Into the Third Millennium: Neocorporatism, the State and the Urban Planning Profession

Nancy G. Marshall

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE BUILT ENVIRONMENT IN FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF NEW SOUTH WALES

SYDNEY, AUSTRALIA

Surname or Family name: Marshall

First name: Nancy Other name/s: Gaye

Abbreviation for degree as given in the University calendar: PhD

School: Planning Faculty: Built Environment

Title: Into the Third Millennium: Neocorporatism, the State and the Urban Planning Profession

Abstract 350 words maximum (PLEASE TYPE)

This thesis maintains that, far from being politically impartial bodies, as professional associations might suggest, professions as a whole are resolutely influenced in their activities by the political will of the times. At the beginning of the third millennium, this ‘will’ is described as neocorporatism, an ideology based on corporate structure and third sector co-governance.

The research highlights the interrelationships between professions and ideology. A case study of the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP) demonstrates how this neocorporatist philosophy is having an impact on its power and legitimacy and, ultimately, its effect within Canadian society.

An historical review demonstrates how the Canadian Institute of Planners has reacted to and reflected state ideology throughout its history. It is clear that the organisation has been in a submissive relationship with the state until recently, where we see the balance of power starting to shift. The CIP is currently reorganising itself to better integrate with the state and improve its government relations. Documentation tracks the CIP’s participation in national policy processes and shows that it is, in fact, becoming significantly more involved in policy-making through various federal government consultation and partnership initiatives.

The Canadian Institute of Planners seems to rely solely on practical conjecture to inform its operational choices. My hermeneutical discourse analysis uses existing theory and empirical information to advance our understanding of the CIP and by implication, professions in general. This enlightenment can help direct the organisation’s strategy within the neocorporate state apparatus and, ultimately, enable it to gain power, legitimacy and greater influence within Canada’s policy- and decision-making spheres.

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ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The completion of this Ph.D. offers me the opportunity to express heartfelt thanks to those individuals who have contributed to the success of this project. I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to my direct Supervisor, Dr. Alexander (Sandy) Cuthbert, who continually challenged me to explore, think and push the bounds of critical analysis. I would also like to thank my Co-Supervisor, Dr. Susan Thompson, for her continued advice and support, personally and academically.

I was financially supported through this degree with assistance from the Overseas Postgraduate Research Scholarship from the Australian federation, the Female Doctoral Studies Grant Program in Canada, and the Faculty of the Built Environment, University of New South Wales. Combined, this support enabled me to undertake this program of study, for which I am grateful.

I would also like to extend my thanks to the staff and members of the Canadian Institute of Planners who were helpful to my research. They provided access to archival information and generously gave of their time to answer my many questions.

My gratitude to my family and friends cannot be overstated. I am blessed with a close network of people who support me through all of my life experiences. I wish I was more eloquent in my acknowledgement of those near and far with whom I share my success:

• My family – Bill and Elinor Marshall; Erin, Rex, Cade and McKenna Jones; and Billy, Teresa, Quinn and Matthew Marshall.

• Sylvia Hunter and Sharon Stroick, for their love and friendship – Sylv for always looking over my left shoulder and sharing all of my adventures and SMS for teaching me that the journey is as important as the destination and for her relentless editing of this document.

• Sue Paton, for giving me the love I have for Australia and for making my time studying in Sydney unforgettable.

iii • My extended family and many friends (they know who they are), situated all over the world, for providing moral support and connection and who never let me believe I am alone in this world.

• Kathleen Hatch for keeping me sane, Shirley Mitchell for always making me laugh, and Claire Wright for being my angel on earth – and for their support over the many years they have known me.

• Rhonda Ferderber for sharing her expertise on this topic and for her reflections.

• Ron and Hazel Paton, and John Stewart and Gay Arrand for ‘adopting me’ as one of their own.

• My colleagues in the Faculty of the Built Environment, particularly Deborah van der Plaat, Carol Morrow, Cristina Martinez, Paul Hogben, Roxana Hafiz and Wendy Hoggard for their intellectual and personal support throughout my tenure at UNSW.

The completion of this work is the end of one of my adventures and no doubt the start of yet another.

N. Sydney, Australia July 2000

iv This thesis is dedicated to

My Mom and Dad, My sister, Erin My brother, Billy

You have been at my side since I started this life and, no matter how tough times get, you are always there for me with your unconditional love and support.

I cannot express how important you are to me.

v THESIS CONTENTS

Title Page ...... i Abstract ...... ii Acknowledgments ...... iii Dedication ...... v Table of Contents ...... vi List of Tables ...... xii List of Figures ...... xiii List of Abbreviations ...... xiv

1.0 INTRODUCTION ...... 1

1.1 Research Context ...... 1

1.2 Thesis Statement ...... 3

1.3 Problem Statement ...... 4

1.4 Research Question and Methodology ...... 6

1.5 Significance of the Research ...... 8

1.6 Chapter Summaries ...... 9 Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 9 Chapter 2: Professions: History and Theory ...... 10 Chapter 3: Contributing Ideologies ...... 10 Chapter 4: Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory ...... 10 Chapter 5: The Canadian Context ...... 11 Chapter 6: The CIP and the State: Historical Relations ...... 11 Chapter 7: A Neocorporatist CIP ...... 12 Chapter 8: Conclusion: Final Reflections ...... 13

vi 2.0 PROFESSIONS: HISTORY AND THEORY ...... 14

2.1 History of Professions ...... 14 Ancient Times ...... 14 Professions Prior to the Industrial Revolution ...... 15 Professions After the Industrial Revolution ...... 16 Contemporary Times ...... 18

2.2 Definitions ...... 20

2.3 Professionalisation ...... 22 The Sequence of Professionalisation ...... 22

2.4 Components of Professions ...... 23 Knowledge and Theory Specific to Discipline ...... 26 Community Sanctions ...... 28 Professional Authority, Autonomy and Control ...... 32 Code of Ethics ...... 33 Socialisation and Professional Culture ...... 35

2.5 Chapter Summary ...... 37

3.0 CONTRIBUTING IDEOLOGIES ...... 38

3.1 The New Social Order and Ideology ...... 39

3.2 Anarchism ...... 41 Anarchism – Key Principles ...... 41 Anarchism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis ...... 42

3.3 Post-Marxism ...... 45 Materialism and Post-Marxism – Key Principles ...... 45 Post-Marxism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis ...... 48

3.4 Neoliberalism ...... 51 Conservatism and Neoliberalism – Key Principles ...... 51 Liberalism – Key Principles ...... 52 Neoliberalism – Key Principles ...... 54 Neoliberalism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis ...... 55

vii 3.5 Postmodernism ...... 58 Postmodernism – Key Principles ...... 58 Postmodernism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis ...... 62

3.6 Chapter Summary ...... 64

4.0 NEOCORPORATISM AND STRUCTURATION THEORY ...... 65

4.1 Neocorporatism ...... 66 Corporatism – Key Principles ...... 66 Neocorporatism – Key Principles ...... 70 Neocorporatism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis ...... 72

4.2 Neocorporatist Ideology and the State ...... 76 Neocorporatism and the State – Relevance to this Thesis ...... 79 Why a State Promotes Neocorporatism ...... 81

4.3 Structuration Theory ...... 83

4.4 Power and Legitimacy ...... 87 The Theory of Legitimacy ...... 87 The Theory of Power ...... 88 Sources and Types of Power ...... 90

4.5 Chapter Summary ...... 94

5.0 THE CANADIAN CONTEXT ...... 95

5.1 The Canadian Social, Economic and Political Situation ...... 95 Political Context ...... 96 Economic Context ...... 102 Sociocultural Context ...... 105 Sociopolitical and Economic Summary ...... 108

viii 5.2 Canadian State Operations and Neocorporatist Directions ...... 109 The Third Sector ...... 111 Professional Organisations as Part of the Third Sector ...... 113 Canadian Government Responses to Neocorporatist Influences 114 New Ways of Governing ...... 116 Initiatives and Institutions ...... 116 Increased Partnerships ...... 119 A Thrust Towards Citizen Engagement ...... 121 The Public’s Response to Neocorporatist Directions ...... 122 Professions’ Responses to Neocorporatist Directions ...... 123

5.3 Chapter Summary ...... 126

6.0 THE CIP AND THE STATE: HISTORICAL RELATIONS ...... 127

6.1 Reprise ...... 127

6.2 1919-1929 – Establishment ...... 128 Planning and TPIC History During the Establishment Period ..... 129 Analysis of the Establishment Period ...... 132

6.3 1930 – 1950 – Dormancy ...... 134 Planning and TPIC History During the Dormancy Period ...... 134 Analysis of the Dormancy Period ...... 138

6.4 1951 – 1970 Re-establishment ...... 140 Planning and TPIC History During the Re-establishment Period 140 Analysis of the Re-establishment Period ...... 143

6.5 1971 – 1985 Entrenchment ...... 145 Planning and TPIC History During the Entrenchment Period ..... 145 Analysis of the Entrenchment Period ...... 148

6.6 1986 – 1995 Shape Shifting ...... 149 Planning and TPIC History During the Shape Shifting Period .... 150 Analysis of the Shape Shifting Period ...... 152

ix 6.7 Historical Relations – Summary ...... 153

6.8 The CIP: Contemporary Context Operating in Canada ...... 155 The CIP’s Structure and Purpose ...... 156

6.9 Chapter Summary ...... 159

7.0 A NEOCORPORATIST CIP ...... 160

7.1 The Canadian State and Neocorporatism ...... 161

7.2 The CIP as a Neocorporatist Profession ...... 162 The CIP’s Internal Neocorporatist Push ...... 162 The CIP’s Neocorporatist Philosophy and Operations ...... 164 The CIP and National Policy Initiatives ...... 168 The CIP’s Involvement in Major Policy Projects ...... 168 The CIP’s Increased Involvement in Other Federal Policy Initiatives ...... 170 The CIP’s Influence on National Education Policy ...... 174 The CIP as a Neocorporatist Profession – Summary ...... 177

7.3 The CIP as a Profession ...... 178 The CIP as a Profession – Summary ...... 185

7.4 The CIP as a Corporatist Entity ...... 187 The CIP as a Corporatist Entity – Summary ...... 193

7.5 Some Suggestions for CIP Policy Directions ...... 193

7.6 Chapter Summary ...... 195

x 8.0 CONCLUSION: FINAL REFLECTIONS ...... 197

8.1 Reflections on Professions...... 198

8.2 The Ideological Dimension ...... 199

8.3 Empirically Speaking: The Canadian Context ...... 200

8.4 Revisiting the CIP’s Historical Ideological Influences...... 201

8.5 A Neocorporatist CIP...... 202

8.6 Significance of this Research ...... 203

8.7 Research Limitations...... 204

8.8 Possibilities for Future Research ...... 205

8.9 Concluding Remarks ...... 206

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 207

APPENDICES ...... 243

Appendix A: Institutional Definitions of Planning ...... 243

Appendix B: The CIP’s Statement of Values ...... 244 The CIP’s Code of Professional Conduct ...... 246

Appendix C: The CIP’s Recognition of University Degrees – Program Content Requirements as a Minimum Standard Guidelines ... 249

Appendix D: Key Informant Interviews Conducted ...... 254

xi LIST OF TABLES

Table 1: Corporatism – Pluralism ...... 70 Table 2: Theories of the State ...... 78 Table 3: Costs and Benefits of State-Profession Neocorporatist Relations .. 82 Table 4: The Elements of Social Practice ...... 84 Table 5: The Interdependence of Structures ...... 85 Table 6: Types of Power ...... 92 Table 7: The Canadian House of Commons ...... 97 Table 8: Canadian Attitudes on Organisations’ Power and Legitimacy ...... 122 Table 9: Time Line of Significant CIP Events ...... 155

xii LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: The Professionalisation Continuum ...... 22 Figure 2: The Professionalisation Continuum and its Components ...... 26 Figure 3: One Hundred Years of Government: Two Parties ...... 97 Figure 4: Government Parties in Power 1919-1929 ...... 129 Figure 5: Government Parties in Power 1930-1950 ...... 134 Figure 6: Government Parties in Power 1951-1970 ...... 140 Figure 7: Government Parties in Power 1971-1985 ...... 145 Figure 8: Government Parties in Power 1986-1995 ...... 150 Figure 9: Government Parties in Power Throughout the CIP Time Frames 154 Figure 10: Organisational Chart for the CIP ...... 157 Figure 11: Government Parties in Power 1995-2000 ...... 161 Figure 12: The Professionalisation Continuum and its Components ...... 179 Figure 13: The CIP’s Professionalisation ...... 186 Figure 14: Corporatist Government Decision-making Hub ...... 188

xiii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AACIP Alberta Association, Canadian Institute of Planners ACUPP Association of the Canadian Urban Planning Programs AICP American Institute of Certified Planners AIP American Institute of Planners APA American Planning Association APCPS Association of Professional Community Planners of Saskatchewan API Atlantic Planners Institute BCNI Business Council on National Issues CAP Commonwealth Association of Planners CIDA Canadian International Development Agency CIP Canadian Institute of Planners CMHC Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation CPAC Community Planning Association of Canada FTA Free Trade Agreement ICURR Intergovernmental Committee for Urban and Regional Research MPPI Manitoba Professional Planning Institute NAFTA North American Free Trade Agreement NDP New Democratic Party NGO Non-governmental Organisation OPPI Ontario Professional Planning Institute OUQ Ordre des Urbaniste du Québec PIBC Planning Institute of British Columbia RAPI Royal Australian Planning Institute RTPI Royal Town Planning Institute SUFA Social Union Framework Agreement TPIC Town Planning Institute of Canada

xiv INTO THE THIRD MILLENNIUM: NEOCORPORATISM, THE STATE AND THE URBAN PLANNING PROFESSION

1.0 INTRODUCTION

This chapter introduces the thesis topic and the genesis of the research. A brief contextual overview describes a new social order and the current Canadian sociopolitical and economic situation. The context is set for the subsequent analysis of the relationship between professions, ideology, the Canadian urban planning profession, the Canadian Institute of Planners, and the state.

The thesis statement and central research question are presented, along with several key definitions and an explanation of the problem being studied. The theoretical framework and methodology applied to the study are described and the significance of the research is explained. Finally, an overview of the contents of each chapter in the thesis is provided.

1.1 Research Context

Prominent writers such as John Kenneth Galbraith (1983) believe the rise of organisation is the new social order. Others agree, suggesting that post-industrial society has established a new system of beliefs and values based on the division of labour. “As the division of labour develops, occupational and corporate groups become more important in terms of organizing and coordinating the multitude of roles in society” (Knutilla 1998, 2).

The main objective of this thesis is to show how changing social ideologies and conditions in Canada re-orient professional activity, in this case, in relation to the involvement of the Canadian Institute of Planners in state policy- and decision- making processes.

This thesis describes the general societal context of professions and the components of professions in modern societies. More specifically, it studies the ideological context in which professions are set, the power sources from which

Chapter 1 – Introduction 1 they draw, and the techniques professions use to exercise power. This research creates a new and deeper understanding of the current power relations and legitimation processes of professions operating in Canada.

Ideology can help explain how professions are placed in society, how they relate to the state, individuals, and other groups, and how economic, political and social views are important to the formation and actions of professions. Professions are a key component to the new social order and, in order to fully understand them, they must be contextually set and assessed within an ideological framework. “Ideologies are belief systems which help to structure how the world is understood and explained” Heywood (1992, 2). That is, they act as a framework that helps explain unconscious acts and conscious social practice.

In the past, infrastructure in the form of certain facilities and services was deemed to be the ‘public good’ provided to the polity by the state (Clark and Dear 1984). However, in recent times, western societies have changed from manufacturing or service-based economies to information and knowledge-based systems, which has had a great influence on government structure, institutions and notions of what is the public good.

It is also no longer the sole responsibility of the public sector to deliver the public good. Private industry and the non-profit or ‘third sector’ are also now partially responsible. Operating within (neo)liberal and (neo)conservative political structures, societies are changing at an extreme pace, influencing professions and other social agents along the way. Many states are now also operating more within a neocorporatist ideology, using neocorporatist practises. Canada is no exception.

Some of the critical geopolitical and socioeconomic factors influencing change are technology, the state of the environment, government reform and global economics. Most governments are facing a fiscal crisis and are no longer able to sustain past policy delivery methods or levels of public service provision. The neoteric response to this has been the trend of privatisation, in which some public services have been offered to private industry to operate.

Chapter 1 – Introduction 2 The state is also devolving responsibilities and services to other societal stakeholders, including those outside the private sector, such as voluntary and not-for-profit sector organisations. This includes the professions. Professions are being asked, both consciously and unknowingly, to ‘step-up’ and acquire, operate or contribute to certain state functions and enterprises. In return, the state is enhancing the professions’ powers and further legitimating their existence.

It is the neocorporatist ideology, complemented by an understanding and acceptance of portions of other ideologies, which enables us to better comprehend the new social order as well as professions and their relation to the state. This will be demonstrated throughout this thesis.

Currently, neocorporatism is an adopted ideology of western governance strategies. Moreover, this general ideology flows from the state apparatus into other forms of social practice such as non-state actors, including professions. As a result of sociopolitical and economic pressures, I believe a neocorporatist ideology is directing federal governance operations in Canada, which is, in turn, influencing the structure and functions of Canadian professional organisations.

1.2 Thesis Statement

My thesis investigates the proposition that the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP) is reflecting a neocorporatist ideology in its philosophy and practices. Empirically, this means that it is becoming increasingly involved in state policy- and decision-making.

Key terms and concepts are defined thoroughly in subsequent chapters of the thesis. However, for immediate clarification, policy-making means the intervention in the central decision ground of urban politics. I adopt Manuel Castells’ use of the term urban politics, meaning the space in which social reproduction occurs (as opposed to a more pragmatic definition of urban found on an urban-rural geographic continuum). The term state is used to represent the federal government apparatus that enables the national governance of the polity.

