ap- using traditional museum and exhibition tech niques which take into consideration the lan Table 8.1. Paying visitors to Great Zimbabwe guage and cultural environment of the area. The Year Paying visilors promotion ofthe monument among schools chil July 1989 lo June 1990 84 960 dren and the public should also include concepts of heritage preservation. However, the varying July 1990 lo June 1991 87 820 requirements ofthe publie require more than plan July 1991 to June 1992 88 296 exhibition, they must be professionally executed. July 1992 to June 1993 70720 Ifproper ly executed exhibitions arean effective means of inteipreting the past and conveying July 1993 lo June 1994 102 877 information. The more they can stimulate visi July 1994to June 1995 111 649 tor's interests and emotions and create an enjoy July 1995 to June 1996 120 993 able experience, the more like ly they are to lt';arn. Studies conducted recently found that the most July 1996 to June 1997 91652 important factors at visitor centres appear to be July 1997 to June 1998 88 122 the interpretative theme, the presentation media July 1998 to June 1999 153 343 and the overall atmosphere of the displays. 117 proximately 80 % of the time at specific areas. seum as the interpretation centre. Frequent ex In order of priority these areas are the Great En hibitions of archaeological excavation would closure, the Curio shop and the Hill Complex. help de-mystify archaeological methods of re Even in these areas specific locations are pre covering data to the general public. These will ferred for exarnple around the Conical Tower in be presented as alternatives to oral traditions and the Great Enclosure. This preference for certain local legends, which are the sources oflocal his areas inevitably causes a certain amount of ero tory in mast of sub-Saharan Africa. Similar ex sion to the ground and archaeological remains. hibitions on conservation work and methods The erosion can also trigger foundation problems would also help in making visitors aware of same on stone walls. There is therefore need to allevi ofthe problems ofthe site. Full-scale and mode! ate pressure on these popular spots by providing reconstruction and !i ving exhibition oftraditional alternative routes. Flexible but easily controlled crafts (demonstration) will also help bring ar alternative paths for visitors should be available. chaeology to life and give the public an added The alternatives will cater for the disabled and satisfaction. However, several constrains have elderly who may find it difficult to visit certain to be taken inta account in the presentation and sections of the monument. It would be difficult interpretation of the monument and landscape. to visit certain sections of the monument. It Jnter alia these are the protection and conserva would be difficult to restrict visits to certain ar tion of the significant values of the site and the eas but the only way to alleviate this pressure is capacity of the si te to have more visitors. to provide worthwhile exhibits and in-site inter pretation areas. For example in the Hill Com 8.6. An educational resource plex the PWD pit can be utilised to show the One of the mast important roles of the archae public the occupation sequence of the site. This ologist in Zimbabwe, which has important irn has been shown to work with the Valley Enclo plications for the future of the discipline of ar sures. Before the 1987 excavation in the valley chaeology, is trying to get the teachers to under very few visitors went to the area but now with stand what archaeologists do and how archaeo the exhibition excavation it is beginning to at logical methodology can be applied in the class tract attention. The centralisation of visitors' room. This will ensure that the next generation amenities like car parks, Curio shop, entrance recognises its value. Archaeology is an extremely and main museum offer greater control of the visual subject and one that cries out for student flow of visitors and limit unnecessary interven involvement in a proactive way. tion into the historie environment of the monu Studies carried out in the classroom and at ar ment. Provision of areas to take photographs chaeological sites demonstrate that the applica would also limit the climbing of the walls and tion of archaeology is an effective tool. They walking over archaeological remains. The diver show that the application of archaeology in the sity of routes to view the monument can also be classroom was a powerful means of introducing utilised as a vehicle to give the visitors a varied the excluded past (Stone & Makckenzie 1990). but rich experience of the heritage. In South Africa it provided pupils with the tools One major problem