Human Rights Abuse Alert Algeria
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Algeria: a Grassroots Movement for Change Or Elite Political Gamesmanship?
POLICY OUTLOOK Algeria: A Grassroots Movement for Change or Elite Political Gamesmanship? Dr Tarek Cherkaoui Michael Arnold Yasmina Allouche (Farouk Batiche - Anadolu Agency) What are the core issues behind the recent protests? How are Algeria’s complex political dynamics playing out with regards to the ongoing protests? What role do regional and international players have in the most recent developments? What are the possible outcomes of the political situation leading up to and after the April presidential elections? POLICY OUTLOOK military that protests, orchestrated by foreign elements, Introduction threaten the country’s stability and peace which will lead to Politics in Algeria is known for, if nothing else, its opacity. a repeat of the civil war. Since the end of the war of independence in 1962 the The promise of reforms and the repression and subsequent country has been governed by groups claiming to be the descent into violence with some of the states of the Arab guardians of the legitimacy of the revolution. The latter Spring was enough to deter Algerians from carrying on emerged after a series of power struggles against their with protests in 2011. However the lack of concrete reforms, fellow comrades-in-arms. Subsequently, the historical aside from constitutional amendments in 2016, are words legacy slowly diluted with more groups of shadowy, largely perceived as empty promises after numerous unelected power brokers taking over power nodes in the repetitions and no longer a viable concession in place of country. Known as “le pouvoir”, this cabal of ruling elites Bouteflika’s resignation demanded by the people. -
Les Dix Personnalités Politiques Qui Ont Marqué L'année 2018
DIA http://dia-algerie.com Les dix personnalités politiques qui ont marqué l'année 2018 DIA-19 Décembre 2018: Dans le cadre de nos classements des personnalités algériennes, voici les 10 personnalités politiques qui ont marqué l'année 2018, avec l'entrée sur la scène de Mouad Bouchareb, le nouveau patron du FLN. 1- Ahmed Ouyahia, l’homme du président Alors que certains le donnaient comme mort politiquement et d’autres, démissionnaire, le Premier Ministre Ahmed Ouyahia est toujours resté l’homme du président de la République, Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Depuis sa nomination au poste de premier ministre, Ahmed Ouyahia a obtenu les pleins pouvoirs pour gérer le pays. Tout passe par lui pour une validation : de la politique économique du pays, à la Communication en passant par les dossiers stratégiques de l’industrie et de la politique sociale et internationale. Du temps où il occupait le poste de chef du Gouvernement durant l’ère de Bouteflika en 2003, Ouyahia n’avait pas autant de cartes blanches pour gérer le pays. Il n’avait que le volet économique et le suivi des dossiers du programme du président. Présenté comme l’homme « des missions délicates » Ouyahia assume bien son job et a récupéré du président Bouteflika tous les pouvoirs afin de tenter de redresser le pays. Vraisemblablement le Premier Ministre s’est doté du pouvoir de président pour assurer sa mission. Depuis son retour aux affaires politiques du pays, Ouyahia est plongé dans les dossiers urgents. Il n’est pas un quart de Premier Ministre mais un chef de l’Exécutif complet qui a pour mission de mener le pays sur la bonne route et l’éloigner le plus possible de la crise qui le menace. -
Co-Opting Identity: the Manipulation of Berberism, the Frustration of Democratisation, and the Generation of Violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE
1 crisis states programme development research centre www Working Paper no.7 CO-OPTING IDENTITY: THE MANIPULATION OF BERBERISM, THE FRUSTRATION OF DEMOCRATISATION AND THE GENERATION OF VIOLENCE IN LGERIA A Hugh Roberts Development Research Centre LSE December 2001 Copyright © Hugh Roberts, 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of this Working Paper should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Programme Working papers series no.1 English version: Spanish version: ISSN 1740-5807 (print) ISSN 1740-5823 (print) ISSN 1740-5815 (on-line) ISSN 1740-5831 (on-line) 1 Crisis States Programme Co-opting Identity: The manipulation of Berberism, the frustration of democratisation, and the generation of violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE Acknowledgements This working paper is a revised and extended version of a paper originally entitled ‘Much Ado about Identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the crisis of the Algerian state, 1980-1992’ presented to a seminar on Cultural Identity and Politics organized by the Department of Political Science and the Institute for International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, in April 1996. Subsequent versions of the paper were presented to a conference on North Africa at Binghamton University (SUNY), Binghamton, NY, under the title 'Berber politics and Berberist ideology in Algeria', in April 1998 and to a staff seminar of the Government Department at the London School of Economics, under the title ‘Co-opting identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the frustration of democratisation in Algeria’, in February 2000. -
