CHAPTER 5

WIDOWHOOD AND

One unavoidable and important consequence of child-inan iages and the practice of polygamy w as a

\ iin’s premature widowhood. During the period under study, there was not a single house that did not had a

/vidow. Pause, one of the noblemen, had at one time 57 widows (Bodhya which meant widows whose heads

A’ere tonsured) in the household

A widow's life became a cruel curse, the moment her husband died. Till her husband was alive, she was

espected and if she had sons, she was revered for hei' motherhood. Although the deatli of tiie husband, was not

ler fault, she was considered inauspicious, repellent, a creature to be avoided at every nook and comer. Most of

he time, she was a child-widow, and therefore, unable to understand the implications of her widowhood. Nana

hadnavis niiirried 9 wives for a inyle heir, he had none. Wlien he died, two wives survived him. One died 14

Jays after Nana’s death. The other, Jiubai was very beautiful and only 9 years old. She died at the age of 66 r'ears in 1775 A.D.

Peshwa Nanasaheb man'ied Radhabai, daugliter of Savkar Wakhare, 6 months before he died, Radhabai

vas 9 years old and many criticised Nanasaheb for being mentally derailed when he man ied Radhabai. Whatever

lie reasons for this marriage, he was sui-vived by 2 widows

In 1800 A.D., Sardai' Parshurarnbhau Patwardlian, one of the generals, had a daughter , whose

Msband died within few months of her marriage. She must have been 8/9 years old. Patwardhan wished to get

ler remarried. Peshwa Bajirao II tried to help Patwardhan in the matter. Shankaracharya, the holy priest would

lot give his pennission to the roiiarriage. "Hie Peshwa tried to collect signatures ol'the Pandits from Kashi and

Iter, Siiaiikarachars’a too gave his^pemii.ssion. But tiie remaiTiage did not take place. Some ft oin

net the wife of Patwardlian mid persuaded her not to set a new tiadition Whatever the reasons, tlie remairiage

liti tfiKt' J'lltik thwt tliet-t tiy trvidctiLc prttvd that Bhau had mi intcntinn to rcmnrry

] 'iis wulovvc(i daughter. There is no single reference of tliis case, in either Peshwa Daftar nor in the Patvvardhan iT

Dallar. Hence it must be a legend There must be many such girls living a life of a widow. Althougli, Bhau

tiiought it extremely unrational that such a young girl should not be allowed to remarry, he could not break away

Viom the tradition and get his daughter remarried He atleast tried to collect signatures and one effort was

made against tlie widows spending their lives in widowhood.

On the other hand, men who had supported the remarriages of the widows, did not follow what they had

previously preached. When eveiitually occasion aiose for tliem to contract second marriage, they contracted it

. with a girl of 8/9 years. Ramshastri Prabhune, the well known chief judge of the Peshwa Court, who had

' supported the remarriage of widowed daughter of Patvvardhan, in his turn, married at the age of 60 years. The

bride must have been 7/8 years old .

\Ian iage was a sacred tie, an only sacrament for a woman and therefore irrevocable. ITie marriage laws

^ seemed paitial towards men, they could marry any number of wives, at any age.

Remairiage was practised during the period under the study but with discrimination of caste and sex.

Society did not advance the slightest objection to men marrying any number of wives, but it did not accord the

same freedom to women. Remarriage of a widow was permitted only among the economically handic;,j ped or

liumbler castes; it was totally prohibited among the Brahmins, Prabhus, Kasars and high castes Marathas.

A letter to Krishnaji Ravaji Subhedar, from the Brahmins of Karhad, informs him that one Bhimi was

^ married to the brother of Topaji Sonar. Since marriage, she lived with her father at Phaltan. When her husband

died, and her father, tliiiiking her lo be still a child, which slie was, married her to another. Her second husband,

on being infomied of her first marriage, sent hej- to Topaji Sonar. She was therefore living with brotlier-in-law,

Topaji. The case before Subhedar was to settle, as to what was her status. In the next letter, it was informed to

Ihe Brahmins that according to Panchal Dhnrmn. to which the Sonars belonged, the first marriage conipieled

with Ihe ceremonies like SaptHp;j<'t was to be consideied as valid. Hence, tlie second mairiage was a void one ,A widow, however young she may be should never tliink of reinairiage after the death of hei' husbjind seems to

Ml' the social attitude.

Though widow reman iages wei e prohibited in Bralimin conuiiunity, they were common among the other

classes, for example, there was a tradition of remarriages in the Kayastha caste. Khando Bailal’s son, Jivaji

Khanderao, came to Nagaon, and in consultation with Trimbak Mahadeo Dabir and Sabaji Tukaji Chitnis, decided Uiat this tradition should be discontinued. But Baburao Narahari Dimant Manaji Angre did not agree witli tliem :md performed a remarrin<>e, thus violating the rule. The matter was sent to Peshwa Narayanrao for decision and he decided that remarriages should prevail and the community was displeased with the Peshwa’s

. decision. Usually decisions of Civil Courts were conducted by the Panchayais appointed by Sarkhel .^ngre, who would eitlier support the decision or himself would decide the case. Wlien matters were be^'ond his jurisdiction such as tilt above maitioned ca.^e, tlien it was sent to tlie Peshwa on behalf of the whole Maratlia Kingdom

Each case was determined by the rules of its caste, and the Govemmait did not interlere in the matter. In conthcting or controvo'sial cases, the religious authorities were consulted. In 1798 A.D. Devappa Kenchappa man ied his daughter Limbi, to Lingappa Jain. After some days, Lingappa absconded and could not be traced.

Savanta, brother of Lingappa, had no infonnation about his brother’s whei eabouts. Limbi, since her marriage,

:ved with her father. She had attained pubert>'. Devappa took Sodchitthi or the deed of divorce from Savanta

' and married her to another groom '^Paat marriage).

