Warlpiri: Theoretical Implications Julie Anne Legate
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LSA Update #128: Laurels to Linguists; Career Planning Webinar; LG
LSA Update #128: Laurels to Linguists; Career Planning Webinar; LG... https://us10.campaign-archive.com/?e=[UNIQID]&u=001f7eb7302f6ad... Subscribe Past Issues Translate Laurels to Linguists, Career Webinar, LGBTQ+ Special Interest Group, View this email in your browser and More! News from the Linguistic Society of America Update #128 - April 17, 2018 In This Issue: Laurels to Linguists Laurels to Linguists Career Webinar The LSA is Special Interest Group delighted to CoLang News announce that a Committee Appointments SALT News number of its In Memoriam members have Deadlines/Reminders recently Linguistics in the News received major awards and honors. Lenore Facebo Twitte Grenoble (University of Chicago), the LSA's Secretary-Treasurer, and Charles Yang (University of Pennsylvania), the recipient of Facebook Twitter the LSA's 2018 Leonard Bloomfield Book 1 of 5 4/16/2018, 3:22 PM LSA Update #128: Laurels to Linguists; Career Planning Webinar; LG... https://us10.campaign-archive.com/?e=[UNIQID]&u=001f7eb7302f6ad... Subscribe Past Issues Translate Award, both received fellowships from the John Follow the LSA on Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation. In addition, Marianne Mason (James Madison University) was Linked YouTu named a Fellow of the American Council of LinkedIn YouTube Learned Societies, and four LSA members -- Amy Fountain (University of Arizona), Jonathan Bobaljik (University of Connecticut), Shannon Bischoff (Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne) and Patience Epps (University of Texas at Austin) -- received research grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities. Read more about the Guggenheim awardees here and about the ACLS and NEH awardees here. Moving Beyond Academia: Making A Smooth Career Transition Are you unsure about your next career move? Do you feel like everyone else has it figured out? Join us on April 25 for the latest in a series of webinars on career topics sponsored by the LSA's Special Interest Group (SIG) on Linguistics Beyond Academia. -
2017 Medford/Somerville Massachusetts
161ST Commencement Tufts University Sunday, May 21, 2017 Medford/Somerville Massachusetts Commencement 2017 Commencement 2017 School of Arts and Sciences School of Engineering School of Medicine and Sackler School of Graduate Biomedical Sciences School of Dental Medicine The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Cummings School of Veterinary Medicine The Gerald J. and Dorothy R. Friedman School of Nutrition Science and Policy Jonathan M. Tisch College of Civic Life #Tufts2017 commencement.tufts.edu Produced by Tufts Communications and Marketing 17-653. Printed on recycled paper. Table of Contents Welcome from the President 5 Overview of the Day 7 Graduation Ceremony Times and Locations 8 University Commencement 11 Dear Alma Mater 14 Tuftonia’s Day Academic Mace Academic Regalia Recipients of Honorary Degrees 15 School of Arts and Sciences 21 Graduate School of Arts and Sciences School of Engineering School of Medicine and Sackler School 65 of Graduate Biomedical Sciences Public Health and Professional 78 Degree Programs School of Dental Medicine 89 The Fletcher School of Law 101 and Diplomacy Cummings School of Veterinary Medicine 115 The Gerald J. and Dorothy R. Friedman 123 School of Nutrition Science and Policy COMMENCEMENT 2017 3 Welcome from the President This year marks the 161st Commencement exercises held at Tufts University. This is always the high point of the academic year, and we welcome all of you from around the world to campus for this joyous occasion—the culmination of our students’ intellectual and personal journeys. Today’s more than 2,500 graduates arrived at Tufts with diverse backgrounds and perspectives. They have followed rigorous courses of study on our four Massachusetts campuses while enriching the life of our academic community. -
Morphological and Abstract Case
