Darfur: Reflections on the Crisis and the Responses

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Darfur: Reflections on the Crisis and the Responses Darfur: Reflections on the Crisis and the Responses Martello#35Book.indb 1 22/09/09 12:14 PM Martello#35Book.indb 2 22/09/09 12:14 PM Darfur: Reflections on the Crisis and the Responses J. Andrew Grant (ed.) Centre for International Relations, Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada 2009 Martello#35Book.indb 3 22/09/09 12:14 PM Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Darfur : reflections on the crisis and the responses / J. Andrew Grant (ed.). (Martello papers ; 35) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-55339-242-2 1. Sudan—History—Darfur Conflict, 2003-. 2. Humanitarian assistance, Canadian—Sudan—Darfur. 3. Humanitarian assistance—Sudan—Darfur. I. Grant, J. Andrew (John Andrew), 1974- II. Queen’s University (Kingston, Ont.). Centre for International Relations III. Series: Martello papers ; 35 DT159.6.D27D375 2009 962.404’3 C2009-905175-3 © Copyright 2009 Martello#35Book.indb 4 22/09/09 12:14 PM Martello Paper Series Queen’s University’s Centre for International Relations (QCIR) is pleased to present the latest in its series of monographs, the Martello Papers. Taking their name from the distinctive towers built during the nineteenth century to defend Kingston, Ontario, these papers cover a wide range of topics and issues in foreign and defence policy, and in the study of international peace and security. This Martello Paper brings together seven original papers based on presentations at a workshop on Darfur held at Queen’s University on March 17, 2007 and sponsored by the Centre for International Relations and the Ethnicity and Democratic Governance project. For more than five years, international concern with the humanitarian crisis in western Sudan has paralleled that with the armed interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq. While in the latter two cases robust intervention overthrowing brutal regimes was succeeded by a difficult international presence with uncertain prospects, in the case of Darfur the difficulty and uncertainty are up front, and a robust, decisive intervention remains unlikely. Why has this been so? In different ways, these papers underline the paradoxes that Darfur poses for the international community in general and for Canada in particular. First, while it seems a case tailor-made for the Responsibility to Protect as enunciated in the 2001 report of the Inter- national Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, it has proved a non-starter even for the compromised version of the doctrine adopted by the United Nations in 2005. Second, beyond purely humanitarian concerns, the very considerations that render international action urgent – the regional spillover to Chad and the unstable Horn of Africa, the stakes for the UN, the EU and African security organizations, and the usual great-power ri- valries – also serve to hobble it. Martello#35Book.indb 5 22/09/09 12:14 PM vi J. Andrew Grant Third, while the Afghanistan mission was brought to Canadians by government and the military without a lot of public involvement, Darfur is a relatively “popular” international cause driven by civil society and the media. It appeals to Canadians who regret the recent decline of Africa among Canadian priorities and who see Darfur as a “purer” form of humanitarian intervention than Afghanistan. On the other hand, the more that Canadi- ans learn of its complexities, not to mention the diplomatic and logistical requisites of a large-scale intervention there, the more Darfur may come to look like another Afghanistan, not an alternative to it. We are, as always, grateful to the Security and Defence Forum of the Department of National Defence, whose ongoing support enables the Centre to conduct and disseminate research on issues of importance to national and international security. As is the case with all Martello Papers, the views expressed here are those of the authors, and do not necessarily reflect the position of the Centre or any of its supporting agencies. Charles C. Pentland Director, QCIR July 2009 Martello#35Book.indb 6 22/09/09 12:14 PM Darfur: Reflections on the Crisis and the Responses vii Contents Section I: The Crisis 1. Introduction ........................................................................................ 3 J. Andrew Grant 2. Darfur: A Diagnosis of the Conflict .................................................. 19 Abdelkérim Ousman 3. Women and Conflict in Darfur: Towards a Gendered Perspective of Security Studies ........................................................ 37 Anita Singh Section II: The Responses 4. Responsibility without Capability: Norms, Credibility, and the Challenges of Humanitarian Intervention .................................. 61 Ulrich Petersohn 5. Lessons Learned? Credible International and Canadian Responses to the Crisis in Darfur ..................................................... 