.After some days, Lingappa returned and filed a complaint that his wife was married to another, during the life-time of her first husband. He claimed her and she was sent to him. She fled I'rom liis house and was living witli hei father Devappa now prays that there was a tr adition of the community, tliat tlie wife does not go to tlie first husband after her Paat man iage. Accordingly, she has not stayed at Lingappa’s house. The second husband should therefore get her custody. ITie vvriter, Gangadharrao Govindrao'Mirajkar Patwardhan, requests the advice of the Jain religious priests about the traditions in the matter ' ','arious interesting points arise out of tin? case. Could the brotlier-in-law give divorce? If he could, and in the above case he did. then, the woman was

12S .;on^:idt-ied a propert\', not only oi ha- liu.sLifUKl but also ol Ins lainily. i.imDi was a girl wno ima aiiained puoeiiy, yet her opinion about marriage was not asked, eA^en during her second marriage. She was claimed by both the

husbands, but had an interest in the second one with whom she wished to live and hence had fled from the first

husband. She was lucky tliat tlie fathei' had understood hei' feelings and had petitioned to tiie Patwardhan on her

hehalf.

All did not ag?"ee with the decisions of tiie caste or tlie Goia panchayai, in all the matters, e.g. Trimbakji

Gurav had a wife by A£ihi.irta Marriage or by remarriage, which had been performed long ago. The caste had

taken objection to the relationship and orders Trimbakji to leave her Trimbakji expects that the Goveniment

should support him in the matter. He had lived with this wife for a long time and does not wish to leave her only for the caste objections. He wishes to continue her status as his wife and live with her. Not only does he

disagree with the caste decision but has gone into appeal against it.

The words used for remarriage of the widows denote the attitude towards it. The word Punarbhu is

'2enerally applied to a widow that has remarried. The woman could be; a maiden whose hand was taken in

maniage but whose marriage was not consun^uiiated; in this case the marriage ceremony- has to be performed

once .liii. She could also be a woman who first deseits tlie husband of her youtli, betakes herself to another man

and she could also be a wom

'he deceased husband or a person of the same caste, on failure of the deceased husband’s brother. This was

Niyoga and no ceremony is to be perfoniii. .1.

According to Yajnj'avalkya, Punarbhu are of two kinds; one whose marriage was not consiinunaied and

another, who had sexual intercourse and both have a marriage ceremony to be peifomied again. He literally means, Punarbhu, i.e. the one who is puruih sarttskrala or one who has undergone the sacrament once again. It

was the second husband and the son of the second marriage that bear the appellation Pannarhliava (Pati or putra,

le hiisb'cind or ?on)

129 P(M2i was meant to be a second and inferior soil of maixiage; especially of the widows of Iowct classes.

Ordinarily, Pant is taking a second husband (Paatacfia Navara)' yet sometimes it also meant marrying a widow.

^aathin was meant to be a man that has married a widow or a divorced woman.

.Axnong the humbler castes, not only the widows, but also such women whose husbands were not heard of

'or a considerable time weie pennitted to remarry. However, such women could not remairy before the

)rescribed period of waiting, which varied from 5 to 12 years. The first husband had a riglit to reclaim his wife, f hra second marriage had taken place before the specified tenn of waiting. However, the aggi ieved party- rarely isserted its right in this respect perhaps for practical diificulties e.g. Sidnak Mahar of Saswdd went to in

;ourse of employment, leaving behind his wife. Ihe wife left his house and went to stay with hei- motlier. Sonak

Ca; adekar, witliout pennission of her mothei', enticed her and took her away to Fort and married hei

i'!thout waiting for the prescribed period before remarriage.

Sidnak, on return, was infontied about her remarriage and decided to divorce her. He admitted that he had

>een absent for a long time than he should have been. He gave up all his claims (Dava) on her and released his

)ossession over hei as a wife He agreed to forfeit his claim, pailly moved by the arbiti ation of his castemen uid piiilly for the reason that his wife had childi'en from her second husband.

In another similar case. tJie wife of Mhasaji Rakhmaji Somavanshi, was mairied to anotlia' her

ills. Ihen, the second husband died, and subsequently, she was mairied by Paat niairiage to Khandu Mavala. iihasaji recognised her in Pune and called for the meeting of the Gota or the caste-panchayat to decide the

natter. Ihe Gota decided that Mhasaji’s marriage was the responsibility of Khandu and Khandu should retain

lie wife Khandu agreed to it and voluntarily paid Rs. 125/- to Mhasaji for the marriage expenses and paid a

^’azar of Rs. 2,5/- In this case, the wife is treated like a commodity to be paid for and retained by the second

usband Tlie second husband takes the responsibility of tlie mairiage of the first husband, for the second

ii.sbaiid had married the wife of the first one. If, e Jie\[ Cfi.se, [fie wiie is aaciressed as a vessel ol niud (nu2iiclie blumde). Since it was used by the second husband, it was not fit to be used by the first one. Maloji Mahadaji Teli went to Panipat with the troops.

He absconded and his Fatiiei -in-law, witJiout making the propel' enquiries as to whetlier the son-in-law was ahve, rnan ied his daughtei' to Malharji Honaji Phale and took Rs. 30/- from him.

Lata-, Maloji, thetlrst husband returned, and having been informed about tliis marriage, does not wish to have tliis used vessel, therefore was giving her divorce. Maloji was thus releasing all his claims over her

Perhaps the wife of the Paat marriage, i.e. remarriage did not enjoy the same ritual status as was granted to the wife of the first marriage. We find that their children were accorded second preference in confemient of the Vatan

Even tJie Lornmunities that permitted remarriages treated these wives with secondary status. Tliere were

10 prc cribcd rites for such remarriages. Some invited a Bralimin to perfomi the marriage where he would only

Derfomi Gcuieshpooja, utliers did not even need tliat rite. All such marriages, whether with consent of tlie

parents of the woman or without it, were always performed late in the night, either on the bmks of a river or in a

>'nely liouse outside the village. Only old men, widows and women married by Paat attended it. It was believed

hat those who attended it would undergo a similar fate, tliat of a second marriage. Immediately after tlie sacred

hread or mangalsutra was tied, the couple left tJie place tovvar>ls their rnaiital home. They would not meet

ri}'bod\^ for three days, even the w ife’s parents, Ihe rites to be performed by a married woman would be

erformed by a widow or a woman married by Paat' ’ I

Altliougii remarriage of widows was tlius freely sanctioned among the non-Bral\mins castes, some of

lem like tlie Prabhus, Sonars and Kasais, seem to have attempted to prohibit widow rernairiage in tlieir

jspective castes, prompted by a desire to imitate the Brahmins. Such imitation was soug^it mainly with a vieu’

’ elevrttinf? their o\\ti ritual status.

