Popular Islamic Activism in Egypt (1970-1981)
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HEEDING THE CALL: POPULAR ISLAMIC ACTIVISM IN EGYPT (1970-1981) A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Abdullah Al-Amin Al-Arian, M.Sc. Washington, DC April 15, 2011 Copyright 2011 by Abdullah Al-Amin Al-Arian All Rights Reserved ii HEEDING THE CALL: POPULAR ISLAMIC ACTIVISM IN EGYPT (1970-1981) Abdullah A. Al-Arian, M.Sc. Thesis Advisor: John O. Voll, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This study examines the means by which the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt was reconstituted during the years of Anwar al-Sadat’s presidency (1970-1981), following a lengthy period of dismantlement and suppression. By including analysis of structural, ideological, and social developments during this period in the history of the Islamic movement, a more accurate picture of the so-called “Islamic resurgence” develops, one that represents the rebirth of an old idea in a new setting. The Muslim Brotherhood’s success in rebuilding its organization rested in large part on its ability to attract a new generation of Islamic activists that had come to transform Egypt’s colleges and universities into a hub for religious contention against the state. Led by groups such as al-Gama‘ah al-Islamiyyah (The Islamic Society), the student movement exhibited a dynamic and vibrant culture of activism that found inspiration in a multitude of intellectual and organizational sources, of which the Muslim Brotherhood was only one. By the close of the 1970s, however, internal divisions over ideology and strategy led to the rise of factionalism within the student movement. A majority of student leaders opted to expand the scope of their activist mission by joining the Muslim Brotherhood, rejuvenating the struggling organization, and launching a new phase in its history. Drawing upon Social Movement Theory, the methodological approach avoids the pitfalls of essentializing a religious movement, instead opting to treat it as a rational social actor that is conscious of its place in the ever-expanding marketplace of ideologies. The resulting analysis explores the Muslim Brotherhood’s da‘wa, its iii mission, within the context of two parallel challenges: the organization’s attempt to secure its legitimacy in the face of rising opposition from fringe movements, and applying the lessons of its legacy of conflict with the state by treading a path that avoided confrontation. The study looks at wider questions that emerged within the Islamic movement, such as the adaptability of traditional religious thought to a contemporary social context, the development of a coherent political program, and the Muslim Brotherhood’s active competition with the regime for legitimacy in the eyes of the faithful. iv To my family, Without whose love, guidance, and support, This work would not have been possible v Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………………1 Chapter One: The Islamic Movement on the Eve of Sadat……………..……………...34 Chapter Two: The Return of Islamic Activism: The Case of Shabab al-Islam…………75 Chapter Three: Return of the Brothers……………………………………………….111 Chapter Four: Islam on Campus……………………………………………………..152 Chapter Five: The Young and the Old………………………………………...............206 Chapter Six: Constructing the Call……………………………………………...…….246 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………...298 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………….305 Notes………………………………………………………………………………...317 vi Introduction In late 1981, the third General Guide of Gama‘at al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin (the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood), an elderly lawyer named ‘Umar al-Tilmisani, languished in an Egyptian prison just outside of Cairo. On September 5, President Anwar al-Sadat ordered state security agents to conduct a massive sweep of the country, arresting hundreds of members of the political opposition in all of its ideological stripes, from Nasserists and Marxists, to the Islamic movement, represented chiefly by the Muslim Brotherhood. Feeling threatened by the rising tide of fervent political opposition, Sadat abandoned his rhetoric on democracy and openness, opting for a return to the repression that characterized the era of his predecessor, Gamal Abdel Nasser, by quashing all political dissent. Tilmisani was intimately familiar with harsh prison life in Egypt, having spent nearly twenty years as a political prisoner in the prior regime. But in the decade since his release, he had attained the top leadership position in the Muslim Brotherhood, and helped restore it to its former status as the chief opposition movement in the country, largely through the successful recruitment of a vibrant student movement. Along with several colleagues from his inner circle, Tilmisani traveled across the nation speaking at conferences, attending summer youth camps, and meeting with students on their campuses, preaching the da‘wa, or call, of the Muslim Brotherhood to tens of thousands of young Egyptians in the process. But from his cell in the fall of 