DOCSLIB.ORG

Open Benner - Mit Pulver Und Blei

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Open Benner - Mit Pulver Und Blei THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY MIT PULVER UND BLEI: RADICAL GERMAN-AMERICANS AND THE IDEOLOGICAL STRUGGLE OF THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR BRANDON T. BENNER SPRING 2017 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for baccalaureate degrees in History and Political Science with honors in History Reviewed and approved* by the following: William Blair Walter L. and Helen P. Ferree Professor of Middle American History Thesis Supervisor Michael Milligan Senior Lecturer of History Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College. i ABSTRACT This thesis discusses the political contributions of the German-American radical leftist community in the northern United States during the American Civil War period, and argues that such contributions should be interpreted as having a significant influence on the nation’s development. Seeking political asylum in the United States after the failed European democratic revolutions of 1848, German radicals settled mainly in cities and in the modern-day Midwest. They established tightly-knit ethnic communities which, through their social infrastructure, facilitated intellectual and political growth for their inhabitants and became bases of mobilization for German immigrant involvement in American politics. Not all German-American radicals held the same goals for their adopted nation, but many saw the Civil War as a catalyst for the advancement of programs like labor rights, public education, and unconditional emancipation of slavery. However, a schism formed between radicals who pursued these goals through violent revolution on the front lines and those who practiced a form of “tempered radicalism” to fit more moderate native political views. This schism met its height during the presidential election of 1864, in which many hardline German radicals backed an opponent to Abraham Lincoln, Major General John C. Frémont. Ultimately, however, the tempered radicals prevailed, led by the pragmatic political maneuvering of community leaders like Carl Schurz and Franz Sigel. Though some historians interpret the defeat of the revolutionary radicals in 1864 as the end of German- American radical influence in American politics, this thesis proposes that such influence did not end, but instead shifted leadership and evolved into a more politically pragmatic form. Indeed, the radicalism of these German-Americans helped form the policy of the Federal government in the latter years of the Civil War the beginning of the Reconstruction Era. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ......................................................................................... iii Introduction .................................................................................................................. v Chapter 1 Radicals in Exile.......................................................................................... 1 Chapter 2 Opportunity for Revolution ........................................................................ 26 Chapter 3 Harnessing Revolution ............................................................................... 55 Epilogue ....................................................................................................................... 80 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................ 86 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Reflecting on this work that I have completed, I view it as a milestone of my life thus far. Hardly any life is built by one person alone, however. Thus, I have many people I wish to thank for their kindness and care that they have given me over the long process of writing this thesis. First, I must thank the brilliant Dr. Bill Blair, who served as my thesis advisor through this process. Since my early days as a freshman in his HIST 130, he recognized the potential in me and encouraged me to pursue it and cultivate it. His patience, understanding, and encouragement through this year of work have enabled me to work harder and create things I never thought I had it in me to make. I must also extend my gratitude to my honors advisor, Mike Milligan. Even on a day where I appeared at his office a disheveled mess and determined that I would never make it at this whole thesis-writing business, he built me up and showed me that with confidence, an individual can reach the heights they hope for. Further in Penn State’s faculty, I am grateful for the patience of all my instructors over the past year who have understood the weight of my obligations and have worked with me to ensure my success in my classes. Indeed, I have all of Penn State to thank. This amazing university and lively community have given me so many opportunities to learn and expand my life. May no act of mine bring shame to one heart that loves thy name, and may my life but swell thy fame, Dear Old State. I would be nothing without my friends and family. My parents have shown me that I have the power to create whoever I wish to be. From my mother’s brilliance and my father’s ethics, I was given