The Silk Letter Movement’: the Fabric of Indian Independence

‘The Silk Letter Movement’: The Fabric of Indian Independence

A Discussion into The Contextual Motivations & Plans of The Discovered ‘Conspiracy’ Formulated by Some of The Leading Islamic Scholars of One of The Most Acclaimed Religious Universities in The World: Deoband

A Publication

Table of Contents Preface ...... 3 “Read and Write” ...... 3 The Preparations… ...... 4 The Anti-Colonial Syllabus of Deoband ...... 4 Motivations of the Sponsors ...... 6 Hijaz ...... 6 Afghanistan ...... 6 Germany ...... 6 The Thinking Behind the Writing ...... 6 Execution ...... 7 Conclusion ...... 9 Bibliography ...... 10 Further Reading ...... 10

2 Preface

The independence from the British Raj for the Indian state was achieved in 1947, and whilst it was a long time coming, it cannot be ignored that this date Is possible a little too close for comfort. Nevertheless, the various political, cultural and economic hurdles India overcame in achieving independence is truly remarkable. From the Hindu-German Conspiracies (1914-17) to the-principally Sikh- Ghadar Party1, Indian nationalism sparked fervent debates around the entire country.

The Islamic involvement in this cannot be argued to be underestimated. Rather entire volumes and numerous essays are dedicated to the Indo-Muslim cause for emancipation.2 However, the issue in such extensive work means details broadly spanning up to 300 years of activity, may result in some minimal oversight. Smaller, more focused papers may be an answer to this as an analysis on the specifics may provide a fuller picture on the tactics used overall.

Hence, below is an exploration on what could be called to be one of the most intriguing movements; almost embroidered with an exotic edge of charm: The Silk Letter Movement.

“Read and Write”

It must be known that the ‘Silken Letter’ efforts were not constrained to simply a section of Deobandi history; rather, the entire university itself holds a distinct anti-colonial foundation. It can be separated into three distinct periods:

1. Resistance 2. Education 3. Rebellion

The very founders of Deoband, Muhammad Yaqoob Nanautvi and Rasheed Ahmed Gangohi were deeply involved in the Indian Mutiny of 1857 and mobilised in Thana Bhawan. Resistance, and the defensive connotations attached to such a term, are typified here. Whilst it is unclear if the Deobandi leaders were in belief of the rumours revolving around the new guns and the pork gelatine laced bullets, the stance was distinctly self-protective. The subsequent persecution endured by the Islamic scholars (not just limited to the founders) was extraordinary. Edward Timus, via Miyan (2012) states that up to 500 scholars were hanged in Delhi alone.

When self-protection turned deadly, the Deoband school was born from the work of Maulana Muhammed Qasim Nanotavi. The second wave of Muslim anti-colonialism was manifest into education (circa. 1866). To some, this is possibly the most poignant of the three waves; essentially, typifying the first revelation that came down onto mankind: “Read.”3 Is it any wonder then, that after the education of intensive Pan-Islamic views propagated through Hadith and Quran, that the Deobandi resistance channelled through paper? It is stated by Maulana Qasim Nanautvi told his colleagues and students, “… As far as I know this institution was established after the failure of the revolt of 1857, so that there might be feuded a centre under the influence of which people might be prepared to make good the failure of 1857.” (Ahmad, n.d) However, this also began to show signs of jeopardy. Since 1765, East India Company policy was marked by a moderation and patience, with the wait focused on allowing Muslim Rulers to die out naturally, assuming rule once the King failed to produce an heir; in laws passed in 1670 by King Charles II. But, by 1835, the Government had gained enough backing to encroach on social and political legislation. Hence, the discrimination, arguably, began. In an effort to increase

1 Though the ideology was mostly secular, Muslims were also in this party with key figures like Abdul Hafiz Muhammed Barakatullah taking the reign of vital preaching operations providing fiery speeches and radical values outside of India. He did not live to see his aspiration but was commemorated by an eponymous University: ‘Barakatullah University’ in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh, India. [Ray, Vol. 1: 1998] 2 See: Further Reading

3 Surah 96: Verse 1

3 its revenues, the East India Company had acquired the trusts of educational institutes, making it virtually impossible to run the institutes.

The Silk Letter Movement (1913-20) refers to a series of letters sent between leaders of the Islamic University, “Darul Uloom Deoband” in efforts to free India from British rule. The tactics were complex and political, with attempts at alliances between Imperial Germany4, Ottoman Turkey and Afghanistan. This paper will aim to explain the details of the alliance, and the subsequent unravelling of the plans. The inspiration of the plans will also be outlined, in the light of the Quran and Sunnah.