Moreover, “national is defined to encompass the interests and activities of all participants in urban affairs, including those of the Federal Government” (Lithwick 1972, 45) [emphasis mine]. The federal government is now but one

Chapter 1 – Introduction 3 player in a much broader national policy framework but continues to have a stake and a legitimate role to play in launching institutions and in the articulation of public policy (Lithwick 1972). Similarly, given the federated structure of the Canadian Institute of Planners, its National Council has responsibility for national policy directions, even though the implementation and effects may occur at the affiliate level within regions and municipalities.

The Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP) is the professional organisation being studied. Throughout this thesis, the term planning profession is meant to be understood as the urban planning profession. It is also noted that planning practice, which anyone in Canada can partake in, should be differentiated from the planning profession, which, as I use the term, represents the organised professional association. That is, the CIP is the professional organisation for accredited planners in Canada.

Finally, for early discussion purposes, neocorporatism is used as defined by Lehmbruch (1982, 4), as “a situation where the interest organizations are integrated in the governmental decision-making process of society.” In a neocorporatist setting, the planning profession, as an interest organisation, could gain power and legitimacy with the state and the public simply as a result of being an actor in the current social and political system.

1.3 Problem Statement

An analysis of significant historical events of the Town Planning Institute of Canada (TPIC), renamed the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP) in 1974, is instructive when trying to understand the complex relationship of the professional organisation to the state. After being established in 1919, the TPIC experienced great growth as a beneficiary of government support. The TPIC’s period of growth was short-lived though. The government pulled its support for key planning initiatives in the early 1920s and, with the onset of the Depression, the TPIC retreated into dormancy until 1952, well after World War II.

It was government support through a post-war reconstruction committee, coupled with the influence of key individuals, that spurred the organisation’s revival. The 1950s through to the 1980s saw the TPIC grow and its members adopt new foci in planning practice. During this time, both government and the

Chapter 1 – Introduction 4 TPIC as a professionalising entity (renamed the CIP during this period) supported community planning efforts, urban renewal and housing programs, planning research, and university planning education programs.

The 1980s and early 1990s saw planning fighting for its existence, claiming a broader and broader domain as its own. Neoconservative approaches often led to the elimination of certain public planning practices. For example, the Alberta provincial government eliminated all public planning commissions with a stroke of the pen (Clark 1995).

Since the mid-1990s, in a post-neoconservative political era, the CIP has been increasingly influencing public policy through its involvement with different initiatives and its invited participation in many different policy arenas. The organisation is also adopting more corporate or business-like internal and administrative practices. Additional changes, as a result of adopting a corporatist structure and neocorporatist practices, may see additional power and legitimacy accrue to the CIP as an organisation. Given economic and social trends and government ideology, professions including the CIP are now involved in the governance of Canadian society more than they have ever been before.

Since its inception in 1919, and again since it re-establishment in 1952, the CIP has been attempting to increase its professional status to be equivalent to that of the well-established professions such as law and medicine. The CIP has been ‘professionalising’ to gain power and legitimacy within Canadian society in order to achieve its own commitment “to ensuring that the profession is influential in shaping public policy at the national level” (CIP 1999a, i).

As part of the process of professionalising, professional planning organisations and individuals vary on how far they believe the profession should cast its definitional net and which domain it should embrace as its own. While planning professionals argue amongst themselves about how to define their profession, they have not been proactive in gathering support to legitimate the profession through community or state sanctions. Historically, as the debate carried on, the planning profession made few strides in gaining power and influence in society.

Chapter 1 – Introduction 5 However, economic rationalisation as well as current (and likely future) social and political conditions are presenting an opportunity to the urban planning profession in Canada to establish or re-establish its relationship to the state, private industry and other non-state actors. As will be shown, complex relationships exist between professional organisations, history, ideology and state sociopolitical circumstance. This thesis demonstrates how these factors have influenced, and continue to influence Canadian professions, specifically the CIP.

1.4 Research Question and Methodology

Central to the problem and thesis proposition is the following research question:

Currently in Canada, how is the recent trend of neocorporatist philosophy and practice influencing the power and legitimation of the urban planning profession?

The research draws from distinct theoretical frameworks, namely professions’ theory and ideology, as well as sociologist Anthony Giddens’ structuration theory, which focuses on power and legitimation. The central research question is explored through these theories, set within the Canadian context. This theoretical literature and qualitative, empirical information are analysed and synthesised into meaning and conclusions. These conclusions explain the relationships between professions and the Canadian state, professions and ideology, and the plays of power and legitimacy between the CIP and the Canadian federal governance apparatus.

The primary methodological technique for this research is discourse analysis of existing materials. A few key informant interviews were conducted, more as sources of supplementary information than as primary sources of information (for a listing of interviews conducted, refer to Appendix D). A hermeneutic, explanatory approach is used, applied to theoretical and empirical data.

According to Giddens (1984), hermeneutics is inherent to social theory and a necessary method for its study. In using this approach, I construct a reality from my interpretation of the texts and theories gathered and provide an explanation of the problem under investigation. As per Patton’s (1990, 88) description of hermeneutic, qualitative inquiry, I ask “what are the conditions under which a

Chapter 1 – Introduction 6 human act took place or a product was produced that makes it possible to interpret its meanings?” That is, what are the sociopolitical conditions and other factors to be considered when trying to interpret the phenomenon of professions becoming more involved in state policy-making?

This seemingly eclectic research framework includes distinct theoretical frameworks which, horizontally, explain the relations of the agencies and structures involved in this research. Further, one substantive area, the Canadian urban planning profession, vertically contextualises the dimensions and relationships discussed. As Giddens has said about using several theoretical bases at one time, “there is an undeniable comfort in working within established traditions of thought ... if ideas are important and illuminating, what matters much more than their origin is to be able to sharpen them so as to demonstrate their usefulness” (1984, xxii). I believe the interrelationship amongst structuration theory, (that is, the relationship between structure and agency), the professions and ideology increases our understanding of the research question.

Finally, Canada and the Canadian Institute of Planners have been chosen as a case study because of my background and professional association with the organisation. From 1994 to 1997, I sat on the Practice Review Committee of the AACIP (the Alberta affiliate of the CIP) and am currently in my fourth year as a national editorial board member for the CIP’s journal Plan Canada. The organisation’s staff and several of its recent past presidents have been supportive of this research and have granted me access to all archived and current CIP files.

With this internal working knowledge of the organisation, I am aware of certain biases which had the potential to influence my studies. One might think some preconceived notions of how the CIP actually functioned nationally were held. However, like most professionals, I had not stopped to analyse its operations on a theoretical level nor linked it to state ideology until I began studying the organisation. Whilst I have personal relations with the organisation, this study was not one of the CIP’s personalities or subjective character. The study has solely dealt with objective policy statements and demonstrated CIP practice. Finally, using a Canadian case study whilst studying in Australia has allowed me to step back and view the organisation from a distance.

Chapter 1 – Introduction 7 Nonetheless, my experiential knowledge has allowed me to explain the professional body ‘from within.’ This internal approach has peeled off any mystique the profession had, making its operations transparent and influences known and articulated. As a member of the organisation, I also have been granted access to information that others would not find so readily accessible, allowing for a more comprehensive and accurate study.

1.5 Significance of the Research

We need to know about professions and their distinguishing features because professions are social constructs that continually influence our public and private lives. They are increasingly influential in political, economic, and social arenas since much of the new social order is based on organisations. Thus, it is necessary to understand what factors are important to the formation and actions of professions and to understand the relationship between ideology and professions, and professions and the state. Further, planners ought to be aware of current societal governance, how our organisations fit within those structures, and how we relate to the other actors involved in shaping our global world – particularly if our professional organisations are to gain power and legitimacy in a changing world.

Accordingly, this thesis adds to the existing body of knowledge through the research process followed, my understanding and explanation of the problem, and my analysis. It does not demonstrate the truth or falsity of a hypothesis but, rather, investigates a thesis statement to increase our understanding of professions, ideology and the CIP. In particular, it increases our understanding of professions by ‘looking inside’ – opening up the mystique of professions to what, in the past, has been closed to all but the professionals within. The methodology used and the critical analyses of existing information on professions, neocorporatism, power, legitimation and the CIP are unique.

Research in the social sciences is complex. Unlike traditional, quantitative research which tests hypotheses and variable isolation, this study cannot adopt such approaches. As a result, the research is an original interpretation of a collection of diverse theories and an empirical study of the CIP – a topic not previously studied. Ultimately, this results in an enhanced understanding of the

Chapter 1 – Introduction 8 Canadian urban planning discipline and the professional association’s relations to the state, historically and currently as well as the usefulness of my more eclectic approach to planning.

This work has significant theoretically-based, practical implications for the CIP. Information from this research can help strategically guide the organisation in relation to state operations and increase its influence in the policy-making arena. The organisation has had internal, organisational and management problems and has struggled in the past to exert its influence on public policy at a national level. The CIP has historically been guided by practical, often short-term operational directions. This research attaches an ideological and theoretical understanding to the organisation that could provide the CIP with an expanded strategic view.

This new understanding can help strengthen and further legitimise the historically weak Canadian urban planning profession, if it acts opportunistically to take conscious advantage of current sociopolitical conditions. Information gleaned from this research may influence how the Canadian planning profession ultimately claim its place in the new social order, which it is continually striving to do.

1.6 Chapter Summaries

The following section briefly describes what each chapter includes and how each contributes to an understanding of the problem being explored.

Chapter 1: Introduction

This chapter provides a general introduction to the thesis. It introduces the methodology and theoretical framework applied to the central research question. A brief contextual history orients the reader to the bases of professions, ideology, the Canadian sociopolitical situation and how neocorporatism, as a result of economic realities and changes in governance, is influencing professions as social formations. The Canadian Institute of Planners is very briefly described, including its current relations to the state as part of the third sector. The significance of this research is also outlined.

Chapter 1 – Introduction 9 Chapter 2: Professions: History and Theory

Chapter 2 presents the theory of professions, and provides an understanding of how they operate generally in society. This provides the theoretical context needed to understand the nature of professions, including the Canadian urban planning profession. The concept of professions is not new. However, their shape, function and disciplines are continually evolving.

This chapter includes a history of contemporary professions, a description of the process of professionalisation, and a discussion of how professions are defined theoretically by their common components. These component parts are knowledge/domain, sanctions, autonomy and control, codes of ethics, and the socialisation of members.

Chapter 3: Contributing Ideologies

Chapter 3 describes ideology as a general method of social explanation and, specifically, as social practice. It also offers a discursive analysis of how specific social ideologies explain and influence the new social order, including the professions.

Four major social ideologies are reviewed and critiqued: anarchism, post- Marxism, neoliberalism and postmodernism. Each is assessed for its ability to explain social practice and professions in a contemporary world. This analysis demonstrates that all of the four ideologies studied in this chapter shed some light on professions. Alone, however, none are sufficient to understand the current social context of professions.

Chapter 4: Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory

In this chapter, neocorporatism, supplemented with the theory of structuration, is similarly assessed and shown to be the ideology that is most relevant to understanding professions in contemporary times. Given current state operational governance strategies, which are influenced greatly by economic factors, neocorporatism is shown to best describe how professions today relate to the state and how they are increasingly being involved in public policy-and decision-making. Different ideological strategies are, more or less, sympathetic to

Chapter 1 – Introduction 10 the organisation of professions. Whilst all of the ideologies critiqued can help us understand social practice, it is neocorporatism that is emphasised as an increasingly important ideology in Canadian society.

Anthony Giddens’ (1984) social theory of structuration also helps explain how the relationship between the professions and the state equates to plays of power and legitimation. Power, linked to authority, and legitimation, linked to sanction, are seen as both agencies and structures of society, which reformulate themselves and, therefore, the system within which they operate. In parallel, neocorporatism and professions will also be explained as both iterative products and producers, which re-create the social conditions that sustain and legitimise their own activities.

Chapter 5: The Canadian Context

Chapter 5 discusses neocorporatism as a model for Canadian state operations and governance relating to non-state actors. It describes how the third sector in Canada, as influenced by neocorporatism, relates to the state. The Canadian Institute of Planners, as the professional body of urban planners in Canada, is used to illustrate the ideological manifestations and state-profession relations inherent in social practice. To facilitate this analysis, an overview of contemporary Canadian economics, politics and society is presented. Moreover, because planning as a discipline is contextual, it is doubly important to understand the Canadian context within which the CIP is working.

A neocorporatist ideology is offering an invitation for organised collectivities, including professional organisations, to become more involved in the state’s decision-making processes. How each profession responds will dictate how it survives and in what shape, well into the future.

Chapter 6: The CIP and the State: Historical Relations

This chapter explores in detail how planning practice and the CIP have interacted with the state in the past, that is, under different circumstances and by different government operating principles. The balance and distribution of power between the CIP and state institutions are demonstrated through the identification of

Chapter 1 – Introduction 11 significant historical time periods. The Canadian urban planning profession has had different levels of influence on and from the state throughout its organisational history.

What is gleaned from this chapter is how the CIP has often mirrored the government-of-the-day’s operating ideology. It also shows how the government has influenced and at times dominated the establishment, dormancy, re- establishment, growth and shape-shifting of the CIP as a professional organisation throughout its history, up to the mid-1990s. The chapter concludes with a general empirical description, past and current, of how the CIP currently operates in Canada.

Chapter 7: A Neocorporatist CIP

Chapter 7 begins with a review of the current Canadian neocorporatist state. The CIP’s operations since the mid-1990s are then evaluated against a neocorporatist ideology. This demonstrates that the CIP has adopted this position in its own philosophy to guide its internal operations. As well, examples of how this ideological position has been turned into action with respect to the CIP and state relations is illustrated with a series of national policy initiatives that demonstrate the involvement of the CIP. Included with this is a discussion of the CIP’s very strong influence on national planning education.

Thereafter, the CIP and its structural components are analysed against the components of both professions and corporatism. The CIP is ultimately assessed along the professionalisation continuum for each of the component parts of a profession, as introduced theoretically in Chapter 2. Next, the organisation is analysed with respect to the components of a corporate structure.

This analysis demonstrates that the CIP is becoming increasingly neocorporatist in the way it participates in and influences state policy-making and increasingly corporate in its own internal structure and organisation. Brief policy suggestions are provided, which would help the CIP achieve a more complete corporate integration with the Canadian state.

Chapter 1 – Introduction 12 Chapter 8: Conclusion: Final Reflections

The final chapter of the thesis offers concluding remarks and reflects back on the research question and thesis statement. It reviews the CIP in relation to professions’ theory, ideology, and the recent trend of neocorporatist ideology in the Canadian sociopolitical circumstance. Having demonstrated that the thesis statement is accurate, some general speculation as to what this will mean for the CIP is proffered. Finally, a self-critique of the research is presented, including an assessment of its limitations as well as ideas for future research.

Chapter 1 – Introduction 13 2.0 PROFESSIONS: HISTORY AND THEORY

This chapter briefly describes the history of professions based on an account of the generally agreed upon traditional or well-established professions in western- based countries, namely medicine, law and education/theology. The process of professionalisation, which indicates how occupations attempt to move towards ‘professional’ status, is described. A discussion of how professions are defined theoretically by their common components is discussed. These component parts are knowledge/domain, sanctions, autonomy and control, codes of ethics and the socialisation of members. This chapter provides a theoretical understanding of profession as a necessary conceptual basis for the thesis.

2.1 History of Professions

Ancient Times

Many authors writing on the theory of professions argue that the shamans of tribal societies were the first professionals. Moore (1970) contends that shamans embodied many of the components of modern day professionals (which are discussed later in this chapter). They were the learned within their own society, held some specialised knowledge and, with autonomy, applied that knowledge and ‘calling’ for the betterment of their community. They were granted special status and position and passed their knowledge on through a socialisation process to an understudy or apprentice. It has been stated that “even the most primitive [society] accorded a special position to the medicine man” (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933, 476).

Other writers start tracing the history of professions from the time of the ancient Egyptian, Roman and Greek societies, all of which undertook serious military armament and used ‘professional’ soldiers (Moore 1970). Finally, others suggest the first professionals were the religious-based learned in the priesthood, who acted partly as healers and partly as teachers.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 14 Professions Prior to the Industrial Revolution

Around the 11th century, the concept of association swept through the cities of Europe. This led to the creation of formal associations based on social aspects of life and the performance of specialised functions (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933). The guilds of medieval times set rules and practices for apprenticeships and set standards of technical and personal conduct for their members (Moore 1970). Generally, they were associations of men (merchants, tradesmen and the learned) who shared common interests and goals. Guilds were the predecessors of contemporary professional associations and unions.

Trade or labour unions started in the United Kingdom as associations specifically for workers or masters of a particular craft. All types of trade associations were unincorporated bodies, falling under the legislation of the Trade Unions Act with its intent to protect trade association members from poor working conditions (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933). Industrial unions influenced economic and other terms and conditions of work. However, they generally did not influence the content of work or claim an intellectual domain as the professions came to do (Freidson 1973b). Moore (1970) adds that unions engaged in collective bargaining with employers. In contrast, professional associations did not. Shortly after the year 1200, students and teachers created exclusive societies which were known as the ‘guilds of learning’ and from which universities eventually evolved.

It soon became customary that anyone who practised a craft acquired a formal license and anyone who taught others similarly required some sort of university recognition. Carr-Saunders and Wilson (1933) note that universities came under the organisation of the Church when theology occupied the thought of ‘learned men’ and when the ‘teacher and priest’ were seen as one. It followed that the loosely formed professions – namely law, physics (now understood as medicine), and civil service – then started to develop within the ranks of the Church. Therefore, the way into a profession and succession up through its ranks was through association with the Church.

This professional development pattern started to change in the 13th century. Physicians were originally members of the Church but, since those fellowships did not compensate for the burdens attached to the Church, that link was soon

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 15 broken. Surgeons, separate from the physicians, also re-organised themselves into a secular guild by the 14th century. By the 15th century, British common law, through the Inns of the Court, was also entirely separate from the Church and operated more like a guild (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933).

