Volume 5 | Issue 3 | Article ID 2388 | Mar 01, 2007 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Focus

Mobilizing Transnational Korean Linkages for Economic Development on 's Frontier

Outi Luova

Mobilizing Transnational Korean Linkages for Economic Development on China's Frontier

By Outi Luova

China’s coastal regions have received impressive financial and organizational resources through overseas Chinese networks and international capital generally. China’s land borders are also linked to transnational communities, Street in , the capital of Yanbian (courtesy Outi Luova) thanks to the networks of ethnic minorities who live there. This article The Yanbian and the introduces the mobilization of the Korean Transnational Korean Community in minority’s transnational ethnicities in the Northeast Asia service of local economic development. China’s well-established structure for the The current Korean population in China is utilization of overseas Chinese resources of rather recent origin. A wave of serves as a frame of reference. The migration from the Korean Peninsula analysis focuses on foreign investment, began in the 17th century. However, most donations, and remittances—resources of the migrants arrived during the that are widely regarded as the most tumultuous decades between the middle important development input provided by of the 19th century and the end of the the overseas Chinese. The regional focus Second World War. was is on Yanbian, a Korean autonomous first a refuge for poor peasants and later a prefecture in Province in Northeast base for Korean nationalists, who fought China, which has enjoyed a measure of against the Japanese colonial rulers in the success in attracting Korean investment period 1910–45. After Japan annexed in step with burgeoning China-South Northeast China in 1931, hundreds of economic and political ties. But it thousands of Koreans migrated to the has also faced significant challenges. new Japanese-dominated state of

1 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF

Manzhouguo, including many forcibly sent population mainly originated in these to work in factories and mines. However, recent waves of migration, both Chinese the vast majority of migrants from Korea and Korean kingdoms earlier ruled and came allured by the promise of land. fought over the area that is now Yanbian. The historical dispute over the area continues even today among historians When Japan was defeated in 1945, there and politicians: Both and were 1.7 million Koreans in Northeast China claim historical antecedence with China. When the People’s Republic of respect to the Kingdoms ofGaoguli China was established in 1949, some (Chinese)/ (Korean) and Bohai 600,000 Koreans returned to the Korean (Chinese)/ (Korean), which ruled Peninsula, while 1.1 million remained in over the area from 37 BCE to 926 CE. China. China’s ethnic Korean minority Another historical dispute concerns the presently totals roughly two millionregion of Jiandao (Chinese)/Gando people. Most live in Northeast China, with (Korean), which is roughly congruent with a dense Korean population in Yanbian on contemporary Yanbian. Some Korean the North Korean border. The number of nationalists continue to demand that ethnic Koreans in Yanbian is aboutJiandao, which they regard as a part of 200,000, 38 percent of the prefecture’s Korea, be restored to Korea. [1] population. An estimated 80 percent of the Yanbian Koreans have their roots in contemporary , and 20Yanbian has two pools of Korean resources abroad: Koreans, and Korean- percent have their roots in South Korea. Chinese who possess Chinese citizenship. The Koreans include, from a Chinese point of view, Koreans living on the Korean Peninsula and the some 3.7 million people of Korean origins residing throughout the world, mainly in Japan, the , and the former . There are three overlapping categories of overseas Koreans who maintain relations with Yanbian: The first group comprises Koreans (including people of Korean origins) with relatives and acquaintances presently living in Yanbian. A second group is comprised of Koreans whose life history is linked to Yanbian; these Koreans, or their parents, were born or lived part of their lives in Northeast China. Many who left China in 1945 have ties to While the current Korean-Chinesethe region where they, or their parents,

2 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF lived; however, compared with the overseas Chinese, their linkages are more tenuous, since their ancestral homeland is on the Korean Peninsula, and Yanbian can be seen to have constituted only a temporary home. Finally, the third and broadest category of overseas Koreans who maintain ties to Yanbian consists of all overseas Koreans whose sympathy and interest in Yanbian is rooted in blood ties, ethnicity, and culture. Overall, Overseas Koreans remain critical to Yanbian North Korean border viewed from Yanbian(courtesy Outi attempts to mobilize transnational Korean Luova) resources.