the tools to build my life. They have urged me forward through the entirety of this thesis. So too have my grandparents on both sides, my Aunt Tam, my Uncle Pat, and all the rest of the folks back home in Juniata County – they all helped foster a love of history in my iv childhood self. To my friends, I owe a debt I could never repay. Their loyalty and kindness kept me fighting even when things seemed bleak. Even the little things from them would help: getting dinner together, singing along to our favorite songs from Hamilton, or the off-hand encouragement posted on my Facebook wall. Finally, I owe my deepest gratitude to my fiancée, Megan. She knows me and my mind like no one else in this world. Even when I stared at the blank screen and told myself I couldn’t do it, she told me she believed in me no matter what. She urged me to go on – to “write like I need it to survive.” Without her, none of this would have been possible. I can never claim full credit for the things I do in life – and I do not wish to. All the products of my life will be the sum of all the encouragement, hopes, and care of all the people who have believed in me, and for that, I willingly share the credit for my work with them. Thank you all for standing by me. I wish to dedicate this thesis not to one particular person, but to many people – the immigrants to this nation. From as far back as 1748 when Johannes Benner – my seventh great- grandfather – stepped off the ship in the port of Philadelphia, I am descended from immigrants. Almost everyone here is descended from immigrants who poured their life into this nation and its future. Let us never forget that. Let us welcome the next generation of immigrants – wherever they may be from – and let us grant them the American liberty of thought and political expression. v Introduction “Kein Mensch kann sie wissen, kein Jäger erschißen mit Pulver und Blei – Die Gedanken sind frei!” “No one know them, no hunter can kill them with powder and lead – thoughts are free!” “Die Gedanken sind frei,” 1848 liberal revolutionary song1 In the United States of the early twenty-first century, intense debate has arisen over the role of the immigrant in America’s cast of characters. While some would welcome the refugee of a far distant land, others would build a wall – a physical one and a rhetorical one – to keep them out. While some call for the celebration of America’s multiculturalism, others insist upon assimilation. This debate is not a new one; indeed, it is one that has been held amidst nearly every American generation since the nation’s birth. The immigration question has always been in the United States because immigrants have always been in the United States. In periods where this debate becomes heated and vitriolic, it is easy for some to forget the stories of how immigrant communities have helped shape the America of today. This is one of those stories. When German-speaking immigrants arrived in the United States in the early 1850s, they had left war, reprisal, and autocracy behind them across the ocean. They came to a land they had only read about, but nonetheless dreamed of. Carl Schurz, then a young political refugee taking asylum in England in 1851, reminisced years later about his calling to America. “The Fatherland 1 Mark Corwin, Words in World Literature, (Pittsburgh: Dorrance, 2012), 116-117. vi was closed to me. England was to me a foreign country, and would always remain so. Where, then? ‘To America,’ I said to myself.” He and his enclave of fellow refugees had no home to return to. The cause they had risked life and limb for – to build a united democratic nation for all Germans – had failed, and many of their comrades had fallen with it. But the United States was a beacon of new hope. “The ideals of which I have dreamed and for which I have fought I shall find there, not fully realized, but hopefully struggling for full realization. In that struggle I shall perhaps be able to take some part. It is a new world, a free world, a world of great ideas and aims. In it there is perhaps for me a new home.”2 For Schurz and thousands like him, the United States was a place to start anew. The Germans who fled the 1848 Revolution – the “Forty-Eighters,” as they were called – arrived in the United States at one of the most turbulent times in the nation’s history. Issues that were uncomfortably tolerated since the nation’s founding were now reaching the breaking point: sectional division, economic inequality, and the moral dilemma of a nation that proclaimed “that all men are created equal” yet held their fellow man as chattel. Though they were newcomers, these Germans were not content to sit quietly by and keep to themselves. They had already been considered political radicals back in Europe, and they brought that same vigorous radicalism with them to their new home.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • CWSAC Report Update