with !arge out door sites to challenge and deal with the negative images is how to sustain the interest of the visitor of the past and associated racial, ethnic and gen throughout the tour. This is very difficult given der stereotypes created by past system. For ex that mo st of the interpretation is done in a single ample, it has been shown that archaeology can museum. Studies in Australia have indicated that enhance pupils awareness and appreciation ofthe on average visitor interest at an archaeological contribution made by all South Africans in the site is captured for approximately 20 minutes country's past by providing new ways of inves before it starts to wander. It is therefore para tigating the past and allowing them to question mount to have in-situ displays in various sec the authority of the written record. By introduc tions of the site than at one centralised place. ing pupils to the whole gamut of different kinds This will then be complemented by the main mu- of evidence, the experience ofthe past is not lim- 118 ited to the comparison of different texts; rather during its occupation, the fashion and reli their eyes are opened to a multiplicity of clues gion are presented. about the past that exist independently of the Myths and Legends - This theme was aimed at written word. This also places them in a posi showing that there are alternative histories. tion to expand their knowledge and understand The theme uses a popular myths about a pair ing of the unwritten Southern African past. of magical zoomorphic pots\ The interaction with actual artefacts in spe Looking after Great Zimbabwe - The theme dis cific context is a valuable and effective means cusses the conservation efforts being carried of promoting empathy and eagemess to engage ont in order to ensure that present and future and identify with the past. Archaeology can en generations enjoy this monument. able pupils to understand and engage with the Other Zimbabwe sites - This theme introduces process ofinterpretation. Using multimedia tech other Madzimbabwe sites in the region like niques can also fulfil this. A multimedia presen Manyikeni in Mozambique, Thulamela in tation provides a creative and educational plat South Africa and Domboshaba in Botswana. form for schoolchildren to explore a wide range The resultant CDROM utilised both scienc of source materials on the history of a place. It tific knowledge as provided by archaeologists also promotes and stimulates the use of comput and also the oral histories and legends as pro ers in general. Multimedia collects various me vided by traditional knowledge sources. Some dia such as video, sound, graphics, animation and of the academic debates on the social use and text that together come to form a single unit. In life at Great Zimbabwe were explored using car teractive multimedia offers the user control and toon drawings and animated figures to make the navigation ability of the presented material. The exploration ofthe CD interesting (Fig. 8.8). The CD format has several advantages to benefit idea was also not to rely too much on text for from, among others easy handling and transport, communication. The images are accompanied by high storage capacities, durability and low costs. music provided by the participating schools. As part of this study a multimedia program was Thus they were not just recipients of the CD but produced in order to popularise Great Zimba also participated in its making. bwe and archaeology in schools. The objectives The pilot demo was presented in Zimbabwe of the project were: to three teachers training colleges and two pri To make the methods and results f archaeologi mary schools in September 1999 and the reac cal research accessible to children in such a tion was overwhelming. The students enjoyed way as kindle enthusiasm for and encourage the experience and they also leamt something understanding ofhistorical and cultural proc about Great Zimbabwe. The idea of targeting esses. teachers training colleges was based on practi To build and encourage an appreciation of the cal issues. First they were likely to have com value of African archaeology and archaeology puters and secondly it was hoped that once they in general. graduate they will then be able to pass on the The work has resulted in a pilot derno, based on information to their pupils. the following themes: The overall objective of this project was the Understanding Great Zimbabwe - This theme dissemination of archaeological knowledge to basically introduced the site of Great Zim the general public with particular emphases on babwe particularly the four main compo educational institutions located around Great nents, namely the Great Enclosure, Hill Zimbabwe. Complex, Valley