It must be noted that Rizvi of Oxford University (1983)5 criticises the segregation of waves of resistance that has been mentioned above. He states that, “the Islamic movement cannot be slotted into preconceived pigeon-holes or explained by such simple terms as primary resistance, rebellion, social reform movements, obscurantism, or reactionary religious fanaticism- phrases so popular among modern analysts.” One can understand his point entirely. As with any movement/concept, abstract terms can never be categorised. Each must be understood with a holistic eye. However, to argue that the, “Islamic movement must be understood on its own terms,” creates a void entirely. It separates the movement in working in a parallel world. This is entirely not that case. The movement was working in conjunction with real life events- and, quite simply, these can be initially described in what Rizvi may term as, “simplistic”. A discussion into the finer details will be in due course, as with any, ‘modern analysts’.

The Preparations…

To fully understand the reasoning behind the plans and the order in which they were concocted, we must understand the context of the time. In this, a distinct understanding of the ‘Education’ segment of the resistance and how the Deoband populous, the plight of the countries they aligned with; (and the motivations in them doing so)

The Anti-Colonial Syllabus of Deoband

“Is this not the school thanks to whom nameless Deoband has become Deoband Sharif, exalted Deoband, to the distant corners of the world?”

– Maulana Muhyi’d Din (1895)

In 1835, Parliament approved of Thomas Macaulay’s, ‘Minute on Education’, introducing English as well as the Western education system to India, which resulted in the discontinuation of government support for traditional educational institutions. (Moj, 2015) There was further blow to the madaris, when the Governor General Henry-Harding decided in 1844 that only people with Western-style education and knowledge of the English were eligible for state-sector jobs. This meant the employability of madrassah graduates reduced remarkably. Robinson (1974) notes in his study †hat attendance at Western-style government schools grew exponentially. (p.35)

The founding were modest, with a famous romanticised first lesson under a pomegranate tree in a courtyard of a small mosque called Chatta Masjid. Moj further argues that though the beginnings were, “modest”, Sindhi (2008) argues it was founded on the model of the government endorsed Delhi College. Berkey (2007) states

4 Monarch| Wilhelm II- (1888-1918) Chancellor | Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg (1909-1917) 5 This was mentioned in specific regard to Barbara Daly Metcalf, in a book review of her revised version of her doctoral thesis: ‘Islamic Revival in British India: Deoband, 1860-1900)

4 that it was to have a fixed institutional character with permanent salaried staff, distinct classrooms and library, a fixed course of study and regular examination.

What was key to the survival of Deoband in this period, was the deliberate decision of its founders to stay away from political issues in an effort to avoid conflict with the British government. Deoband did show signs of loyalty by offering prayers for the Queen’s health, but Moj argues that this was a calculated move by the founders to avoid offending its colonial rulers. The rise of Deoband did not go unnoticed by the British Government. Justice Rowlattin wrote, “In August 1916, the plot known to Government as the ‘Silk Letters’ case was discovered. This was a project hatched in India with the object of destroying British rule by means of an attack on the North-West frontier, supplemented by a Muhammdan rising in this country.” (///)

The curriculum is based on a highly-modified version of the 17th century Indo-Islamic syllabus known as ‘Dars- E-Nizami.’ The founder or designer of the Dars-E-Nizami system was Mulla Nizam Uddin from the Farangi Mahal Ulema (Islamic scholars) group, after who Dars-E-Nizami were names. His family trace their lineage back of aim major the that, Deoband of study his in states Moj .ﷺ Prophet the of companion a Ansari, Al Ayub to the founders of this madrassah was to save the religion as well as the religious capital of Muslims in India. The funding would largely run on small public donations from Muslims and there would also be no acceptance of government funding, setting the tone for the basis of the institution.