Direct trade between China’s coastal As for overseas Korean-Chinese, there are provinces and South Korea flourished currently over 150,000 living in various starting in the late 1980s, despite the lack parts of the world.Besides Yanbian, of official relations between the two Korean-Chinese from other parts ofcountries. Indirect trade began around the Northeastern China have migrated to time of the Asian Games, which took South Korea. migrantplace in Seoul in 1986; China’s workers in South Korea in 2001 included participation in the games signalled a more professionals than did Korean- changed attitude towards South Korea. Chinese (638 versus 268) but fewer South Korean investments were soon trainees (8,629 vs 13,243) anddirected toward southern China, the undocumented migrants (38,000 vsregion then most open to foreign 57,000). [2] An estimated 50,000 Yanbian investment. Following the Seoul Olympics Koreans live in South Korea, including in 1988, direct trade between the two professionals, workers, trainees, students, countries began, and South Korea and wives of South Korean men. investments moved northward, mainly to Shandong and provinces, which The Opening Up of Yanbian are closest to South Korea.

Jilin's border and barter trade with North Korea were restored in 1982, having been frozen since 1970 in the aftermath of the radical period of the Cultural Revolution. The first direct South Korean investment in Northeast China was made in Heilongjiang as recently as 1989 and in

3 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF

Jilin in 1990, and direct trade with South national-level policies but also divisions Korea was restricted to these provinces among local factions hampered the until 1990. Hence, despite the presence of opening up of Yanbian. an ethnic Korean population, Yanbian did not receive much South Korean investment in the 1980s. A partialAlthough small-scale trade associated explanation lies in particular features of with tourism was lively by the late 1980s, the economy and history of China's official trade contacts between Yanbian northeast. Conservative party officials had and South Korea were few before 1991. sought to limit foreign economicYanbian Koreans first developed penetration there, in part to protect transnational bonds with North Koreans inefficient state-run industries. Economic and Korean-Soviets. Yanbian Koreans cooperation was also restricted forfrequently visited relatives in North Korea political reasons. In particular, Japanese and the USSR and created close ties with and South Korean investments evoked kin and friends there. The local authorities concern; Japanese investments revived supported these visits partly because of memories of colonial domination of an the profitable small-scale trade conducted earlier area, and South Koreanduring the visits. In particular, the shuttle investments were a sore point for China's trade with North Korea was profitable: In ally North Korea. Thus, while allowing the early 1990s, the annual value of this trade to expand elsewhere in China, the unofficial trade was estimated to exceed central government prevented theRMB 100 million. northeastern provinces from drawing closer to South Korea. For Yanbian, with its close political and ethnic relationship In 1991, Yanbian emerged as a center of with North Korea, it became particularly international cooperation as the UNDP- important to keep its distance from South backed development Korea. Beijing used Yanbian as a political program was inaugurated. The bold initial card to assure North Korea of China’s plan of this program was to turn the Sino- support. Russian-North Korean border area around the mouth of the Tumen River into a new In the latter part of the 1980s, the international commercial hub with Yanbian elite was divided into two camps, intercourse extending to South Korea, one opposing contacts with South Korea Mongolia and Japan. After the and the other favouring opening up to establishment of China-South Korean South Korea and other capitalistofficial relations in 1992, Yanbian was countries. The pro-South Korea camp fully integrated into a regional, lobbied the central government to grant transnational Korean ethnic community, Northeast China preferential trade rights. and state-supported transnational Both groups included Han Chinese as well activities expanded especially to South as Korean-Chinese. Thus, not onlyKorea.

4 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF

Organizing Activities for theOverseas Union paid a return visit to Promotion of Ties Canada and the United States, paving the way for economic cooperation. Members of this same association had also visited South Korea even before the establishment of Sino-South Korean diplomatic relations. In 1990, the Yanbian Department of Foreign Trade and Economic Cooperation set up a Chamber of International Commerce to build unofficial ties with South Korea.

Once official Sino-South Korean relations were established in 1992, the local government launched a full-fledged

Swing game at Korean folk customs mobilization of Korean linkages. It openly festival, Yanbian encouraged Yanbian Koreans to visit South Korea and contact Koreans living Since the mid-1980s, Yanbian’s contacts abroad. In addition to associations, with South Korea and other countries businessmen, and officials, ordinary have gradually expanded throughpeople were also encouraged to link up unofficial channels drawing on ethnic and with South Koreans and visit the country. Yet, the foreign trade administration of family ties. The first business contacts Yanbian was ill-prepared for large-scale were created by associations, individual international economic cooperation. In scholars, artists, and athletes. The first to this situation, unofficial channels “break the isolation” was a Yanbian inevitably took the lead. University professor who visited West Germany and Sweden in 1982. Unofficial cultural exchange with South Korea began Different types of associations helped in 1989, when a famous Yanbian Korean widen business contacts and act as poet visited several South Koreanmiddlemen. The Yanbian Overseas Union universities and a song and dance troupe played a decisive role in attracting five from Yanbian performed in South Korea. foreign investments, and the Association In the mid-1980s, the Party-affiliatedof International Public Relations drew two Yanbian Overseas Union hosted members factories to the area. Ethnic Korean of the Sino-Canadian Association for members of these two associations also Economic and Cultural Exchange of the supported foreign trade officials when Korean People and the Friendshipbusiness negotiations encountered Association of Korean People in China and difficulties. For example, when the United States. In 1988, the Yanbian negotiations between officials and