\ 3 \ S,:ii means the self ininiolation of a widow on the funeral p>xe of her husband. Tliis practice had a

eligious basis. A belief prevailed that women by their self immolation with the coipse of their husband attained

iigl^ religious nieiit. It was also believed that sins of their husbands were annihilated and the soul of the

f 1 S'! v.sband was raised i ■ > heaven in eternal union with the wife

Force of religion might have driven a number of widows to peiform such an ordeal of burning themselves

live. But as revealed by the evidence of many foreign travellers and the contemporary papers describing the state

if widows, it is clear that the abject state to which the widows were reduced after the death of their husband was

laiticulai ly responsible to force them to take recourse to such a painful decision. Travenier, for instance, says,

.^ o n g idolaters of , upon the death of a man, his widow can never marry but is deprived of all her

miaments and even looks, by shaving her hair off and she remains for the rest of her life without being of any

■* insideration and worse than a slave. This miserable condition causes her to detest life and prefers to ascend the

iinei al pyre to be bunit alive rather than be regarded for the remainder of her days with opprobrium and infamy

ty all tlie world”

Sati was regarded as a Goddess and it was due to the appreciation and respect towards her courage to die,

I sort of religious suicide. Dying as Sati was a sign of extrr’ie loyalty- towards the husband; whether he

i'.:served it or not was another matter; its impact on tiie minds of common people was very strong. I

L>own to 1000 A.D., Satis were rare in the Deccan. Sulaiman, an .'\rabian merchant who had spait some

ime on the western coast of India at the beginning of the 10^' century, states that it was in rare occasion that the

,'ueens used to mount the funeral pyres of their consorts; there was no compulsion; it was entirely left to them to

hoose

Sati was originally a Kshatriya custom. Tlie Padnuipuraria extols the custom to the sky, but expressly

rohibits it to Bialimin women. It dcclaies tliat .uiy person, who will be guilty of helping a Braluiiin w idow Lu

le funeral pyre, will be guilty of tlie dreadful and unequivocal sin of the murder of a .

1 ^elfdenying code of life; eveiitnally it began to feel it should not allow itself to be outdistanced by the Kshatriyas in tiie custom of sati. Tlie custom therefore began to be followed by a few Brahmin families soon after lUOU A.D. \Vlieu death by niountiag tlie funeral pyre of the husband was prohibited to a Brahmin widow, what

\;is n*eant was that she should not take the step merely under tlie temporary sense of overwhelming grief It

should be the result of full and mature delibci ation

Ihe Maratha ruling familres claimed descent and so could not remain immune from the influence

^f the custom. Sati, however, was an exception rathei' than a rule to them. WTien died, only one wife,

■utalabai, died as Sati; tiie same was the case with Rajjiran^i. Only Ambikabai died as Sati, while Rajasbai and

arabai survived him. was survived by Yesubai but Sakawarbai, Queen of Shahu was compelled to die

Sati I’ho'e were very few case;« of Sati in tlie royal families of , Nagpur, Gwalior, and Baroda.

mnapoomabai, second wife of Chimajiappa, brother of Peshwa Bajirao I, and Ramabai, wife of Peshwa

ladhavrao were two instances in tlic Peshwa family. It could be that the widow survived if she had infant

hildren which could bring down their number in the royal families.

In the vast majority of cases, widows were willing parties to their immolation. Muktabai, the dauglita- of

halyabai of Indore, died as Sati in 1792 A.D. Inspite of the weeping and heart-rending entreaties of her old and

lintly mothei-. .Aliilyabai, witnessed not only the sati of hei' daughf-T, Muktabai, but other 17 women of the

mil> She hei self had been pi evented from Sati by her fatlier-in-law Malharrao llie tliought of how she

ould have died if not prevented, could have made her more guilty than she ever felt for not performing her

ligious duty.

Bernier, while describing a case of which, he was ;m ev evvitness, states that it is impossible to describe the

Jtish boldness or the ferocious gaiety depicted on the woman's countenance; her step undaunted, her

iivc!s>a(iun tree from all perturbation, her easy air free from all Jc|ccti0n, her lofly cuurage vuid of ail

il’iurassment.

13.? She Look a torch and with her own hand hglited the liie. It appeared to De a dreanu Dut it was a stem reahty

It is a rehgious duty for a woman of sufficient courage and resolution to accompany her husband was a

137, that his own sister, Mrs. Indirabai Madhav Udgaonkar showed an indescribable fortiLude in caring out hei’ long-formed and ofl-honoured resolution, that of, not to survive her husband. On 17-1-1946 A.D. she committed herself to flames within 24 hours of her husband’s death, inspite of the pressing entreaties of all her

; elations.

llie available evidaice shcjws that, except a few exceptions, most of the widows who died as Satis were free agents of their choice. Not even a suckling infant would dissuade them from taking a step which they believed to be dictated by her duty and Dhanna as Pativrata. Annapoomabai, second wife of Chimajiappa, was manied to him on 9 December 1:731 A.D. Appa died on 17^' December 1740 A.D. She died as Sati leaving

behind a daugliter Bayabai, bom in September 1740 A.D., who must have beoi hardly 2/3 months old There u-ris no tradition of sati in Peshwa-Bhat family. Mother-in-law Radhabai was alive, , widow of Bajirao I survived him. Annapoomabai has the honour of being the first Sati oi the Peshwa family.

Other widows, who were older in years, would feel that the purpose of their life was over, that they had nothing more to achieve or enjoy, and it was fit that they accompany their beloved spouses to the funeral pyre.

'Ihe vast majority of widows, who tenninated their life on their husband’s funeral pyres, did so out of genuine love and devotion to their husbands whom tliey also revered as God. They believed tliat tlie course tliey were following was in the best spiritual interest, botli, for tliemselves and tlieir husbands. A stem sense of dut\’, a stoica! contempt of phj'sical pain, and the hope of an eternal union with their beloved husbands in heaven,

'U^tained them through the terrible ordeal on the buming p)Te.