New social pressures of the 16th century were antagonistic to the ancient forms of associations. As a result, laymen (and, during this period, all these individuals were men) started to claim some of the civil service jobs previously monopolised by the clergy and its clerics or clerks. In contrast, because members of universities did not believe it was necessary to form an association outside the Church, teaching remained under Church control well into the 19th century (Carr- Saunders and Wilson 1933).

With the approach of the Industrial Revolution, the trading community began to completely free itself from the dominance of guilds. Unlike those with ‘trade skills,’ individuals who rendered ‘personal services’ did not alter their forms of organisation. These practitioners, in fact, grew in number as the techniques and science of their vocations expanded with the introduction of original inquiry and scientific research. As Johnson (1972) notes, the industrial revolution ‘opened the flood gates of professionalisation’ with science and technological developments, providing a basis for new occupations.

In summary, the entrenched learned professions owe their origins to two organisations of medieval Europe – the university, tied to the church, and the guild. For those disciplines that broke away from the organisation of either the Church or a guild, a new professional association was usually formed.

Professions After the Industrial Revolution

As science gained greater acceptance as part of the industrial movement, technology, new crafts and new ways of thinking found practical answers to emerging problems. As a result, new professions emerged that were founded on science (e.g., engineering, architecture, dentistry, veterinary medicine, surgical subspecialties, and pharmacology). The practice of professionals during this period was based on either scientific technique or intellectual knowledge. Most

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 16 professions, including the newly founded ones, were subject to regulation by the state, which granted privileges to them or imposed duties upon them (Carr- Saunders and Wilson 1933).

To advance the application of new knowledge and scientific techniques, professional organisations, unlike the Church and guilds of the past, changed with the times. Professions were described first and foremost as ‘gentlemen’s occupations.’ These men might or might not have been offered substantial material rewards for their services. In either case, these occupations provided a regarded niche in social and labour hierarchies. Men of similar occupations formed ‘dining clubs’ that met periodically for social events that were mixed with technical discussions of occupational problems. The idea that professionals were men in possession of specialised intellectual knowledge and techniques was commonly understood by the public (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933).

The motive to develop these associations was “the desire for social intercourse with those who were doing the same work and facing the same problems” (Carr- Saunders and Wilson 1933, 301). There were early ‘power and prestige struggles’ and attempts to inhibit the development of specialised versus general practitioners, specifically within the disciplines of law and medicine. The formation of smaller, specialist organisations did, however, segregate some practitioners.

Admission to clubs was limited to those who could show competence in a particular discipline and prestige was soon attached to membership. The title of ‘professional’ further indicated that individuals had acquired a certain degree of competence in their own sphere. Professional ‘title’ was a way to distinguish professional competence and protect the discipline from charlatan practitioners. However, regardless of title, no one could yet distinguish between honourable and dishonourable members of a profession. Hence, many professional organisations introduced codes of ethics in an attempt to dissuade dishonourable behaviour (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933).

The primary emphasis of the professional organisation began shifting from information sharing and socialising to professional competence. Concerns

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 17 followed about the honour of an association’s membership, the protection of the members’ material interests and status, and the organisation’s involvement in public activities.

As a precursor to maintaining professional status and function, Freidson (1973b) suggests that, in the late 1800s, occupations sought a secure and privileged place in the economy of countries with a laissez-faire philosophy. This was accomplished through state support and licensing as an exclusionary shelter in the open-market, where competition with rivals was the norm. Different occupational groups organised their own training and credentialling processes. The number of professions and legal regulations greatly increased during this time.

For example, in Britain, legal charters started to appear as early as 1825 when the Law Society was founded. In 1834, the Royal Institute of British Architects obtained its charter. This was followed by the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons, which obtained a charter in 1844. The British Medical Association was formed in 1856 and the adoption of the Medical Act followed in 1858. Organisations for accountants, surveyors, midwives, nurses and opticians were all granted formal association status between 1850 and 1900 (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933).

The first planning association, the Royal Town Planning Institute, was formed in 1914 in the United Kingdom. The American Planning Association was formed shortly thereafter, in 1917, and the Town Planning Institute of Canada, which later became the Canadian Institute of Planners, was formed in 1919.

Contemporary Times

Public service-oriented professionals, including planners, began to organise during the social reform movements that emerged prior to and just after the First World War. Their goals included better social services similar to those of the government’s during that time (Larson 1990). Years later, in 1939 and with the benefit of hindsight, T. H. Marshall noted how society’s increased demand for professionalised services paralleled the ever increasing number and type of professionals and their changing relationship to the welfare state (Freidson 1973b).

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 18 Extensive research on professions as social formations was not conducted until the 1940s and early 1950s, when it focussed largely on the relationship between the professions and organisational authority structures. This function-oriented research focussed on specific professions and the issues of role conflicts and lines of authority in their organisations (Freidson 1973b). During the 1950s in the United States, there was increasing interest in the study of professions relative to Max Weber’s ideal type of organisation, the bureaucracy. Empirical sociology previously focussed on what happened in laboratories and on ideal cases, rather than on social practice in real terms.

Wilensky’s seminal 1964 article, The Professionalization of Everyone? followed, which argued that not all occupations could be professions. At this stage, researchers and theorists had just begun to study the differences between professions and occupations. From this research came distinctions between full- fledged professions versus semi-, para- and sub-professions, which Etzioni (1961, 1964, 1969a, 1969b) studied extensively.

In the 1970s, the social constructionists attempted to discover the conditions for organisational functioning through the use of real case studies. Thus, professions began to be studied with regard to their effect on other spheres of social activity, such as the constructs of occupations in society at large, i.e., the social order, rather than just within insular organisations, as had been Weber’s approach. Theoretical controversy emerged. Symbolic interactionists disputed the external (real) and normative (ideal) interpretation of professions. They emphasised situational flexibility and the self-creation of identities (Freidson 1973a).

In western nations during the 1960s, there was a movement against any symbol of authority and against the nature of work in a capitalist society. Universities, churches, governments and the professions were seen as part of that authority (Perruci 1973). During this time, a revisionist perspective framed professions as part of the stratification of society but, instead of being extolled as altruistic and liberalising, professions were critically scrutinised for being privileged and socially mobile. Critical writings by Illich (1977) and Johnson (1972) provide examples of that perspective.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 19 Freidson notes that the study of professions in the late 1970s and 1980s focussed on the professions’ influence on politics and economics, specifically related to the market, class systems and the state. With the post-revisionist perspective of the late 1980s, greater sociological analysis of professions emerged, given that many occupations were attempting to ‘professionalise’ in order to claim social and legal status (Freidson 1973b).

Haug, in 1973, conjectured much about the future of professions. She wondered if the concept of a profession would become obsolete, noting that “deprofessionalization is defined as a loss to professional occupations of their unique qualities, particularly their monopoly over knowledge, public belief in their service ethos, and expectations of work autonomy and authority over the client” (Haug 1973, 201).

Haug (1973) also envisioned a reorganised workforce that would claim parts of what traditionally were the protected domains of the professionals. New workers, new titles and new training were emerging. Para-professionals (e.g., nurse-practitioners and planning technicians) were starting to influence the existing professions by ‘creeping into’ their intellectual and territory (e.g., that of doctors and planners, respectively). This area of discourse branched into the larger discussion of the social order based on the division of labour and where professions fit within it.

2.2 Definitions

Much debate has centered around how professions should be defined, which occupations should be called professions and by what institutional criteria (Freidson 1973b, 14).

A Profession

As noted previously, ‘the learned’ were first admitted into a gentlemen’s club, which typically evolved into a more formal association of a certain professional discipline. In order to determine who should be allowed to become a member of these groups, certain criteria had to be used to evaluate potential members. Informal criteria were initially used. However, as more professions emerged over time, the criteria became more formally defined.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 20 As Torstendahl (1990, 1) observes, “if we do not take for granted that we know what a professional is, the whole field of studies of professionalism becomes open and complicated.” Scholars during the 1960s started to define professions using generally agreed-upon components of what made a profession and, hence, what made a professional. Freidson (1973b) has noted that most definitions overlap in elements, traits and attributes.

Although many writers (e.g., Carr Saunders and Wilson, Greenwood, Hall, Goode) use the components model to categorise professions, not all use this approach. Other writers suggest the taxonomy of occupations is what defines professions. Professions, new professions, semi-, para- and sub-professions are the taxonomies used to help structure the discussion of occupations and professions (Olesen and Whittaker 1970). Still others (e.g., Cuthbert, Johnson, Parsons, Barber) prefer more function-based or systems approaches.

Cuthbert suggests contemporary professions must be discussed in relation to the political economy and ideologies in which each is working. He argues that “professions form part of the ideological and social construction of the capitalist system” (1989, 21). Although most historical accounts of professions have been limited to the western world, professions, professionals and their organisations should not be totally discounted as inactive in socialist states (Cuthbert 1989). Whichever way the term is construed, profession cannot and should not be used synonymously with the terms professional or professional organisation.

A Professional

Researchers of professions do not agree on one definition of a profession, nor even on one approach to its study. Recently, to further muddy the discussion, the terms profession and professional have become popular terms rather than theoretically defined ones. Examples of this are seen when the term professional is used to distinguish between paid versus amateur status, most often in the sporting arena, or when the term professional is applied to someone who is good at what they do or who adopts a certain demeanor, as in ‘acting in a professional way’ (Pavalko 1971). In theoretical terms, however, a professional is an individual who practises within the domain of a particular profession that is, within a particular code of ethics, knowledge base and social relations.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 21 A Professional Association

A professional association is the organised body to which professionals of a particular domain belong. Historically, for inclusion into a professional group, a man had to be from the learned or genteel class. Contemporary professional associations are instead concerned with the study of theory and practical techniques, the hallmarks of competency, and the honour of individual members based on a code of ethics. Professional associations are involved with communication amongst constituents and in the selection and education of potential members. It is the professional organisations that act as a united front for the profession (Freidson 1973b).

2.3 Professionalisation

In order to advance the research on professions, theoreticians had to reach some agreement on definitions. Several writers tracked the typical stages through which professions develop and identified the components and elements of each stage. As Vollmer and Mills (1966, 2) write, “occupations may be placed somewhere on a continuum between the ideal-type professions, at the one end and completely unorganized occupational categories, or non-professions, at the other end. Professionalization is a process, then, that may affect any occupation to a greater or lesser degree.”

Figure 1. The Professionalisation Continuum

Occupations Professions

Source: Marshall 1999.

The Sequence of Professionalisation

Caplow’s (1966) description of professionalisation in the 1950s, based on British case studies, includes four basic steps. The first step is that the profession establishes a professional organisation. It then changes the name of that group to alter its image and identity with the public, clients and other professions. The

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 22 third step sees the development of a code of ethics for the profession. The final step is the attainment of legal restrictions on who can perform the services being claimed by that profession. This step usually comes as a result of political agitation or pressure for exclusivity of service provision. In some countries, the government regulation or deregulation of a market often determines who can perform certain tasks.

In contrast with Caplow, Wilensky (1964) includes five stages in his description of the professionalisation process in the United States. He contends that it starts with the emergence of a full-time occupation. This is followed by the establishment of a training school or program of study. Then, a founding professional association is formed. Similar to Caplow’s stages, however, the fourth step of Wilensky’s progression sees political agitation directed towards the protection of the professional association by law. Finally, the association adopts a formal code of ethics to guide its members.

Pavalko (1971) questions whether or not professionalisation is a natural or inevitable process of occupations. He also suggests that one should not ask whether particular work is that of a profession but, rather, one should determine where a particular work activity is situated along the professionalisation continuum. Conversely, other writers such as Etzioni (1961, 1964), have defined which occupations are professions and identified which may be considered semi- professions, para-professions or sub-professions, based on the organisation and components of each.

2.4 Components of Professions

In order to advance the study of professions, and despite the fact that many definitional questions remain, most writers have adopted a basic set of agreed- upon components that differentiate professions from other occupations. While exploring the discipline of social work, Ernest Greenwood wrote a seminal article in 1957 about the components of professions, entitled Attributes of a Profession, which was subsequently heralded in the work of Vollmer and Mills (1966). Writers have used slight variations of Greenwood’s list, and seem to ‘pick and choose’ from this basic set of components which he thought made up the ideal profession.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 23 As quoted in Greenwood (1966, 10) all professions and, by default, all professionals have:

• a basis of systematic theory • authority recognized by the clientele of the professional group, and control over its own members • broad community sanction and approval for this autonomy • a code of ethics regulating relations of professional persons with clients and with other colleagues, and • a professional culture sustained by formal professional associations and a socialisation process.

Hall (1975, 73-75) has refined Greenwood’s components to more accurately define a profession and its link to the larger social structure. His definition of profession includes Greenwood’s components with the following explanations:

• the systematic theory can be either theoretical or applied, but is based on research • the professional authority enables a professional to dictate what is ‘good or bad’ for a client • the sanctions from the community are formal and informal, and given through training and education criteria and standards, including credentialling • codes of ethics are formally and informally enforced, and • the professional culture includes language and symbols which differentiate the professionals from ‘outsiders.’

Alternatively, sociologist William Goode focused his list of professional components on the sociological aspects of a profession. He contends that professions have the following characteristics (Goode 1957, 194):

• its members are bound by a sense of identity • once in it, few leave, so it generally involves a terminal or continuing status • its members share common values • its role definitions, in relation to other members and non-members, are the same for all members

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 24 • within areas of communal action, there is a common language, which is understood only partially by outsiders • the [professional] community has power over its members and its limits are reasonably clear, although these are social rather than physical and geographical limits, and • although it does not produce the next generation biologically, it does so socially through its control over the selection of professional trainees, and through its [control over the] training that these recruits go through, i.e., the socialisation process through which professionals learn ‘appropriate’ attitudes and behaviours.

Other less influential writers in the field have adopted these lists and often add that professional work is not standardised. Some have critiqued the ‘components approach’ to defining a profession as an imprecise set of criteria that the public uses to view professions. The functionalist model, supported by writers such as Barber, Johnson and Parsons, instead considers the relevance of the profession to society and the power relationships between professionals and clients (Johnson 1972).

Writers such as Johnson (1972) and Illich (1977) have expressed more cynical perspectives of professions that place them in the camp of the reformists. These authors do not necessarily disagree with the components model of professions but, rather, view professions as dominant structures within society that help perpetuate the capitalist market system.

For the purposes of this research, Greenwood’s basic list of components and Hall’s supporting explanations will be used, appreciating that variations exist based on these authors’ respective disciplines. Although some writers suggest that there is one professionalisation continuum on which professions and occupations are polarised, I contend that each component has its own separate continuum. When combined, these make up the professionalisation continuum presented earlier in this chapter (see Figure 1). As shown below, Figure 2 presents the components of professions along parallel continua, which share the endpoints of an unorganised occupation and a profession.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 25 Figure 2. The Professionalisation Continuum and its Components

COMPONENTS

Occupation Profession Knowledge/ Domain

Community Sanction

Authority

Code of Ethics

Socialisation and Culture

Source: Marshall 1999.

The following section presents a theoretical discussion of these components and their inter-relatedness, in order to give the reader a general understanding of some of the issues and strategies professions create and manage. The five components of a profession are knowledge/domain and theory, community sanction, authority, codes of ethics, and socialisation and professional culture.

Knowledge and Theory Specific to a Discipline

A profession’s underlying body of theory is a system of abstract propositions that describe in general terms the classes of phenomena comprising the profession’s focus of interest. Preparation for a profession, therefore, involves considerable preoccupation with systematic theory, a feature virtually absent in the training of the non-professional. Greenwood (1966, 11)

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 26 Of all the components of a profession, I agree with Carr-Saunders and Wilson (1933) that the unique knowledge acquired from intellectual training within a specific domain is the most distinguishing element of a profession. Hall (1975) also believes knowledge is the most critical profession’s component, acquired formally, informally and throughout the continuing professional development process.

Professionals have more detailed and different knowledge in their own domains than does the general public. This is what distinguishes the professional from the layperson. However, today’s professional, outside his or her field of competence, is also a layperson. This has changed since the industrial revolution, when professionals almost exclusively represented elite society as a whole and were acknowledged to be the learned or ‘thought leaders’ in a community (Moore 1970).

Writers such as Roth (as discussed in Hall 1975) suggest that some professionals have tried to create a ‘body of theory,’ or a particular knowledge in order to justify the existence of their professions. He cites social work as one such profession. Scott and Roweis (1977) identify planning as another. Roth also asks, ‘who’s knowledge is it?’ since the information used in most professions now crosses many disciplines.

Roth (in Hall 1975) carries the questioning further, observing that people living in contemporary society are becoming more informed, sophisticated, questioning, and have access to information that only professionals had in the past. He questions if there is really a body of knowledge that now exists for any one profession, solely known and used by those professionals. Moore (1970) similarly observes that increased technology, and hence new technical knowledge, is always being created. He adds that professionals have difficulty keeping up with available and relevant knowledge, especially in science- and technology- dependent professions.

A contemporary view of the knowledge base of professions is held by Castells (2000, 18), who states that “without having to surrender to the normative approach by which academic disciplines are bound,” planning crosses many disciplines. He maintains that planning is indeed a profession, not grounded in any one academic discipline, but drawn from a variety of academic disciplines.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 27 Sandercock suggests that “planning needs to identify the specificity of its domain” (1998, 222). I accept both Castells’ and Sandercock’s contemporary views and contend that planning’s domain is ‘interdisciplinary design praxis.’

Many writers have chosen to discuss how professional knowledge and power are inextricably linked. Larson (1990), in particular, believes it is important to look at the construction and social consequences of expert knowledge. She believes that one of those consequences is power. Foucault’s (1980) perspective on this is that modern social networks, including professions, are formed out of relationships that are simultaneously about power and knowledge. While he never closely examined professional organisations per se, Foucault was concerned with professionalism. He saw professions as the agents that create and advance the knowledge embodied in disciplines and, in so doing, structure how their members project that knowledge into human and state affairs (Freidson 1973b).