Year 1 • Biography of the Prophet; Conjugation/Grammar; Syntax, Arabic Literature; Chirography; Chant Illation

Year 2 • Conjugation/Grammar; Syntax; Arabic Literature; Jurispudence; Logic; Chirography; Chant Illation

• Quranic Exegesis; Jurispudence; Syntax; Arabic Literature; Hadith; Logic; Islamic Brotherhood1; Chant Year 3 Illation; External Study (The Rashidun Caliphate and other Indian and Islamic Movements)2

• Quranic Exegesis; jurispudence; Principles of Jurispudence; Rhetoric; Hadith; Logic; History; Chant Year 4 Illation; Modern Sciences (Geography of the Arab Peninsula etc1)

• Quranic Exegesis; Jurispudence; Principles of Jurispudence; Rhetoric; Beliefs; Logic; Arabic Literature; Year 5 Chant Illation; External Study (History of Indian Kings)

• Interpretation of the Quran; Jurispudence; Principles of Interpretation and Jurispudence; Arabic ﷺ Prophet the of Study Illation; Chant Philosophy; 6 Literature; Year

Year 7 • Saying of the Prophet; Jurispudence; Bwliefs; Responsibility; Chant Illation; External Study (Urdu Texts)

ﷺ Prophet the of sayings the on focusing authors various by Books 8 • Ten Year

An outline of what was taught, under the watchful eye of the principal at the time, Maulana Mahmudal Hasan, is concisely collected in Moj’s ‘The Deoband Madrassah Movement: Countercultural Trends and Tendencies.’ Also involved was Maulana Obaidullah Sindhi. He was born Sikh and Ahmed argues that he was soon, ‘impressed by the truthfulness of Islam through reading.’ After some study in Deoband he founded, “Junood-e- Rabbaniyah” (Divine Army). He also spent seven years in the Afghan capital Kabul, plotting an armed action against the British.”

Source: Anzar (2003) p.15 via Moj (2015)

1 A distinct sense of Pan-Islamism can be inferred here.

2 Teaching of the Rashidun Caliphate would give the students knowledge on how to govern the country, on one’s own terms. Disguised as history, the subject teaches, quite boldly, the student to look around and question the British colonial rule

5 Some may argue that to label the curriculum and the ideology of the Deobandi scholars as Pan-Islamism is incorrect; the nationalistic edge should be more heavily emphasised. (Ahmad) However, one can be correct in stating that this argument is reductionist on the motives of the Deoband movement. If nationalism was the over-whelming motivator behind the movement, then surely an alignment to the secular ‘Ghadar’ party would have bolstered its influence. Rather, the Deobandis set out to forge their own route, clearly displaying how their motives were to protect Islam. The protectionist curriculum simply supplements this belief.

Motivations of the Sponsors The letters depicted a plan of taking help from Germany, Turkey, Hijaz and Afghanistan. The choice of these countries is significant and explored below:

Hijaz In 1915, Hussein ibn Al Ali al-Hashimi was Governer of Hijaz. He had previously worked with the British, surprisingly relatively late into British Raj, with Hashimi plotting, on the advice of his son, with Lord Kitchener to separate from the increasingly nationalistic Ottoman administration. This occurred during WW1. However, the relationship turned sour, when the British refused to recognise his pan-Islamic interests once the Ottoman Empire had dismantled. This largely influenced their support in what appears to be a thinly veiled attempt of a jealous effort to dismantle Britain’s own empire by helping the Deobandis in their effort.

Afghanistan The effort to engage Afghanistan failed and the simple reason of this was the relationship between Habibu’llah Khan (Amir of Afghanistan) and British India. It is more than likely that the Deobandis were not in the knowledge that, to reduce tensions with British India, he signed a treaty of friendship in 1905 culminating from an amity dating from 1880. He also paid a state visit in 1907. In an appreciative nod to his efforts, he was granted a, ‘Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath’ in 1907.

Germany From 1914-18, the Central Powers 6 of WW1, Germany accelerated her plans to weaken its enemies by targeting their colonial empires, including Russia in Turkistan and Britain in India, using “political agitation” (Hughes, 2002)

The Thinking Behind the Writing Maulana Mahmud-ul-Hassan was described to be, “full of the struggle and sacrifices.” (Ahmad) The aim of the letters was to set up a militia by the name of, “Army of God.”7 To fund the effort with arms, ammunitions and then foreign support, Hassan aimed to secure support from outside India.

After gaining subsequent approval, war would be declared against the English on the north-western board of India through ‘independent tribesmen’ (Ahmad) Alongside this, the Deobandis would rally to start a rebellion inside the country itself.

By 1913, Mahmud-ul Hassan wished for his plan to have taken shape, but he could not have found the resources to have done so. Many would state though, that this target was overestimating how much one could have done. However, the outbreak of WW1 in 1914 played out to be a very favourable timing for the Indians as the English began investing themselves in the war effort. Maulana Muhammad Miyan states in his analysis of the movement that,

6 That is: Germany, Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria 7 Arguably a further blow to the debate on the religious/nationalistic motives of the Deoband movement, in benefit to the former.