Morphological and Abstract Case Julie Anne Legate This article examines the relationship between abstract and morpho- logical case, arguing that morphological case realizes abstract Case features in a postsyntactic morphology, according to the Elsewhere Condition. A class of prima facie ergative-absolutive languages is iden- tified wherein intransitive subjects receive abstract nominative Case and transitive objects receive abstract accusative Case; these are real- ized through a morphological default, which is often mislabeled as absolutive. Further support comes from split ergativity based on a nominal hierarchy, which is shown to have a morphological source. Proposals that case and agreement are purely morphological phenom- ena are critiqued. Keywords: ergativity, Warlpiri, Niuean, Enga, Hindi, Pama-Nyungan, Icelandic, inherent Case, quirky Case, morphological case, abstract Case 1 Introduction This article explores the relationship between abstract Case and morphological case. I argue that abstract Case features are determined syntactically and realized in a postsyntactic morphological component. This morphological realization of abstract Case features is governed by the Elsewhere Condition (Anderson 1969, Kiparsky 1973, Halle and Marantz 1993, Halle 1997), resulting in an imperfect relationship between syntax and morphology, but one that is as faithful as possible given the morphological resources of the language. The data used in the argumentation come primarily from ergative languages. I identify a class of prima facie ergative-absolutive languages in which absolutive—that is, a case that groups together intransitive subjects and transitive objects—does not exist, either as an abstract Case or as a morphological case. Instead, the ‘‘absolutive’’ is the default morphological realization of abstract Case features, used when no realization of the specific Case feature is available. -
Warlpiri: Theoretical Implications
Warlpiri: Theoretical Implications by Julie Anne Legate Honours B.A. York University (1995) M.A. University of Toronto (1997) Submitted to the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY August 2002 c Massachusetts Institute of Technology 2002 All rights reserved Author Department of Linguistics and Philosophy August 2002 Certified by Noam Chomsky Thesis Supervisor Certified by Sabine Iatridou Thesis Supervisor Accepted by Alec Marantz Chairman, Department of Linguistics Warlpiri: Theoretical Implications by Julie Anne Legate Submitted to the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy August 2002 In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Abstract The issue of non-configurationality is fundamental in determining the possible range of variation in Universal Grammar. This dissertation investigates this issue in the con- text of Warlpiri, the prototypical non-configurational language. I argue that positing a macroparameter, a single parameter that distinguishes configurational languages from non-configurational, requires variation on a magnitude not permitted by Uni- versal Grammar. After refuting in detail previous macroparametric approaches, I propose a microparametric analysis: non-configurational languages are fully configu- rational and analysed through fine-grained parameters with independent motivation. I develop this approach for Warlpiri, partially on the basis of new data collected through work with Warlpiri consultants and analysis of Warlpiri texts. Beginning with A-syntax, I show that Warlpiri exhibits short-distance A-scrambling through binding and WCO data. I present an analysis of split ergativity in Warlpiri (ergative/absolutive case-marking, nominative/accusative agreement), deriving the split from a dissociation of structural case and its morphological realization, and the inherent nature of ergative case, rather than from non-configurationality. -
Split Absolutive∗
Split Absolutive¤ Julie Anne Legate Yale University 1 Introduction This paper has two goals. The first is to provide an analysis of split ergativity in Warlpiri using standard mechanisms of structural case and agreement licensing. The task is of theoretical interest, both due to the nature of the split (ergative-absolutive case marking, nominative-accusative agreement), and due to the implications for the non-configurational ¤I would like to thank Noam Chomsky, the late Ken Hale, Irene Heim, Sabine Iatridou, Mary Laughren, Andrew Nevins, Charles Yang, the audience at the Ergativity Workshop (University of Toronto, October 2002), and the audiences at the linguistic colloquia at New York University (2003), the University of Con- necticut (2003), and McGill University (2003) for comments and discussion. Special thanks to the late Ken Hale, Helen Napurrurla Morton, Bess Nungarrayi Price, Theresa Napurrurla Ross, and Christine Nungarrayi Spencer for immeasurable help teaching me about the Warlpiri language. Glosses for examples from the Warlpiri Dictionary (Warlpiri Dictionary Project 1993) and examples from the Survey of Warlpiri Grammar (Granites et al 1976) are my own. To aid the reader, glosses in examples from other sources have been regularized. This work, which was undertaken during my time at MIT and completed during my time at Harvard, was partially funded by a Ken Hale Fellowship for Linguistic Field Research. 1 debate. While Warlpiri split ergativity has been taken as evidence for a non-configurational syntactic structure (Jelinek 1984), recent work has argued that Warlpiri is in fact configu- rational (Legate 2002). This paper supports the latter position by demonstrating that even the split ergative pattern is best analysed through configurational means. -