Lire Le Journal En
l ILS ONT ADRESSÉ UNE NOUVELLE LETTRE À BOUTEFLIKA A l’orée de la nouvelle année 2016, Le Soir d’Algérie présente Forte inquiétude à ses lecteurs ses meilleurs vœux. l A quelques heures de la signature de la loi de finances 2016, laquelle devrait en principe intervenir Bonne et heureuse année à tous. aujourd’hui, le groupe des 19des a adressé une nouvelle lettre«19» au Président Bouteflika afin de lui demander «d’user de ses prérogatives en vue de permettre une seconde lecture de cette loi par l’APN». L. S. A. PAGE 5 l ÉLECTIONS SÉNATORIALES Le RND reste Edition du Centre - ISSN IIII - 0074 Analyse HOCINE AÏT-AHMED majoritaire L’intellectuel d’une révolution confisquée aul Des lectures Sénat différentes ont eu lieu hier suite à la promulgation des résultats des sénatoriales. Arrivé second aux élections, le RND d’Ouyahia reste, cependant, le grand vainqueur d’un suffrage qui le maintient premier groupe parlementaire du Sénat. PAGE 5 Photo : Samir Sid l ÉLECTRICITÉ ET GAZ Par Badr’Eddine Mili (P. 7) Le Bonjour du «Soir» Vers une grève 2016 Que de fois avions-nous, dans les colonnes sans fin du temps qui Lele secteur 10 de l’électricité janvier et du gaz risque d’être passe, souhaité «bonne année» à nos lecteurs ? Les formules, les titres et perturbé dès le 10 janvier 2016. Un préavis d’une grève les vœux tissaient l’espoir à l'angle de trois jours dès cette date a été lancé hier par la des époques tranquilles, pas encore affolées par les vents contraires d'un commission exécutive de la Fédération nationale des capitalisme qui ne veut pas mourir travailleurs des industries électriques et gazières (FNTIEG), sans emporter la planète avec lui ! affiliée à l’Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA), Rien ne nous faisait peur ! Ni le pétrole à quelques dollars, ni la et qui n’écarte pas ultérieurement d’autres actions de bourgeoisie terrassée par le souffle protestation, telle une grève illimitée. -
July 11, 2019, Vol. 61, No. 28
Elecciones en Guatemala 12 Manifestación de emergencia 12 Workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite! workers.org Vol. 61 No. 28 July 11, 2019 $1 Acts of solidarity with migrants grow By Mirinda Crissman permanent protections for all undocu- Houston mented immigrants. This act of solidarity in New Jersey resulted in 37 protesters The United States government is wag- arrested in support of those oppressed at ing a white-supremacist, imperialist, neo- the border. colonial war on multiple fronts. While Other expressions of solidarity have this war on oppressed people rages on, come from workers and folks abroad. people across the country and the world Wayfair workers walked out of the job on are taking a stand against state violence. June 26 in Boston to protest their CEO’s Violence abroad can take many forms like refusal to stop furnishing detention cen- resource extraction, economic sanctions ters with Wayfair products. and regime change. An Arizona teacher, Scott Warren, is These forms, including intensifying cli- facing 10 years in jail if convicted of two mate catastrophe, are forcing folks to flee felonies for the so-called crime of leaving their homelands from all over the planet jugs of water and providing shelter for and move toward increasingly militarized migrants in the desert. borders. Migration has been happening On June 29, a German ship captain, on this continent for thousands of years Carola Rackete, after docking in the before it was colonized. Italian island port of Lampedusa, was Militarized borders are an affront arrested for rescuing over two dozen to humanity. -
Algeria 2020 Human Rights Report
ALGERIA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Algeria is a multiparty republic whose president, the head of state, is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime minister, who is the head of government. A 2016 constitutional revision requires the president to consult with the parliamentary majority before appointing the prime minister. President Abdelmadjid Tebboune came to office after winning the December 2019 presidential election, which saw approximately 40-percent voter turnout, following mass popular demonstrations (known as the Hirak) throughout 2019 calling for democratic reforms. Observers characterized the elections as well organized and conducted without significant problems or irregularities, but noted restrictions on civil liberties during the election period and lack of transparency in vote-counting procedures. The 130,000-member National Gendarmerie, which performs police functions outside of urban areas under the auspices of the Ministry of National Defense, and the 200,000-member General Directorate of National Security or national police, under the Ministry of Interior, share responsibility for maintaining law and order. The army is responsible for external security, guarding the country’s borders, and has some domestic security responsibilities. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces. The Ministry of Justice reported no civil, security, or military officials were prosecuted or convicted of torture or other abusive treatment. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Algeria held a constitutional referendum on November 1. The president and supporters of the referendum argued the new constitution will lead to a greater balance of power between the president and parliament; opponents believed the draft will further consolidate presidential power and did not include sufficient governance and human rights reforms. -