5 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF investors deadlocked, the associations prefectures and counties elsewhere. By sometimes persuaded investors to start 1999, the Yanbian capital Yanji had businesses in Yanbian. In the 1990s, the created friendly relations with 11 cities role of ethnic Korean middlemen became and districts in five countries. Of these crucial for the additional reason that the locations, five were in South Korea. In state-owned companies were staffedaddition, Yanji had friendship cities in mainly by Han Chinese, who lacked Australia and . appropriate cultural and social capital. One form of official business promotion The role of the above associations and activity was the arrangement of other ethnic Korean middlemen ininternational Korean cultural events. business promotion subsequentlySome of these events had a purely diminished. Following the early 1990s, commercial character, while others when the foreign trade administration sought to bring the Korean-Chinese struggled in the face of insufficientcommunity to the knowledge of Koreans resources, contacts, and experience, the abroad and portray them as potentially administration expanded and gained valuable partners. Important occasions strength. The administration and local included international trade fairs and the companies established wide and stable anniversaries of the autonomous international contacts, as well asprefecture, which were celebrated additional resources to facilitategrandiosely every fifth year. These international cooperation. Now, thecelebrations were organized by the associations were mobilized in campaigns prefectural government. The First Korean that focused on student exchange, labour Cultural Festival, which Yanbian export, and charity work, to mention a Prefecture organized in August 1992 to few. celebrate the prefecture’s 40th anniversary, provides a good example of these cultural-trade events. The In order to reinforce the emerging organizers of the First Korean Cultural cooperation, leaders of the prefecture as Festival invited ethnic Korean guests from well as lower-level units invited South 10 countries, among them over 500 Korean businessmen to discuss businessmen with a Korean background. cooperation and celebrate the Spring During the festival, representatives of Festival, the New Year, and China’s Yanbian companies negotiated with the National Day in Yanbian. South Korean business guests and agreed on foreign students, politicians and artists participation in over 40 projects. were also invited to participate. At these events, important South Korean partners were granted honorary citizenships and In addition to holding festivals with an other honours. Local governments were ethnic Korean character, Yanbian also also active in establishing ties with cities, tried to attract overseas Koreans’

6 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF attention by building up a permanent exhibition on Korean-Chinese folk customs, and by reconstructing several traditional villages. Cultural activities of this kind echoed the practices of China’s minority policy. China has emphasized the cultivation of minorities’ folk customs, such as traditional festivals, the performing arts and clothing, often adapted to Chinese sensibilities. have managed to maintain their folklore rather well, and they enjoy a high Worker at wood product company level of education, mainly in the fields of active in South Korea, Yanbian, and Chile literature, history and the performing arts. This background has provided a solid basis for the arrangement of ethnic The first joint venture in Yanbian was cultural events and exhibitions. established in 1986 between an American subsidiary of a South Korean company and the prefecture of Yanbian. Before the The above attempts to elevate theestablishment of Sino-South Korean Koreanness of Yanbian can be interpreted official relations, most foreign as a way to strengthen "diffuse solidarity" investments came from Korean- in the transnational community. This type Americans or American affiliates of South of solidarity creates affinity within larger Korean companies. By the end of 1992, a total of 131 of the 212 wholly or partly entities such as territorial and symbolic foreign-owned companies in Yanbian, communities, in which participants largely sanzi qiye, were run by ethnic Korean lack face-to-face contact. [3] Yanbian capital. The greatest part, consisting of 72 tried to deepen the interest and affection companies, had absorbed South Korean of foreign Koreans toward Yanbian by capital, and 10 had taken up North Korean highlighting its cultural Koreanness. At the capital. In all, 49 companies were partly same time, it aimed to control politically or wholly financed by ethnic Koreans from sensitive claims on commonality. For other countries such as the United States, example, the officials suppressed Japanall and Canada. At least in these 49 statements of Yanbian being a part of cases, it could be reasonable to argue Korea historically or in terms ofthat ethnic and family ties had played an nationhood. important role in the investment decision. In 1996, an official in the foreign trade administration informed me, foreign Building Ties investors from countries other than South

7 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF and North Korea were mainly ethnic --- Koreans.