77 Brent Beardsley and John Schram 6. Once Bitten, Twice Shy: The Evolution of US Policy on the Crisis in Darfur ........................................................................... 93 Clement E. Adibe Martello#35Book.indb 7 22/09/09 12:14 PM viii J. Andrew Grant 7. Civil Society Responses to Darfur: The Case of STAND Canada ...............................................................................115 Ira Goldstein and Devin McDougall Notes on Contributors .................................................................... 129 Martello#35Book.indb 8 22/09/09 12:14 PM Section I The Crisis Martello#35Book.indb 1 22/09/09 12:14 PM Martello#35Book.indb 2 22/09/09 12:14 PM 1. Introduction J. Andrew Grant Introduction The humanitarian crisis in Darfur is by nature a political one. The Darfur conflict has been largely portrayed in the international media in simplified, ahistoric terms with readily identifiable perpetrators and victims. Yet, this obscures the politicization of identity surrounding who is ‘Arab’ and who is ‘African’ (or ‘Black’), the multi-group competition over scarce land resources since the late-1930s, and regional conflict in and around Sudan. Against this backdrop, one must also consider the ramifications of elite competition within the political classes of Khartoum and the transition from a bipolar international system to one that is arguably unipolar and whose predominant power is waging a ‘War on Terror’. The Darfur crisis exhibits the characteristics of the so-called ‘new wars’ envisioned by scholars such as Mary Kaldor (2007) and Mark Duffield (2001), and draws attention to the importance of understanding emerging ‘regionalisms’, regional link- ages, and processes (Grant and Söderbaum, 2003; Söderbaum and Shaw, 2003; Bøås et al., 2005) at both the cross-border and sub-regional levels. Few observers deny the existence of a humanitarian crisis in Darfur. Estimates of the number of deaths in the region since the crisis began in early 2003 range from 200,000 to 450,000.1 An additional 2.7 million individuals have been displaced by the violence in Darfur (Reeves, 2008; 1. For an interesting discussion of the debates concerning the estimates of deaths in Darfur since 2003, see Eric Reeves (2007). Martello#35Book.indb 3 22/09/09 12:14 PM 4 J. Andrew Grant Holmes, 2007, 5). Armed groups and militias from all sides of the conflict have perpetrated hundreds – perhaps thousands – of reported and unre- ported acts of sexual violence against women and girls in Darfur since 2003 (Human Rights Watch, 2008, 10-11).2 Given the complexity of the crisis and the most recent response by the international community – that is, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1769 (2007) of 31 July 2007 which established the United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) – this chapter attempts to place primacy on the politi- cal aspects of the situation in Darfur. Indeed, the incorporation of political deliberation has the best chance of instigating positive change. This is not meant to privilege politics over morality. Moral considerations, whether acknowledged or not, underpin myriad humanistic appeals ranging from peace-keeping to addressing genocide and other war crimes. It follows that moral considerations emerge in several of the chapters in this edited volume. This chapter begins by tracing the roots of the Darfur crisis and examines the sluggish response by the international community. Next, the question of whether the Darfur crisis should be considered genocide is addressed. This supplies the reader with a preliminary introduction to the various is- sues and themes that are elaborated upon by the contributors to the edited monograph. The penultimate section of the chapter also provides a preview of the substantive aspects of subsequent chapters. The chapter concludes by assessing the prospects for peace in Darfur under the purview of UNAMID. The Humanitarian Crisis in Darfur Many reports cite February 2003 as the beginning of the present crisis in Darfur, which coincides with Khartoum’s decision to use the Janjaweed to respond to an uprising by the Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A)3 in the region. It should be noted that the Sudanese government employed what are now referred to as Janjaweed militias as early as the 1990s (de Waal, 2007a; Prunier, 2005; Flint and de Waal, 2005).4 However, 2. See also Andjela Jurisic (2005) and Anita Singh (this volume, chapter 3). 3. The Sudanese Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) is also referred to as the Sudanese Liberation Army (SLA) and, less commonly, the Sudanese Liberation Army/Movement (SLA/M) and the Sudanese Liberation Movement (SLM). In the interests of consistency, SLM/A will be
Recommended publications
  • Darfur Genocide
    Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science.