Enclosure and the Periph It can be argued that children who use the eral areas. multimedia assimilate the images and this has a Great Zimbabwe, Madzimbabwe - The theme profound effect on the way the knowledge is utilises a series of simple questions to dis constructed and the past perceived in adult life. cuss the life at Great Zimbabwe. U sing the Images demand less privileged knowledge, less questions, the origins of the site, the life of the j argon that sets academics apart from the 119 ,'I .. I I ,J ii i), Over crowding and squalid conditions Beach's interpretation. Life in the Golden Age-partying and feasting Mufuka's interpretation. Figure 8.8. Same oj the illustrated interpretations from the educational CD. 120 general public. A picture may be recognised out The monuments in Southem Africa provide side the relativist domain oflanguage. special presentation problems. Visitors are equipped with different levels of skills and ex 8.7. Discussion pectations. The displays therefore have to cater It is clear that presentation of the past in schools for all ages including adults with no reading curricula and in museums and site interpretations skills. The diversity in the leve! of skills is fur will benefit from a greater understanding ofhow ther complicated by the fäet that Southern Afri the past is interpreted by archaeologists and in can countries are multi-lingual societies in which digenous peoples. It is therefore argued here that not everyone necessarily speaks the same lan a greater understanding by the general public and guage. Whilst most foreign visitors speak Eng pupils will ensure greater levels·of protection of lish there are some who do not. The use of visual the site. The extension of the ways in which the images would go a long way towards reducing past is studied and understood by students and barriers imposed by lingual restrictions. or members of the general public would go a It is argued that presentation of archaeologi long way in empowering indigenous communi cal places in Africa as cultural attractions offers ties and making them proud again af"!er so many the opportunity to surrnount its colonial past and years ofbeing alienated from these monuments reconstruct its archaeological interpretation in a and denied meaningful access. The incorpora practically viable manner. Yet as Garlake (1982) tion of indigenous values and views into the way observed in Zimbabwe, despite attainment of archaeologists, museums and educational insti political independence and the removal .of cen tutions present the past would also enrich these sorship in the practice of archaeology Great Zim in terms of the academic discourse on the pre babwe (indeed mos! archaeological monuments) sented heritage. It is argued that the preserva remains to the mass of the population 'a remote tion of the heritage must incorporate methods, and meaningless abstraction alienated from all which will make it easier for schools and the lo that is significant in their culture'. Although this cal communities to utilise the resource. National statement was made in 1982 the situation remains Museums and Monuments has made some lim partly true almost 20 years later. However as in ited attempts to address children, two booklets dicated above efforts are being made to rectify were produced one by Sanyahumbi (1992) a chil the problems created in the past. This ultimately dren's colour book and the other by Mvenge and rest on the new generation of archaeologist, re Masona (1994). Both utilised animated story tell searchers and the public at !arge lo over come ing as a vehicle of educating children about Great the very deep divisions resulting from the impo Zimbabwe. Unfortunately these booklets were sition of and clash of differing world views on never distributed to schools but soldat the monu the Zimbabwe plateau over the past 500 years. ment as part ofthe tourist literature. ··.·. Tr . i I •', Ji I' . i 9. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 9 .1. Introduction designated monuments and sites are intricately intertwined with people's lives, as they are part Although heritage management systems in and parce! ofavi brant and dynarnic cultural land Southem Africa are slowly changing, the expe scape. Thus heritage management has both a rience from Great Zimbabwe and elsewhere as technical anda political dimension. There is need indicated in previous chapters hardly supports to have access to first rate, unarguable technical this view. This has meant focusing on the tangi data, but also realistic information on legal, re ble elements of the heritage and over emphasis gional and political situation. Generally the ex ing the monumental and archaeological aspects. perience also demonstrates