    U.S. Department of the Interior National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program Update to the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields Commonwealth of Kentucky Washington, DC October 2008 Update to the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields Commonwealth of Kentucky U.S. Department of the Interior National Park Service American Battlefield Protection Program Washington, DC October 2008 Authority The American Battlefield Protection Program Act of 1996, as amended by the Civil War Battlefield Preservation Act of 2002 (Public Law 107-359, 111 Stat. 3016, 17 December 2002), directs the Secretary of the Interior to update the Civil War Sites Advisory Commission (CWSAC) Report on the Nation’s Civil War Battlefields. Acknowledgments NPS Project Team Paul Hawke, Project Leader; Kathleen Madigan, Survey Coordinator; Tanya Gossett, Reporting; Lisa Rupple and Shannon Davis, Preservation Specialists; Matthew Borders, Historian; Renee S. Novak and Gweneth Langdon, Interns. Battlefield Surveyor(s) Joseph E. Brent, Mudpuppy and Waterdog, Inc. Respondents Betty Cole, Barbourville Tourist and Recreation Commission; James Cass, Camp Wildcat Preservation Foundation; Tres Seymour, Battle for the Bridge Historic Preserve/Hart County Historical Society; Frank Fitzpatrick, Middle Creek National Battlefield Foundation, Inc.; Rob Rumpke, Battle of Richmond Association; Joan House, Kentucky Department of Parks; and William A. Penn. Cover: The Louisville-Nashville Railroad Bridge over the Green River, Munfordville, Kentucky. The stone piers are original to the 1850s. The battles of Munfordville and Rowlett’s Station were waged for control of the bridge and the railroad. Photograph by Joseph Brent. Table of Contents Acknowledgments ...........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Annals of Iowa for Their Critiques
    The Annals of Volume 66, Numbers 3 & 4 Iowa Summer/Fall 2007 A QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF HISTORY In This Issue J. L. ANDERSON analyzes the letters written between Civil War soldiers and their farm wives on the home front. In those letters, absent husbands provided advice, but the wives became managers and diplomats who negotiated relationships with kin and neighbors to provision and shelter their families and to preserve their farms. J. L. Anderson is assistant professor of history and assistant director of the Center for Public History at the University of West Georgia. DAVID BRODNAX SR. provides the first detailed description of the role of Iowa’s African American regiment, the 60th United States Colored Infantry, in the American Civil War and in the struggle for black suffrage after the war. David Brodnax Sr. is associate professor of history at Trinity Christian College in Palos Heights, Illinois. TIMOTHY B. SMITH describes David B. Henderson’s role in securing legislation to preserve Civil War battlefields during the golden age of battlefield preservation in the 1890s. Timothy B. Smith, a veteran of the National Park Service, now teaches at the University of Tennessee at Martin. Front Cover Milton Howard (seated, left) was born in Muscatine County in 1845, kidnapped along with his family in 1852, and sold into slavery in the South. After escaping from his Alabama master during the Civil War, he made his way north and later fought for three years in the 60th U.S. Colored Infantry. For more on Iowa’s African American regiment in the Civil War, see David Brodnax Sr.’s article in this issue.
    [Show full text]
  • State and Local Immigration Regulation in the United States Before 1882
    BENJAMIN J. KLEBANER STATE AND LOCAL IMMIGRATION REGULATION IN THE UNITED STATES BEFORE 1882 The absence of significant federal regulation in the area of immigration legislation until 1882 1 no more denotes a laissez-faire approach in this area than in many other aspects of American economic life. For many generations Congress had left the task of regulating the immigrant stream to the states and localities.2 The first general federal law (1882) is best understood in the context of antecedent activity on the local level. Eventually most of the seaboard states, including many without an important passenger traffic, enacted statutes dealing with immi- gration. Table I presents a brief outline of their essential features. After a consideration of certain aspects of the provisions of these laws, their administration in the major seaports will be surveyed. It will then be shown how the increasing opposition by business inter- ests to state legislation, culminating in decisions by the Supreme Court declaring such regulation unconstitutional, eventually paved the way for the 1882 Act of Congress. I. THE STATUTORY BACKGROUND Nine of the thirteen colonies reflected in their enactments the desire to protect the community from the burden of foreigners likely to 1 Federal space and sanitation requirements, however, date back to 1819. Federal legis- lation is conveniently compiled in U.S. Immigration Commission, Reports, vol. XXXIX (Washington, 1911). Cf. John Higham, Strangers in the Land (New Brunswick, N. J.; Rutgers University Press, 1955), p. 44. This article does not discuss legislation enacted in a number of states which barred foreign convicts. - The author acknowledges with gratitude the many helpful suggestions made by Professor Carter Goodrich, who super- vised his doctoral thesis "Public Poor Relief in America, 1790-1860" (Columbia University, 1952) from which much of the material for this article is taken.