Foucault distinguished between a variety of procedures that control, classify, distribute and order the production of discourse, including authorship, the disciplines that authors meld into, and ‘discourse societies’ (Rabinow 1984). Hall (1975) summarises this perspective by suggesting that professionals have access to and interpret information uniquely, giving them power, especially in areas of social and intellectual concern.

Community Sanctions

Every profession strives to persuade the community to sanction its authority within certain spheres by conferring upon the profession a series of powers and privileges. Greenwood (1966, 13)

This component is seen to have several subcomponents, which are formal and informal, and intertwined with other components. Education and training, accreditation, the legal right to titles and practise, and general ‘community good’ are all subcomponents of community sanctions. Each is briefly described below.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 28 Education and Training

Closely linked to the knowledge component of a profession is education and training, i.e., how that knowledge is gleaned and by whom it is taught. Cuthbert believes that a professional organisation is an “arbitrary construct that derives power from its incorporation with two key state enterprises, namely the law and tertiary education” (1997, 216).

Tertiary education is now seen as the basis of professional learning. From a components perspective, many authors suggest that a true professional attends a tertiary educational institution for more than five years. As the curriculum of the modern university has developed and diversified, it has produced new areas of competence, further perpetuating the concept of professions. The members of professional associations were and continue to be interested in the education of their incoming members and thus remain actively involved in their formal training, particularly through accreditation processes.

Accreditation

Credentials became more formal with the advent of independent universities, guilds, and professional societies and associations. To illustrate this, in the 16th century, the Royal College of Physicians became the authoritative body in the world of physics (now medicine) and protested that universities were granting medical degrees to those who were insufficiently trained. As a result, the association became involved in the education of physicians and set the stage for further accreditation processes required of its membership. Thereafter, the granting of credentials required input from both the university and the professional association.

As reformists started to infiltrate the ranks of professionals, they saw entrance tests as nothing more than ‘tests of social accomplishments,’ which were of no true value. As a result, accreditation processes were again reformed to include ‘modern’ testing techniques as means to ensure competence and proper training (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933). In contemporary writing, credentialism (now more commonly known as accreditation) has been critiqued as a protective source of practise privileges (Freidson 1973b).

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 29 While Freidson admits that expertise is inseparable from credentialism and, in order for expertise to be stable and reliable, practise must be somehow institutionalised, he does not think current accreditation processes are necessary. He states, “the issue is not whether credentialism as such is necessary, therefore, but rather whether credentialism is necessary for the choice of a particular kind of knowledge and skill and whether particular forms of credentialism are necessary” (Freidson 1973b, 160) [emphasis mine].

Some critics view credentials in a positive light as a protection against ‘just anyone’ practising a technique or applying certain knowledge, thus ensuring clients get the best advice or service. Others believe that accreditation limits or prescreens the choices of potential consumers and, perhaps, protects the incompetent (Freidson 1973b). Although licensing or certification functions may appease clients’ fears by indicating that a minimum standard of competence has been achieved, credentials are not indicative of the quality of service that can be expected (Pavalko 1971).

Many professions place a great emphasis on entry into the profession since it is easier to select, govern and control admission than to keep current competence under surveillance (Moore 1970). As well, professions, including planning, are continuing to push for the adoption of ‘hiring rules’ by the public and private sectors that protect the value of credentials and professional membership.

Right to Title and Practise

As Cuthbert (1989) has noted, a profession gains power from tertiary education and the legal system within which it works. Through legal means, professions gain the right to title and practise. They achieve the right to title by convincing legislating bodies and society that “no one should be allowed to wear a professional title who has not been conferred it by an accredited professional school” (Greenwood 1966, 13).

Legal right to practise comes when “the profession persuades the community to institute on its behalf a licensing system for screening those qualified to practice the professional skill. A sine qua non for the receipt of the license is, of course, a duly granted professional title” (Greenwood 1966, 13). Cuthbert (1989, 21) adds

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 30 that, through the granting of legal status, “under capitalism, the state guarantees the monopoly of each profession over particular forms of service and hence over a guaranteed market.”

Whereas other sanctions, such as special status or power, are given and monitored informally by the community and its structures, the legal rights to title and practise are enforced by law. Some professions, such as law and medicine, are also privy to an immunity of community judgment on technical matters within their areas of expertise. Non-professional occupations do not enjoy these benefits.

Relevance to Basic Social Values and ‘Community Good’

According to Carr-Saunders and Wilson, a professional’s duty is simply to serve the public. “The obligation of the professional man [sic] is to give his services whenever called upon, and without exercising capricious discrimination, for example on personal or political grounds” (1933, 421). They suggest that the professional is obliged to give the best service possible and to subordinate all personal considerations to the interests of the client.

Professionals were initially said to be disinterested in the remuneration they received for their services or advice given. They were seen to be ‘called’ to their profession, with their first and foremost concern being a focus on the well-being of their clients and, hence, of society in general. In more contemporary times, many believe these altruistic traits met their demise due to self-interest and insist that professionals have become consumed by power, money, influence and status. As Illich (1977, 15) writes, professions “dominate the creation, adjudication and implementation of needs [and] are a new kind of cartel” to keep the need for and price of a service elevated. He further suggests that professions decide which services are offered, for whom, how they will be offered, and the reasons why their services are mandatory.

Johnson, Cuthbert and others agree with Illich that professions ‘disable’ society through professional dominance and the power of illusion, making people think they have a ‘need’ to which only a professional can meet. Cuthbert (1997, 215) writes that professionals “sell fictitious as opposed to real commodities since they expropriate and monopolise important regions of cultural capital (knowledge

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 31 and individuals), which are collectively reproduced yet privately appropriated.” Other writers, such as Abbott (1988) and Hall (1975), suggest that the influence and special status of a profession depend on the existence of a specific knowledge, its division of labour, and how it is socially organised to muster support from officials and the general public.

The debate continues today about professionals’ motivations and their contribution to the ‘community good.’ Professional organisations, in their relations with the public and the state, continue to seek acknowledgment and legitimation for their members. It is the community at large that grants status and prestige in the sense of placing professionals in a relatively high position or rank in the community. As much as the professional community might like, it cannot not grant these advantages to itself.

Professional Authority, Autonomy and Control

The professional’s authority, however, is not limitless; its function is confined to those specific spheres within which the professional has been educated. Greenwood (1966, 13)

Each profession has some authority, and hence autonomy and control of a particular domain. The professional organisation is paramount to the autonomy and control over the domain’s collective practice, discourse and organisation. Part of this authority involves the control of knowledge and a ‘claiming’ of what theories and techniques the profession calls its area of expertise or unique body of knowledge, and how this is translated into practice. “Extensive education, in the systematic theory of his [sic] discipline, imparts to the professional a type of knowledge that highlights the layman’s comparative ignorance” (Greenwood 1966, 12).

Moore (1970) suggests that one profession exerting control over another is an attempt to decrease the number of disputes over jurisdictional intellectual territory and to ensure a closed organisation. Para-professions associated with a supporting profession are often greatly influenced by them, such as para-legals by lawyers or planning technicians by planners. Moore (1970, 226) also states that “the possession of advanced and esoteric knowledge presents a kind of property right, which carries with it responsibilities for honorable use.”

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 32 In contrast, Illich (1977) insists that professional authority is used in less than honourable ways. He suggests professional authority is comprised of three roles. The first is having the wisdom to advise, instruct, and direct individuals and communities. The second is having the moral suasion to make that authority accepted as useful and obligatory. The third is having the charismatic authority that allows the professional to appeal to the interests of his or her clients. Greenwood (1966) similarly suggests that the professional has a monopoly over judgment, leading the client to assent to professional advice.

Autonomy also includes the ability of the professional organisation to control who is actually allowed to become a member. No professional association is without the power to exclude members. This is usually based on inadequate qualifications and conduct that is deemed poor or unethical. Protocol and behaviour are sanctioned more by group pressure and are left to be interpreted by each member of the organisation, harkening back to the influence wielded by the gentlemen’s clubs of old. To quote Carr-Saunders and Wilson (1933, 403), “of more importance to the social control of the professional is the silent pressure of opinion and tradition.”

Etzioni (1961) suggests that the major means of control within professional organisations are based on the careful selection of its membership and the socialisation process that occurs during education and practice. Norms are highly internalised to ensure that informal controls and symbolic sanctions are highly effective. In contrast, ethics are committed to in writing and are regulated by their inclusion in a profession’s practice review policies.

Codes of Ethics

While the specifics of their ethical codes vary among the professions, the essentials are uniform. These may be described in terms of client-professional and colleague-colleague relations. Greenwood (1966, 15)

Goode suggests codes of ethics define appropriate professional behaviour with respect to the larger community, fellow practitioners, unauthorised practitioners, and individual clients (1957). Originally, professional codes of ethics were not deemed necessary for the genteel, who would somehow ‘just know’ what

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 33 constituted proper professional behaviour. For those without the ‘benefit’ of a high socioeconomic lineage, codes of ethics became more important (Moore 1970).

Also, because professionals hold a monopoly over their services and clients, a professional’s powers and privileges could easily be abused. “Through its ethical code, the profession’s commitment to the social welfare becomes a matter of public record, thereby insuring for itself the continued confidence of the community” (Greenwood 1966, 14). Quintessential professional codes of ethics are formal, explicit, altruistic and public service-oriented. However, it is public confidence and community sanctions, rather than an ethical code, that allow a profession to maintain its monopoly.

Towards colleagues, professionals are expected to be cooperative and supportive, and share technical knowledge and advances in theory and practice. This is often facilitated through the professional association. In times of old, professional ethics precluded aggressive competition and advertising and so professionals relied on consultation and referrals as principal sources of work (Greenwood 1966).

The medical profession is a prime example of how the consultation and referral system functions. This professional reciprocity fosters interdependence within a profession, which contributes to its sphere of social control and illustrates the importance of formal and informal codes of ethics. In more contemporary times, and with the deregulation of certain markets, codes of ethics are probably more important than ever, whether or not they are revered by many.

For the practitioner, codes can influence professional integrity, prestige and career advancement, as well as strengthen links to legal agencies of the state such as licensing boards. Codes of ethics also offer clients a vehicle for complaints against a professional. Such complaints may be reviewed by an ethics or practice review committee, although many of these bodies have no legal power (Moore 1970). Etzioni (1961) suggests that social powers, formalised in professional codes of ethics, are supported by the social bonds of the professional community and carry great weight in terms of their disciplinary power. Generally, however, the use of economic sanctions such as fines, expulsion from the profession, or the cancellation of license are extremely rare.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 34 Discipline within a profession often boils down to sanctions against breeches in professional codes of conduct. If criminal offenses ever occur, they are generally dealt with at a higher level in courts of law. Without review and enforcement, codes of ethics may give false comfort to the laity, rather than serve as a guide to the practitioner for behavioural conduct. Some writers believe, however, that it is the institution and use of codes of ethics that separate general vocations from professions.

Socialisation and Professional Culture

The transformation of a neophyte into a professional is essentially an acculturation process wherein he [sic] internalizes the social values, the behavior norms, and the symbols of the occupational group. Greenwood (1966, 18)

The more formal and quantifiable components of a profession such as education, community sanctions, and codes of ethics are supplemented by the informal component of professional socialisation. In early documentation of professions, the term ‘socialisation’ was used to describe the process whereby professionals were employed by the state, rather than by individual clients. “Socialization is the method that has been adopted for filling the gap left by the failure of unmodified private practice to provide services for all who need them” (Carr- Saunders and Wilson 1933, 480). That is, certain professional services such as education and medicine are publicly provided.

As professions were studied in more detail and more theoretically, particularly by sociologists like Merton and Becker, socialisation was the term used to describe a process of unconscious and unintended consequence of human interaction that occurs during formal training and in practice (Pavalko 1971). Clark and Dear (1984) similarly viewed socialisation as the process whereby a person, the professional, is transformed into a specifically cultural being.

Historically, socialisation occurred in the gentlemen’s clubs. As early as 1883, traditional etiquette for the legal profession in the United Kingdom was codified (Carr-Saunders and Wilson 1933). ‘Hazing,’ most often seen today in the military, has been a form of socialisation for many years, used to test competence, performance, and group solidarity (Moore 1970).

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 35 Greenwood (1966) contends the socialisation process occurs within formal structures where professionals work (e.g., firms), where they are educated (e.g., universities), and where they promote their group interests (e.g., professional associations). He also suggests that equally as much socialisation occurs informally amongst clusters or cliques of colleagues, and is often based on areas of specialisation, geographic closeness, and personal attractions. Greenwood (1966, 16) also believes “the culture of a profession consists of its values, norms, and symbols.” Values are a profession’s basic and fundamental beliefs, upon which its very existence rests. Norms are guides to behaviour in social situations. Symbols are a profession’s meaning-laden items such as insignias, rituals, dress, history, folklore, language, and stereotypes of the professional and the layperson.

Olesen and Whittaker (1970) took the study of socialisation further and distinguished between enculturation and acculturation. Acculturation equates to the process of cultural change in which one social group or individual adopts elements of the culture of another group. In contrast, enculturation equates to the learning process through which a person acquires norms, values and relevant roles in their own ‘culture’ or profession. They see professional socialisation as a part of enculturation, given that socialisation is very different depending on the context of a profession, society or country.

The amount of socialisation seen to be required by associations depends on the degree to which organisational behaviour differs from the behaviour participants have learned elsewhere (Etzioni 1961). Clark and Dear (1984) suggest that ‘political language’ is very important for socialising groups and maintaining the identity of professional groups. They further suggest that linguistic structuring is undertaken to ensure professionals control aspects of debate and influence the judgment of its political outcomes. Professionals use their own language as a way to influence and control discourse, excluding some individuals from the discussion by the mere fact that they do not know the language.

Professionals often use synonyms for common words, and symbols and acronyms to further identify members or professional terms (Moore 1970). This becomes even more distinctive as a professional becomes more specialised. The linguist Edwards (1985, 3) notes that “it can be seen straight away that there exists a multitude of markers of group identity ... of which language is but one.”

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 36 2.5 Chapter Summary

This chapter has provided the theoretical context needed to understand the nature of professions, which will be applied to the Canadian urban planning profession in a later chapter. The theory of professions was introduced by discussing the nature of professions and how they operate in society. This discussion included a history of the evolution of professions, a description of the process of professionalisation, and a discussion of how professions are defined theoretically by their common components. The component parts of a profession – knowledge/domain, sanctions, autonomy and control, codes of ethics, and the socialisation of professionals – have been discussed in detail. How these components comprise parallel continua in the overall ‘professionalisation continuum’ has also been explained.

As noted, professions are intertwined with society and the community at large, i.e., the state. Accordingly, professions must also be understood from an ideological context. The next chapter presents a further development of my thesis with another theoretical discussion – how professions can be explained and are influenced by ideological practices.

Chapter 2 – Professions: History and Theory 37 3.0 CONTRIBUTING IDEOLOGIES

Ideologies are inherent to the explanation of social science, and as social functions, professions do not operate independently of ideology. This chapter and the following one illustrate how ideology, as manifested in social practice, helps shape the form and practice of professions, and how society, including the state, relates to the professions. Together, these two chapters examine five ideologies for their ability to explain the research question posed in Chapter 1: Currently in Canada, how is the recent trend of neocorporatist philosophy and practice influencing the power and legitimation of the urban planning profession? The ideologies chosen have influenced thought historically and currently, and have particular relevance to the professions, power, the state and urban planning in the current socioeconomic context.

Four major social ideologies are reviewed and critiqued in Chapter 3: anarchism, post-Marxism, neoliberalism and postmodernism. Each is assessed for its ability to explain social practice and professions in a contemporary world. This analysis demonstrates that all of the four ideologies studied in this chapter shed some light on professions. Alone, however, none are sufficient to understand the current social context of professions.

In Chapter 4, neocorporatism, complemented with the theory of structuration, is similarly assessed and shown to be the ideology that is most relevant to understanding professions in contemporary times. That analysis is supplemented by key findings from the four ideologies presented in this chapter, which collectively produce an ideological position that best explains professions in the current Canadian context.

All five ideologies are summarised in relation to professions and the social order. One writer whose work espouses each ideology is highlighted: anarchism by Ivan Illich, post-Marxism by Jürgen Habermas, neo-Weberianism by Richard Sennett, postmodernism by Michel Foucault, and neocorporatism by Philippe Schmitter. As I will show from my critique of these five ideologies, some are more useful than others in helping us understand professions, while others have previously been used to create some understanding of professions. While I maintain that the

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 38 ideological form that provides the best explanation of professions is neocorporatism, the four other ideologies discussed in this chapter are not rejected outright. Aspects of each are carried forward into the latter parts of this thesis.

3.1 The New Social Order and Ideology

Writers as prominent as John Kenneth Galbraith (1983) believe ‘the rise of organisation’ is the new social order as demonstrated by an increase in the number and importance of bureaucracies and structured associations of individuals. Others agree, suggesting that post-industrial society established a new system of beliefs and values based on the division of labour. Knutilla (1998, 2) observes that “as the division of labour develops, occupational and corporate groups become more important in terms of organizing and coordinating the multitude of roles in society.” Pundits have historically examined and continue to study and reassess the relationships between the responsibilities of the public, private and third/non-profit sectors, in order to understand the consequences of social, political and economic problems in most western societies (Jenson 1998).

The main objective of this thesis is to show how changing social ideologies and conditions in Canada create and maintain the social order through the involvement of the state and other institutions. “A range of corps intermédiares – from advocacy groups and other non-governmental organisations to political parties and governmental bodies – assure the connections among individuals” and help maintain the social order (Jenson 1998, 16).

Organisation “manifests itself in a hundred forms of citizen and (as it is called) special-interest effort to win the submission of others, either directly or by way of the state” (Galbraith 1983, 132). Some of the major social institutions (and special interest groups) in Canada contributing to this are ‘the professions.’ With them comes professional activities which act as the conduit between individuals and the state and in relation to certain key state policy- and decision-making processes.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 39 As this thesis will show, in this new social order, it is neocorporatist ideology, supplemented by an understanding and acceptance of portions of four other ideologies, which enables us to comprehend professions and their relation to the state. The value of any ideology ultimately depends on what phenomena it can help explain. In this research, that value lies in how ideologies offer an overarching perspective from which to investigate and help explain professions and the state. The purpose of this research is not, however, to critique the theory of ideology itself.