that the cultural land The colonial experience and the introduction of scape on which the monuments are situated are intemational conventions from such organisa not just represented by the tangible physical as tions as UNESCO seem to have had a strong pects like the architectural and archaeological influence in the way heritage management has remains. This requires being sensitive to the ar evolved. These seem to promote the idea of chaeology vision which recognises the impor monuments, si tes or places as relics from the past tance ofthe contextual setting (Hodder 1992) and with limited relevance to the present socio-cul which looks beyond the myopic focus on the site, tural environment. The experience from Great artefact or monument. The metaphysical or in Zimbabwe and elsewhere as indicated in previ tangible aspects are of great importance particu ous chapters is hardly the case. The practice of larly if we are to understand the total cultural heritage management in Southem Africa has in significance of these places. Great Zimbabwe, the past ignored the role of local communities like Nj elele in the Matopo is regarded by many or people in the process of managing cultural Zimbabweans as first and foremost a National sites. This is not surprising given that most her Shrine. It is also regarded by many African peo itage managers are researcher professionals i.e. ple all over the world as a symbol of African Archaeologists, Botanist, Historians, Anthro identity. The Local communities too regard the pologists etc whose main concem in the herit place as of spiritual significance. It has there age has previously always been to put to the före fore been argued that the local and indigenous 'objects' 'artefacts' 'monuments' and 'speci communities have been denied access to the mens'. This in the end removes the people from place due to initially the colonial practice and the environs of such monuments as Great Zim later the new heritage management systems babwe, Domboshaba or Thulamela. By isolat which tum to ignore the metaphysical aspects of ing these monuments we create buffer zones to the place. Access to the cultural property by lo exclude them from the local communities. The cal and indigenous communities is very impor- I i' i 122 tant not only because the heritage is theirs. It early archaeological excavations were not system also will help in restoring damaged self-confi atic and were destructive particularly to structural dence. If any development proj ects are to suc remains. Mostexcavators were mainly interested ceed then the communities concemed must be in the artefacts. At places like Naletale, Danam self-confident and this can be achieved once ombe, Khami, Mapungubwe and K2 excavated people begin to be proud about their past and trenches made in the past have left unsightly scars also that they own the heritage. on the archaeological landscape (Plate 9.1 ). At times water collects into these uncovered trenches 9 .2. Preservation and thus promotes rapid decay of artefacts. At At Great Zimbabwe any conservation pro places such as Naletale and Danamombe the gramme has to recognise that structures like the trenches were not systematic and thus show the dry-stone walls started falling and collapsing impression ofhaphazard archaeological research. from the moment they were built. They were At Great Zimbabwe excavations by Hall and Bent unique structures and had their own inherent also left such scars on the surface ofthe site. This weakness and problems. This means that inter is important when dealing with such places like vention in the form ofrebuilding and alterations Great Zimbabwe where we have to consider the must have been a continuous process over the structural relations and their environment. This is two or so centuries of effective occupation. The very important also in terms of presentation of same can be said of the other structures like the the site. As indicated earlier a comprehensive con dhaka houses; old ones destroyed and new ones servation strategy should include the image one constructed in their place; This process of con is trying to presei-ve. tinuous building and alterations isa clearly dein onstrated by the exposed and now eroding sec 9.3. Presentation tions ofthe Western Enclosure in the Hill Com Presentation is not just about visitor management plex. Here the stratigraphy shows the continuity but a whole range of on-site experiences ranging ofoccupation with structures lying on top ofeach from the entrance, facilities, accessibility of in other, thus providing a visual chronostratigraphic formation provided and what people remember sequence of the Hill. Therefore, it appears that about the place. Presentation basically should cen the