    [Show full text]
  • GERMAN IMMIGRANTS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, and the RECONSTRUCTION of CITIZENSHIP, 1865-1877 DISSERTATION Presented In
    NEW CITIZENS: GERMAN IMMIGRANTS, AFRICAN AMERICANS, AND THE RECONSTRUCTION OF CITIZENSHIP, 1865-1877 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Alison Clark Efford, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Doctoral Examination Committee: Professor John L. Brooke, Adviser Approved by Professor Mitchell Snay ____________________________ Adviser Professor Michael L. Benedict Department of History Graduate Program Professor Kevin Boyle ABSTRACT This work explores how German immigrants influenced the reshaping of American citizenship following the Civil War and emancipation. It takes a new approach to old questions: How did African American men achieve citizenship rights under the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments? Why were those rights only inconsistently protected for over a century? German Americans had a distinctive effect on the outcome of Reconstruction because they contributed a significant number of votes to the ruling Republican Party, they remained sensitive to European events, and most of all, they were acutely conscious of their own status as new American citizens. Drawing on the rich yet largely untapped supply of German-language periodicals and correspondence in Missouri, Ohio, and Washington, D.C., I recover the debate over citizenship within the German-American public sphere and evaluate its national ramifications. Partisan, religious, and class differences colored how immigrants approached African American rights. Yet for all the divisions among German Americans, their collective response to the Revolutions of 1848 and the Franco-Prussian War and German unification in 1870 and 1871 left its mark on the opportunities and disappointments of Reconstruction.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    BIBLIOGRAPHY GENERAL ISSUES RELIGIONS AND PHILOSOPHY FIORANI, ELEONORA. Friedrich Engels e il materialismo dialettico. Feltrinelli Editore, Milano 1971. 272 pp. L. 3000. Engels's Anti-Diihring, Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy and Dialectics of Nature are the writings most elaborated upon by the author, who, refuting efforts to draw a line between Marx and Engels as regards their later followers, stresses Engels's contribution to Marxism. She argues that his contribution to dialectical materialism is still important for a clarification of topical issues, and makes some comments on the vicissitudes of diamat in the USSR. A chronology of Engels's life and an annotated bibliography are appended. HARTMANN, KLAUS. Die Marxsche Theorie. Eine philosophische Unter- suchung zu den Hauptschriften. Walter de Gruyter & Co, Berlin 1970. xii, 593 pp. DM 78.00. The author of this learned study undertakes a re-appraisal of Marx's theory from a purely philosophical angle. He criticizes Popper's theses (and lack of understanding of Hegelianism), but his own refutation of Marxian views brings him closer to Popper's. It is denied that a dialectical process going on in reality could justifiably be made to fit in the chain of historical necessity. Besides Marx's more philosophical writings all his major works, especially Capital, come up for discussion. Interesting are the comments on Marxist and non-Marxist evaluations of our time (Sartre, Habermas etc.). WILDERMUTH, ARMIN. Marx und die Verwirklichung der Philosophic. Martinus Nijhoff, Den Haag 1970. xii, 852 pp. (in 2 vols.) Hfl. 90.00. "The synthetic unity [of inter-subjective and object-related communications] constitutes the indissoluble process of the 'social movement', the total process of human self-reproduction.
    [Show full text]
  • Leadership in Social Movements: Evidence from the “Forty-Eighters”
    American Economic Review 2021, 111(2): 1–35 https://doi.org/10.1257/aer.20191137 Leadership in Social Movements: Evidence from the “Forty-Eighters” in the Civil War† By Christian Dippel and Stephan Heblich* This paper studies the role of leaders in the social movement against slavery that culminated in the US Civil War. Our analysis is orga- nized around a natural experiment: leaders of the failed German rev- olution of 1848–1849 were expelled to the United States and became antislavery campaigners who helped mobilize Union Army volun- teers. Towns where Forty-Eighters settled show two-thirds higher Union Army enlistments. Their influence worked through local newspapers and social clubs. Going beyond enlistment decisions, Forty-Eighters reduced their companies’ desertion rate during the war. In the long run, Forty-Eighter towns were more likely to form a local chapter of the NAACP. JEL D74, J15, J45, J61, N31, N41 ( ) Between 1861 and 1865, the United States’ North and South fought each other over the issue of slavery in the American Civil War. One in five adult men, 2.2 mil- lion in the North alone, took up arms to fight in the Union Army. Fighting was costly on both sides. In total, 620,000 men lost their lives, as many as in all other American wars combined Hacker 2011, Costa and Kahn 2003 . At the same time, the finan- ( ) cial incentives to fight in the war were low. Union Army privates earned about $13 per month, less than a farmhand Edmunds 1866 , and payment was irregular. In the ( ) South, there were stronger economic motives at least for some, since the war was about the survival of Southern institutions and property Hall, Huff, and Kuriwaki ( 2019 .