‘I am sure that Hadhrat Shaik-ul Hind wanted to stick to this plan, but the dangerous conditions and consecutive around him occurrences tried his patience. Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani says that Hadhrat Shaik-ul Hind (Muhammad-ul Hassan) took exclusive interest in the world affairs, specially India and Turkey. He was so affected by the heart- breaking oppressions of Tarabulus and Balkan wars, and increasing mischief of the English inside India… so he stepped in the field of revolution irrespective of the consequences. The serious condition of the time and specially the weaknesses in Muslims came as a hurdle in his way.

Execution

Hence, in early 1915, preparations begin. The Turkish were persuaded to declare a ruling against the British, mobilizing the Muslim masses against the British. Despite the students of Deoband being socialised with anti- colonialist views, there was still a need to informally conscript more adherents to the ideology. Hence, Maulana Mahmud-ul Hasan sent his another lieutenant Maulana Abul Kalam Azad to Peshawar, who arranged Maulana Saifur Rahman to cross the border into Afghanistan and prepare the Muslim youths for war volunteers.

Deoband was not the only university involved. Many intellectual institutes were secretly planning a similar coup d’état, soon creating alliances. A particularly interesting university that was involved unofficially was the Government College of Lahore(GCoL). GCoL was founded under the British Raj in 1864 in a portion of a palace belonging to Raja Dhayan Singh Haveli. The institution was affiliated with the University of Calcutta for examination. Along with the establishment of the college, Gottlieb Wilhelm Leitner (professor of Arabic and Islamic Law at King’s College in London) was nominated as principle of the college. There was an overt trend of employing ‘acceptable’8 persons to positions of power; a clear show of the sense of distrust between the coloniser and the colonised (Etemad, 2007) Whilst, Deoband is distinctive in anti-colonial views being institutional, The GCoL contained students who despite owning most of their success and occupational acclaim to the British were significantly calling for independence.

Some students of this crossed the border into Afghanistan. One of the leading revolutionaries who crossed the border of Afghanistan was Zafar Hasan Aibek, the nephew of Maulana Jaafar Thanesari, a key player in the Ambala Conspiracy Case of 1864. As a whole, for this wave of revolution, the students of Lahore Government College were inspired by the writings of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad9 who became a senior Muslim leader of the Indian National Congress. His impressive monthly and weekly articles published in nationalist forums struck a chord and when approached, Maulana Azad played a leading role in persuading these Lahore College students to help Maulana Sindhi in his fight against the British. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad was active in the Silk Letter movement.

In the next month of the departure of Maulana Sindhi to Hijaz (Saudi Arabia), Maulana Mahmud-ul Hasan, accompanied with various other associates, also set out to Hijaz in the tail end of 1915. Maulana Mahmudul

8 Read: ‘White’ 9 He is more commonly known as, Maulana Azad

7 Hasan reached Mecca where he met the powerful Governor, Hussein ibn Ali al-Hashimi agreed to extend support against the British government for reasons mentioned in a previous chapter.

In order to publicize his support among Muslims of the Indian sub-continent, he wrote a long letter, “exhorting the general public to continue with their struggle, assuring them of his government’s open support in the future.” (Ahmad, n.d)

Maulana Sindhi kept negotiation with Habibullah Khan, king of Afghanistan in support of his goal. Maulana Sindhi proposed to the Afghan king that he could declare war against Britain for the sake of Turkey and Islam. However, the king was afraid of enmity with the British and placed the Maulana Sindhi and his associates in the state of detention. Habibullah Khan was also receiving pressure to declare full independence from the British Empire from the German Mission titled, ‘The Niedermayer-Hentig Expedition’. It was unsuccessful, but understandably, held far more influence on the country’s politics than the Deobandi movement. It culminated in the assassination of the Amir in 1919, but within Indian politics, a distinctive alliance was formed. The similarity of the aims of Indian Nationalist (exclusive of Deoband) struck the Germans in a significant manner, sparking the Hindu-German Conspiracy mentioned in the introduction of this paper.

Nevertheless, Maulana Sindhi turned to the Turks for the support the Deoband group so desperately needed if they were to fund any arsenal for the revolt. The Turkish Governor of Hijaz, Ghalib Pasha was consulted. Acting as a sub-section to the Silk Letters movement, the whole documents of agreement and his letter to the Indian Frontier Muslims are known as “Ghalibnama”.