continued existence ofmost of the structures tre on communication. It is ironic that the public depended on a regular maintenance programme. most directly connected to the heritage has not We do not know how long dhaka structures been a primary audience for presenting monu lasted with regular maintenance, but the dry ments. Although there are some notable and prom stone lasted several centuries with minimum in ising moves to address the situation such attempts tervention. Any conservation programme ofthis are still in the minority. Of significance has been monument must therefore place emphasis on the recently conducted ritual ceremony to open a regular monitoring and maintenance for the pres sacred water fountain at Great Zimbabwe monu ervation of the structures and objects. ment. The sacred natura! water fountain had been From the previous chapters the steps taken to closed and sealed using concrete in the 1950's. preserve monuments like Great Zimbabwe or This action did not please the neighbouring com Thulamela have all been based on sound inter munities of Charumbira, Nemanwa and Mugabe national conservation principles as espoused by because they regarded the fountain as a gift from the Venice Charter (1954). It can therefore be the ancestors particularly during draught years. In argued that the practice of conserving monu 2000 NMMZ sponsored a ritual ceremony to re ments and archaeological remains has been ac open the fountain and this allowed the local com ceptable internationally. However there are some munity to have access to the site. disturbing attitudes, which we can trace, back However, apart from allowing the local com to the last century. From the 1900s a number of munity access to the monument to perform ritu sites have had sections of them destroyed by als and perhaps use of some resources attempts treasure hunters looking for gold. Some of the must also be made to communicate the profes- 123 Flate 9.1. K2 after many years ojexcavation campaigns. sional research results by archaeologists and con cessible to the public in a way that avoids de servators. The results must be presented in vari grading the very site that people want to see and ous ways so as to reach the different interest groups also bequeath it to the next generation so that who have an interest in the heritage. In short the they too can have archaeologiCal sites they de general public must be informed and whilst edu serve. As a cultural asset, cultural tourism is one cational efforts take time to yield results it is the way in which the rural community around Great on!y way of ensuring that present and future gen Zimbabwe and in many other places can begin erations play apart in managing their own herit to develop. It is a source of income, and in most age. cases the only feasible source. Besides the local community the tourist industry provides the 9.4. Conclusions much needed funding for the total conservation Besides the promotion of the site to the public strategy. However, there isa danger that we may and local community the conservation of ruined become too concerned with heritage as a mar monument like Great Zimbabwe must be based ketable commodity and lose sight of the educa on simple hut familiar techniques. These should tional and conservation objectives. Thus a cor preferably be derived from the traditional and porate strategy to develop the heritage industry local conditions ofthe area. There is need to find should adopt a code of practice that reconciles appropriate and sympathetic solutions that do not the needs of the monument and its environment depend on expensive imported high technology. with those of the public. These must also take The management of monuments is influenced into consideration the impact of all this on the in many ways by our ideas ofthe contemporary local rural community. The future of conserva world. Thus in order to present the archaeologi tion and heritage management in most develop cal heritage successfully to the public, the strat ing countries will depend on how these can be egy of preservation and presentation must be seen as enhancing the life and development of integrated. This needs a multi-disciplinary team the area. Adopting a purely academic view to to formulate and implement. The central issue is wards the monuments will in the long run lead how to make the monument intelligible and ac- to neglect of the heritage and ensure that both 124 t!uz)ocal community and policy makers ignore In the final analysis, it has to be realized that its management. This will also mean no funding the long-term management ofheritage places in for heritage management projects, which will Southem Africa will depend on continued evalu clearly be given low priority by central govem ation of the local enviromnent rather than huge ment due to lack oftangible and meaning:ful ben dosages of intemational aid. The best is a man efits to the development of the country. By rec agement ethos that arises from the local socio onciling the various cultural values ofplaces we enviromnent. 