34 iiiuic iuc vajiuut. cAiuiijJics ui voiuiiuuy sans: ^;caiierea aiong in me pages ol nisloiy. Bapu (iokhale, Uie militan’ leader of the , had a son Baba who died. wife was only 12 years of age and expressed her wish lo accompany her husband as Sati. Peshwa Bajirao 0 and hei' father-in-law, Bapu Gokliale, both tiied to persuade her but in vain. She cairied on hei wishes ^ . What made a 12 years old girl to end her lile when the

Peslnva himself and her fatlier-in-law tried to dissuade her is a puzzle that is without an answer. Was she matured enough to understand the implications of her deatli or marital love or joy for that matter'? A love that she was yet to taste, a joy she had not yet enjoyed. She must have just finished playing with her dolls and tlie next moment she ascended the funeral pyre, neglecting the plea of her father-in-law who was promising her that he would treat her as his son and the moment after she had disappeared amongst the flames.

In another case, two matured co-wives decided to die as Sati together, with their husband. On 20^' March

1785 A.D. a letter written by Sadashiv Dinkai' from Agra to Nana Phadiiavis in Pune, states about Baiwantrao

Dhonddeo, who suffered from shooting pain for some 4/5 montlis. In addition, he sufl^i ed from d>'senteiy and did not respond to any treatment. The senior wife was called and she came from the native place after performing tJie man iage ceremony of their daugiiter. Tlie junior wife was with him. When the death approached, he expressed a wish to adopt a son, a relative, who was presc..., Tlie next day, die adoption cerunony was peribrmed. llie women stayed beside him with courage, helped him in the cei'emoity. Later, Baiwantrao died, tlie I*

*wo V' ves performed all the rites' of Sati and slept on tlie eithei' side of their dead husband on the funeral pyre

Society' held such women in revereu.e and immortalised their memory by suitable memorials.

Sometimes even those who were prevented and who did not die as sati were respected. When Khanderao, husband of .Ahilyabai died at Kumbheri, she decided to die as Sati. Her fatJier-in-Iavv, Malhairao could

lot beai' the grief of botli, the death of a son as well as the daughter-in-law and he fainted, .\hilyabai was thus

)re\'ented by him. The other cowives, concubines, even a dog were burnt with him. Ihere were 2/3 Muslim

•ii

Vhilyabai witnessed 18 Satis from her fiuriily

1 Natiiyaba, her daugliter Muktabai’s son, died of Tuberculosis. He was the only giaiidsori and her

I’avourite one. .^ilyabai spent Rs. 10000/- for charity and donated an elephant for his well-being, according to the contemporary belief But in vain, he passed away leaving behind two young widows, one 18 years and the otlia 10 yeais old. BoLti died aj; Sati. Dhannashastra prescribed that a woman who had attained puberty should die as sati and yet one of tliese was 10 yeais old Tliis seems to be the youngest Sati recorded. Sati had a religious basis.

The question arises is that how could Ahilyabai, who heiself had been prevented from dying as Sati by hu fatlier-in-law Malharrao, could witness the 10 years old girl dying as Sati? Wliy did she not prevent her'?

Ahilyabai was present at the sati ceremony' says her biographer, she walked all the way, and returned after all was over There is no record of Ahilyabai trying to prevent the wives of Nathyaba. S .'on atl;er, on 3 December

1791 A.D , Yashwantrao Panse, son-in-law of .^ilyabai and husband of her daughter Muktabai died suddenly.

Muktabai loved her husband and tliere was a tradition in the family, her two daughters-in-law, widows of

Nathyaba had been Sati.

When Ahilyabai, tried t|) persuade her as a mother and as a ruler, she did not listen to her persuasions.

Mukiabai told her motlier tliat there was nothing left in tlie world for her. It was her duty and she must do it.

Ahilyabai witnessed the ca"errion)' but could not stand it and fainted. Muktabai was not the only wife, there were tvvo othej- wives with her., Was this an act of religious duty that left tlie weq)ing motiier alone or was it the loyalty towards the husband? .

Altiiougli all tliese women died as Satis, it cmuiot be said tliat all weie cairied away by marital loyalty. In most eases they were victims of the religious sacraments ;ind customs. This idealism was so strong an impact that even pregnant woman, althougli prohibited by Shastras, died as Satis. ITiere lived a Brahmin at Khadkat

Nimbodi village who survived on the Vatan of Kulkami and Joshi. Ihe Bralunin died leaving behind his wife

.iiikhubai. who expressed her decision to accomp

1 ?r, village Patil Nunbalkaj’ U'a.s present, He addressed the uiduvv, ex[)ressing fus respecii. lui ujc av,t on,...... peifonn. Me reminded hei' that she was seven months pregnant and therefore requested her not to procecd.

Inunediately, Jakliubai asked lor a knil’e and cut her abdomen and took out tJie feutiis and gave it to tlie Patil to f' ■'* Q ^ take care of. Then she proceeded to perform her duty " . I'tu' only answei' to this fanatic conduct could be that the attraction of Sati was more stronger than motherhood.

Tlie nbove mentioned case may be described as a bit extremist but not a false or imaginary one. In

18! 3 A 1), whtTi Ixird Minto returned to England, he had issued an order that a widow who was under tlie age of

16 yefU s or who was p r^ a n t at t!ie time her husband passed away was prohibited to die as Sati. This meant that diere were women below tlie age and pregnant who died as Satis, tlie only reason being tlie strong impact of blind religious faith.

Some may believe tliat the widow was totally dependent on the relatives of her husband or her natal family and to avoid her dependent life she committed Sati, lliat was not the case, even in the economically low classes.

The following case illustrates and supports the statement “Annai Chavan’s husband went to North India 15/16

\L“aj s ago. Now Annai wishes to die as Sati, hence tliere was an ordei of the Peshwa to give her financial aid, Rs, 25/'- has been given to Kusaji Chavan, her brother-in-law to buy the necessary articles” Tlie order to the Deshmukh of .Annai’s village by the Peshwa was passed on 9*^' February 1776 A O . .^nnai lived for 15-16 years without her husband, in total poverty, so much so, that there arose a need to finance her death, i.e. Sati.

She could have lived without the husband, as she had for so many yeais. Could tliere be any odier reason behind her decision to die as Sati? There must be. /\nnai had decided to die as Sati, at'ter so many yeais. It could not have been out of loyalty i|r love for the husband.