The year 1996 can be seen as a turning point in Yanbian's foreign economic cooperation. The number of enterprises receiving South Korean investments rose to 393, including large-scale investments. Between 1996 and 1997 the total volume of implemented foreign investment more --- than doubled. The financial crisis which hit the South Korean economy in the Compared with South Korean investment latter years did, however, precipitate a in other parts of China, interest in Yanbian nosedive in South Korean foreign direct was limited. Shanghai, Tianjin and the investments. South Korea recovered coastal provinces Shandong, Liaoning, quickly from the crisis, but the number Jiangsu, and Zhejiang ranked highest in and value of the absorbed FDI would not South Korean investment. Investment quickly return to 1996 and 1997 levels. decisions were guided principally by Still, by 2002, total South Korean direct profitability, not by emotions. By investment projects had risen to 515, comparison to leading coastal provinces, which was 74 per cent of all FDI in Yanbian’s infrastructure was meagre, hence South Korean interest in Yanbian. Their average value investment low. In addition, South Korean (US$790,000) was rather small compared companies could readily recruit Korean- with the average value of FDI from Hong speaking workers from Northeast China to Kong (US$2.7 million), Taiwan (US$1.02 their factories situated in the coastal million) and Japan (US$1.01 million). A regions. report compiled by a leading cadre of the Tumen Programme Office, however, revealed disappointment with the type of The amount of FDI in Yanbian rose investments Yanbian had received.gradually in the early 1990s, but foreign Although the number of investments was trade did not. Yanbian's foreign trade relatively high compared with other parts declined between 1993 and 1996. In the of Jilin Province, and South Koreanearly 1990s Yanbian's main trade partner investment accounted for more than two was North Korea, which faced mounting thirds of international investment in economic difficulties leading to a sharp Yanbian by 2002,the level of technology, drop in trade in 1993. The other reason scale, efficiency and compatibility wasfor the crash was the establishment of said to be low. Moreover, the companies Sino-South Korean official relations. North experienced huge losses and failed to Korea responded by cutting back on invigorate the local economy. [4] trade. The low quality and narrow

8 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF selection of Yanbian's main exportSouth Korea and Russia, like its trade products in the early 1990s—cereals, across other land borders, has been much coal, tobacco, sugar—also hinderedmore extensive than official numbers development of trade with the emerging show. Many of the companies involved in new trade partners, Japan and South foreign trade with North Korea were not Korea. Yanbian's foreign trade plummeted registered. Thus, their trade remains from a peak value of US$467 million in outside of the statistics. Similarly, the 1993 to US$155 million in 1995. vibrant shuttle trade with the bordering countries, South Korea included, is not Yanbian responded by launching, in visible in the statistics. cooperation with South Korean investors, new export products: textiles, yarn,Trade and investment flows between timber, and wooden products. One third China and the two have been most of the South Korean-invested companies intensive in China's Bohai region, which were engaged in textile manufacturing. stretches from Liaoning to Shandong; Yanbian also imported timber from Russia Yanbian, due to its remote location and and North Korea in order to manufacture less developed infrastructure, has wooden products for South Korean remained a backwater by comparison. markets. Nevertheless, although the Korean investments in Yanbian are relatively few, In 2003, the value of Yanbian's trade with and registered trade with the two Koreas North Korea was nearly equal to its trade low, the role of overseas Korean ties in with South Korea: US$117 million versus the development of the Yanbian economy US$116 million. Yet two years later, trade has been crucial. China's central with North Korea had expanded to double government has provided Yanbian with the value of trade with South Korea. The several preferential polices [5], but it has economic reforms initiated in North Korea provided only limited funds to create a in 2002 were presumably one of the main solid economic foundation. Supported by reasons for this increase. In addition, the preferential policies, Yanbian’s visit by China's leader Jiang Zemin to development has largely been financed North Korea the same year probably by South Korea. Today, as Yanbian’s boosted trade relations. However,economic structure has become compared with other regions in China, consolidated, domestic companies are Yanbian's trade with neighbouringshowing increasing interest in Yanbian, countries remains small. By comparison, further supported by the state-sponsored the border city of Dandong in Liaoning campaign to rejuvenate the economy of Province handles over two-thirds of Northeast China. This new development China's trade with North Korea. could reinforce Yanbian's position in the Northeast Asian circle of ethnic Korean In reality, Yanbian's trade with North and capital flows.