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Vol l 1948-Vol 291997. Occasional Papers in Archaeology Ansvarig utgivare: Ola Kyhlberg & Frands Herschend I The Bjurselet Settlement III. Vol.1--2. Hans Christiansson and Kjel Knutsson (eds.). Uppsala 1989. 274 pp. 155 pp. 2 U Alström, U. Hus och gård i Olavs vård. Trondheim ca 990-1300, (Houses and farmsteads in Olav's care. Trondheim c. 990-1300). Uppsala 1991. 72 pp. 43 figs. 3 F Herschend. The recasting of a symbolic value. Three case studies on rune-stones. Uppsala 1994. 123 pp., 48 figs. 4 A. Kalif! Brandgravsk:ick och föreställningsvärld. Enreligionsarkeologisk diskussion (Cremation burial practice and religious beliefs.) Uppsala 1992. 148 pp., 12 figs. (Outofprint). 5 S. Welinder. Människor och artefaktmönster. (Humans and artifact pattems.Uppsala 1992. 76 pp., 56 figs. 6 K Andersson. Romartida guldsmide i Norden Il. Fingerringar. (Roman period gold jewellery in the Nordic countries. Il. Finger rings). Uppsala 1993. 158 pp., 103 figs. (out ofprint) 7 Arkeologi och miljögeologi i Gamla Uppsala. Studier och rapporter I. (Archaeology and environmental geology in Gamla Uppsala. Studies and reports I). W. Duczko (ed.). Uppsala 1993. 127 pp., 37 figs. 8 L. Wilson. Runstenar och kyrkor: en studie med utgångspunkt från runstenar som påträffats i kyrkomiljö i Uppland och Södermanland (Rune-stones and churches). Uppsala 1994. 14 3 pp., 42 figs. 9 J Coles. Rock carvings ofUppland: a guide. Uppsala 1994. 98 pp., 82 figs., 11 maps. I 0 B. Johansen & S. Welinder. Arkeologi om barn. Uppsala 1995. 83 pp. 11 Arkeologi och miljögeologi i Gamla Uppsala. Studier och rapporter Il. (Archaeology and environmental geology in Gamla Uppsala. Studies and reports Il). W. Duczko (ed.). Uppsala 1996. 230 pp., 50 figs. 12 J Hegardt. Relativ betydelse. Individualitet och totalitet i arkeologisk kultur teori. (Relative Meaning: Individuality and totality in archaeological cultural theory). Uppsala 1997. 277 pp., 2 figs. 13 K Andersson & F Herschend. Germanerna och Rom. (The Germans and Rome). Uppsala 1997. 140 pp., 36 figs. I'-' 14 F. Herschendc Livet i hallen Tre fallstudier i den yngre järnålderns aristokrati. (Life in the Hall. Three case-studies, on aristocracy). Uppsala 1997. 94 pp., 12 figs. 15 F. Herschend. The Idea of the Good in Late IronAge Society. Uppsala 1998. 210 pp., 41 figs. 16 Proceedings from the Third Flint Alternatives Conference at Uppsala, Sweden, Octoberl 8-20, 1996. Holm, L & Knutsson, K. (eds). Uppsala 1998. 206 pp. 17 S. Norr. To Rede and To Rown. Expressions of early Scandinavian kingship in written sources. Uppsala 1998. 253 pp., 4 plates. 18 F. Herschend. I förhållande till arkeologi. Uppsala 1998. 176 pp., 16 figs. 19 "Suionum hinc civitates ". Nya undersökningar kring norra Mälardalens äldre järnålder. ("Suionum hinc civitates" New investigations concern ing the early IronAge in the northen part ofthe lake Mälaren Vally). K. Andersson (red.). Uppsala 1998. 275 pp., 93 figs. 20 A. Kplijf. Arkeologi i Östergötland. Scener ur ett landskaps förhistoria. (Östergötland: Scenes from the Prehistory of a Swedish province). Uppsala .1999.163pp.,59figs. 21 R. Meurman. Silverberg i Järnbärarland. Bergshanteringens begynnelse i ljuset av Schmidt Testhammar-datering. (Silver mountains iniron ore country. The beginning ofmining as reflected in Schmidt's Test-hammer datings). Uppsala 2000. 184 pp., 74 figs. 22 M Notelid. Det andra påseendet. En studie av övergångar i den arkeologiska disciplinens historia. (The Second Glance: A study oftransitions in the history of archaeological discipline). Uppsala2000. 217 pp., 2 figs. 23 M Notelid. Det andra påseendet, del Il. Den omvända diskursen (The Second Glance, part Il. The reverse discourse). Uppsala 2001. 43 pp. 24-26 Forthcoming. 27 (=SAR 39) Mellan sten och brons.· Uppdragsarkeologi och forskning kring senneolitikum och bronsålder (Between stone and bronze. Rescue archaeology and research concerning the Late N eolithic Period and the Bronze Age). H, Bolin, A. Kaliff & T. Zachrisson (red.). Uppsala & Stockholm 200 l. 152 pp., 31 figs., 4 tablets. 28 A. Sund.kvist. Hästarnas land. Aristokratisk hästhållning och ridkonst i Svealands yngre järnålder (The Land ofthe Horses. Aristocratic Horseman ship and Riding in the Late IronAge). Uppsala2001. 260 pp., 90 figs., 4 tablets. Studies in Afri&.i:n Archaeology Series Editor: Paul J. J. Sinclair 1 Sinclair, P J J, N Nydolf& G Wickman-Nydolfl 987. Excavations at the University Campus Site 2532 De 1, SouthemMozambique. 