A woman was taught that she should end her life with her husband, for it would grant her a great religious merit. This duty compelled her in most ca.^e.^' to die as sati. Once she decided to follow this path, tha'e was no reluni. flie people thougiit it an ill omen, if a Sati returned from the pyie. She was excomniunicated lioin iie family, and coituTiunity. Sometimes tlie untouchables who helped in the cremation, and tlie foreign oHlcers

1!'' s oldiers would give her shelter out of humanitarian attitude. Muslim rulers as a general mle did not like the custom. Hunrayun wanted to prohibit it in the case of the widows, who had passed the child-bearing age.

J A.S.B., 1935, P.76). He, howeva', did not take adequate steps in the matter. tried to check the custom by appointing inspectors to see that no force was used to compel tlie widows to bum tliemselves against tlieir will Ilie other Administrators had made it a rule that no widow should be allowed to mount funeral pyre without the permii.sjon of the local government officer. This provision did not materially check tlie custom as the prescribed peiTnission could be obtained witiiout difficulty. In an instance in Pune city, a widow could not suffer tiie flames and tried to come out of the pyre. Tfie Brahmins gatliered around forced hei' by pushing her in and allowed her to be burnt alive. This ;cene has been described in the book, Pune Sliaharache Vanian.

Not only women from the ordinary common stock were compelled but women from the royal families were also compelled to die as Sati. However, the records show only one such case, tliat of Sakwarbai, Queen of

Chatrapati Shahu, who died along witli two Natakshalas or mistresses at Sangam Mahuli Their memory is preserved by establishing a stone Sliivalinga at tlie meeting place of rivei s Venna and Krislma.

It seems tliat Sakwarbai was reluctant to die as Sati. Peshwa Balaji Bajirao alias Nanasaheb aixested her brotliei and tlu ough him compelled her to die as sati. Grant Duff had criticised this deed of the Peshwa to be cniel, that it would have been better if the Peshwa had openly executed her or condemned her to death b)' hanging, says DulT. Riyasatkar Sardesai, defends the Peshwa on tb':’ grounds that the Peshwa was not alone in the conspirac7 if ever it was one. Allithe noblemen presented and mainly , the senior most lady of the familv was the one who had planned it. Secondly, there was the tiadition in tlie royal family, to die as Sati, A

' voman who had some difficulties like being pregnant or had infants to look after was exempted. Sakwarbai had no such excuse; she was about 55 years, had no childi en find more important she was tlie only suiTiving Queen

111 Siiiihu Mis family had a Uadition, aii'l hence it was her duty to die as Sati. The fame ot' the royal person depended un tJie iiumbei' of wives d>'ing Sati ;ind it was fell that Chati apati Shaliu deseived the credit. Moreover the declaration of Sati was announced for 2--? months In ttie state and she declined at the last moment This was

136 II a vviiv iovveiing the digiiit}' o]‘the royal taniily vvhicti not only the Pesfivva but cuiy oilier sei’vaiit of tlie royal

,family would not have tolerated.! The common belief was that when she had enjoyed the benefits ol' being the

Queen, siie must now bear with the disadvantages, it was proper that she accompanied her husband to the tuneiai

pyre. Otherwise it would seem to naicule of the depaited soul ' Sakwarbai had experience of administration,

<’he was ambitious and there was no certainty as to how she would behave as a widow. Tarabai, states her fear

and advises that she die as Sati, Peshwa Nanasaheb was afraid that she would interfere in the administiation and

hence was in favour of her dying as a Sati.

Shivaji’s son-in-law, Mahadaji NaikNimbalkar, on Chatiapali Sambhaji’s orders, had marched with the

anny lo help the Shah of Govalkonda. Mahadaji was captured by and was imprisoned with family till

death On his death, on 16-5-1686 A.D., his wife Sakhubai, daughter of Shivaji and Saibai, sister of Sambhaji,

died a.s Sati.

When Rajaram died, his wife, .Ambikabai was at Vishalgad, she followed him carrying his turban with her.

Raiaram's other two wives, I ’arabai and Rajasbai did not die as Sati.

Chntrapati Shahu’s sister nnd daughter of Sambhaji and Yesubai, who was a great favourite of Shahu, was

mairied to Shankaraji Mahadik and died as Sati in 1728 A 13. Naturally the relatives and other members of the

royal family felt that the tradition be continued by Sakawarbai, the only surviving Queen of Shahu.

Relatives and the administrators, sometimes tried to persuade the widows from burning themselves alive.

Sometimes tiiis was carried on by individual persuasion. When the father-in-law of Peshwa Narayanrao died, his

wife desired to follow him to the pyre. She was, however, dissuaded by her relatives.

Pemiission of the Government was necessary before tlie widow ascended the pyre and the Peshwa granted

it as a mark of respect. The decision of Sati would be a deed of great religious merit. Some times tlie Peshwa

gave financial help in the case of .\nnai Ohav:m and sonielinies he did not give permission, out ol re\ enge.

V'lthoji Holkar was trampled under the foot of an elephant as a punishment for treason. His wife requested ' peniii,-. ion for Sati which was refused on the grounds that he had conuiiitted treason.

Bajirao H and Lord Elephinstone, both gave awards and promised pensions to the widows to persuade

them from d>'ing as Sati. Howevibi-, Bajirao did not paiticipate in any discussions for feai' of violating rehgious

feehngs.

Sati was an object of the highest respect and so was escorted to the cremation grounds, to the

accompaniment of music, in a procession. Nana Phadnavis built a road in one night from the Ganesh Temple to

the river banks of Indrayani when Ramabai accompanied her husband Madhavrao. Sati was givoi a bath, and then

she put on her person all tlie insignia of Saubluigya or mai ital status. She carried with her Kumkum, mirror,

comb and betel leaves which were insignia of Saubhagya. Very oflen she would give away her onianients and

Delongings to hei friends and relatives, who would keep them as sacred momentous. Then she would take the

final leave of her relations. Ramabai had entixisted Llie care of Narayani ao to Raglioba and . Ascending

tlie funeral pyre, (he wife would place her husband's head on her lap. Tlien the pyre would be lighted. James

Forbes describes the scene of Ramabai dying as Sati in Oriental Memoirs, Vol. 1 . (Pg. 299).