9 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF

The patterns of ethnic KoreanYanbian has been ahead of South Korea investments in Yanbian show similarities itself in its organized attempts to mobilize with overseas Chinese investments in the transnational ethnic Korean China’s coastal regions. The investments community. have been small and have not involved high technology. Rather, they have Attracting donations and remittances has concentrated in the service sector. been a central part of building ties Cooperation with South Korean companies between China and overseas Chinese. By has provided an important learning comparison with overseas Chinese process for inexperienced Yanbian Korean donations in Guangdong, overseas Korean companies, helping them to adapt to donations in Yanbian and elsewhere have international cooperation. In southern been few. China, overseas Chinese investments have paved the way for other foreign investors; in Yanbian, overseas Korean There have, however, been donations investments have created conditions directed to schools, institutes and which facilitate the flow of both foreignuniversities, as is the case with Chinese and domestic Chinese investments into contributions to their hometowns in the area. In this way, the foreignGuangdong. Some foreign Koreans who investments have in fact supportedlived in Yanbian in their childhood have Yanbian's integration into China'sdonated to their alma maters. Donations domestic economy. have included technical equipment, books, periodicals and grants. During fieldwork in Yanbian in 2004, I met with a Compared with overseas Chinese South Korean businessman who had community investments in China, the recently made a donation to a technical Korean transnational community has been institute in Yanbian. Although he was less inclined to invest in South Korea. To a investing in other parts of China, he had great extent this is the product of South chosen Yanbian for his donation because Korea’s restrictive policy on foreign direct his father and mother were born there. investments. South Korea made the first attempts to mobilize its Korean diaspora for economic purposes only in 1997, when During the 1990s, Yanbian received the Overseas Koreans Foundation was institutional donations worth US$10 established. Since 2002, the Foundation million. High taxes imposed on donations, has convened annual “World Korean as well as corruption, were mentioned as Business Conventions,” which aim at reasons for limiting donations. building a global Korean business network Remittances to relatives tended to flow in support of the South Korean economy. out from Yanbian rather than in, as local As South Korea has liberalized foreign Koreans helped their relatives in North investment rules, ethnic KoreanKorea; indeed, my local contacts investment has started to increase.emphasized that the main flow of

10 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF economic support was from Yanbian to North Korea, not from South Korea to Yanbian. Rather than sending money, many South Korean relatives preferred to give generous gifts when they met with their Yanbian relatives. By contrast, significant flows of Korean capital were directed from Yanbian to North Korea. Yanbian Koreans supported relatives and friends in North Korea both financially and by providing clothes and food. Yanbian also served as a channel for South Korean remittances to North Korea. Both South Yanbian University Koreans and North Koreans who lived outside their home country used Yanbian Korean brokers to deliver money to their Without a doubt, Korean ethnic ties have relatives in North Korea. given impetus to Korean investors to start businesses in Yanbian. Firstly, ethnic affinity led some investors to invest in Finally, the remittances sent by Yanbian Yanbian. Some South Korean researchers Korean labour migrants from abroad to of China-South Korean trade have Yanbian were significant. In 2003, migrant mentioned the Korean population of remittances are said to have reached Yanbian as being advantageous for South US$650 million. This sum was double the Korean investors; for example, the South local budget, and fifteen times higherKorean economist Si Joong Kim assumes than the value of realized foreignthat cultural proximity has attracted investments in 2003. South Korean small- and medium-sized firms to China’s Korean areas. [6] Yanbian Korean Ethnic and Family Ties in the has also attracted Korean interest in its Service of Economic Development capacity as a link with North Korea. As Yanbian Koreans can easily enter North Korea, information from and about North Korea is readily available there. Local companies can also act as middlemen with North Korean companies. Thus, some investors see Yanbian as a springboard for future investments in North Korea.