I adopt the definition of ideology that Heywood (1992, 2) puts forward, with regard to understanding a contemporary social order: “Ideologies are belief systems which help to structure how the world is understood and explained.” This definition allows for ideology to act as a framework to understand unconscious acts and to provide an explanation for conscious social practice. The general societal rules that govern behaviour, attitudes, morals and beliefs are filtered down to individuals from the meta level of politics, economy and culture through a variety of mechanisms, one of which is the professional association, another, the state apparatus.

However, the new social order, which embodies institutions such as the state, community structures and interest groups including professions, is understood because of the ideas and beliefs acquired at the level of individual consciousness. “The individual acquires a particular awareness and perception of the society in which he lives. And it is this understanding and attitude towards the social order which constitute his consciousness” (Apple 1979, 33).

Since professions are social constructs, they operate within, not independent of, an ideological framework. They are in part shaped by ideology and are seen to rely “upon the deep and often unconscious internalization by the individual of the principles which govern the existing social order” (Apple 1979, 32). In addition, professionals have developed their own ‘professional ideologies’ which, as Wilks (1998) notes, act as a framework from which they view their own practice.

Authors such as Wilks (1998) and Freidson (1994) believe the phenomenon of ‘professionalism’ is an ideology unto itself. Wilks suggests the phenomenon of a professional ideology, as applied to planning, includes the following elements:

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 40 “the professional association’s role in developing a ‘place’ for the occupation it represents; the ideas, views and inspirations which professionals draw from their professional culture and the manner in which they do this; the individual planner’s ethics, values and beliefs; and the constitution and construction of professional knowledge” (1998, 958). Essentially, these elements are components of any profession, as described in Chapter 2.

I would agree that professionalism certainly influences how professions act in the world but it cannot comprehensively explain how professions operate within a larger society. Other factors and pressures influencing professions must also be considered. These include politics, the state apparatus, economics, social circumstances and cultural context. Professionals become part of the dialectical processes of society by helping shape social structures and social order, while also reflecting it. Therefore, we turn now to an examination of the four ideologies, each of which contributes to a partial understanding of professions within the larger social order.

3.2 Anarchism

Anarchists do advocate the abolition of the law and government, but in the belief that a more natural and spontaneous social order will develop. Heywood (1992, 198)

Anarchism – Key Principles

Anarchism is chosen as an ideology to review in this research mainly due to the influence of Ivan Illich, whose ideas about educational theory and how professions operate in the social order are noteworthy. Anarchy, by definition, means without rule or order. Although anarchy is most often associated with political theory, it can also act as a social ideological framework. Anarchists often reject all political, social and moral principles or any coherent set of ideas. This also includes a rejection of organised professional associations, which are viewed as systems that attempt to set principles and establish a code of behaviour (Heywood 1992).

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 41 The American environmentalist Henry David Thoreau embraced anarchy when he suggested in his 1849 essay, Civil Disobedience, that individuals had to be faithful to their conscience and do only what each believed to be right, regardless of society or the laws made by government. Other activist ideologies such as feminism and environmentalism often adopt some anarchistic modes of operation in order to initiate change (Heywood 1992).

Illich (1978) contends that social reconstruction is needed and maintains that it starts with doubts raised by citizens. He further suggests that as the social practice of professions is demystified, the professions should be disestablished. Illich states, “the disabling of the citizen through professional dominance is completed through the power of illusion. The professionals appropriate the special knowledge to define public issues in terms of problems” (Illich 1977, 27).

To Illich, democratic power is subverted and general public service delivery is disabled by the ‘professional’ appropriation of specialised knowledge. This results in education systems that disable the division of labour, medical systems that promote helplessness and disease, and legal systems that encourage injustice. “At present, we see consumer goods and professional services at the centre of our economic system, and specialists relate our needs exclusively to this centre” (Illich 1978, 36).

Anarchism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis

Illich (1977) believes professionals ‘disable’ society by appropriating the authority to define a person as a client, determine a person’s needs, and give a prescription for those needs. He contends that when professionals suggest their clients have a need (that only the professional can fill), they are self-perpetuating their particular profession. He states, “professionals tell you what you need and claim the power to prescribe. They not only recommend what is good, but actually ordain what is right” (1977, 17).

Illich (1977, 15) argues that professionals “dominate the creation, adjudication and implementation of needs [and] are a new kind of cartel,” thus perpetuating a market dependence on the knowledge or service the professional has to offer. He contends that “it is therefore necessary that we clearly understand, (1) the nature

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 42 of professional dominance, (2) the effects of professional establishment, (3) the characteristics of imputed needs, (4) the illusions which have enslaved us to professional management” (1977, 15).

In addition, Illich (1978) sees professional power as the source of prestige and control in current industrial states and views professions as the Achilles’ heel of that system. Promoting an anarchist perspective, he states, “only those citizen initiatives and radical technologies that directly challenge the insinuating dominance of disabling professions open the way to freedom for non-hierarchical, community-based competence” (Illich 1978, 40).

Illich suggests that professions are the key to understanding the problems arising from what society values and needs, and that the influence of professionalism has gone beyond the individual client to a societal level. “It is no longer the individual professional who imputes a ‘need’ to the individual client, but a corporate agency that imputes a need to entire classes of people” (Illich 1978, 52).

Within the ideological framework of anarchism, it is believed that a major restructuring of the social order is required to create a better society. This is seen in Illich’s recommendations for the reconstruction of economic, political, social, educational and moral systems. “Our culture’s market intensity must be systematically exposed as the source of its deepest frustrations. This will stop the perversion of research, ecological concern and the class struggle itself” (Illich 1977, 14). Many of Illich’s other suggestions to improve the social order, within which professions fit, are also extreme. Some of these are critiqued below.

• Illich generalises about professions to the point where all professions are seen in the same vein. No distinctions amongst the professions are made as to their respective levels of influence or their place in society based on the social sanctions they are accorded.

Not all professions are equally powerful, nor are all given the overarching social control and authority that Illich suggests. As an example, the medical profession in developed countries has often been far more influential in the political realm and has wielded significantly more power to shape social policy than the urban planning profession.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 43 Clearly, Illich has not articulated a detailed analysis of professions and thus lacks discernment about their differences in scope, effect, level of professionalisation and the extent to which they exhibit the components of the ideal professional model. Further, he never defines the term profession and does not distinguish between a profession, practice and professional organisations.

• Illich (1978) suggests that the shape of educational, medical, and planning professional establishments are a reflection of society’s distribution of power and privilege.

Whilst I agree with this statement, I believe that power and privilege are only two factors that shape these social institutions. Based on the previously cited definition of ideologies, social establishments are a reflection of the greater consciousness of a society and all of its other structures and systems. However, the shapes of these professional establishments are constructed by more factors than just power and privilege. Political, economic and social conditions, and the state apparatus, are also factors to be considered.

I would further argue that the establishments that Illich believes are powerful, simply because they are made up of professionals, are not necessarily so. There are again other factors to consider, one being that a major power player is the state itself, which consists of many facets in addition to professional establishments.

• Illich states that a “post-professional ethos has individuals and groups challenging professional dominance over themselves and the sociotechnical conditions in which they live” (Illich 1977, 39).

What in fact has happened since the late 1970s is the opposite. More and more occupations and lay-persons are identifying themselves as professionals, forming organised occupational associations, and attempting to professionalise and share in the perceived benefits of being a professional. They are not challenging professional dominance, which Illich believed they would do.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 44 • Illich states that “in reality, as society gives professionals the legitimacy to define rights, citizen freedoms evaporate” (1978, 80). He also suggests that society “should be fostering participatory politics, not professional prescription” (1977, 15).

Without arguing the value of the latter statement, the dominant trend in public involvement is that government and private industry are conducting more public involvement processes and consultations with stakeholders than ever before (Roberts and Marshall 1996). Therefore, although professionalisation is becoming more common, so is participation in the governance of society.

In conclusion, anarchism’s usefulness as an ideological framework through which current-day professions can be better understood is limited because of the above noted shortcomings. A dismantling of the social order and government is not imminent, nor is there an overt anti-professional sentiment in society. Indeed, while there is deference to government, there is also public support for associations, networks and professional bodies to become more involved in society (Graves, 1999).

What anarchism does provide is a more radical perspective on power and professions and furthers our understanding of these relations discussed later in this thesis.

3.3 Post-Marxism

Materialism, in the theory of history, has often been interpreted as the thesis that economic life is the sole determinant of social relations and the historical process. Benton (1977, 171)

Materialism and Post-Marxism – Key Principles

Materialism was originally associated with Marx and Engels, whose works have now influenced nearly 150 years of political and intellectual thought. It is still worthy of consideration in understanding the contemporary social order. One of

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 45 the most important themes that Marx developed in his writings was the concept of historical materialism, which served as a perspective for the analysis of social development (Giddens 1971).

In traditional Marxist thought, forces of production, including labour and technology, determine the relations of production or economic ownership. When the forces and relations of production are combined, they constitute a mode of production which, in turn, determines an ideological superstructure for other social relations. This ideology is transmitted through the superstructure, that is, through the state, education, law and religion. These systems and institutions legitimate a class division of society (Cuthbert 1988). As written in Selected Works, it follows that “the relations of production, via the mediation of the class system, compose ‘the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstructure and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness’” (Giddens 1971, 42).

Althusser’s influence was critical to the expansion of neo-Marxist thought. He “held the opinion that the reproduction of the relations of production was secured through the functioning of the state as the central agent of capitalism” (Cuthbert 1988, 22). Althusser elaborated that the state was seen to function through repressive state apparatuses, such as government, and through ideological state apparatuses, such as the legal system and the church, to which I would add the professions.

Post-Marxism retains some of the important concepts of Marxism but it extends beyond those. Neo- and post-Marxist theories now consider issues such as feminism, gender, psychology, linguistics, ethnicity, and communicative action theory amongst other influences (Cuthbert 1988). This has allowed “for Marxists to drop their totalizing pretensions and accept that structuring forces other than those of capital and class have important effects in their own right” (Sayer 1995, 79). Post-Marxism denies the Marxist emphasis on the economy as the determinant for explaining the changes in history in terms of the role of a specific class. Rather, “post-Marxists now argue for radical democracy” (Lechte 1994, 175).

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 46 Jürgen Habermas, an author from the second generation of the Frankfurt School of Social Research, espouses post-Marxist writing and, like many others, thinks the critique of ideology should be grounded in a social theory. Throughout his work are two linked themes: (1) the need to evolve an approach which can make it possible to analyse contemporary forms of power and ideology; and (2) countering the positivist influence on social and political theory.

The positivist influence on thought eliminates certain analyses of the dimensions of power in society. Hence, positivism should be critically examined using hermeneutics, which Habermas supports (Joseph 1988). To Habermas, ideology represents those meanings and symbols that help to sustain a system of domination by preventing critical thinking. Habermas defends modern reason, however, for contributing to an understanding of the world through identified universal social structures and universal norms for human action (Smart 1992). He believes a ‘grand-schematic’ helps understand the social order.

Habermas also promotes the idea of state legitimacy crises. He suggests that modern governments will have a legitimacy crisis in that they will find it difficult to generate the resources they need to carry out their role in the delivery of public goods and services. Habermas contends the state is unable to protect people from the crises inherent in a capitalist economy, such as poverty and unemployment. He believes the state’s capacity to collect the revenue necessary to support welfare programs is limited. As a result, the state’s legitimacy and its governance role is called into question.

To counter this, Habermas maintains that state intervention remains high, as does the state’s support for capitalism, in order to try and meet the demands for public services without raising taxes. His early work “aimed to show how the modern state was an outcome of, and contributed to capitalism’s very survival” (Lechte 1994, 187). To Habermas, “the need to sustain legitimacy through the claim to represent the interests of the community as a whole becomes a central feature of political discourse” (Giddens 1979, 193).

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 47 Post-Marxism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis

To Marxists, the class structure determines the ideas that shape society. This deterministic position became problematic. Hence, support for materialist theory waned as theorists “moved into middle-range theory and empirical research, and less economistic concerns” (Sayer 1995, 79).

Where other social scientists study certain clusters of social phenomena, historical materialists and many current-day post-Marxists continue to suggest there is a grand narrative for understanding the process of social development as a whole. Post-Marxists may no longer hinge their analysis on class-based and material determinism (which was done in the past by Marxists), but they still frame social practice in terms of meta-theory.

In relation to the professions, but unlike Marx himself, post-Marxists are able to look back at the time when the professions were emerging (in the 1800s) and developing (in the 1900s), and study them with hindsight. The contention that an explanation of social development and societal order are based solely on economic power and class struggle is insufficient for developing an understanding of professions. Critiquing the post-Marxist perspective, the application of a universal understanding to the contemporary world is also insufficient. However, some aspects of this ideology are pertinent to understanding the social order, including professions. Some of the strengths and weaknesses of post-Marxism are presented below.

• From a materialistic perspective, which Giddens also supports, “human consciousness is conditioned in dialectic interplay between subject [individuals in society] and object [the material world], in which man actively shapes the world he lives in at the same time as it shapes him” (Giddens 1971, 21). Moreover, “there can be little objection to the generalisations that consciousness is governed by human activity in society” (Giddens 1971, 41).

Agreeing with the previous point, I concur with Giddens (1995, xiv), who states that “Marx’s ‘method’ – that is, his conception of historical materialism – is deeply flawed. Human history is not the ‘history of class struggles’ and it is not

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 48 governed, even in the ‘last instance’ by the level of development of the forces of production.” A rich history of society and its order requires an understanding of a more complex set of issues and analyses than forces of production alone.

• Habermas believes that the state is no longer able to provide social programs and services at the levels they once did, and may be headed towards a ‘legitimacy crisis.’

Habermas sees the focal point of the crisis as economics. Due to economics, to be sure, but also due to other factors, most states are drawing on other sectors to help with the delivery of programs and services. This trend, discussed later in this thesis, demonstrates that the state is now relying on the third sector, including professional organisations, for help in governance. Although Habermas focusses on the economic perspective of the legitimacy crisis, I believe that other factors are just as important.

Given the well documented trend of globalisation, states have questioned their ability to govern a nation, knowing they could not control the effects of globalisation within their own boundaries. “The nation state has become too big for the management of everyday life and too small to control global flows of capital, trade, production and information” (Castells 2000, 18). Accordingly, governments’ legitimacy crises have as much to do with social, political, and governance issues as they do with economics.

• Historical materialism has been attacked from several viewpoints, many of which post-Marxists accept themselves. “Modern societies are too complex ever to be organized as a single collective historical subject. Even the elimination of class would leave societies divided along many other lines” (Sayer 1995, 82).

Societal divides could include gender, ethnicity, sexuality, and race, to mention a few. Post-Marxists would agree that, “on moral grounds, the goal of [a] collective subject is inherently authoritarian and conservative because it cannot permit difference, or value pluralism” (Sayer 1995, 82). I would add that, in the case of this research, it also cannot accept corporatism, as discussed later.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 49 • Post-Marxists would not agree that “on epistemological grounds, knowledge is too complex, diverse, disputed and uncertain for it ever to be possible for a collective subject to plan its development consensually and rationally” (Sayer 1995, 82).

Postmodern and more liberal ideologies would embrace this point. I agree and contend, in opposition to a post-Marxist perspective, that to believe that a collective could ‘plan its development consensually,’ even within the bounds of a profession, would be to gloss over the details of such organisations working in increasingly complex, sophisticated and fragmented societies. Therefore, I conclude that no grand theory or meta-narrative is sufficient to explain contemporary times.

• Post-Marxist thought, whilst it has appropriately moved away from reducing the explanation of social constructs to one of social classes, still holds that rational thought and meta-level concepts are often structured around economics.

In a more globalised world, with extreme applications of technology and information, and with factors such as politics, cultural and social movements driving societies, a post-Marxist perspective is to be viewed with caution. Post- Marxism does however contribute in the sense that it helps explain class relations in terms of professions qua ‘the state’ mediating social relations ideologically – that is, in the predominant interests of the class of capital. Examples of this include viewing planning as the state’s method of intervening in the urban land market largely owned by capitalist enterprises or architects as selling cultural capital to promote big business.

Based on my review of post-Marxism, and in relation to other ideologies presented in this chapter, it is clear that this is not the most suitable ideology by which professions can be understood in current times. What can be taken away from this critique, however, are perspectives on state legitimacy crises, class analysis based on capital, and the consideration of economics as one of the driving factors in society. It can also provide a renewed appreciation that consciousness is governed by human activity in society, if society is defined as a complex nexus of relationships.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 50 3.4 Neoliberalism

A central and recurrent theme of conservatism is its defence of tradition, its desire to maintain established customs and institutions. Liberals, in contrast, argued that social institutions should not be evaluated on the grounds of how long they have survived, but according to how far they fulfil the needs and interests of individuals. Heywood (1992, 59)

In order to understand neoliberalist ideology, liberalism and conservatism, both based on notions of individualism, must first be understood. Many models and gradients of both of these ideologies have been created throughout time; however, the basic tenets of these ideologies remain the same.

Conservatism and Neoconservatism – Key Principles

Conservatism, like other ideologies, arose in reaction to the growing pace of political and economic change, and the modernisation process that began in the western world in the 18th century. Conservatives believe the natural structure of society is hierarchical and that people accept and appreciate knowing their place in the social order (Heywood 1992).

Conservatism stresses the depoliticised importance of structure, tradition, and authority from social institutions such as schools, work environments and government. It has been criticised for its resistance to change because of its reliance on traditions and established institutions. However, conservative ideas are grounded in experience, reality and pragmatism, and will therefore adapt to change if it is either prudent to do so or inevitable (Heywood 1992).