    [Show full text]
  • Advance Edited Version Distr
    Advance edited version Distr. GENERAL A/HRC/6/19 28 November 2007 Original: ENGLISH HUMAN RIGHTS COUNCIL Sixth session Agenda item 4 HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATIONS THAT REQUIRE THE COUNCIL’S ATTENTION Final report on the situation of human rights in Darfur prepared by the group of experts mandated by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 4/8, presided by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Sudan and composed of the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for children and armed conflict, the Special Rapporteur on violence against women, its causes and consequences, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on the situation of human rights defenders, the Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons and the Special Rapporteur on the question of torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment* * The annexes to the present report are circulated as received in the language of submission and in Arabic and French only. A/HRC/6/19 page 2 Summary The mandate of the group of experts, comprising seven mandate holders, was established on 30 March 2007 by the Human Rights Council in its resolution 4/8 to ensure effective follow-up to and foster the implementation of resolutions and recommendations on Darfur, as adopted by the Council, the Commission on Human Rights and other United Nations human rights institutions, as well as to promote the implementation of relevant recommendations of other United Nations human rights mechanisms, taking into account the needs of the Sudan, ensuring the consistency of these recommendations and contributing to the monitoring of the human rights situation on the ground.
    [Show full text]
  • A Matter of Comparison: the Holocaust, Genocides and Crimes Against Humanity an Analysis and Overview of Comparative Literature and Programs
    O C A U H O L S T L E A C N O N I T A A I N R L E T L N I A R E E M C E M B R A N A Matter Of Comparison: The Holocaust, Genocides and Crimes Against Humanity An Analysis And Overview Of Comparative Literature and Programs Koen Kluessien & Carse Ramos December 2018 International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance A Matter of Comparison About the IHRA The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) is an intergovernmental body whose purpose is to place political and social leaders’ support behind the need for Holocaust education, remembrance and research both nationally and internationally. The IHRA (formerly the Task Force for International Cooperation on Holocaust Education, Remembrance and Research, or ITF) was initiated in 1998 by former Swedish Prime Minister Göran Persson. Persson decided to establish an international organisation that would expand Holocaust education worldwide, and asked former president Bill Clinton and former British prime minister Tony Blair to join him in this effort. Persson also developed the idea of an international forum of governments interested in discussing Holocaust education, which took place in Stockholm between 27–29 January 2000. The Forum was attended by the representatives of 46 governments including; 23 Heads of State or Prime Ministers and 14 Deputy Prime Ministers or Ministers. The Declaration of the Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust was the outcome of the Forum’s deliberations and is the foundation of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance. The IHRA currently has 31 Member Countries, 10 Observer Countries and seven Permanent International Partners.
    [Show full text]
  • Conceptualising Historical Crimes
    Should crimes committed in the course of Conceptualising history that are comparable to genocide, crimes against humanity or war crimes be Historical Crimes referred to as such, whatever the label used at the time?180 This is the question I want to examine below. Let us compare the prob- lems of labelling historical crimes with his- torical and recent concepts, respectively.181 Historical concepts for historical crimes “Historical concepts” are terms used to de- scribe practices by the contemporaries of these practices. Scholars can defend the use of historical concepts with the argu- ment that many practices deemed inadmis- sible today (such as slavery, human sacri- fice, heritage destruction, racism, censor- ship, etc.) were accepted as rather normal and sometimes even as morally and legally right in some periods of the past. Arguably, then, it would be unfaithful to the sources, misleading and even anachronistic to use Antoon De Baets the present, accusatory labels to describe University of Groningen them. This would mean, for example, that one should not call the crimes committed during the Crusades crimes against hu- manity (even if a present observer would have good reason to qualify some of these crimes as such), for such a concept was nonexistent at the time. A radical variant of the latter is the view that not only recent la- bels should be avoided but even any moral judgments of past crimes. This argument, however, can be coun- tered with several objections. First, diverg- ing judgments. It is well known that parties V HISTOREIN OLU M E 11 (2011) involved in violent conflicts label these conflicts differently.
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan's Spreading Conflict (II): War in Blue Nile
    Sudan’s Spreading Conflict (II): War in Blue Nile Africa Report N°204 | 18 June 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. A Sudan in Miniature ....................................................................................................... 3 A. Old-Timers Versus Newcomers ................................................................................. 3 B. A History of Land Grabbing and Exploitation .......................................................... 5 C. Twenty Years of War in Blue Nile (1985-2005) ........................................................ 7 III. Failure of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement ............................................................. 9 A. The Only State with an Opposition Governor (2007-2011) ...................................... 9 B. The 2010 Disputed Elections ..................................................................................... 9 C. Failed Popular Consultations ...................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Sudan in Crisis
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Faculty Publications and Other Works by History: Faculty Publications and Other Works Department 7-2019 Sudan in Crisis Kim Searcy Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/history_facpubs Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Searcy, Kim. Sudan in Crisis. Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 12, 10: , 2019. Retrieved from Loyola eCommons, History: Faculty Publications and Other Works, This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications and Other Works by Department at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. © Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective, 2019. vol. 12, issue 10 - July 2019 Sudan in Crisis by Kim Searcy A celebration of South Sudan's independence in 2011. Editor's Note: Even as we go to press, the situation in Sudan continues to be fluid and dangerous. Mass demonstrations brought about the end of the 30-year regime of Sudan's brutal leader Omar al-Bashir. But what comes next for the Sudanese people is not at all certain. This month historian Kim Searcy explains how we got to this point by looking at the long legacy of colonialism in Sudan. Colonial rule, he argues, created rifts in Sudanese society that persist to this day and that continue to shape the political dynamics.