    [Show full text]
  • Friedrich Hecker (I) - Jugend Und Politisches Wirken
    Friedrich Hecker (I) - Jugend und politisches Wirken Im Vorfeld des großen Heckerjubiläums am 28.09.2011 werden vier Folgen über das Leben und Wirken des Revolutionärs abgedruckt. Wir danken dem „Hecker- Autor“ Wolfgang Haaß für die Ausarbeitung der Kurz-Biografie. 2011 jährt sich zum 200sten Mal Heckers Geburtstag (28. September). Grund genug, sich einige Gedanken über den berühmten Eichtersheimer zu machen, der "eine Zeitlang tatsächlich der populärste Mann in Deutschland gewesen ist" (W. Blos). "Hecker war der erste demokratische Volksführer größten Stils in Südwestdeutschland" (E.R. Huber, Geschichtswissenschaftler) Hecker - ein großer Volksführer und Politiker? "Seht, da steht der große Hecker, eine Feder auf dem Hut, seht da steht der Volkserwecker, lechzend nach Tyrannenblut" (aus dem "Guckkastenlied vom großen Hecker"). Hecker - der Bürgerschreck? Wer war Hecker, worin lag seine Bedeutung? Aus seinem Leben ist meist nur die kurze Episode des gescheiterten Putschversuches im März 1848 bekannt, der mit dem Gefecht bei Kandern ebenso schnell wie unrühmlich endete. Und meist wird dieser Misserfolg zum) Anlass genommen, Heckers ganze Sache als gescheitert zu erklären. Tatsächlich jedoch hat Hecker in den Jahren als Abgeordneter der II. Badischen Kammer sehr viel zur Entwicklung freiheitlicher und demokratischer Ideen im Staat und im Volk beigetragen, die nach dem Scheitern der Revolution allerdings für .- einige Jahrzehnte "auf Eis gelegt" wurden, um erst in der Weimarer Republik und dann in der Bundesrepublik eine Fortsetzung zu finden. dass lange Zeit in der Geschichtsschreibung das Bild Heckers als das des politischen Romantikers und naiven Revoluzzers überwog, liegt nicht zuletzt daran, "dass Geschichte immer von den Siegern geschrieben wird" (Gustav Heinemann). Heckers Bedeutung als einer der Wegbereiter und Vorkämpfer unseres heutigen Verständnisses von Staat und Gesellschaft wird heute immer mehr erkannt.
    [Show full text]
  • Neues Zur Biographie Von Joseph Weydemeyer (1854-60)
    KARL OBERMANN WEYDEMEYER IN AMERIKA: NEUES ZUR BIOGRAPHIE VON JOSEPH WEYDEMEYER (1854-60) Dem Namen Joseph Weydemeyer (geb. am 2. Februar 1818 in Miinster/ Westfalen, gest. am 20. August 1866 in St Louis im Staat Missouri, USA) gebiihrt ein Platz in der Friihgeschichte der deutschen Arbeiterbewegung am Vorabend, wahrend und nach der Revolution von 1848-49, aber auch in der Friihgeschichte der amerikanischen Arbeiterbewegung ab 1852, in der Geschichte der Antisklavereibewegung und der Republikanischen Partei. Zwar hatte der Sohn eines Regierungskalkulators in Miinster die militarische Laufbahn eingeschlagen, kam jedoch als Artillerieleutnant in Minden und spater in Koln mit Junghegelianern und Sozialisten, namentlich im Kreis der Mitarbeiter der Rheinischen Zeitung 1842-43 in Beriihrung, quittierte Anfang 1845 den Militardienst und beteiligte sich als Schriftsteller und Redakteur bei der Trier'schen Zeitung und dem Westfd- lischen Dampfboot an der Agitation sozialer und sozialistischer Anschau- ungen. Anfang 1846 weilte er etwa zwei Monate bei Karl Marx in Briissel. Nach Ausbruch der Revolution von 1848-49 entsandte ihn der Arbeiter- verein in Hamm/Westfalen im Juni zum ersten DemokratenkongreB in Frankfurt a.M. Vom Juli 1848 an bis Anfang Dezember 1850 leistete Weydemeyer zusammen mit seinem Schwager Otto Liining als Redakteur der Neuen Deutschen Zeitung, die zunachst in Darmstadt, dann in Frank- furt a.M. erschien und sich wie die Neue Rheinische Zeitung ,,Organ der Demokratie" nannte, einen bedeutenden Beitrag im Kampf fur eine demokratische Umwalzung in Deutschland. Gleichzeitig war er an fiih- render Stelle im Frankfurter Arbeiterverein und im Bund der Kommuni- sten tatig. Um den Verfolgungen zu entgehen, sah er sich Ende 1851 genotigt, mit seiner Familie iiber die Schweiz und Frankreich nach den USA zu emigrieren.