Neoconservatism also evolved in reaction to rapid societal change – the change seen in the 1960s. Some conservative thought became religion-based to ensure the maintenance of traditional values and ‘good morals,’ which were seen to be threatened by the personal liberties of the 1960s and 1970s. Many neoconservatives continue to believe in the institutions of social groups, especially family.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 51 Neoconservative policy typically encourages a market-driven economy with little state intervention. Neoconservatives recognise that social inequalities are unfortunate but assert that they are an indisputable result of healthy economic competition (Jenson 1998). As a result, individuals may not be completely self- reliant and might thrive on the given social order, which may include a reliance on associations. Heywood (1992) contends that neoconservatism strikes a balance between ‘rampant individualism’ and ‘overbearing collectivism.’

Liberalism – Key Principles

Liberalist ideas also flourished with the industrialisation of the 19th century. Liberals desired an industrialised society and a market economy, where individual business owners could trade freely with one another and pursue profit. The basis of liberal ideology is individual freedom and choice, openmindedness, consent and association (Clark and Dear 1984). Liberalism focuses on the needs and interests of the individual, in a sense making the individual more important than any social group. Accordingly, all individuals are entitled to respect and the same rights, regardless of class or social privileges (Heywood 1992).

A liberal society is a pluralistic one, welcoming diversity. Liberalism in the economic realm suggests that the needs of individuals are best met when they cooperate and work together, appreciating the division of labour and functional specialisation (Heywood 1992). “The state is created by individuals and for individuals; it exists in order to serve their needs and interests” (Heywood 1992, 27) [emphasis mine].

Each person has a universal right to rise and fall in society, often with wealth standing as an indicator of merit and success. Market-oriented liberals “see society composed of individuals, with society’s collective action and collective institutions being the summation of individual behaviours. Liberalism looks for social order as an unintended but real benefit of market and other individual transactions. The values promoted are individual choice” (Jenson 1998, 10). Individuals have a social responsibility and are linked to each other by ties of empathy and mutual caring. Thus, they have a responsibility to look after one another, with and without government intervention. “Liberals are united in their desire to create a society in which each individual is capable of developing and flourishing to the fullness of his or her potential” (Heywood 1992, 20).

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 52 Max Weber was perhaps the most prolific and well known ideologue who espoused a liberalist ideology. Like other liberalists, he believed that the ‘social relationships amongst individuals’ formed the basic structure of society. To Weber, the social order was stratified, based on both class and status, this is, on economic and social processes (Giddens 1993). Weber’s work on bureaucracy, organisation and authority is a noteworthy segue when trying to understand professions and social practice from a liberalist perspective.

A central theme of Weber’s work was that the world is characterised by and subject to a process of increasing rationalisation, referring to the organisation of social and economic life according to principles of efficiency, based on the development of science, modern technology and bureaucracy (Giddens 1993). This stance is antithetical to professions. Weber constructed an ideal type of bureaucracy which was meant to be a rational, pure form of organisation. Its characteristics are summarised from one of Weber’s translated works (1947):

• Authority is hierarchical and based on specialisation and experience. • Written rules govern the organisation. • Officials are employed full-time and often develop their bureaucratic position as a career. • There is a separation between society and the tasks of the official within the organisation. • No member or members of the organisation own the material resources within which they operate, meaning they do not have ownership of their means of production.

A key to bureaucratic structure is the legitimation of domination through authority. Legal-rational or bureaucratic authority is associated with the advancement of rationalism and, as a result, the rise of bureaucracy. Those in high positions have the ‘legal’ right to use their authority, which is based on a hierarchy or a systematic division of labour and competence. Bureaucracy depends on the expert training of some individuals; the functional specialisation of work; habit; and the mastery of single but methodically integrated functions.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 53 Neoliberalism – Key Principles

Neoliberalism or neo-Weberianism (denoting Weber’s espousal of liberalism) developed as an adaptation of liberalism to deal with contemporary political and social situations. It embodies positive freedom. Positive freedom occurs when each individual has the ability to develop and realise his or her potential, attain skills and knowledge, and achieve fulfillment either through societal altruism, market forces, or government intervention (Heywood 1992). The neo-Weberian perspective espoused by the well known sociologist Richard Sennett has particular relevance to understanding professions operating in current times.

The world is changing at an extreme pace, influenced by major forces such as technology, globalisation, environmental sustainability and government reform. In western societies, change is supplemented by a flexible capitalism that represents new ways of operating within modified capitalist systems. Sennett (1998) writes about recent changes to the capitalist system and the ‘corrosion of character’ that ensues. Much of his work describes and analyses power and the division of labour, and the effects of those on society.

Today’s corporations and many bureaucracies are being restructured into ‘networks’ that are comprised of flexible (often short-term or contractual), team- based and non-hierarchical work units. Bureaucracy is under attack as “workers are asked to behave nimbly, to be open to change on short notice, to take risks continually, to become ever less dependent on regulations and formal procedures” (Sennett 1998, 9).

Sennett suggests these new rules of doing business are another regime of power beyond the traditional authoritative, line-power of rational bureaucratic structures. “Revulsion against bureaucratic routine and pursuit of flexibility has produced new structures of power and control, rather than created the conditions which set us free” (Sennett 1998, 47). It was theorised that, without bureaucracy and its routine, individual character would flourish. However, Sennett suggests the new forms of labour are no better in meeting the needs of the individual.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 54 In this era of flexible capitalism, power consists of three elements (Sennett 1998):

• Discontinuous reinvention of institutions – whereby processes and structures change ‘just for change’s sake,’ often rupturing organisations • Flexible specialization of production – whereby more varied products are more quickly introduced into the market (the antithesis of Fordism), which complements high technology, and • Concentration of power without the centralization of power – whereby decentralised power gives front-line workers more control over their work.

This new system encourages a ‘winner take all’ attitude, where fewer individuals are successful, but when they are, the win is big. In this type of “dynamic society, passive people wither” (Sennett 1998, 88). This new form and structure of labour promotes ideas opposite to Weber’s work ethic, which emphasised rational leadership, authority, accountability, trust, and loyalty. Sennett concludes that these days, “the qualities of good work are not the qualities of good character” (1998, 21).

Neoliberalism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis

Liberalism clearly holds that the individual is the key to social order. Both the traditional Weberian and newer neo-Weberian modes of organisational structure and operations are critiqued below with respect to how they help explain professions.

• When Weber designed the concept of a bureaucracy with legal-rational authority, he did not have the benefit of knowing about the organisation of professional associations.

The discussion of bureaucracies and professions as two opposing institutional forms has been extensively covered in the literature. The disparities between bureaucratic structure and professions include their different operating philosophies, their views on authority and autonomy, and the relationships amongst workers and between workers and clients.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 55 • Weber’s bureaucracy is based on hierarchical positions, organisational rules and regimented work patterns.

In contrast, the work of professionals is based on specialised expertise by individuals who require autonomy over their own work, follow professional codes of ethics, and are socialised to use their judgment in their work. Indeed, the discourse continues about the locus of ultimate authority over a professional working within a bureaucracy. In concert with this, within a bureaucracy, workers’ loyalties lie with the organisation itself. Conversely, a professional’s loyalty is principally to the professional body which governs his or her particular discipline.

• Within any bureaucracy, it is the combination of hierarchy, structure and supervision that sanctions workers and their often methodical functions.

Specific tasks act as finite yet interdependent functions of the bureaucratic system. This is the antithesis of professional work, which is independent and cannot be easily reduced to structured, bureaucratic tasks. Professionals have a self-regulating system, which sanctions their work and expertise, and often have the sole legal right to practise their discipline.

• Although organisations vary in their degree of bureaucratisaton, there is often an inverse relationship between professionalisation and bureaucratisation.

Of the component parts of any profession, technical competence and knowledge are the components most directly related to bureaucratisation. In contrast, autonomy is the element most strongly inversely related to bureaucratisation. Thus, key aspects of Weber’s pure bureaucratic structure and the accepted components of a profession are in conflict with each other (Hall 1975).

• With respect to neo-Weberianism, Sennett focuses on the sociological effects of the current flexible organisational system.

There is no doubt that organisations are being structured in different ways than they were in the past. Firms in the private sector are particularly being structured to be flexible, adaptable, networked, ‘niche-oriented,’ and have transformed the individual’s work and employment habits (Castells 1996).

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 56 Government bureaucracies are trying to de-bureaucratise by decentralising power, tailoring programs for different needs, and offering different individual work options (e.g., part-time, full-time, job sharing, contract work).

I agree with Sennett that many organisations are changing, but not all to the same degree. The established, monolithic government bureaucracies still draw in power. “Ministerial accountability in the traditional sense requires central direction and control. It is compatible with flexibility and local responsiveness, but only up to a point” (Kroeger 1999, 2).

While I accept Sennett’s three elements of power in the new flexible capitalism – discontinuous reinvention of institutions, flexible specialisation of production, and concentration of power without the centralisation of power – I would take this analysis one step further. I believe that increased flexible specialisation, the antithesis of routine, will favour research and development and the decentralisation of power, which will allow for increased worker autonomy. The more the information age develops, the more its culture, institutions and economics – that is, the power of the new flexible capitalism – will favour individual professionals.

• Sennett observes that the desire for the status of a career is nothing new. “Nor is the sense that careers, rather than jobs, develop our characters” (1998, 120).

He suggests that the new structure of labour precludes the notion of fully developing a career, mostly associated with a professional life as once known. In order to cope with extreme change, people will “draw on a fund of social capital – shared past experiences as well as individual achievements and endowments – to help navigate a loose network” (Sennett 1998, 120). I agree with this statement and would offer that it is here that professions, and the third sector (as noted later in this thesis), will play a further role.

Professional associations may act a bridge between traditional ideas and the new order. They can provide a long term professional and ethical outlet, as well as the stability and feeling of connectedness and loyalty that is now missing in many workplaces. Professional associations also offer a pool of knowledge capital

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 57 from which individuals can draw. As well, they are an anchor for individuals who experience the episodic work patterns and fragmented identities that are created in the new corporate world of flexible capitalism.

Whilst I agree with many of the ideological manifestations of Sennett’s work, the basic tenet behind Weber’s work and neoliberalism is individualism. Some liberalists argue that “a well-functioning society is generated as a by-product of private [individual] behaviours. Individual behaviour, especially in markets and voluntary associations, drives social order” (Jenson 1998, 10). I believe that consideration to collectivity and public institutions, including the state and shared association values, are more important in understanding the new social order based on organisations.

3.5 Postmodernism

It [postmodernism] is deconstructive in that it questions conventional beliefs; antifoundationalist in that it dispenses with universals as bases of truth; nondualistic, in that it refuses the separation between subjectivity and objectivity, truth and opinion, fact and value; and it encourages plurality and difference. Moore-Milroy (1991)

Postmodernism – Key Principles

Modernism, born out of the 18th century Enlightenment, regarded history as a story of progress due to the accumulation of knowledge provided by scientific thought. Nietzsche, however, was amongst the first thinkers to reject the idea that knowledge was drawn from science or history, or that it could be grounded in any kind of certainty. He suggested that there are no facts, only interpretations, and no objective truths, only the perspectives of various individuals and groups Windschuttle (1994).

Although the roots of postmodern thought existed in the 18th and 19th centuries, the term postmodernism was not used until the 1930s. In America, the term was used in the 1950s “to lament the exhaustion of the modern movement, to describe the growing signs of modernism’s denouement and the emergence of a new sensibility” (Smart 1993, 19). Jean François Lyotard later described

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 58 postmodernism as the rejection of any general pattern of thought that claimed to explain society. “Simplifying to the extreme, I define postmodernism as incredulity toward metanarratives” (Lyotard 1983, 138).

Three different notions of postmodernism exist. As Smart (1993, 17) notes, the first perspective of “postmodernism is, in important respects, continuous with modernism; a second position favoured by some analysts suggests more of a radical rupture between the two,” i.e., modernism and postmodernism [emphasis mine]. The third perspective views postmodernism in relation to modernism as a way of describing the cultural responses to both modernism and postmodernism.

Some suggest that postmodernism is not an ideology, per se, but more of an epoch, or historical classification of social practice from roughly the 1950s to the present. I believe it can be both. I would argue that when the definition of ideology used in this research is applied – belief systems which help structure how the world is understood and explained – postmodernism is an ideological position.

Smart (1993, 12) construes “postmodernity to be a matter of current concern, an idea that may have a bearing on our understanding and experience of present conditions.” With the rise of the use of social theory in many disciplines in the 1960s, subjegation of the disciplines to social theory occurred. As a result, social practice became more relevant than the actual object of study.

Postmodernists believe that it is discourse alone that makes it possible to understand an artifact, process or practice. We cannot know the object or subject in and of itself. It is the idea that the instrument or discourse is more important than either the subject or the object that validates postmodernism as an ideology. This perspective can be considered a belief system, which helps to structure how the world is understood and explained.

As described in Windschuttle (1994), writers of postmodernism often suggest that inductive reasoning and empirical research no longer provide a basis for knowledge. They challenge the concepts of objectivity and certainty within knowledge, arguing that different intellectual and political movements create their

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 59 own forms of ‘relative knowledge.’ Truth is seen as a relative concept and what is ‘true’ depends on who is speaking to whom and in what context. Science is therefore seen as neither value free nor objective.

Harvey (1989, 354) articulates postmodernism as “a mask for the deeper transformations in the culture of capitalism.” He cites the architectural journal PRECIS, where the definition of postmodernism “privileges heterogeneity and difference as liberative forces in the redefinition of cultural discourse. Fragmentation, indeterminacy, and intense distrust of all universal or ‘totalizing’ discourses (to use the favoured phrase) are the hallmark of postmodern thought” (Harvey 1989, 9). Healey sums up this line of thinking by stating that postmodernism provides “alternative conceptions of ontology, epistemology and social order” (1997, 31).

Many postmodernists use semiotics to deconstruct and expose the representation and underlying concepts of ideology. As Cuthbert (1988, 27-28) writes, “language is assembled into specific discourses which reflect philosophies, interpretations of history, systems of value, and modes of thought which contour the evolution of social structures. Discourse politicises language and locks it into a variety of ideological objects. It is therefore a strategic instrument in shaping beliefs which control and guide the instruments of power to direct social change.”

A Postmodern View of Power

Whilst many writers and thinkers classify themselves as poststructuralist (which contributes to postmodernism) or postmodernist, it is Michel Foucault who analyses power and knowledge from a postmodern perspective in a way that has relevance to this study. Foucault studied human sciences, their history and their consequences (Macdonell 1986). His objective was “to create a history of the different modes by which, in our culture, human beings are made subjects” (Rabinow 1984, 7).

To Foucault “the presence of power relations is the threshold of the social order” Smart (1983, 87). That is, more important than the objects of power was power’s deployment. Foucault (1980, 93) states, “I have tried, that is, to relate its mechanism to two points of reference, two limits: on the one hand, to the

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 60 rules of right that provide a formal delimitation of power; on the other, to the effects of truth that this power produces and transmits and which in their turn reproduce this power. Hence we have a triangle: power, right, truth.” He goes on to suggest that rights legitimise power, and that and the forms in which rights operate (apparatus, institutions, the law) set domination in motion.

Foucault (1980, 97) cautions us not to analyse power at the level of intention or decision and insists we should avoid questions such as, “who then has power and what has he in mind?” Instead, power should be studied “at the point where it is in direct and immediate relationship with that which we can provisionally call its object, its target ... where it produces its real effects.” He implores, “let us not, therefore, ask why certain people want to dominate, what they seek, what is their overall strategy. Let us ask instead, how things work at the level of ongoing subjugation, at the level of those continuous and uninterrupted processes which subject our bodies, govern our gestures, dictate our behaviours, etc.” (Foucault 1976, 233).

Foucault admitted that it is very difficult to conduct a non-economic analysis of power because power is not given, exchanged or recovered but, rather, exercised and exists only in action. He focussed on the effects of power as opposed to addressing who holds power and their motivation. and contends that power circulates, “it is never localised here or there, never in anybody’s hands, never appropriated as a commodity or piece of wealth. Power is employed and exercised through a net-like organisation” (Foucault 1980, 98).

From a postmodern perspective, and to Foucault, power is present at the elemental level of the social order. Thus, the analysis of power should go beyond legalistic conceptions of right, sovereignty and obedience to include an analysis of domination and subjugation. To reiterate, Foucault’s position is that “power does not emanate from a particular institution, organisation or social class, but is dispersed and intermingled within the social fabric” (Cuthbert 1988, 25). Thus, to Foucault, the mechanisms of power operate on a micro or basic level – and power is all about control.

This type of analysis leads Foucault to conclude that there is an intimate relation “between the systems of knowledge (discourses) which codify techniques and practices for the exercise of social control and domination, within particular

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 61 localized contexts” (Harvey, 1989, 45). Thus, no meta-theory can explain power or its locus of dispersal. “Power, when it is exercised through these subtle mechanisms [the ideology of education, the ideology of the state] cannot but evolve, organise and put into circulation a knowledge, or rather apparatuses of knowledge, which are not ideological constructs” (Foucault 1980, 102).

Postmodernism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis

At first glance, postmodernism and its notion of power must be considered when discussing professional associations and their use of power. However, upon further assessment, and keeping in mind Foucault’s analysis of power, it can be seen that a postmodernist perspective holds that power operates at an elemental level, not as something monolithic, or as a possession or a privilege (Smart 1983). Given this, the following critique is offered about how postmodernism can help explain professions.

• Postmodernism does not embrace any meta-narratives as theories to understand social institutions.

I agree that current times and social relations are too complex and involve too many facets to have one meta-level explanation of the social nexus. When understanding professions and their relations, one must also understand ideology; contextual social, political, economic and cultural influences; and the processes of power, legitimacy, the state, and the private and third sectors. Illustrative of this complexity is the methodology employed for this research. Portions of four different contributing ideologies are being applied to this research in support of a fifth, primary ideology, which in turn is supported by the theories of power and legitimacy.

• Foucault believed “the presence of power relations is the threshold of the social order” Smart (1983, 87).