Split Ergativity in Warlpiri∗
Split Ergativity in Warlpiri¤ Julie Anne Legate Harvard University 1 Introduction This paper has two goals. The first is to provide a structural analysis of Warlpiri split ergativity, in lieu of an analysis based on nonconfigurationality as in Jelinek (1984). The second is to demonstrate that morphological absolutive case may mask distinct structural cases within a single language. Thus, I will argue that absolutive case on intransitive subjects in Warlpiri corresponds to structural nominative case, while absolutive case on transitive objects in Warlpiri corresponds to structural accusative case. The realization of both nominative and accusative as absolutive is argued to result from the status of the absolutive as a morphological default. The paper is organized as follows. Section 2 introduces the split ergative pattern in Warlpiri. Section 3 demonstrates that the external subject position is occupied by the highest argument in the clause rather than by the absolutive. Section 4 argues that absolutive case in Warlpiri should be split into nominative case and accusative case. Section 5 considers the implications for nonconfigurational analyses of Warlpiri, and section 6 concludes. ¤I would like to thank Noam Chomsky, the late Ken Hale, Irene Heim, Sabine Iatridou, Mary Laughren, Charles Yang, the audience at the Ergativity Workshop (University of Toronto, October 2002), and the audiences at the linguistic colloquia at New York University (2003), the University of Connecticut (2003), and McGill University (2003) for comments and discussion. Special thanks to Ken Hale, Helen Napurrurla Morton, Bess Nungarrayi Price, Theresa Napurrurla Ross, and Christine Nungarrayi Spencer for immeasurable help teaching me about the Warlpiri language. -
The Absence of Absolutive Case
TheAbsenceofAbsolutiveCase1 JulieAnneLegate UniversityofDelaware 1. Introduction This paper claims that absolutive case, that is an abstract case assigned to the intransitive subject (S) and transitive object (O) does not exist. Instead, ergative-absolutive languages fall into two classes. In one class, which I illustrate with Georgian (South Caucasian; data from Harris 1981, Hewitt 1987), “ab- solutive” is abstract nominative case assigned by T to S and O (cf inter alia Murasugi 1992, Bittner 1994, Bittner & Hale 1996a,b, Ura 2001). In the other class, which I illustrate with Warlpiri (Pama-Nyungan, South-West, Ngarga), Niuean (Austronesian, Polynesian, Tongic; data from Massam to appear, Seiter 1980), and Enga (Trans-New Guinea, West-Central; data from Lang 1973, Li & Lang 1979, van Valin 1981),TassignsabstractnominativecasetoSandvassignsabstractaccusativecasetoO;sincethese languages lack nominative and accusative case morphology, both nominative and accusative are realized as a morphological default = “absolutive”. I follow Woolford (1997), among others, in claiming that ergative is inherent case, licensed by v. The proposed absolutive as morphological default languages require that the traditional distinction between abstract and morphological case must be maintained (contra for example Marantz 1991, and more recently Bobaljik 2005). Although the distinction between morphological and abstract case is standardly assumed for nominative-accusative languages (English, for example), the relevance of this distinction has not been pursued for ergative-absolutive languages; instead, previous analyses assume that the syntax must assign the same case to S and O (see Levin & Massam 1985, Bok-Bennema 1991, Murasugi 1992, Bobaljik 1993, Bittner 1994, Bittner & Hale 1996a,b, Ura 2001, inter alia). I argue that this has seriously undermined efforts to understand ergative-absolutive languages, in particular the absolutive as morphological default languages. -
There Is No Absolutive Case
