Chapter 1 18*^ Century Maharashtra Economic
Total Page：16
File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb
CHAPTER 1 18*^ CENTURY MAHARASHTRA ECONOMIC. POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS In Uie beginning of the 14^ century, Malik Kafur, a nobleman under the Sultan of Delhi, Alauddin Khilji, defeated the Yadavas. Thus, Muslim Rule b^an in Maharashtra and continued for over 350 years till Shivaji established '‘S-waraJya " or tlie People’s Rule. Brave and courageous men from Maharashtra were in services of I tlie Muslim rulers and fought their masters’ battles. Tliey were given landed property as Vatans, in lieu of their ^services. These Vatans were the mair? sources of their livelihood and they fought more battles and were granted more lands. Even Shivaji’s father Shahajiraje Bhonsale was in the service of the Adil Shah of Bijapur. Vatans in lieu of their services were on hereditai_y basis. This tradition was discontinued by Shivaji, recontinued by Rajaram and later Shahu. Peshwaship or the post of the Prime Minista- was granted to Balaji Vishwanath Bhat, a young adventurous man from Konkan in 1713 A.D. The whole of the 18^‘century is known as ” or the Period of the Peshwas (1713 to 1818 A.D.); ■ hich during the reign of Bajirpo II, was abolished by the British. These were the conditions in the Maharashtra vvhen the Briti.'^h rule took over. Social life in Maharashtra under the Peshwas centred around the village communities. Autonomous in matter.? ot administiation, these village communities were economically self-reliant and largely self-sufficient. 'Fliey contained all the constituents of a miniature State as well and were in position to provide opportunities of a full life to iheir members, A village was essentially a community of farmers witli Jin addition of a few traders and ailisans required to satisfy their daily needs and a small administrative staff The term Ballet and also the iuiru, its synonym, signifies the village artisans. Tliese artisans were normally twelve in number but it varied from village to village according to its needs. Economic, seif iiance and seif government may be said to be the most outstanding features of the village communities of the period. Ihey were divided, function-wise, into thi ee groups, such as the cultivators, traders and artisans and the administrative staff, and the institutions like Balute were adequate to ^nieet their economic and administrative needs. The Balute or baluiedar, were hereditary village servants. Kam was synon>Tnous term used for Balute. Rut it was rarely used during the period under study. The economy of the village communities was largely based on the barter system and as a corollary had algo to be as self-reliant as possible. On account of the primitive mode of transport and exchange facilities, the village communities were constrained to secure, as far as possible, goods and services required by them within the village itself and develop a convenient system of paying those services and goods by their own produce. ^ According to tlie Balute system, various artisans whose services the cultivating community was in need of, were permanently bound to tlie village by a mutual contract of services and rewards in produce. The office of Balutedar was regarded as his Vatan, that is to say, it was permanent and hereditary. The villagers could not remove a balutedar, nor could they withhold his balute, the due share of the produce. This system, therefore, gave economic stability to its members and thereby strengthened the basis of the village community. For, by assuring continuance of occupations to tiie individuals who practised them on a hereditary basis, the system aisured uninterrupted supply of goods and services to the village communities and at the same time offered a guaranteed economic career to its occupants. Women, in addition to their domestic work, which was quite a lot, due to the joint family system consisting of large families and everything being done by hand, helped their menfolk in fields as helpers. Their work was taken for granted and it was not paid. 