Whilst I agree with Foucault about the importance of power, I also believe there are other factors to be considered when explaining the social order. This research does not adopt Foucault’s elemental approach to understanding the social order. Instead, I believe the social order is best understood as a complex interrelationship of ideology, context, power, legitimacy, individuals and

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 62 organisations. These objects and their processes can be studied as entities, rather than reducing them to only their discourse or instruments, as a postmodern analysis would attempt to do.

• Foucault (1976, 233) states that “power is not to be taken to be a phenomenon of one individual’s consolidated and homogenous domination over other, or that of one group or class over others.” He contends that power is never localised, nor is it ever appropriated as a commodity.

In contrast to this postmodern view of power, I link power to its institutional sources, including the state and other organisations such as professions. Foucault would not accept that power could be this localised but, rather, maintains that it would be found at the individual level. In contrast, I believe that professions and the state are very conscious of both the power they hold and how it is exerted upon or ‘reeled in’ from individuals, other organisations and social institutions. Professions and the state exert power over other bodies through formal, legal means and informal community sanctions, and are very conscious of their power vis-à-vis each other.

• Foucault’s work opposes a hierarchical approach to the scientific structuring and organisation of human knowledge (Cuthbert 1988).

A unique dimension of postmodernism is its consideration of language and the power of discourse. It is interesting to note that Foucault (1980) did not separate ‘power’ from ‘knowledge’ and, in fact, used ‘power/knowledge’ as a single word. Foucault argues that the separation between major types of discourse such as philosophy, religion or history is arbitrary and their claim to independence should be interrogated. In contrast, professions are based on their separate areas of expertise.

A critical component of any profession is the identification of its unique knowledge and particular domain. Knowledge and language are critical to professions as defining components of them. Their education is based on these disciplines, and is supported both by the faculty structure within universities and by specialised industry. For all professions, it is ‘defined knowledge’ that helps shape social structures, particularly their own organisations and their place in the larger social order.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 63 As with other ideologies, postmodernism offers a useful perspective from which to understand the complexity of the contemporary world and provides another view of knowledge and power and their interconnectedness. However, I cannot accept either the concepts behind a postmodernist view of power or the notion that disciplines are subjugated to more elemental social practice.

3.6 Chapter Summary

By accepting that the new social order is based on organisations, this chapter has shown that professions do not operate independent of ideology. Four different ideologies offer different perspectives that contribute to this research. However, none of them can stand alone as a dominant ideology to explain professions within the greater social order. Rather, each contributes some understanding to the research problem, in support of the ideology that I believe is most instructive for that purpose – neocorporatism.

The neocorporatist ideology is described and critiqued in the next chapter, supplemented by a brief exploration of the concepts of power and legitimacy. In support of what may seem to be a fragmented approach, Scott (1990, 9) contends that “new social movements are best explained not with reference to general theories at the macro-level, but rather through middle range theories.” Together, all of the information presented in Chapters 3 and 4 portrays the ideological picture needed to understand professions in the contemporary Canadian context.

Chapter 3 – Contributing Ideologies 64 4.0 NEOCORPORATISM AND STRUCTURATION THEORY

This chapter presents the fifth ideology studied, which, as demonstrated throughout this chapter, is the most relevant to understanding professions in the social order and within the Canadian context. Both corporatism and neocorporatism are ideologies that describe interest representation and state relations. As well, the tenet of corporatist ideology has been used to analyse the organic nature of society in the political, economic and social realms (Cawson 1986).

In order to understand neocorporatism, corporatism must first be analysed. Briefly, corporatism focusses on the structure of interest groups, while neocorporatism focusses on the participation of these groups in state policy- and decision-making. Compared to the ideologies critiqued in the previous chapter, neocorporatism offers the fullest explanation of professions in relation to the state and, hence, is described and analysed in great detail.

Also in this chapter, Giddens’ theory of structuration, including a discussion on power and legitimation, is presented and applied. These are important microtheories for understanding social relationships between the professions and the state since the connections between the two can often be reduced to plays of power and legitimacy.

Power, which is linked to authority, and legitimation, which is linked to sanction, are seen as both agencies and structures of society. They reformulate themselves and the systems within which they operate. In parallel, neocorporatism and professions will also be explained as both iterative products and producers, which re-create the social conditions that sustain and legitimise their own activities.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 65 4.1 Neocorporatism

Corporatism represents a fusion of the processes of interest representation and policy implementation into a reciprocal relationship between the state and organised interests. Cawson (1986, 18)

Corporatism – Key Principles

All writers on corporatism and neocorporatism agree that organisational participation in governance slides along a continuum from low to high levels of interest representation and state involvement. These corporatist ideas are not something a polity has or does not have (Schmitter 1982). That is, the institutionalisation of association participation is most always found in current- day government operations, in different forms and at different levels.

A deliberate corporatist movement began around 1870, when influential religious organisations and other established hierarchical institutions were looking for a way to accept the move towards industrialisation, while denying the forces of individualism and democracy. Religious groups, particularly the Catholic elites of Europe, were able to accept the Industrial Revolution more readily when what was seen as rising individualism was replaced by the legitimacy of group membership (Saul 1997a). Groups such as guilds, workers’ unions, industrial owners’ associations and professional groups were instituted as links between the civil society and the state, reforming a hierarchical social order. That is, civil society institutions are now synonymous with intermediate and mediating institutions (Jenson 1998).

Corporatism is a politically neutral ideology until it is adopted by a certain regime. As such, distinct subtypes or models of corporatist representation exist, often indicative of the political context within which corporatism is working, i.e., liberal, socialist or authoritarian states. Back in the 1930s, one of the first theorists of corporatism, Mihaïl Manoïlesco, identified the distinction between societal and state corporatism, noting differences in power, influence and the developmental patterns by which corporatism emerges (Schmitter 1974). While societal and state corporatism share basic structural similarities, they are seen as

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 66 “the products of very different political, social and economic processes, as the vehicles for very different power and influence relations, and as the purveyors of very different policy consequences” (Schmitter 1974, 105).

“Societal corporatism appears to be the concomitant, if not ineluctable, component of the postliberal, advanced capitalist, organized democratic welfare state; state corporatism seems to be a defining element of, if not a structural necessity for, the antiliberal, delayed capitalist, authoritarian, neomercantilist state” (Schmitter 1974, 105). Societal corporatism would be exemplified by a country such as Canada which, for purposes of this research, will be highlighted.

As an ideology, corporatism remained a relatively unarticulated set of political and economic constructs until writers gained interest in it as a social theory in the mid-1950s. This revitalisation may have stemmed from a desire to understand the influence of both Maréchal Pétain (in France) and Mussolini (in fascist Italy), whose systems of efficiency, professionalism, and social order were created by group negotiations or, as neocorporatists would say, ‘interest mediation.’

Writers such as Winkler and Galbraith furthered corporatism as a framework to understand economic circumstances, while others such as Cawson and Mollenkopf used it more to understand social relations (Simmie 1983). No one really defined corporatism until Philippe Schmitter wrote a seminal article in 1974 entitled Still the Century of Corporatism? In it, Schmitter defined corporatism as “a system of interest representation in which the constituent units are organized into a limited number of singular, compulsory, noncompetitive, hierarchically ordered and functionally differentiated categories, recognized or licensed (if not created) by the state and granted a deliberate representational monopoly within their respective categories, in exchange for observing certain controls on their selection of leaders and articulation of demands and supports” (1974, 93-94).

Schmitter further suggests that “the corporatization of interest representation is related to certain basic imperatives or needs of capitalism to reproduce the conditions for its existence and continually to accumulate further resources” (1974, 107). As described later in this chapter, this notion can be explained by

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 67 Giddens’ (1990) theory of structuration, whereby all institutions that are created to achieve certain goals in society, in turn, become determinants of further human action, often reproducing the very conditions necessary for their perpetuity.

Intervention into society at the level of political and economic systems has been labelled macrocorporatism. Intervention into specific sectors or markets, often as a means of dividing labour sectorally (such as trade and professional associations and labour unions), is known as mesocorporatism. Intervention at the level of the individual firm or corporate entity, such as a municipality, is called microcorporatism (Williamson 1989). Increasingly, there is “a shift from macro- to meso- and micro-levels in the determination of economic and social policies” (Schmitter 1974, 67). Corporatism does not have to be a “monolithic, society-spanning presence in a given instance” (Wassenberg 1982, 87). It can operate within vertical silos of the political economic order and at different levels of policy-making, that is, at the macro, meso, and micro levels.

Schmitter’s explanation of corporatism focusses on government recognition and control of interest groups, as well as on the system of interest association intermediation between individuals and the state. This ‘system of space’ is often referred to as social capital, which is defined by the Trillium Foundation in Canada as “the space between the individual and the state” (Jenson 1998, 26). As noted, one of the main actors in corporatist arrangements is the interest association. However, not all interest groups necessarily participate in the corporate channel of governance and not all groups participate to the same extent (Johansen and Kristensen 1982).

Groups most amenable to neocorporatism are the professions, which have technical knowledge and legitimation, “but other interest groups may participate as well, some only occasionally, when they are affected by some sort of public policies” (Johansen and Kristensen 1982, 197). While Schmitter emphasises the characteristics of the interest association entering into a relationship with the state apparatus and the nature of this relationship, he does not greatly concern himself with the output of this relationship (Regini 1982).

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 68 Corporatism provides an alternative view of organised interests to that of a pluralist model. As a system of interest representation, linking associationally organised groups of civil society to state decision-making bodies, corporatism is distinct from pluralism, also a modern system of interest representation. Corporatism includes the following factors: “rough equivalence of influence among citizens and different interests within society; the leadership of interest associations are ultimately under the control of the members; the state is an essentially democratic or neutral set of institutions; and there are opportunities for participation in interest group politics” (Williamson 1989).

As Schmitter notes (1974), pluralism and corporatism share a number of basic assumptions including the importance of interest groups, the expansion of different and potentially conflicting interests, the decline in importance of territorial and partisan representation, and the secular trend toward the expansion of public policy and the interpenetration of private and public decision-making arenas. However, there are also major differences, based on the characteristics and operations of the individual organisations themselves.

The differences noted in Table 1 portray corporatism and pluralism as “clearly recognizable ideal-types of mutually exclusive systems of interest intermediation and of consensus or political legitimacy formation” (Wassenberg 1982, 88).

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 69 Table 1. Corporatism – Pluralism Comparison

Corporatism Pluralism Limited number of associations, Unspecified number of associations, especially those linked to the labour often based on value-laden, issue specific market concerns Compulsory membership Voluntary membership Noncompetitive units (no two groups Competitive units compete to represent the same interest) Hierarchical, both amongst groups and Non-hierarchical within them Functionally differentiated categories, Self-determined categories (as to type recognised or licensed (if not created) and scope), not specially recognised or by the state subsidised by the state Privileged access to state decision- Privileged access to state decision- making as a matter of right and making based on the specific issue upon routine, many functions of which are which the interest group is based devolved state responsibilities Monopoly in the market No monopoly in the market Power relations to the state are not Power relations to the state are limited, limited or seen as a zero-sum game that is, they are a zero-sum game Group involvement is continuous, Group involvement is sporadic, issue- cooperational and integrated (e.g., in based and often confrontational (e.g., the authoritative allocation of values they act more as intermittent pressure and in the administration and groups) implementation of public policy)

Sources: Adapted from Williamson 1989, Schmitter 1974, and Wassenberg 1982.

Neocorporatism – Key Principles

Policy formulation and implementation emphasises the output of the relationship between interest groups and the state, for which Lehmbruch coined the term ‘liberal corporatism.’ This emphasised the participation by major organised interests in the public policy-making arena. In this sense, in liberal (or societal

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 70 corporatist) contexts, neocorporatism is defined as the institutionalised cooperative participation of organised interest associations in policy formulation and implementation (Regini 1982).

Neocorporatism shifts away from corporatism’s “earlier preoccupation with the structure of organized interest intermediation to a collateral emphasis on the process of policy-making and implementation” (Schmitter 1982, 259) [emphasis mine]. It thus moves away from defining the distinctive properties of corporatism and speculating about its origins. Instead, it has an empirical focus on the measurement of its presence and the assessment of its influence in policy- and decision-making, that is, its power and effect.

Several writers, most notably Kriesi, divide the government decision-making process and the system of interest intermediation into different levels of influence, each with different hierarchical orders. Three distinct concentric circles of influence include those at the core of most decisions (the most influential units); those in the inner circle of decision-making; and those at the fringe of the hub (Kriesi 1982). As a result, the locus of state-association relations in the decision-making structure dictates the interest group’s ultimate level of influence.

The writings of Beer, Lehmbruch and Panitch try to blend the structure of intermediation groups and the process of policy formulation. Leo Panitch (1979) furthered a neo-Marxist approach to interest representation by considering not only the relations between the interest groups and the growing intervention of the state in social and economic matters, but also the relations amongst interest groups themselves. He defines corporatism as “a political structure within advanced capitalism, which integrates organized socioeconomic producer groups through a system of representation and cooperative mutual interaction at the leadership level, and mobilization and social control at the mass level” (Clark and Dear 1984, 39).

Social scientists have analysed economic and social policies as the outcome of conflicts and mediations, which occur as a political exchange between organised groups. This political economy approach started to focus on the functions of the state in the capitalist system as the key variable for explaining economic and social policies. This ‘interventionist state’ explanation is best formulated in the neo-Marxist approach (Regini 1982). Whilst parts of this explanation are useful,

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 71 I believe it concentrates too much on the conflict and mediation aspects of class- based involvement. Control and conflict are considerations in the neocorporatist model, but so are information exchange, knowledge contribution and the altruistic desire to make a contribution to the policy-making process.

Corporatism cuts across political lines and aligns with other interests and functions. Corporatist theorists recognise the centrality of associational institutions, which are non-class-based groups that mediate between the state and civil society (Scott 1990). Relative to the Marxist perspective, corporatism cuts vertically through horizontal classes, joining them through function or professional loyalty, irrespective of class (Williamson 1989).

In summary, 19th century corporatist ideology encouraged hierarchical social organisation and increased state intervention in the restructuring and maintenance of production relations. In more contemporary times, neocorporatism has explained the state’s roles in stablising the existing social order and defending its own legitimacy, although these two roles are regarded as interdependent (Williamson 1989).

Neocorporatism and Professions – Relevance to this Thesis

The salient points of hierarchy and the importance of organised groups have been carried forward from initial corporatist discourse into the neocorporatist debate. The study of corporatism in relation to neoliberal democracies has had an impact on the social sciences’ attempts to explain the political importance of organisation on modern societies (Williamson 1989). For these reasons, corporatism is a very useful ideology through which to understand the general social order and where professions fit into that order. An analysis of some key points follows.

• In current economic contexts, the third sector (i.e., interest groups, including professions) is being asked more and more to participate in the governance of societies (which is thoroughly demonstrated in the next chapter).

In order to better understand these group processes, a clear understanding of corporatism can help explain relations between the association groups and the state. As Clark and Dear (1984) suggest, the state has responded to economic

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 72 and political crises by attempting to institutionalise interest groups’ aspirations to become involved in the political process. Whilst in the 1980s, involvement in state processes was pursued with the private sector (often under neoconservative regimes), since the mid 1990s, I argue this pursuit has expanded to include the third sector, which includes organised professions as not-for-profit interest associations.

• In order to understand professions and state relations, power must be thoroughly understood.

A corporatist ideology allows for an assessment of power that is unique with respect to other ideologies and acutely different from postmodernism. Within corporatism, knowledge and association become vehicles of power and professional groups and the state hold power. The concept of power is discussed in greater detail later in this chapter.

• Canadian writer John Ralston Saul negatively critiques corporatism in his 1997 book, The Unconscious Civilization. In it, he argues that contemporary capitalist societies are locked in the grip of corporatism as “an ideology that denies and undermines the legitimacy of the individual as the citizen in a democracy” (1997a, 191).

He observes that “contemporary corporatism has a more professional approach, and yet it is focused in an eerily familiar manner on training, meritocracy and organizational structures which are inevitably pyramidal” (Saul 1997a, 29). Saul contends that, because corporatists conceptualise society as a sum of all its groups and the division of their interests, society has become “a myriad of more or less water-tight compartments, [which] denies the possibility of a citizen- based society. It therefore denies the individual as the source of legitimacy” (Saul 1997a, 168). Whilst I may disagree with his pessimistic perspective on the effects of corporatism in denying a citizen-based society, I do agree with his assessment that corporatism is currently a dominant ideology in Canada.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 73 • In defense of neocorporatism, Johansen and Kristensen (1982, 191) believe that “a functional type of representation is central and salient to public policy-making beside the traditional electoral-territorial type of representation.”

This approach supports organised interest groups, elite structures, and hierarchy in addition to individual democratic representation. From a liberalist perspective, some analysts, such as de Tocqueville, would suggest that democratic representation, combined with association governance could “achieve all sorts of non-political ends” (Jenson 1998, 11).

Conversely, Saul believes the effectiveness of democratic representation is waning due to the involvement of organisations in decision-making and because the general populous suffers from a disinterest in the public good. He suggests this passivity exacerbates the rise and effects of corporatist ideology and causes society to undermine its own legitimacy as participating individual citizens. As a result, decision-making is no longer done “through democratic discussion or participation but through negotiation between the relevant groups based upon expertise, interest and the ability to exercise power” (Saul 1997a, 34). He contends that power and legitimacy primarily reside with interest groups, not with individual citizens. “The citizen’s rights have been buried in law and the citizen’s status in the hierarchy of professionalism” (Saul 1997a, 167).

• Society is increasingly affected by the power and influence of private corporations (e.g., Microsoft Corporation), professional associations (e.g., the Canadian Medical Association), trade unions (e.g., the Canadian Automobile Workers Union) and lobby groups (e.g., Greenpeace).