Tlie percentage of the widows who ascended the funeral pyre, is difficult to state as tliere ai e no statistics

available. There are numerous Sati stones scattered throughout the country but it is difficult to utilise them for

(ietermining the percentage. 'ITie percentage was high in tlie warrior families. In the Pune dominion of the

Peshwa, the annual average was about 12 during the period 1800 to 18f2 A.D. In Bengal, where the Sati custom

was highly prevalent; undue advantage was taken of tlie helpless and grief-stiicken condition of tlie widow in

Older to induce her to become a sati by some coparceners, who stood to gain by her death as an heir. The

Dayabhaga school, which peimitted even tlie childless widow to claim as an heir to her husband, prevailed in

Bengal. In and rest of India, Mitakshaia school j)revailed where the widow had no such right.

If the cu- tom had eml)odied the marital unity even fitter death, if it meant that one spouse could not live

I without the other, than seems to be sati. Ihere is no record of her birth or death, her father is not

kiiowTi, oxckjpt that eiio was bom of a woman. ClialraiLaal orOutidoia had requo^Lod tiie hulp of Dajirao I against Aiiriiedishah B^ingash and Bajii ao not only gave it but also rcstoi cd aJl tlie captiu ed ta y jtcjy of ChafrasaaJ.

Thei e is no record of how or where she had met Bajirao, except that she must have been 15/16 years old then.

Bajnao wished to give hei‘ tlie status of legal wife which was against tlie conteniportu'v beliefs. He was a

Brahmin Peshwa and she was Muslim. Mairiage between them was not possible according to any religion.

Bajirao was tlie only undefeated heio in tlie history but in private life, tJiis relationship met a staunch and strong opposition, from his mother and brother. He could not win then' acceptance and when they gave up, it was too late. Bajirao died at Raverkhedi, on the banks of Nannada, while Mastani was in imprisonment at Pune.

When death approached he called for her, but wife Kashibai was sent to him. Mastani, however escaped and on the way received the news of his death. Tliougli tliere is no record of how and when she died, she did not live theieuiler, leaving behind hOr 6 years old son, Samsheiklian alias Krishnasingh. Chimajiappa, brotlier of

Bajirao suggested that a TcmJia or an image engi-aved in gold be place in the worship house, of Mastani as a maik of sati

The custom was practised regularly and prevailed mainly among the Brahmins and Marathas and such warrior classes. Not only tlie wives but also Natakshalas, Rakshas and Upastiee would bum themselves on the funeral pyre of their master. TTie custom had a wide appeal, the society admired and even deitified tlie sati as an e>;ample of suprrme devotion and sacrifice. If the society did not approve it, it had no moral courage to oppose it "Ihe custom retlects the heartless attitude of the society' who witnessed the perfomiance of sati and probably enjoyed il.

Although the custom was not compulsoiy in Maharashtra, there was admiration and respect for those who conmitted it Temples were built in their honour, Sati-women were worshipped as Goddesses. There was a kind of pride to quote them if there was one such in Uie family. Kashibai Kanetkai', a prominent and progi essive writer of ilic ! 9^‘ centun,', an active worker of/\iy'a Saniaj, begins her autobiogiaphy in 1920 A.D., introducing

!il-i iiHtai larnilv, stating thal one of her juicestors had died as Sati ’ Sati indicates a tendenc7 of suicide, and flashes a picture of a widow being compulsoi ily led to tJie pyi c, but that was not the case. Some of thern attained respect and admiration from Uie pubHc even after so many yeais. Sati Ramabai has been lucky to receive such honour, the only woman in history. Her only merit was she died as Sati, she has no other contribution. Today, thousands of visitors pay homage to her, visit Iheur, where she was cremated. It is not onl> because she was tlie wife of a gi eat and capable Peshwa. The royal family of

Bhonsale had tradition of Sati, ever>’ Chatrapati from the family had Sati following him, yet no Sati from that family is even remembered.

,\nnapoomabai, wife of Chimajiappa, the first sati of the Peshwa family, died as Sati in the heart of Pune city, her memorial stands on the banks of river Mootha, besides the Temple of Onkareshwar. Yet

\nnapooiTiabai remains only in tlie records of history.

'Ihose who did not commit Sati nor could perfonn remarriage, as per their respective caste rules, were left lo lead an insignificant and inauspicious life of a widow. Diey were an easy prey to ill-treatment and tyranny in tlic joint family setup. Tliey weie considered as inauspicious; they could not be present at the maniage ceremonies of c/en their ov.Ti children. Tfie>' had to lead a life of enforced celibacy and society did not show any swipath)’ towards them. Marry' widows tried to lead this unwanted life supported by solace of religion.

Sagunabai was the wife of Janardhanbhau, the youngest son of Peshwa Bajirao. She must have been years ol i when she was manried ?nd her husband died few years later. She was 10 years old when was widowed and survived for over 34 years. She died in 1 783 A.D. at the age of 44 years. Althougli taken well care of, she led an insignificant life in the Peshwa family. Books weie rare in those days but she had an extensive libraiy, which has Iccn taken notice of by tlie historians.

After her death, it was merged into the Pesiiwa collection . She tiavelled to Kashi on a pilgiiniase, arranged by her brotlier-in-law, Peshwa Nanasaheb. She did not interfere in aiw political activity nor does her nrirrie c<,'!Tic in an}’ t'aiiiiiy niaUcrs except tlial. she was pr cseiit a( Purfiridhar at Uie time of tfie birth ot' Suvai

Madhawao, posthumous: son of Peshvva Narayanrao, She led a quiet hfe, taking no intei'est in any domestic niatters except being a help when the need arose. She wislied to retire and arrangements fit for a member of

Peshvva family were made at Vaduz where she died in 1783 A.D. She was well taken ctu c of as were the rest of

( " 5 ' tlie members of the family ‘

Joint families, of which tliese widows were the members, were morally bound to provide them with maintenance. Widowhood was a curse iallen on these unlucky' women. A widow was recommended to lead a life

Tonsure means shaving off tlie head of a widow. Bodaki means a widow whose head is shavai. Tlie

custom of' tonsure of widows, which was verj' ugi}' iind unfortunate one, is of recent origin and growth. The motive underlying it was to ipake the outward appearance of the widow in harmony with the ideal of renunciation yScitwiia) that she was expected to follow. Monks and nuns used to shave their heads; it was felt that the widows should also do tlie same. It was hoped tliat this would help in creating an ascetic atrnospheie around her, so necessan' for her resolution to lead a celibate life. The procedure was calculated to destroy tiie beauty of hei' face; it was thoiiglit that it would afford the widow a gi'eater protection against the unwanted attentions of undesirable characters.