The Complexity of Transnational Ethnic Ties as an Economic Resource

11 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF

Overseas Korean networks have not, for North Koreans when visiting South however, provided comparable resources Korea, due to similar dialect and to Yanbian as the overseas Chinese appearance, they often met rather harsh networks have provided to Southern treatment. China. China’s coastal region possesses a long tradition of entrepreneurship, and As contacts between Korean-Chinese and the overseas Chinese community is highly South Koreans intensified, the differences business-oriented, factors which have in their habits and values also became contributed to the rapid economic growth quite clear. Korean-Chinese and South on China’s southern coast. Yanbian, by Koreans had drifted apart during forty contrast, was predominantly agrarian, and years of separation. The resulting due to its remote position adjacent to North Korea, its economy has been less differences led to conflicts over values developed. The high level of education of and other misunderstandings between the the Korean-Chinese has not led directly to two groups. According to sociologist Hyun economic cooperation with foreignOk Park, the Korean-Chinese had turned countries, as the highly educated Korean- from "long-lost relatives of blood-kin" to a Chinese have mainly pursued studies in cheap labour force which faced history, literature and the arts. Moreover, discrimination, arrests, crackdowns and they have tended to be oriented toward deportations. [7] careers in government, in the performing arts and literature, or in the media. Family networks did not provide wide Hence, compared with the overseas access to business, because the majority Chinese, the Korean transnationalof the Yanbian Koreans had their relatives community has been less well positioned in North Korea. Close ties between the to invest in Yanbian. Yanbian Koreans and North Korea constituted a hindrance to trade with A closer look at certain elements of South Korea in the mid-1990s. According Koreanness that Yanbian wished to rely to one Yanbian Korean contact, those who on reflects the complexity of ethnic ties as wished to maintain trade relations with a resource for promoting economicNorth Korean companies were often cooperation. Ethnic background or family unable to seek business partners in South ties do not automatically generateKorea, for fear that the North Korean side business. When the Yanbian Koreans won would break off the relationship. Although the opportunity to visit South Korea, they trade with North Korea had become less were surprised at not receiving a warmer and less profitable by the mid-1990s, welcome there. Indeed, South Koreans many Yanbian Korean businessmen tended to look down on them. For political avoided business contacts with South and cultural reasons, North Koreans were Korea in order to maintain their held in even lower esteem in South Korea. partnerships with North Korean As Korean-Chinese were often mistaken companies. Some Yanbian Koreans also

12 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF feared that cooperation with South Korea Similar views were presented in articles would put their relatives in North Korea in prepared by the national-level Ethnic a difficult situation. Affairs Commission, Minwei. [10] Korean- Chinese were generally regarded as a patriotic group, having participated in the Loyalty to China Civil War on the side of the Communists, and later in the in the ranks Some Chinese government officials alsoof the Chinese People's Liberation Army. wanted to avoid the problems which The starting point in these articles was contacts with South Koreans might create. that the Korean masses should be This, especially, seems to have hindered trusted; leaders should have faith in the cadres of Korean origin. Due to the strong Koreans and trust that their political South Korean connection with Yanbian, consciousness is strong enough to resist and the pan-nationalistic activities aimed the influence of foreign infiltrators. The at creating a united Great Korea,second point was that international including Yanbian, Yanbian was classified economic cooperation is essential for as one of the four sensitive regions in Yanbian, so ties with foreigners should be China where the Central Government developed. Still, social stability, national fears separatism. [8] The fear is that pan- unity and border security remained nationalistic South Koreans mightpriorities. infiltrate Yanbian in the guise of economic cooperation. Some officials, who wished to render their career secure by avoiding There was also concern for the eventual all trouble, chose to block cooperation reactions to strong condemnation of with South Koreans and other foreigners. Yanbian Koreans as unpatriotic or unreliable. The labelling of Yanbian as a sensitive area mingan( diqu) would The activities of the associations that convey a lack of trust to local Koreans. It were pursuing people's diplomacy with was feared that this would create overseas Koreans were closely monitored. opposition and disappointment, which One article in the journal of the local Party could push the Korean-Chinese to the side School stated that strengthening party of infiltrators. There was a clear need to guidance was essential for people's find an appropriate balance between diplomacy, and urged close cooperation flexibility and control, in order not to between associations and the Party. The obstruct positive economic transfers from article even called for Party cells in the Korean transnational community to associations in order to assure that they Yanbian. follow the Party line. [9] In this environment, the prerequisite for an internationally oriented association to be At the same time as concern for the active seemed to be a chairperson who loyalty of Yanbian Koreans arose, was a trusted Party member. exclusivist tendencies in South Korean