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 12 Issue 1 Proceedings of the 29th Annual Penn Article 19 Linguistics Colloquium 2006 There is no Absolutive Case Julie Anne Legate University of Delaware Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Legate, Julie Anne (2006) "There is no Absolutive Case," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 12 : Iss. 1 , Article 19. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol12/iss1/19 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol12/iss1/19 For more information, please contact [email protected]. There is no Absolutive Case This working paper is available in University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol12/iss1/19 There is No Absolutive Case Julie Anne Legate* 1 Introduction This paper claims that absolutive case, an abstract case assigned to the intran sitive subject (S) and transitive object (0), does not exist. Instead, ergative absolutive languages fall into two classes. In one class, which I illustrate with Georgian (South Caucasian; data from Harris 1981, Hewitt 1987), "ab solutive" is abstract nominative case assigned by T to S and 0 (cf. inter alia Murasugi 1992, Bittner 1994, Bittner and Hale l996a,b, Ura 2001). In the other class, which I illustrate with Warlpiri (Pama-Nyungan, South-West, Ngarga), Niuean (Austronesian, Polynesian, Tongic; data from Massam to ap pear, Seiter 1980), and Enga (Trans-New Guinea, West-Central; data from Lang 1973, Li and Lang 1979, van Valin 1981), T assigns abstract nomina tive case to S and v assigns abstract accusative case to 0; since these lan guages lack nominative and accusative case morphology, both nominative and accusative are realized as a morphological default = "absolutive". -
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Warlpiri: TheoreticallmpIlcations by Julie Anne Legate Honours B.A. York University (1995) M.A. University ofToronto (1997) Submitted to the Department ofLinguistics and Philosophy in Partial Fulfillment ofthe Requirements for the Degree of Doctor ofPhilosophy at the MASSACHUSETTS INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY August 2002 _ [S-ev\Cr,,, (" 'Lb02J © Massachusetts Institute ofTechnology 2002 All rights reserved Author_ Department of Li~istics and Philosophy August 2002 Certified by--------L------.-..---------rC7"------:lI"""ClI""".... ------------- N oam Chomsky Thesis Supervisor Certified by _ Sabine Iatridou Thesis Supervisor Accepted by ~~---------- MASSACHUSETTS fNSTITUTE '1 Alec Marantz ~TEC~G~~J I Chainnan, Department ofLinguistics SEP2 0 2002 .. ~ HUM LIBRARIES \j i \ Warlpiri: Theoretical Implications by Julie Anne Legate Submitted to the Department of Linguistics and Philosophy August 2002 In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Abstract The issue of non-configurationality is fundamental in detennining the possible range of variation in Universal Grammar. This dissertation investigates this issue in the context of Warlpiri, the prototypical non-configurational language. I argue that positing a macropa rameter, a single parameter that distinguishes configurational languages from non-con figurational, requires variation on a magnitude not pennitted by Universal Grammar. After refuting in detail previous rnacroparametric approaches, I propose a microparametric anal ysis: non-configurational languages are fully configurational and analysed through fine grained parameters with independent motivation. I develop this approach for Warlpiri, partially on the basis of new data collected through work with Warlpiri consultants and analysis of Warlpiri texts. Beginning with A-syntax, I show that Warlpiri exhibits short-distance A-scrambling through binding and weo data. -
How to Wake up Irregular (And Speechless) Charles Yang University of Pennsylvania
Chapter 11 How to wake up irregular (and speechless) Charles Yang University of Pennsylvania I suggest that morphological defectiveness arises when the learner fails to discover a pro- ductive/default process in a morphological category. The detection of productivity, or lack thereof, can be accomplished by the Tolerance Principle, a simple mathematical model of language learning and generalization. In this paper, I show that the absence of *amn’t, the negative contracted form of am, in most English dialects can be predicted on purely numer- ical basis. Implications for language acquisition, variation, and change are also discussed. 