    [Show full text]
  • Author Interview--David T. Dixon (Radical Warrior) Part 2
    H-CivWar Author Interview--David T. Dixon (Radical Warrior) Part 2 Discussion published by Niels Eichhorn on Thursday, September 24, 2020 Hello H-CivWar Readers: Today we feature the second part of our interview with David T. Dixon to talk about his new book Radical Warrior: August Willich’s Journey from German Revolutionary to Union General, which came out with the University of Tennessee Press. Part 1 Obviously, I completely agree with your attitude about giving more attention to European experiences of European immigrants. At the same time, Willich seems torn in Europe. In part he is something of an ideologue but he does have his military background and much of his 1848 work is military. Do you think of him more as a soldier or as a political reformer in Europe, especially in 1848? DTD: Willich certainly had a difficult time breaking away for his military career, but by 1847 he was so utterly consumed with the plight of working class people and the disregard of their welfare by the monarchs of Europe, that he dedicated himself to radical political and social change for the rest of his life. I see him as a far-left activist who believed that violent revolution in Europe by an armed citizenry was the only feasible path to a more just and equitable society. So, in that sense, his military training and skills, combined with strong leadership talents, made him well-suited for the rebellion that took place in 1848 and 1849. So, he sounds very similar to Karl Marx. How did the two get along with each other? DTD: Not well.
    [Show full text]
  • Mathilde Franziska Anneke (1817–1884)
    Karin Hockamp „Von vielem Geist und großer Herzensgüte“ Mathilde Franziska Anneke (1817-1884) Zweite, überarbeitete Auflage Sprockhövel 2010 Vom „Flintenweib“ zur „Heldin“ Im Zuge ihrer Recherchen für das Buch „Mathilde Franziska Anneke in Selbstzeugnissen und Dokumenten“ 1 erkundigte sich Professorin Maria Wagner (Rutgers University in New Jersey, USA) 1978 bei der Stadtverwaltung Sprockhövel nach dem Geburtshaus von Mathilde Franziska Anneke. Werner Windgasse, damals Leiter des Haupt- und Schulverwaltungsamtes der Stadt, bemühte sich in Folge dieser Anfrage erstmals von Amts wegen um Informationen über diese „wohl offenbar bekannte Frauenrechtlerin“, die im Sprockhöveler Ortsteil Hiddinghausen geboren worden war.2 Aktenkundig wurde der „Vorgang“ Anneke erst wieder 1984 mit einer schriftlichen Einladung des Hagener Heimatbundes an die Stadtverwaltung Sprockhövel zu einem Vortrag mit dem Titel „Mathilde Francisca Anneke - Amazone oder nur ein Flintenweib?“ Handschriftlich war vermerkt: „Ablichtung an die weiblichen Ratsmitglieder, den Heimat- u. Geschichtsverein Spr.“ 3 Dass auch männliche Ratsmitglieder oder gar die Öffentlichkeit ein Interesse an diesem Vortrag haben könnten oder sollten, schien damals offenbar abwegig. Für den Studienassessor Martin Sturm, der 1986 als Erster von der Stadt Sprockhövel mit dem Aufbau und der Führung eines Stadtarchivs beauftragt wurde, war das Lebenswerks Annekes auch der Männerwelt zumutbar. Er beschaffte eine Mikrofilm-Kopie des Nachlasses der 1 Maria Wagner: Mathilde Franziska Anneke in Selbstzeugnissen und Dokumenten, Frankfurt 1980. ( = Die Frau in der Gesellschaft. Lebensgeschichten. Hrsg.. von Gisela Brinker-Gabler.) Maria Wagner hat den Nachlass Mathilde Franziska Annekes ausgewertet und zahlreiche ihrer Briefe wiedergegeben. Das leider vergriffene Werk enthält auf 442 Seiten u.a. eine Zusammenstellung des literarischen Schaffens Mathildes und eine Würdigung der frühen amerikanischen Frauenbewegung.