'Fhere was no facility of vocational training and yet the women belonging to Ironsmith (Lohar),VJashennen (Parii), Oilmen (Teli) castes were very efficient in their work but the>' were paid low wages. A record in the Peshwa accounts shows a Partin (washerwoman) been paid 2 annas, as remuneration fur washing the clothes for 10 days of a newly delivered woman and her infant . This record indicates that the labour was very cheap. In tlie domestic field, a woman had secondai'y status, there was no question of her earning separately from the family. There was no opportunity to earn even if she tried to do so. Occupation was based on the caste and each practised his hereditary one, being professed for generations. There was no interference of one caste in the occupation of the other, each one practising its own. A woman belonging to the Salee ( a class of weavers) worked as a labourer on wages for two years, this was against the caste tradition or rules, therefore her caste men excommunicated her , This punishment of excommunication was worsed than that of death. This restricted the economic field for women. In addition to farming, which was the main occupation, the people favoured landed property or some 't t'citain economic basis like Vritti, Inam or Vaian which were more or less of pemianent nature. People were ?ilso attracted on a large scale, to military services because it brought regular payment and affluence. There was a case rqaorted by Major Broughtoi^ in 1809 A.D. A woman, dressed as a man, name Jorawarsingh, joined Jean Baptise s Brigade, as a soldier. She had no parents, only one brother, who was in debt and imprisoned for its non-payment. She worked for three} cars and on suspicion by another soldier, was discovered. Both, Bayajabai and Daulatrao Shinde, on being informed, offered her a job which she refused. Daulatrao, paid her debts and (3) -filter some time she resigned from the anri>. Her brotlier was released 25 . livelihood but then, that could not be sufficient to repay her brother’s debts nor his release from the prison. .\rmy service was periiaps the only job that paid regular and definite substantial wages. She had to disguise hersell as a man for her safet>- as there were no sei-vices for women in the army. She paid her debts honourably but must have refused the offo-s of Shinde out of fear of wliat would be expected from her in return of the payment. Her case reflects the hardships of women to earn as a woman in the men’s world. It seems, she was not interested in the fine arts like music and dancing, or was trained for it. For an ordinary woman, from ancient times, spinning and weaving were of great help in times of difficulty. Textile industry was a very important and prosperous industry in India down to 1850 A.D. and was conducted mainly as a cottage industry'. TTie Peshwas donated large amounts as Dakshlna or cash to learned Brahmins in the month of Shravan every yeju. Records show that Brahmin women and beggars were included in the lot that received the Dakshina. But this was restricted to a month per year and was not a regular source of income. There are various records showing women as Kirtankars. Kirtati means narration of Pauranic Tales with the accompaniment of music. Women performed these Kirtam on various occasions but they were few. Kirtans are the cultural activity of Maharashtra and its main object is to develop the morals of the common people. It is plso a form of entertainment, setting the listener’s minds at peace. During the pa^iod of study, lack of formal education and educational facilities was thus balanced by these Kirtans and Pauranic Tales. In order to be a Kirtankar; a person had to be well ;acquainted with Nathbhagawat, Dynyaneshwari, Abhangas ofTukaram and narrative poems. The moral of the Kirtan had to be explained in simple but attention seeking words and language. The audience consisted of common aiid illiterate people. Kirtan was included in various programmes performed at Shaniwarwada, the Peshwa residence in Pune, on Ganesh festivals and other occasions. Records show that Rs 5/- were paid to Jiubai Kathekari, in tJie month of Shravan in 1766 A.D. and that Rs. 5/- were paid to liachyabai Gosawin Chaphalkar, in the month of Bhadrapad in 1780 A.D. 26 i I 1^ J- I vv a 1 ^VJ vr flO U IW p wur\ pW llK'VJ 'k-’i kJUCXim i UiW I« ^ V l LULI V 'H VJ. A V/TTt4\4W 141 (VI J Vt4 r U1 << . X t *W|J w forms were not suitable for women. There was no scope for women Kirtankars, although they had competency to peiform. In the joint family set up, Paiturition (the process of child-birth) was conducted at home, under the T supervision of some elderly members. Those who had experience, would practise mid-wifery. There was no formal training of any sort. Middle aged widows were trained by elderly senior females, who in their turn, were trained in the same manner. There would be a separate room, reserved for the process of childbirth. This room would be neat, swq)t and clean but dark. Light and air was considered as dangerous for the newly bom and the mother. Separating the placenta, or cutting off the umbilical cord was regarded as the separation of the infant from the mother. This was done by a senior member or a widow past the age of childbearing for it was V considered as a great sin. Altliougli mid-wifery was practised, it was not considui ed as the social work in the modem sense nor as a profession.