2 Sinclair, P J J, M Törnblom, C. Bohm, B. Sigvallius & B. Hulten 1988. Analyses ofSlag, Iron, Cerarnics and Animal Bones from Excavations in 1'1ozambique. 3 Morais, J M F. 1988. The Early Fanning Communities ofSouthernMozambique. 4 Duarte, R. T 1993. Northem Mozambique in the Swahili World: an archaeological approach. 154 pp., 24 figs, 24 plates. 5 Matenga, E. 1993. Archaeological figurines from Zimbabwe 63 pp., 12 maps, 40 figs, 2 plates. 6 Pikirayi, I 1993. TheArchaeological Identity ofthe Mutapa State: towards anhistorical archaeology ofnorthemZimbabwe. 199 pp., 74 figs, 39 maps, 39 plates. 7 Chami, F 1994. TheTanzanianCoastintheFirstMillenniumAD: an archaeology ofthe iron working, fanning communities (withmicroscopic analyses by A. Lindahl). 120pp.,27 figs, 19maps, 3 plates. 8 Chipunza, K T 1994. ADiachronic Analysis ofthe Architecture ofthe Hill Complex at Great Zimbabwe. 94 pp., 17 figs. (Out ofprint) 9 Swan, L. 1994. Early Gold Mining on the Zimbabwean Plateau: changing pattems of gold production in the first and second millennium. AD 181 pp., 52 figs, 6 plates. (Out ofprint). 10 Walker, N J 1995. Late Pleistocene and Holocene Hunter-gatherers of the Matopos: an archaeological study of change and continuity in Zimbabwe. 284 pp., 135 figs, 123 tables, 24 plates. 11 Lindahl, A. & E. Matenga 1995. Present and Past: ceramics and homesteads. An ethnoarchaeological project in the Buhera district, Zimbabwe. 116 pp., 79 figs. 12 Jama, A. D. 1996. The Origins and Development ofMogadishu AD 1000 to 1850: a study ofurban growth along the Benadir coast of southem Somalia. 13 5 pp., 15 figs, 5 plates. 13 Pwiti, G. 1996. Continuity and Change: an archaeological study of farming communitiesinnorthemZimbabweAD 500-1700. 180pp.,43 figs, 21 plates. 14 Cave, Monuments and Texts: Zimbabwean archaeology today. Pwiti, G (ed.) 1997. 159 pp., 16 figs, 3 plates. 15 Radimilahy, C. 1998. Mahilaka: an archaeological investigation of an early towninnorthwestemMadagascar. 293pp.,165 figs, 38 plates. 16 Jonsson, J 1998.EarlyPlantEconomyinZimbabwe.141pp.,30figs,11 plates. 17 Kinahan, J, 2000. Cattle for Beads: the archaeolog ofhistorical contact and trade on the Namib coast. 119 pp., 22 tables, 62 figs. Aun L Ansvarig utgivare: Ola Kyhlberg 1 L. Löfttrand. Yngrestenåldemskustboplatser. UndersökningarnavidÄsoch studier i den gropkeramiska kulturens kronologi och ekologi. N eolithic coastal settlement. Investigations atÄs and studies ofthe chronology and environmentofthe Pitted Ware culture.) 1974. 191pp.,111 figs., tables., 16pl. 2 1 Hägg. Kvinnodräkten i Birka. Livplaggens rekonstruktion på grundval av det arkeologiska materialet. (Die Frauentracht in Birka. Eine Rekonstruktion der Körperkleidungsstiicke auf Grund der archäologischen Funde.) 1974. 144 pp., 56 figs., 15 pi., appendix. 3 N Broadbent. Coastal resources and settlement stability.A critical study of a Mesolithic site complex innorthem Sweden. 1979. 268 pp., 89 figs., 11 pl., 43 tables, 3 appendices. 4 L. Thunmark-Nylen. Vikingatida dosspännen - teknisk stratigrafi och verkstadsgruppering. (VikingAge box brooches - technical stratigraphy and workshop grouping.) 1983. 152 pp., 122 figs., I map, 58 tables. 5 U Näsman. Glas och handel i senromersk tid och folkvandringstid. En studie kring glas frånEketorp-II, Öland, Sverige. (Glass and trade in theLate Roman and Migration periods. Astudy on glasses found in Eketorp-lI, Öland, Sweden.) 1984. 166 pp., 3 pl., 13 maps. (Outofprint). 6 J. Engström. Torsburgen. Tolkning av en gotländsk fornborg. (Torsburgen. Interpretation of a Gotlandic hill-fort.) 1984. 162 pp., 42 figs., tables, 5 pl. 7 1 Jansson. Ovala spännbucklor. En studie av vikingatida standardsmycken med utgångspunkt från Björkö- fynden. (Oval brooches. A study ofViking Period standard jewellery based on the finds from Björkö (Birka), Sweden.) 1985. 238 pp., 142 figs., 4 table. 8 E. Callahan. An evaluation ofthe lithic technology in Middle Sweden This thesis explores traditional ways of heritage management. They are discussed in relations to the various experiences at the Great Zimbabwe National Monument. The architectural conservation programmes implemented at Great Zimb~bwe are outlined and reviewed in the context of archaeological heritage management in Southern Africa. The thesis emphases the need for integrative planning and management structures that promotes a rapprochement between scientific and local knowledge. This provides the best chance of avoiding irreversible cultural degradation resulting from arbitrary decisions of management a.rid policy makers. ISSN 0284-5040 ISBN 91-506-1466-5 Universitetstryckeriet, Uppsala 2001