'Ihe custom became prevalent from about 1200 A.D. in the southern parts of India. Ihe custom was conunon till the end of the last century. Dr. Kamalabai Deshpande was widowed at the age of 21 years and later studied at Prague, received the doctorate, wrote books on tlie Streegeete (women’s songs, written by and for women) mA Hindu Slriyanchya Kcmidhynchi Wntchai, worked as a Principal in the girls’ school, Satara. She ilied :it the ;igc « ! years in Pnne, in ! :W ). 'I'onvurt’ peifoinied befoi'c tier boct}' vvn- cremared

! 4 ; A widow v\ ,.s regarded as impure Mid ineligible for association vvitJi religious rites and functions as long

she had nor shaved her head, ITiis custom was not common among all, but was prevalent among the

Brahnims. Sonaj and Kasar. Widows were tonsured on the death of their husbands, as the sons were, on the

^eath of Uieir parents, witli tlie only and most important diffo-ence, these sons were tonsured only once, tlie

'widows had to undergo the process at regular intervals. If it was meant to protect them from attracting males

around them, it also left them to the mercies of a strangers like the barber. In addition, they had to suffer the loss

of tJieir beautiful liair tliat they had taken care of, giown with pride and admiration. ITie motives for its

adaptations may have been good but its consequences wei e often disastrous.

Altliougli the custom of tonsure was prevalent among tiie Bralunins, tliere were few exceptions in the

Peshwa family. , wife of Sadashivraobhau was v\ i!h him on tlie battlefields of Panipat. Bhau

disappeared and never returned. She waited for him, for 22 years till her death on 16 August 1783 A.D. She f

' had refused to live like a widow alid wore all the insignia of her marital status and her wishes were respected

Even after her death, the funeral rites were performed witli tliose of her husband, (Palash-vidlii, wherein the

body' made from the palash wood is cremated^ Bhau, Ragliunatlirau and Sakharambapu Bokil wished to compel

her for tonsure, then arose the case of th • Impostor of Bhau, Peshwa Madhavrao’s premature death and the

assassination of Peshwa Narayfinrao, led to the postponement of tlie rite of tonsure. Lokarnanya Tilak, sav:' once

^'Hch a rite is postponed, it remains so for quite a long time

'flie second case was that of Gangabai, widow of Peshwa Narayanrao. She was pregnant at the time he was

assassinated and hence could not commit Sati. She was also not disfigured by tonsure and died 4 years later at

/A |-\\ her natal home in Pune with bmiiSakesha) ^ . Could be that Gangabai was carrj’ing the sole heir to the

Peshwaship and !ience was excused from tlie custom. Probably it was an individual decision and hence

honoured but it alsu indicates that there w'ere women who opposecf the aged old custom and tliey were honoured.

Not only these women, but a peculi{ir case indicates that an ordinary', common woman opposed to it and

lived (1 iiid t»f hsa- Jnrihnvi t ititrtmbtrkrtr was tcnisurcd when her husband died, I.ntcr she grew her hair,

144 Aul e ;uici kunikuiii aiid stayed with yViitaji iSlLikiind Goltik, vvhi> did not many ha' but gave suppoil She jave bii1h to his bon who was 5/6 years. Later, she was imprisoned witli hei‘ son But tlie imprisonment was a puiiislunent for adulteiy and not for giowing hei' hair. She had a courage of Hving a hfe, for a short period. according to her wishes. \ /Vrnong tiie Brahmin casties, immediately ailer tlie deatli of her husband, a widow was tonsured and had to

^ive her hair to the Bralimins for, tJiey would refuse to cremate her husband without the hair. In Sholapur iistrict, village Mathe, there lived a Kulkaini with a young widowed sister. Before she was tonsured, one nidnight there were heavy rains and ihe house tumbled down, llie sister was under it and died immediately. The

Brafimins would not cremate her witJiout tonsure and the barber would not tonsure the dead body. Atlast tlie tillage Mahar cremated her

Widowhood was regarded as an unfortunate curse, a child widow was unable to understand her status i>he was lef\ alone to live her life, her presence was not wanted, she was given food only once and that too

.eparated from the rest of the family membei s. Even if tliere were mother and a widowed daughter in the family, he rnotlier would not eat with her widowed daughter. If her family had sympathy and compassion, hei' life would

?e tolerable. Ihe society, instead of being sympathetic towards the widows, especially the child widows, tried to

'urther their miseries and unhappiness by subjecting them to various resti ictions regarding the mode of living and

0 practices like Sati and Tonsure. Altliougli tlie practice of Tonsure was restricted to few classes and therefore lot representative of all the womerj of the pei iod it reflects the social attitude towards widovvs.

Some vveie unable to bear Llie 'edious life of a widow and wa e blessed with deatli. Laxmibai, widow of

/ishwasrao was witli him on tlie battle-fields of Panipat. She died two j'ears after her return from Panipat. She

Must be 111 years at that time. Gangabai as the widow of Peshwa Narayanrao who survived him for merely A

eai s. She was in hei‘ eai ly twenties at the time ol'her death. Bagabai, eiglith wife of Nana Phadnavis was V years

1 ;uid died on tlie 14 day after her husband.

145 A widow could inhei il ha' husbands propeity only in case her husbiuid liad been separated from the joint family

and died v, ithout an heir h\ tlic moveable propeily of a person dying witliouL a child, the goveiTunent was

entitled to extract a share, which varied from 2/5 to 1/2 ot the property

Nana Phadnavis was in possession of crores of rupees when he died . His surviving widow Jiubai was

promised by Lord Wellesley, to Hve where ever she wished with her servants, jewellery and other property. She

(4 5 ) was granted a pension of Rs. 12,000/- per aiuium as mamtenance

Widows of , Laxmibai and Yamnnabai were denied the maintenance. They were left

alone and therefore ttiey had to figlit for their legal rights against Daulatrao, Mahadaji’s adopted son, who had > promised to look after them. Ahiiyabai Gaikwad, widow of Fatehsingh, had to request tlie financial assistance

from Daulati ao Shinde in 1795 A.D., a widow who had propei i . vvortli lacks of Rupees ^

Devichand of Indore, a njoney lender, died without an heir. Tukoji Holkar attached all his property. Tlie

widow met ,*\liilyabai, who reprimanded Tukoji and returned the property to the widow. But all were not

sympatlietic like *^ilyabai nor were all vigilant to irrform the higher authorities

In the joint family, a w'idow coulu claim only maintenance. In one document a pei son was reprimanded

for retijsing to provide his widowed sisfer-in-law ivifh Maintcnancc.