How the Hirak Protest Movement Is Reshaping Algerian Politics
POLICY BRIEF DEMONSTRATION EFFECTS: HOW THE HIRAK PROTEST MOVEMENT IS RESHAPING ALGERIAN POLITICS Amel Boubekeur February 2020 SUMMARY The Hirak protest movement has revealed flaws in Algeria’s ruling system, which lacks the tools to reinvent itself or negotiate a new social contract with the people. The army has been unable to restore the “civilian president” narrative it used for two decades, while the current president has been unable to disguise his dependence on the military leadership. The regime can no longer use rigged elections as a substitute for negotiations with citizens. The regime is trying to promote a narrative on the removal of mafias connected with the former president as a guarantee of a new era. The Hirak has created a political culture of popular empowerment, but it still has to agree on a road map for a political transition. Introduction In December 2019, Algeria’s top generals chose Abdelmadjid Tebboune as the country’s new president. Although they organised a sham election to formalise the move, this could not disguise the fact that the army had once again appointed a national leader against the will of the people – as it had during the 20-year rule of the previous president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika. The process was one of the main triggers of the Hirak (mass protest movement) that began in February 2019, with much of the population boycotting the election. Indeed, for most Algerians, Tebboune lacks legitimacy as a product of the military regime. Nonetheless, many external observers have asked whether he can end the demonstrations by reforming the government from within. -
JOINT COMMUNIQUE 1. at the Invitation of the Government Of
AFRICAN PEER REVIEW MECHANISM ALGERIA EVALUATION MISSION (10 NOV. - 5 DEC. 2007) JOINT COMMUNIQUE 1. At the invitation of the Government of Algeria, Mrs. Marie-Angélique Savane, Member of the Panel of Eminent Persons of the African Peer Review (APRM),led an Evaluation Mission to Algeria, within the APRM framework, from 10 November to 5 December. 2. The APRM is a mechanism established by African Heads of State and Government in July 2002 to assess and help improve the participating countries’ performance in good governance in four thematic areas: Democracy and Political Governance, Economic Governance and Management, Corporate Governance and Socio-Economic Development. Accession to the Mechanism is voluntary and Algeria was one of the founders and among the first countries that acceded to the Mechanism in 2003. 3. The evaluation of the country by African experts constitutes the second phase of the APRM process. The main objective of this phase is to organize the broadest possible consultations with Government officials and institutions of the Republic, members of parliament, representatives of political parties, groups of business operators, representatives of the civil society, including the Media, academics, trade unions, youth and women’s organizations, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), rural communities, strategic partners, the G8 partners and representatives of international organizations as well as African ambassadors accredited to the country. The ultimate goal is to deepen and complete the Self- Assessment Report in addition to making recommendations that are likely to improve governance in the country. 4. Mrs. Savané was accompanied by a strong delegation of about twenty high-level experts comprising independent experts in particular, as well as experts representing the strategic partners of APRM – African Development Bank (AfDB), UNDP Regional Bureau for Africa and the UN Economic Commission for Africa (ECA). -
State-Formation and Patronage Networks: a Comparative Analysis of Berber-State
State-Formation and Patronage Networks: A comparative analysis of Berber-State relations in Morocco and Algeria Sihem Attalah Political Science Department McGill University Montreal, Quebec October 2019 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts © Attalah, 2019 2 PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK 3 ABSTRACT This article seeks to account for the different relationships between the central government and Berber populations in Morocco and Algeria—The first case being largely integrative and the other frequently conflictual. Through a comparative historical analysis, it highlights the dual importance of the legacies of French colonial rule on one hand, and post-colonial configurations of political power on the other. Both variables were essential in shaping the extent and the composition of power networks in Morocco and Algeria, which defined the relationship Berber communities had with the central authority. EXTRAIT Cet article vise à interroger les relations entre populations berbères et gouvernement central marocain d'une part et gouvernement central algérien d'autre part. Si dans le cas du Maroc, la stratégie employée se montre portée sur l’intégration, l'approche algérienne se révèle beaucoup plus conflictuelle. Cette analyse historique comparative a pour objectif de mettre en lumière l'importance de l'héritage colonial français, tout comme celle de l'architecture du pouvoir politique contemporain. Ces deux variables ont déterminé la portée et la composition des réseaux de pouvoir au Maroc et en Algérie, ce qui a eu pour effet de façonner les relations des communautés berbères avec le gouvernement. 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work would not have been possible without the help and patience of my supervisor Rex Brynen, and for that I am very thankful. -