13 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF society produced a counter-force in favour organisations also won support by of China. Many Yanbian Koreans became backing Korean-Chinese demands that disillusioned because of the discrimination South Korean authorities guarantee they encountered in South Korea. This humane treatment. strengthened their bonds with China. In addition, in China, they could anticipate Korean churches worked among Korean- rising living standards and could feel pride Chinese actively not only in South Korea in belonging to the Korean-Chinese but also in China. They sent both money community. Thus, the question of the and personnel to local churches and ran loyalty of Yanbian Koreans involved welfare projects. Some churches had multiple contradictory factors. established congregations in Yanbian and other areas of China. Many returning The Role of Religion migrants joined a local Christian congregation. By the year 1996, the Christian community in Yanbian had In addition to political ideas, religious grown to include nearly 10 percent of the activities spread through transnational ethnic Korean population. In addition to ties. Christianity was not only perceived return migrants, these congregations also by the Chinese leadership as a threat to appealed to locals who looked for support the "Chineseness" of the Yanbian Korean in the midst of deteriorating socio- culture, but Christian congregations were economic conditions. considered to be a disguise for political infiltrators who aimed to disintegrate the country through peaceful means. South In order to counteract foreign political and Korean missionaries worked not only religious infiltrators, three measures were among Korean-Chinese but also among taken in Yanbian in the late 1990s. Firstly, North Korean migrants and refugees. education emphasizing patriotism, While in South Korea, many Korean- socialism and religious policy was Chinese encountered Christianity. Until intensified. Secondly, leadership was the 1980s, the role of religion had been strengthened. Thirdly, control of foreign limited among Korean-Chinese, while in religious activities was intensified. South Korea, one-third of the population were Christians. One contact assumed Government-Imposed Limitations to that the Korean-Chinese migrants were Transnational Activities initially attracted to Christianity when they got support from South Korean believers while working under adverse Yet, various issues remained salient. A social and economic conditions: Christian report on the new tasks of nationality organisations provided practical help, like work from 2001 stated that unequal and free medical treatment, as well as social slow economic development worked and political support. Christianagainst the cohesion and "centripetality"

14 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF of minority nationalities. Furthermore, In the course of the 1980s and early certain international factors and religious 1990s, Yanbian Koreans were gradually activities posed a latent threat to the linked to the Korean transnational ethnic unity and social stability in some community. Their relationship to this areas. Yet, this particular document did community has since evolved from a not provide any policy proposals beyond fervent Korea-fever to disillusionment. the routine phrases of training ethnic Bernard Vincent Olivier has drawn minority cadres in the spirit of the "three interesting parallels between the representatives" (sange daibiao). [11] interaction of Yanbian Koreans and North This dilemma will persist as long as the Koreans in the 1960s and the interaction Sino-Korean border exists. of Yanbian Koreans and South Koreans in the 1990s. In both cases, close interaction initially generated euphoria but later Overall, at the grassroots level, resulted in strengthening the Chineseness unorganized transnational activities have of Yanbian Koreans. [12] This tendency been allowed to operate freely, but was also evident in the early 21st century. organized activities have only been Contrary to the fears of China’s leaders, approved if under the guidance of the transnational ethnic relations do not Party. At a higher level of necessarily undermine the loyalty of institutionalization, whether controlled by cross-border ethnic groups. Indeed, individuals, government units, or deeper contacts with ethnic kin abroad companies, transnational activities have may even strengthen minority groups’ been required to proceed only according ties to the home country. to a strict code of operation. Hence, central tenets of Yanbian's approved transnational policies can be summarized Although trade and investment flows into two key concepts, viz: trustworthy between China and the two Koreas have relations with the centre, and ethno- been most intensive in China's Bohai politically disciplined organizations. region, the role of overseas Korean ties in the development of the Yanbian economy has been crucial to the locality. As Conclusion Yanbian's economic structure consolidates, its position in the Northeast Asian circle of ethnic Korean capital flows might become more significant.

Drawing on traditions of overseas Chinese work, the Yanbian administration was able to mobilize ethnic Korean resources for prefectural development. The mobilization Image from Yanbian government website of the Korean transnational community by