According to Mitakshai a of Vijnaneshwai a, a widow with a son could have a share equal to that of her

son Ihougli Mitakshara text was popularly followed in Maharashtra, it cannot be said that this particulai’ aiticle

was followed in /o/o. Probably, in practice, she was not assigned a share with her sons but was provided with

maintenance on a rather libera] .scale. In one instance, one \nandrao Lele was asked to give Rs. 500/- to his

('■‘IS) ' ^ ste()nioiher will'Was living separatelv

1 46 Hc'.v'cVc!\ L^ic allowance tlius giaiitcd to a widow w-as only lor hei' life time. Mei- hei- deatii, it used to lapse to hei sons A widow’s life was witliout aiiy consideration and worse than a slave. It was no wondei

;hat some of Uieni, to be free of from the shame became ambitious to die with honour as sati.

— XXX —

147 Reference List

1 Pnyolkar A. 1) (edited) Lokahitavndikntta Nibhnndhn Sangraha. Popular Prakashana, Bombay.

1967. p33.

2. Deslmiukli. p.! 33. AhJIiyayugin CluuUraJ

3. Oak, p. 7v'.

4. Deshmukh. p.l32.

5. Deshmukh. p. 133.

^ 6. Altekar. p. 158.

7, Deshmukli. p.l33. h/hdhyayugin ChantnikosiL Raiiiiihastri Prabhune.

8 M I.S. Vol.24. letter no. 27. p. 18.

'I Avlaskar S.N. Nagaon-Arthik\a Samnjik Jivcvi Gokhale Lconomic Institute, Poona, 1962. p.88.

10. Sai desai G.?>. Klaratlianclia Paira-rup hiiias. Bombay, 1939. letter no.200. p.282.

^ 11. Wad G.C. SiuihunuiliarajancJii Rojanishi. o/-P.l>'. Vol. 1. part. 1. letter no. 388. p.222.

1 2 Kane P V. History Of Dhnrmashnstm. Vols 1-5. Poona. 1941-46. Vol. II. part 1. p. 609.

13 P.A.S.P. letter no. 128. p. 92.

^ 1. ChapekarN.G. Peslmaucya Sawalii. Poona. Siiake 1859. p. 103

15. P A S P letter no. 129. p. 93.

16 (Tune, p. 71, P_Dy Vol. VII p I 8 2 .

1 J. K 17. Chapekai'N.G. Badiapur. Poona. Shake 1855. p.444,

18. Tlioiim.s P. Women Tfuough Hie Ages. Asia Publishing House, Bombay. 1963. p. 231.

19. Travenier’s (Jean Bapisle) Travels In huiia. edi. V.Ball, London Macniillon. 1889. 2 Vols. Vol.2.p.209.

20. Elliot and Dovvson. Vol.6. p.6.

21. Altekar. p. 128-29.

22. Xlcidliyuyugin CliaritrcikosfL Ahilyabai Holkai. p. 86.

23 Beniier Francois. Travels in tfie A'hghiii Empire J656-J668A.D. 2nd.edition 1914. p.312-13.

. 24. Oak. p. 160.

2.5. Bhave V.L. Niirathi Rumals 1-3. 1922-28. Rumal 2. p. 18.

16. AitiJiasik Patrabodh p. 123-24.

27. A-hdhyayngin Charitrakosh. Aliilyabai Holkaj'. p.8.

28. Ibid. Purshottam. Devi Shree . pub. Mohainkar 402 Thakurdvvar, Bombay. 1913. p.248.

^ 29. Phalke G.H. Phalke GJiaratiyaclii Kiiifliiyat. 1956. p.69.

30. Bharat Itihas Sanshodhan Mandal Grantlialaya. No. 79. p.6. aiticle no. 10.

w ) 31. Sai desai G.S. Miraihi Riycisai, Punyasholak Sfujlui, 1944. p. 181-82.

32. Garge S.M. Kar^’ir Riyasal. 1710-1813. 2nd edition 1980. , p.279.

33. Oak. p. 167. L f 34. ^iiiuiati Kashibai Kanetkar. Al/ruicluuitra Ani Chariira. p.l.

1 49 15, O ak. p. I *;6.

36. 0 ;ik, p. 156.

37. Bai Vidiiya. Kamlciki. Mauz Prakashaii Bombay. I960, last page.

f 38 Liikmsinya Tilak Yanche Kesaritil Lekh. Poona. 1930. part 4. p. 276.

40. Oak. p.89. R.P.P.S. p.80-81.

41. edi. Wad G.C. Tfiorale MadJuiviao Yanclu Rojaiiisfii. Vol.2. 1911. p.210.

42. Nyayaiiiurti Ranade yaiiche Chaiilra. p. 117.

43. Gune. letter no.50. p. 171. P.D>'. Vol. W p. 61. P.Dy. Vol. HI. letter no. 174 & 175.

44. P.I.X. Vol. K. letter no. 53. ■ Ibid. Vol. VH. letter no. 560 & 563. Ibid. Vol m letter no. 859.

45. Sardesai G.S. Klarculuuiclui PaJraixip Itiluis. Bombay 1939. Letter no. 220.p.303. dated 25-3-1804 A.D.

46. Aifihiisik Palrabocih. p. 14.

P '?ux^ho\Xm\ Devi Shree Ahilyabai Holhar. Bombay 191 3. p.248.

\ 48. LelcM.H. Lele Kulavnilia/Ua. Bombay 1949. letter no. 89. p.69.

.49. Ibid. M.I.S. Vol. 24. letter no. 115.

j - XXX - I

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