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines
The Executive Survey General Information and Guidelines Dear Country Expert, In this section, we distinguish between the head of state (HOS) and the head of government (HOG). • The Head of State (HOS) is an individual or collective body that serves as the chief public representative of the country; his or her function could be purely ceremonial. • The Head of Government (HOG) is the chief officer(s) of the executive branch of government; the HOG may also be HOS, in which case the executive survey only pertains to the HOS. • The executive survey applies to the person who effectively holds these positions in practice. • The HOS/HOG pair will always include the effective ruler of the country, even if for a period this is the commander of foreign occupying forces. • The HOS and/or HOG must rule over a significant part of the country’s territory. • The HOS and/or HOG must be a resident of the country — governments in exile are not listed. • By implication, if you are considering a semi-sovereign territory, such as a colony or an annexed territory, the HOS and/or HOG will be a person located in the territory in question, not in the capital of the colonizing/annexing country. • Only HOSs and/or HOGs who stay in power for 100 consecutive days or more will be included in the surveys. • A country may go without a HOG but there will be no period listed with only a HOG and no HOS. • If a HOG also becomes HOS (interim or full), s/he is moved to the HOS list and removed from the HOG list for the duration of their tenure. -
January 2020
Country Policy and Information Note Algeria: Internal relocation and background information Version 1.0 September 2020 Preface Purpose This note provides a summary of and links to country of origin information (COI) for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) general background to the country concerned, including demography and geography; and (2) issues which may be relevant to protection claims. Unlike country policy and information notes, it does not contain an assessment of risk, availability of protection or reasonableness of internal relocation. Decision makers must, however, still consider all claims on an individual basis, taking into account each case’s specific facts. Country of origin information The country information in this note has been carefully selected in accordance with the general principles of COI research as set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI), dated April 2008, and the Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation’s (ACCORD), Researching Country Origin Information – Training Manual, 2013. Namely, taking into account the COI’s relevance, reliability, accuracy, balance, currency, transparency and traceability. The structure and content of the country information section follows a terms of reference which sets out the general and specific topics relevant to this note. All information included in the note was published or made publicly available on or before the ‘cut-off’ date in the country information section. -
Legitimating an Authoritative Power Through the Foreign Policy Discourse, the Example of Algeria During the Arab Uprisings” by Côme GREVY
“Legitimating an authoritative power through the foreign policy discourse, the example of Algeria during the Arab uprisings” By Côme GREVY Written for the course: Sociologie des relations internationales dans le monde arabe Taught by Laurent Bonnefoy Fall 2014 This paper has received the KSP Student Paper Award of the Kuwait Program at Sciences Po The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Sociologie des Relations Internationales dans le monde arabe (Laurent Bonnefoy) - Final Paper December 2014 Title: Legitimating an authoritative power through the foreign policy discourse, the example of Algeria during the Arab uprisings Author: Côme GREVY In spite of many predictions, the wind of the “Arab spring” did not blow on Algeria. To be more accurate and to use La Fontaine’s words in his poem The Oak and the Reed: facing the wind of the Arab unrest in 2011, the Algerian government did bend but did not break. This could seem surprising because Algeria actually shares many characteristics with its Arab neighbours such as Tunisia and Egypt where the revolution led to the fall of Zine el‐Abidine Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak. Indeed, Abdelaziz Bouteflika has been leading the country for 12 years at the moment of the Arab uprisings; Algeria is traditionally dominated by the army; the state of emergency was imposed during 20 years until 2011 and there is a growing discontent about the political institutions and leaders and a high rate of youth unemployment (23,6%)1.