    [Show full text]
  • German Immigrants and the Arc of Reconstruction Citizenship in the United States, 1865-1877
    Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette History Faculty Research and Publications History, Department of Spring 2010 German Immigrants and the Arc of Reconstruction Citizenship in the United States, 1865-1877 Alison Clark Efford Marquette University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.marquette.edu/hist_fac Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Efford, Alison Clark, "German Immigrants and the Arc of Reconstruction Citizenship in the United States, 1865-1877" (2010). History Faculty Research and Publications. 285. https://epublications.marquette.edu/hist_fac/285 Features GHI Research Conference Reports GHI News GERMAN IMMIGRANTS AND THE ARC OF AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP DURING RECONSTRUCTION, 1865-1877 Alison Clark Efford MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY 2009 FRITZ STERN DISSERTATION PRIZE WINNER My dissertation, “New Citizens: German Immigrants, African Amer- icans, and the Reconstruction of Citizenship, 1865-1877,” explores the infl uence of German immigrants on the reshaping of Ameri- can citizenship following the Civil War and emancipation. This >> as a Foreign Country: project was initially inspired by questions that have long occupied Reconstruction, Inside and Out,” in Reconstructions, historians of the United States. First, how did African-American ed. Brown, 117–40. Pio- men achieve citizenship rights under the Fourteenth and Fift eenth neering works addressing transnational connec- Amendments? In 1867, the Fourteenth Amendment defi ned Ameri- tions include Mitchell Snay, can citizens as all persons born or naturalized in the United States. Fenians, Freedmen, and Southern Whites: Race and Three years later, the Fift eenth Amendment prohibited states from Nationality in the Era of Re- construction (Baton Rouge, using racial qualifi cations to limit citizens’ right to vote.
    [Show full text]
  • Episode 210: Prelude to Cedar Creek Week of October 12-October 18
    Episode 210: Prelude to Cedar Creek Week of October 12-October 18, 1864 When Ulysses Grant took over command of all United States armies, he devised a plan to totally annihilate the Confederacy from multiple directions. While Grant and George Meade attacked Robert E. Lee and pushed him back toward Richmond, William Tecumseh Sherman would invade Georgia, Nathaniel Banks would attack Mobile, Alabama and Franz Sigel would invade the Shenandoah Valley, the Confederacy’s “breadbasket”. The Valley Campaign did not start well for the Union as Sigel’s troops were defeated at New Market in May by a Confederate army that included VMI cadets. Sigel was replaced by David Hunter. Hunter resumed the offensive in early June and pushed the Confederates all the way up the valley to Lexington, where Hunter burned most of the VMI campus. Hunter then turned his sites on Lynchburg, but he was headed off there by reinforced Confederate troops under Jubal Early. On June 18, Hunter withdrew into West Virginia. Robert E. Lee, concerned about the lack of supplies and food that would result from Union control of the valley, ordered Early to go on the offensive. He also wanted Early to provide a diversion to relieve the pressure Lee was feeling from Grant’s offensive. Early moved down the valley with little Union opposition and in early July moved into Maryland, defeating a Union force at Frederick. From there he actually reached the outskirts of Washington, DC, fighting a battle that concerned Abraham Lincoln so much that he watched it in person. Not being able to make more progress, Early withdrew back into Virginia, where he defeated the Union again near Winchester at the Second Battle of Kernstown.
    [Show full text]