15 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF

Yanbian officials was similar to that Outiin Luova is a senior researcher at the overseas Chinese-connected areas such Centre for East Asian Studies, University as coastal Guangdong and Fujian, but on of Turku, Finland. Her PhD thesis dealt a smaller scale. The administration of with the attempts of the Yanbian transnational relations of the ethnicgovernment to utilize transnational minorities is, however, politically more Korean ethnic capital for the economic sensitive in Yanbian than in coastal China development of Yanbian. She can be since transnational ethnic relations raise contacted at outi.luova@utu.fi. This article questions about border security and is a revised version of an article that separatism. Nevertheless, transnational appeared in China Information 2006:1. ethnic relations have been allowed to Many thanks to Mark Selden for expand and deepen in relativelycomments on earlier drafts of this article. unrestricted ways, compared, for example, with those involving the On Gaoguli/Goguryeo (or Koguryo), see Uyghurs of Xinjiang. This suggests the “Competing Nationalisms: The possibilities of ethnicity-based cross- Mobilisation of History and Archaeology in border economic activities in China. the Korea-China Wars over Koguryo/Gaogouli,” “The Legacy of Long- The mobilization of transnational linkages Gone States: China, Korea and the has provided China with substantialKoguryo Wars,” and other Japan Focus resources that have contributed toarticles searchable using the keyword China’s rise. While this has been widely “Koguryo.” On border politics and cultural recognized with respect to the Chinese politics, see “Dance or Else: The Politics of diaspora, far less attention has been paid Ethnic Culture on China’s Southwest to linkages with Koreans abroad. Yet Borders.” China has clearly embarked on major efforts, both at the center and in Notes localities, to draw in overseas resources to support China’s rise. [1] Ahn, Yonson (2006). Competing“ Nationalisms: The Mobilisation of History Editors’ note: This article refers to and Archaeology in the Korea-China Wars Chinese persons of Korean descent as over Koguryo/Gaogouli.” Japan Focus, Korean-Chinese (Korean-Chinese in February 9. Yanbian are frequently termed Yanbian Koreans). Other English-language literature, including the author’s PhD [2] Dong-Hoon Seol and John D. Skrentny thesis, refers to Korean-Chinese as(2005). “South Korea: Importing Chinese-Koreans. Chinese usage is closer Undocumented Workers.” In Cornelius W. to “the Korean nationality” or “the Korean et al., eds., Controlling Immigration: A minority nationality.” Global Perspective. Stanford, California:

16 5 | 3 | 0 APJ | JF

Stanford University Press, 489. www.umich.edu/~iinet/journal/vol4no1/se gyeh.html. [8] The other sensitive regions are Inner [3] Faist, Thomas (2000). The Volume and Mongolia, Xinjiang, and Tibet. Dynamics of International Migration and Transnational Social Spaces. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 106, 109. [9] Jin Yongwan (1999). Shilun shehui zhuyi xiandaihua jianshe he minjian waijiao. Yanbian dangxiao xuebao 1. CNKI [4] Sun Xingbiao ( 2001). Guanyu Yanbian Database. duiwai kaifang wenti de sikao. A report by the deputy director of the Tumen Programme Office (no date available). In [10] Yanbianzhou Minwei (1997). Duiwai Zhu Hongqi, ed., Zhongguo dangdai juece kaifang duinei gaohua zhashi gongzuo wenku. Yanbian Chaoxianzu zizhizhou cujin bianjiang de wending he fanrong. lingdao ganbu diaocha lunwen ji. Shang Speech given by a cadre in a responsible juan. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 274. position in the Yanbian Minwei at a national meeting on Minwei’s work in border areas. Minzu gongzuo 5; Wang [5] These policies include preferential Tiezhi & Li Hongjie 1997. Duiwai kaifang policies for ethnic minority regions: the yu zhongguo de chaoxianzu. Minzu Yanjiu Tumen River Development, the6 Development of the West, and the Development of the Old Industrial Basis of the Northeast. [11] Han Changzhen (2001). Dangqian wozhou minzu gongzuo minlin de yixiang xin renwu. Report by deputy head of the [6] Si Joong Kim (1994). “Korean Direct Standing Committee of the People's Investment in China: Perspectives of Government in the Yanbian Prefecture (no Korean Investors.” In Sumner J. La Croix, date available). In Zhu Hongqi, ed., Michael Plummer, and Keun Lee, eds., Zhongguo dangdai juece wenku. Yanbian Emerging Patterns of East AsianChaoxianzu zizhizhou lingdao ganbu Investment in China: From Korea, Taiwan, diaocha lunwen ji. Shang juan. Beijing: and Hong Kong. Armonk, New York: M. E. Xueyuan chubanshe, 286. Sharpe, 205.

[12] Olivier, Bernard (2001). “Ethnicity as [7] Park, Hyun Ok (1996). “Segyehwa: political instrument among the Koreans of Globalization and Nationalism in Korea.” Northeast China, pre-1945 to the In The Journal of the International Institute present.” Korean and Korean-American 4:1. Studies Bulletin 12:1.

17