    [Show full text]
  • The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur
    The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG WWW.SATSENTINEL.ORG The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 COVER PHOTO Displaced Beni Hussein cattle shepherds take shelter on the outskirts of El Sereif village, North Darfur. Fighting over gold mines in North Darfur’s Jebel Amer area between the Janjaweed Abbala forces and Beni Hussein tribe started early this January and resulted in mass displacement of thousands. AP PHOTO/UNAMID, ALBERT GONZALEZ FARRAN Overview Darfur is burning again, with devastating results for its people. A kaleidoscope of Janjaweed forces are once again torching villages, terrorizing civilians, and systematically clearing prime land and resource-rich areas of their inhabitants. The latest ethnic-cleans- ing campaign has already displaced more than 300,000 Darfuris this year and forced more than 75,000 to seek refuge in neighboring Chad, the largest population displace- ment in recent years.1 An economic agenda is emerging as a major driver for the escalating violence. At the height of the mass atrocities committed from 2003 to 2005, the Sudanese regime’s strategy appeared to be driven primarily by the counterinsurgency objectives and secondarily by the acquisition of salaries and war booty. Undeniably, even at that time, the government could have only secured the loyalty of its proxy Janjaweed militias by allowing them to keep the fertile lands from which they evicted the original inhabitants. Today’s violence is even more visibly fueled by monetary motivations, which include land grabbing; consolidating control of recently discovered gold mines; manipulating reconciliation conferences for increased “blood money”; expanding protection rackets and smuggling networks; demanding ransoms; undertaking bank robberies; and resum- ing the large-scale looting that marked earlier periods of the conflict.
    [Show full text]
  • Africa's Role in Nation-Building: an Examination of African-Led Peace
    AFRICA’S ROLE IN NATION-BUILDING An Examination of African-Led Peace Operations James Dobbins, James Pumzile Machakaire, Andrew Radin, Stephanie Pezard, Jonathan S. Blake, Laura Bosco, Nathan Chandler, Wandile Langa, Charles Nyuykonge, Kitenge Fabrice Tunda C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2978 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0264-6 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover: U.S. Air Force photo/ Staff Sgt. Ryan Crane; Feisal Omar/REUTERS. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Since the turn of the century, the African Union (AU) and subregional organizations in Africa have taken on increasing responsibilities for peace operations throughout that continent.
    [Show full text]
  • The Armenian Genocide
    The Armenian Genocide During World War I, the Ottoman Empire carried out what most international experts and historians have concluded was one of the largest genocides in the world's history, slaughtering huge portions of its minority Armenian population. In all, over 1 million Armenians were put to death. To this day, Turkey denies the genocidal intent of these mass murders. My sense is that Armenians are suffering from what I would call incomplete mourning, and they can't complete that mourning process until their tragedy, their wounds are recognized by the descendants of the people who perpetrated it. People want to know what really happened. We are fed up with all these stories-- denial stories, and propaganda, and so on. Really the new generation want to know what happened 1915. How is it possible for a massacre of such epic proportions to take place? Why did it happen? And why has it remained one of the greatest untold stories of the 20th century? This film is made possible by contributions from John and Judy Bedrosian, the Avenessians Family Foundation, the Lincy Foundation, the Manoogian Simone Foundation, and the following. And others. A complete list is available from PBS. The Armenians. There are between six and seven million alive today, and less than half live in the Republic of Armenia, a small country south of Georgia and north of Iran. The rest live around the world in countries such as the US, Russia, France, Lebanon, and Syria. They're an ancient people who originally came from Anatolia some 2,500 years ago.