1981, Tilmisani could do no more than pen his prison memoir, recounting his experiences under the Sadat regime, and commenting on the daily news items that trickled into the prison through smuggled newspapers. In one entry, he lamented a news story about Sadat’s meeting with the Higher Council of the Press. According to the article, on his way out of the meeting, Sadat stopped to 1 greet one of the council’s members, ’Ihsan ‘Abd al-Quddus, a notable newspaper editor, literary author, and liberal commentator. Sadat smiled at his old friend, shook his hand warmly, and spent a moment catching up with him. Though he tried to muster a smile in return, ‘Abd al-Quddus could not help but be reminded of the loss of his son, who at that very moment was in an undisclosed location along with the hundreds of activists arrested by Sadat.1 Muhammad ‘Abd al-Quddus was a leader in al-Gama‘ah al-Islamiyyah (the Islamic Society), the powerful organization that represented religious student activists in universities throughout the country. He had also recently joined the Muslim Brotherhood, and carrying on the family tradition, had taken up journalism as a career and a personal passion. But Muhammad did not report for one of the liberal, secular newspapers. He was a writer for al-Da‘wa (The Call), the Muslim Brotherhood’s monthly magazine. When security agents raided the offices of al-Da‘wa and arrested the editors and staff members, Muhammad ‘Abd al-Quddus was the youngest person apprehended.2 In commenting on this chance encounter between Egypt’s authoritarian ruler and a grieving father, Tilmisani wavered between unrestrained condemnation of Sadat’s behavior and sadness at the pain that ’Ihsan ‘Abd al-Quddus must have felt by coming face to face with the person responsible for his son’s dismal fate. Sadat “was flexing his muscles and demonstrating his power ...and reproaching [‘Abd al-Quddus] for allowing his son to go along the path of the call to God.” Or, he pondered, was it possible that Sadat was genuinely attempting to flatter his old friend? “His tenderness did not end with a smile to the father he had deprived of his son …no, not only did he smile at him, but he went out of his way to greet him. Have you ever seen humility more charming than this?” Tilmisani concluded sarcastically.3 2 This story serves a symbolic representation of a number of transformative developments of the Sadat era in modern Egyptian history. The anguished father unable to confront the president in defense of his son is a testament to the decline of liberalism in Egypt’s political culture, which witnessed the replacement of the traditional political forces, the “centers of power” as Sadat termed them, with a new political base made up of ideologies antagonistic toward the liberal, nationalist, and radical socialist forces of old. Tilmisani, who expressed his deep outrage at Sadat in no uncertain terms, signaled the arrival of the Muslim Brotherhood as the chief opposition movement leading the popular contention against the state. In fact, Tilmisani’s role extends to that of paternal caretaker to Muhammad ‘Abd al-Quddus, who along with thousands of young Egyptians, joined in this movement at the expense of their parents’ ideology. Finally, Sadat replicated the dualism for which his regime had become known, at once warmly greeting his friend while his policies caused ‘Abd al-Quddus and his family much harm. As a leader who in the span of a decade pursued war and peace, populism and free enterprise, democracy and despotism, Sadat was said to have met his untimely demise at the hands of a movement he helped create. Following a turbulent history of social activism, political contention, and militant resistance, the Muslim Brotherhood experienced such a crushing blow early in the Nasser era that few in Egypt would have expected it to reappear. Yet two decades after its absence from society, the Muslim Brotherhood reemerged as a social movement organization spreading a religious and political message and expressing its opposition to the state. This study explores the underlying social developments, political conditions, and historical events that permitted the return of the Muslim Brotherhood to the fore of Egyptian society and politics. Additionally, it investigates the internal factors within the 3 organization’s disparate parts: its leaders, members, ideological mission and social program, to explain its stunning resilience in the face of severe repression and its ability to restore its position at the head of an increasingly diversified Islamic movement. Beginning after Egypt’s defeat in the June War of 1967 and gathering momentum with Sadat’s assumption of the presidency following Nasser’s death in September 1970, religiously inspired social movements took on a renewed urgency in their activist missions. By the middle of the 1970s, the trajectory of Islamic activism reached its height, as a vibrant and dynamic student movement became dominated by religious youth who put forward a multifaceted program of social advocacy and anti- state contention, built on an intellectual project that incorporated a wide array of sources and influences.