The response, published to the public to gain support was the following:

“The Mohammadans in Asia, Europe and Africa adorned themselves with all sorts of arms and rushed to join the Jihad in the path of God. Thanks to Almighty God that the Turkish Army and the Mujahidin have overcome the enemies of Islam. . . . Oh Moslems, therefore attack the tyrannical Christian government under whose bondage you are. . . Hasten to put all your efforts, with strong resolution, to strangle the enemy to death and show your hatred and enmity for them. It may also be known to you that Maulvi Mahmud Hassan Effendi (formerly at the Deoband Madrassa, India) came to us and sought our counsel. We agreed with him in this respect and gave him necessary instructions. You should trust him if he comes to you and help him with men, money and whatever he requires.”

Whilst, initially, this was good news, various entanglements that were addressed before of the Ghalib Pasha soon reached boiling when on the 21st September 1916, Pasha was captured by belligerent rebels of the Arab Revolt at Ta’if. Ironically, the order came from one of Deobands’ sponsors… Hussein ibn Ali al Hashimi, the Governor of Hijaz.

Unbeknownst to this, Maulana Mahmud-ul Hasan handed over the copies of the document ‘Ghalibnama’, the pledging of Turkish support to one of his companions and instructed him to go back to India via Kabul and distribute the copies of ‘Ghalibnama’ among the Muslims of these respected areas. Maulana Ansari returned from Mecca in 1916 and distributed the copies of the declaration of Jihad & ‘Ghalibnama’, both in India and among the Frontier tribes. He also met Maulana Sindhi in Kabul and both dispatched letters to Maulana Mahmud-ul Hasan finalising the secret plan involving Germany and Turkey of ousting British from India. As

8 these letters were written on yellow silken clothes. At the last hurdle, the letters were intercepted by Punjab CID, criminalising them all on conspiracy and treason. The British named this movement as Silken Handkerchief Conspiracy.

Conclusion

The Silk Letters Movement can be described as well-natured, if maybe a little naïve. Despite such great, expert and flawless knowledge in the field of Pan-Islamism and the Islamic Sciences, the movement had a complete lack of knowledge over the political alliances and the entanglements they were venturing into. The simple case of the Governor of Hijaz and Ghalib Pasha is a prime example of this.

Furthermore, there was an underestimation on the tentacle-like hold of the British over the world. Treaties were drawn up in a pointed effort to ensure the balance of power remained in favour of the British Empire. One cannot accuse them of tunnel-vision, but there is a naiveté of their actions.

The effort is no doubt admirable, but the execution, failed epically. One cannot truly believe, that if, hypothetically, the movement did manage to come into fruition, that it would have been successful. The world was being poured into an entirely different mould. The rulers that once may had given their word, were unable to hold on to their positions. It could be argued that the countries whose support was achieved, were not credible in any form. The handshakes were steeped in a vested interest.

Lastly, the undercurrent powering the movement was emotion. Emotion is elemental to any revolution, subject to one condition: with emotion, there must come practicality. Although it never manifested, one must wonder if there was any practicality of their ideas in the first place. Whilst they understood the optimality of the time (the British being tied up in the war effort), one could argue the plans were maybe too premature to execute.

Nevertheless, the Silken Conspiracy is fascinating; stitched with conditional clauses and spun from intrigue.

The time truly was part of a fabric of universe, that simply cannot be judged centuries later, with independence part and parcel to the author’s name.

9 Bibliography

• Etemad, B (2007) Possessing the World: Taking the Measurements of Colonisation from the 18th to the 20th Century, New York: Berghahn Books. • In Freedom’s Quest, by Sibnarayan Ray, Vol. I, 1998 • Moj, M (2015) The Deoband Madrassah Movement: Countercultural Trends and Tendencies, UK: Anthem Press. • Rizvi, G (1983) ''Islamic Revival in British India': Book Review', American Historical Review, 88(4), pp. 1050 [Online]. Available at: http://eds.b.ebscohost.com/eds/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=cd23038f- 5b05-4200-a0b5-5cbb530b5785%40sessionmgr102&vid=4&hid=122 (Accessed: 2nd April 2017). • Stanley, A.M (2003) Missions, Nationalism and the End of Empire, Michigan: William B Erdemans Publishing. • Hughes, T.L (2002), "The German Mission to Afghanistan, 1915–1916", German Studies Review, German Studies Association • Sarkar, B.K; Lovett, V (March 1921), "A History of the Indian Nationalist Movement", Political Science Quarterly, The Academy of Political Science • Qureshi, M. Naeem (1999), Pan-Islam in British Indian Politics: A Study of the Khilafat Movement, 1918–1924, Leiden; Boston: Brill