1 From Irregular Verbs to Productivity In my first linguistics talk, which was also my job interview at Yale, I proposed that English irregular past tense is not learned by forming associations between the stem and the inflected form, contrary to the dominant view in the psychological study oflanguage (Rumelhart & McClelland 1986; Pinker 1999). Rather, irregular past tense is generated by morpholexical rules. These rules do not generalize beyond a fixed list but are rules nevertheless, in the sense that they take the stem (e.g., think) as the input and generate an output (e.g., thought), the inflection, via a computational process of structural change (e.g., “Rime ! /ɔt/”). I was approaching the problem as a computer scientist: rules are most naturally realized as a list of if-then statements, for regulars and irregulars alike, which turns out to be the approach taken throughout the history of linguistics (Bloch 1947; Chomsky & Halle 1968; Halle & Marantz 1993) including Steve’s own work (1973; 1992). -
JULIE ANNE LEGATE DAVID Pesetsky University of Pennsylv
DISCUSSION NOTE Recursive misrepresentations: A reply to Levinson (2013) Julie Anne Legate David Pesetsky University of Pennsylvania Massachusetts Institute of Technology Charles Yang University of Pennsylvania Levinson 2013 ( L13 ) argues against the idea that ‘recursion, and especially recursive center- embedding, might be the core domain-specific property of language’ (p. 159), citing crosslinguis - tic grammatical data and specific corpus studies . L13 offers an alternative: language inherits its recursive properties ‘from the action domain ’ (p. 159). We argue that L 13 ’s claims are at best un - warranted and can in many instances be shown to be false. L13’s reasoning is similarly flawed — in particular, the presumption that center-embedding can stand proxy for embedding (and clausal embedding can stand proxy for recursion). Thus, no support remains for its conclusions. Further - more, though these conclusions are pitched as relevant to specific claims that have been published about the role of syntactic recursion, L13 misrepresents these claims. Consequently, even an em - pirically supported, better-reasoned version of L13 would not bear on the questions it claims to address. * Keywords : recursion, center-embedding, embedding, subordination, parataxis, discourse, statistics Citing crosslinguistic grammatical data and specific corpus studies, Stephen C. Levinson (Levinson 2013, henceforth L13) argues against the idea that ‘recursion, and especially recursive center-embedding, might be the core domain-specific property of language ’ (p. 159) . On the basis of ‘facts from interactive language use ’, L13 offers an alternative conjecture: that language inherits its recursive properties ‘from the action domain ’ (p. 159) . In this reply, we do not take any particular stand on the ‘core domain- specific properties of language ’ or L13’s conjecture about the cognitive roots of recur - sion. -
John Benjamins Publishing Company
John Benjamins Publishing Company This is a contribution from Linguistic Variation Yearbook 5 © 2005. John Benjamins Publishing Company This electronic file may not be altered in any way. The author(s) of this article is/are permitted to use this PDF file to generate printed copies to be used by way of offprints, for their personal use only. Permission is granted by the publishers to post this file on a closed server which is accessible to members (students and staff) only of the author’s/s’ institute. For any other use of this material prior written permission should be obtained from the publishers or through the Copyright Clearance Center (for USA: www.copyright.com). Please contact [email protected] or consult our website: www.benjamins.com Tables of Contents, abstracts and guidelines are available at www.benjamins.com JB[v.20020404] Prn:9/03/2006; 9:16 F: LIVY509.tex / p.1 (56-142) On productivity* Charles Yang Department of Linguistics Yale University Language learning is a remarkably robust process. The child is incredibly good at recognizing systematic regularities even when faced with lexically and contextually restricted exceptions This paper sketches out a preliminary model that recognizes productive processes and exceptions as such; accordingly, the learner can proceed to internalize each as different kinds of linguistic knowledge. We argue that if a linguistic process is conjectured to be productive, then having exceptions to it can add (surprisingly) significant cost to its online processing. Empirically, we explore these issues in the domain of morphology, which leads to finer-grained analyses of a number of well-known morphological problems.