    [Show full text]
  • A Year of Campaigning a Year of Campaigning
    A YEAR OF CAMPAIGNING A YEAR OF CAMPAIGNING “They carried guns all the time. I was afraid of and petitions but by mobilizing public pressure the guns. Actually, I was in constant fear.” through street protests, vigils and direct These are the words of Fereh Musu Conteh, lobbying. Thousands of AI members respond who was abducted by an armed group during to Urgent Action appeals on behalf of the conflict in Sierra Leone when she was just individuals at immediate risk. Publicity 13 years old. through the news media and online takes AI’s “When there are guns, there are more message swiftly and in a range of languages to victims,” said Malya, a woman from Port-au- millions more. Prince, Haiti, describing the level of violence AI members invent creative and innovative in her neighbourhood. forms of activism, both online and on the Gun violence afflicts countries around the streets. In 2006, for example, AI Paraguay world – armed conflict and violent crime claim organized “toy gun swaps” in the run-up to the lives of men, women and children every Christmas, offering new toys to children in day. AI is part of a worldwide coalition exchange for toy weapons, and street theatre campaigning for a global Arms Trade Treaty in to persuade parents not to buy them. AI order to prevent the proliferation and misuse Morocco carried out a survey on poverty and of arms and so reduce the number of victims. government responsibility, and AI Australia In 2006, activists achieved a major victory sought the public’s view on the country’s new when the UN voted overwhelmingly to start anti-terror laws.
    [Show full text]
  • Genocides Andconflicts
    0 1 Genocides and Conflicts in the 20th and 21st Centuries Preface This book provides summaries of some of the mass atrocities that have occurred in the last hundred years. We have intentionally included conflicts that often are not studied in courses about genocide. We encourage readers to learn about these events for two reasons: first, when knowledge of these atrocities is not part of our shared history and memory, those who suffered, and their once- vibrant cultures and communities, are made invisible yet again. Second, it is important for us to realize the breadth of genocides across time and place. ‘Never again’ has come to mean ‘over and over again.’ Perhaps if we can recognize that genocide is a wide-ranging and repetitive scourge on the planet, we can someday reach a world without genocide. Thanks go to Jacob Simpson, Research and Advocacy Associate, and Amalie Wilkinson, Research Intern, for their work on this book. 2 Table of Contents Native Americans, 1492-Present ............................................................................................ 3 Namibia, 1904-1907 ............................................................................................................... 5 The Armenian Genocide, 1915-1923 ....................................................................................... 7 The Ottoman Christian Genocide, 1915-23 ..............................................................................9 The Holodomor, 1932-1933.................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Holodomor 1932-33
    Ukrainian Famine - Genocide Holodomor 1932-33 Saskatchewan Ministry of Saskatchewan EducationMinistry of 2007Education © 2007 1 What does “Holodomor” mean? Holodomor, one of the most horrific genocides in history, took place 75 years ago. This word means death by starvation in the Ukrainian language. Slide 2 Saskatchewan Ministry of Saskatchewan EducationMinistry of 2007Education © 2007 2 When did this happen? During the winter of 1932 and the spring of 1933, millions of people living in central and eastern Ukraine were wiped out by a forced famine. Entire villages of people died. Slide 3 Saskatchewan Ministry of Saskatchewan EducationMinistry of 2007Education © 2007 3 How many people perished? Between 7 and 10 million Ukrainians were starved to death. People of all ages were victims of this tragedy - the elderly, young women and men, innocent children and infants. Slide 4 Saskatchewan Ministry of Saskatchewan EducationMinistry of 2007Education © 2007 4 Which regions were most severely affected? Note the areas which appear in dark red Slide 5 Saskatchewan Ministry of Saskatchewan EducationMinistry of 2007Education © 2007 5 How did this happen? In the fall of 1932, by decree of Joseph Stalin, Ukrainian villagers were forced to supply all of their grain to the Soviet* government. Soviet = U.S.S.R. or Union of Soviet Socialist Republics Slide 6 Saskatchewan Ministry of Saskatchewan EducationMinistry of 2007Education © 2007 6 What happened if they didn’t comply? If the villagers did not supply every grain of wheat to the Soviet government, they were shot to death. They could not even keep a few grains to feed their family. Slide 7 Saskatchewan Ministry of Saskatchewan EducationMinistry of 2007Education © 2007 7 Why did this happen? The Ukrainian people did not want to give up their land for collectivization*.
    [Show full text]