These organisations are extremely well organised, and have structured themselves to operate in a corporatist framework. They quintessentially exemplify corporatist features and are likely to involve themselves with neocorporatist (i.e., policy-making) initiatives. These interest associations can assume a variety of roles in the public policy arena, including representation on public or quasi-public regulatory agencies. The more that regulatory and policy-making roles are devolved from the state to such associations, the more developed is the form of corporatism that emerges (Williamson 1989). Often, professional groups form

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 74 both a regulatory body, with mandatory membership (e.g., the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons of Canada) and a more political representative body, with optional membership (e.g., the Canadian Medical Association).

• The extent to which associations “are inclined to join the liberal-corporatist game depends to a great extent on how much they need the organizational benefits they can gain from it” (Streeck 1982, 31) and, I would add, on how much they can contribute to the governance process.

Through interest association groups, class loyalties are displaced by loyalty to a function, which each of these groups or professions represent. To preserve these avenues of ‘intervention’ and maintain state influence over interest associations, it is in the state’s own interest that association groups survive and are supported. From either’s perspective, neocorporatism promotes social capital. More pessimistically, it can be interpreted that the state controls the professions and thus permits and encourages them to become involved in policy- and decision- making.

The industrialised world is well entrenched in a neocorporatist ideology, embracing its major concepts (whether consciously or unconsciously), and transforming these into social practice. As demonstrated, neocorporatist ideology manifests as interest association involvement, and neocorporatism best explains the social order based on organisations as well as state-profession relations. Interest association legitimacy is seemingly increasing in society. Hence, corporatism becomes important as a belief system that can be used to explain the structure of society. Neocorporatism is also influencing the social structure much more fully than anarchism, materialism, neoliberalism or postmodernism. However, portions of these ideologies (presented in the previous chapter) are also useful for understanding the component parts of social practice.

The following section of this chapter explains how the state is a key player in a neocorporatist ideology. This is followed by a discussion of the theories of power and legitimacy, also needed to fully understand neocorporatism and relations between associations and the state.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 75 4.2 Neocorporatist Ideology and the State

The relationship between the state and civil society, and in particular, the forms of legitimate representation, are being reformulated. Jenson and Phillips (1996, 112)

Two fundamental spheres of social activity are civil society, of which professions are a key component, and the state. During the 19th century, civil society became more and more intertwined with the state so, in order to analyse and understand state function, action and policy, we must also understand the role and location of the state in society and its relations with various actors.

Mann (1993, 88) suggests that the state and society should not be viewed as distinct from each other and, “because the modern state has massively enlarged its institutional infrastructures, it has come to play a much greater structuring role in society.” Moreover, as Knutilla (1998, 17) notes, “in some cases, we may need to look at the overall ideological structures at a given moment in order to explain particular actions.” A state’s operating structure – above its laws and administration – and its ideologies can be isolated for the purpose of analysis. Through social action analysis, we can proceed to investigate the nature of state relations via the mechanisms of legitimation and power.

Adopting a neo-Weberian perspective, Mann (1993) suggests that, as part of state functioning, there are four mechanisms set within the overall sovereign decision-making framework through which the state allocates priorities: (1) legal codes and constitutions, which specify rights and duties; (2) budgets, which allocate fiscal priorities; (3) party-democratic majorities, which indicate the hierarchical distribution of power; and (4) bureaucracy, which rationally allocates priorities within state administration.

Clark and Dear (1981) make slightly different functional interpretations of a neoliberal state, portraying it as: (1) the supplier of public or social goods and services; (2) the regulator and facilitator of the operation of the market place; (3) a social engineer, in the sense of intervening in the economy to achieve its own

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 76 normative policy objectives; and (4) an arbiter between competing social groups or classes. Because there is overlap in these descriptions, both are considered and generally accepted in this research as the basic roles or functions of the state.

Researchers of the state generally agree that studies of the state tend to take one of three approaches. The first is subjectivist, which seeks to locate who has power in society by describing the structure and characteristics of the distribution of power and analysing in whose interest power is wielded. The second approach is economic, which describes exchange relationships between groups with qualitatively different kinds of power. The third is an historical materialist approach, which defines the ‘nature’ of power, rather than its subject or quantity (Therborn 1978, 130-131). The first two approaches deal with the functions of the state, whilst the third, a neo-Marxist approach, deals with both the form and function of the state. This study takes the subjectivist approach but also considers the power relations between the state and interest associations.

“State power is the authority relation mediating between the state itself and other social class forces” (Clark and Dear 1984, 16) and, I would add, other collectivities that are based on factors other than class. State power is expressed in the content of its policy. “The translation of power into policy requires a state apparatus, which is the institutional organization or bureaucracy for the exercise of state authority” (Clark and Dear 1984, 16). In 1984, Clark and Dear presented the ideological classifications of theories of the state, which are presented in Table 2.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 77 Table 2. Theories of the State

Theory Characteristics • Supplier of public goods • Regulator and facilitator Conservative-Liberal • Social engineer • Arbiter • Minimalist • Parasite • Epiphenomenon Classical Marxist • Cohesive force • Instrument • Institutions • Political domination • Instrumentalist Neo-Marxist • Structuralist • Ideological • Input-output State Derivation Debate • Capital logic • Materialist Other Viewpoints • Corporatist-managerialist

Source: Clark and Dear 1984, 15.

The value in presenting this chart is less for a description of each theory of the state than to illustrate that a corporatist state was merely listed as a minor viewpoint as recently as 1984. Since then, as economic and sociopolitical circumstances have changed, and with the rise of organisations and corporations, neocorporatism must now be recognised and acknowledged as a key theory of the state.

Marxists, when defining the state, seem to do so primarily from a reductionist view in terms of class relations. The state is understood as a place for the concentrated and organised means of class domination, helping to accumulate capital and regulate class struggle. A more liberal, pluralistic perspective is one in which power has shifted from the ruling elite to the citizens. Whilst pluralism is society-centred and neo-Marxism is state-centred, neocorporatism shifts power to interest groups and is, therefore, association-centred.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 78 Neocorporatism and the State – Relevance to this Thesis

Today, due to complex social and economic circumstances, western capitalist states are governing differently than they have in the past by involving different players in multiple ways. The United Kingdom’s Prime Minister, Tony Blair (1999, 2) was recently quoted as saying, “in the first half of this century, we learnt that the community cannot achieve its aims without the help of government providing essential services, and a backdrop of security. In the second half of the century, we learnt that government cannot achieve its aims without the energy and the commitment of others – voluntary organisations, business, and crucially, the wider public. That is why the Third Sector is such an important part of the Third Way” [emphasis mine].

Governments are promoting stakeholder consultation, third-sector participation, collaborative planning and mixed representation, and they have adopted corporatist praxis, consciously or unconsciously. The economic engine is driving this process, supported by ruling governments and the private, corporate sector. However, “while reducing costs is an important goal of public-private partnerships in the current environment of economic restraint, it is not the only one” (Jenson and Phillips 1996, 127).

The development of neocorporatism is closely related to the changing role of the state and promotes stakeholder involvement in public governance. As a result of the state facilitating civic engagement by professional groups and individuals, both the state and the professions themselves are contributing to a more civil society. Patsy Healey might describe all of the government’s involvement initiatives with the third or voluntary sector as ‘collaborative,’ a necessary way to govern postmodern, diverse and complex issues. She states that governance is “the management of common affairs of political communities” and thus involves “more than the formal institutions of government” (Healey 1997, 59).

Nevertheless, I believe that processes of collaboration need to be understood with respect to who is involved and how. With new governance systems, including ‘the third way,’ citizen engagement is being used to describe what is nothing more than thorough and comprehensive public involvement. Similarly, neocorporatism is equivalent to a governance system with respect to interest association involvement, including that of the professions.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 79 “Healey has successfully crafted an elegant theoretical argument that weaves together ‘communicative planning’ theory [as per Habermas] and an ‘institutionalist approach’ to undertaking collective action” (Stroick 1998, 95). As people, organisations and governments learn more about each other and communicate, they can build up what many call a collective ‘social and intellectual capital.’ This individual and community capacity building helps to create an institutional capacity to collaborate.

All stakeholders have a right to be at the table and be heard, and have a duty to help make decisions, that is, to govern (Healey 1997). Further, collaborative processes build new systems, cultures, communication patterns, and social networks to the benefit of the society. Citizens and organisations, including professional associations, will become ‘co-producers of governance,’ whereby distributed governance “entails a dispersion of power over a wide variety of actors from the public, private and civic sectors” (Paquet 1999, 79).

Trends in public involvement practice and collaborative planning show that input into social, environmental and other governance issues is geared to the involvement of advocacy and special interest groups. These associations are formally organised, hierarchical, and structured in a way that government can easily access and manage (Roberts and Marshall 1995). There is less ‘general’ public involvement occurring, as compared to previous times, because of this new emphasis on stakeholder consultation, which does not equate to public involvement (Roberts and Marshall 1996).

Corporatist ideology shifts legitimacy in society from the citizen to the group. Governments, corporations and interest groups refer to the public as consumer groups or customers of their services, embracing the use of corporate (i.e., private sector) terminology. Saul (1997a) argues that the public is not a customer of state services but, in fact, is the rightful owner and employer of those services.

Lehmbruch’s (1982, 4) definition of neocorporatism as “a situation where the interest organizations are integrated in the governmental decision-making process of society” does not clearly explain how the state behaves as an entity unto itself, but it is very clear that the state operates in relation to other groups. This is antithetical to a Weberian perspective, in which concepts are based on how the bureaucracy itself is organised and operates.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 80 Why a State Promotes Neocorporatism

Neocorporatism is not a process for devolving state power, although it may appear to be. Rather, the state enters into corporatist arrangements to gain influence over the behaviour of economic, social and political actors through their organised interest associations. The state controls ‘who is at the table,’ the discourse and, ultimately, the decisions that are made. Initiating both citizen engagement and interest association involvement in policy- and decision-making is a politically palatable approach that is acceptable to liberal, neoliberal, conservative and neoconservative politicians. It allows for public and special interest group involvement in governance, which is now demanded or perhaps even required.

Neither citizen (i.e., public) engagement nor interest association involvement relinquishes the power of the state. Formal associations are licensed by the state to carry out particular functions and, if these are not carried out according to certain principles, the state as license holder has the right to intervene in justified situations (Williamson 1989). In short, associations and corporations enjoy the powers of self-regulation, as long as they do not transgress the regulations laid down by the state.

The state is in fact reeling in power via the professions and other experts in order to maintain the existing social order, further its own power, and legitimate its role in governance processes. In a two-way exchange, the state also benefits from the particular knowledge and expertise these groups hold. In a more cooperative sense, government has recognised the social and economic benefits of having expert groups ‘on-side’ and as part of the decision-making process.

Some, like Saul, might claim that corporatism is merely a euphemism for the domination of the state and civil society by corporate ideology, with its values, strategies, organisational principles and capital. The state becomes little more than a legitimating device via the law and democratic politics. Whilst this may be true, I believe that the relations between the state and civil society may also create positive effects that move beyond domination into cooperation and its benefits. Table 3 summarises some of the positive and negative effects of neocorporatist relations between the state and professions, which have been discussed in detail in preceding sections of this chapter.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 81 Table 3. Costs and Benefits of State-Profession Neocorporatist Relations

Benefits to the State Benefits to Professions Eases financial crises Legitimates its role in governance Devolves responsibility of some programs Furthers its own power and services Reels in power Granted privileges and access to information Furthers its own power Receives financial and other support for projects Legitimates and strengthens its own role Increases public profile in governance Collects particular knowledge and Shows expertise expertise Benefits (politically) by having A ‘right’ to be at the table professions on-side Contributes to social cohesion A ‘duty’ to help make decisions Builds social and intellectual capital and a Contributes to a more civil society civil society Contributes to overall social economy Builds networks for its own purposes Makes better decisions Advances ‘professional’ status Obtains commitment to decisions (i.e., assures ‘buy-in’)

Costs to the State Costs to Professions Time commitment Time commitment Facilitation/organisation of Controlled by the state in some instances neocorporatist processes Money Money Relinquishes some power

Source: Marshall 2000.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 82 We now turn to an examination of Giddens’ theory of structuration. As will be shown, this is an important microtheory for understanding social relationships in general. It is applied in this research to understand the relations between the professions and the state since the connections between the two can often be reduced to plays of power and legitimacy.

4.3 Structuration Theory

In an attempt to understand social relations (e.g., between the state and professions), social theorists like Anthony Giddens have articulated the dialectics of social structure and human agency. The idea central to Giddens’ social analysis theory, structuration, is that all institutions that are created to achieve certain goals in society, in turn, become determinants of further human action. Human beings are, therefore, simultaneously the products and producers of their own social structures. In Giddens’ words (1984, 376-377), structuration is “the structuring of social relations across time and space, in virtue of the duality of structure,” that is, rules and resources are recursively implicated in the reproduction of social systems.

Giddens’ (1991, 201) structuration theory is not intended to be a grand theory; rather, it is an ‘ontology of social life,’ whereby ontology (or the inevitability of history) is defined as “a conceptual investigation of the nature of human action, social institutions and the interrelations between action and institutions.” As shown in the Table 4, all social practices involve the elements of power, sanction and communication, although it is the only the first two elements that are of interest to this study.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 83 Table 4. The Elements of Social Practice

Interaction Elements of Social Practice Power Sanction Communication Interpretative Modality Facility Norm schemes Structure Domination Legitimation Signification Allocative (economic) Symbolic orders Institutions Legal Authoritative (political) or modes of discourse

Source: Adapted from Giddens 1984.

Interaction and structure – meaning rules and resources – are reconciled during the process of social reproduction by ‘modalities,’ which are the social actions that produce, reproduce and transform. As shown in Table 4, three central structures result from interaction:

• Domination, which is the exercise of power mediated by ‘facility,’ i.e., whereby there is an asymmetry of resources, which are drawn upon to influence the conduct of others to achieve our own ends • Legitimation, through sanctioned norms, and • Signification, which is produced by and enables people to communicate with each other.

In praxis, these structures typically operate in certain types of institutions. The interdependence of these structures is shown in Table 5. This interdependence classifies social institutions which emphasises the interrelation of these structures within the ‘social totality.’

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 84 Table 5. The Interdependence of Structures

Structure Social Institutions S-D-L Symbolic orders; modes of discourse Allocative D-S-L Economic institutions’ domination over objects Authoritative D-S-L Political institutions’ domination of people L-D-S Law and legal sanctions

Key: D = Domination; L = Legitimation; S = Signification. Source: Adapted from Giddens 1979.

The interactions of power and sanctions with political, economic and legal institutions (namely the state, including the law and professions) are under study in this research. When structuration theory is applied to a neocorporatist analysis of professions and state relations in society, an interdependence becomes clear.

Domination by political and economic institutions is power. Legitimation, from legal and sociopolitical institutions, is sanction. These, then, are the structures that professions require to survive and flourish. They are also the same structures that the state requires for neocorporatist practice. This demonstrates that, in a neocorporatist ideology, the relations between the state and professions are integrative and interdependent, “involving reciprocity of practices (of autonomy and dependence) between actors or collectivities” (Giddens 1984, 28).

Power-holders – the state itself and the professions – “have an interest in maintaining the existing order of domination, or at least those aspects of the order which provide for an asymmetrical distribution of resources that works to their advantage” (Cohen 1989, 184). In other words, the state and professions help maintain the structures and processes that enable their domination and legitimation and, thereby, facilitate the ability of each to work the system to their own advantage for self-perpetuation. Critical here, in relation to neocorporatism, Giddens believes that information and knowledge are resources employed by administrative power in order to coordinate and influence systemic activities.

Giddens’ theory of structuration attempts to transcend dualism by means of the duality of structure, in which “the structural properties of social systems are both medium and outcome of the practices they recursively organise” (Outhwaite

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 85 1990, 63). That is, the neocorporatist relations between the state and professions are both the way in which each gains power and sanction, and from which each dominates and is legitimated. State–profession relations are thus both the medium and the outcome of the legitimacy and the power practise they recursively organise.

An analysis of Giddens’ and Mann’s major ideas of how power is mobilised shows that the two share similar views. For both of them, “power depends on resources which are deeply implicated in major structural transformations in social life (‘episodes’); these resources enable societies to extend over time and space (‘time-space distanciation’); and for both of them the consequences are by no means invariant: they alter from society to society as their location in ‘world- time’ shifts” (Gregory 1990, 221).

Others critique Giddens’ work, on its own and less favourably. Thompson (1989) believes Giddens’ structuration theory is too general and vague, deeming it inadequate to use as a tool of analysis for specific institutions. Gregson (cited in Warf 1992a) also agrees that structuration theory is very abstract, which makes it difficult for empirical work. He suggests it “serves only as a ‘second-order theory’ that outlines the fundamentals of social life, not a ‘first-order’ set of interpretations that explains specific events” (Warf 1992a, 359). Finally, others believe that Giddens’ views of the state are too economistic and do not consider other factors influencing state operations.

For purposes of this research, structuration theory has been found to act in concert with ideology and other theories to enhance our understanding of both the theory of professions and the ideology of neocorporatism. Indeed, it is structuration that allows us to uncover the relationship between the two, moving beyond organisational and ideological terms into the realm of human relations and state action.

Next, the study of sanctions-legitimation and power-domination, albeit brief, provides an analysis of neocorporatism on yet another level. This will demonstrate that relations between the state and professions can equate to the plays of legitimacy and power.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 86 4.4 Power and Legitimacy

I argue that, in order to understand the dynamics of power and legitimation that are at work between the state and professions (as social practices within a neocorporatist framework), the individual theories of power and legitimation must also be understood.

The Theory of Legitimacy

As noted previously, more and more of social life is being coordinated through organisations, including state institutions and their processes and structures. The state gains legitimacy from its contextual sovereignty conditions, its legal system and constitutions, party politics and its citizenry. “Infrastructural power is the institutional capacity of a central state, despotic or not, to penetrate its territories and logistically implement decisions. This is collective power, ‘power through’ society, coordinating social life through state infrastructures” (Mann 1993, 59).

In state operations, there is often a need to justify authority through accepted procedures, at which point a process or organisation is legitimised. From a Weberian point of view, legitimation formalises hierarchically-structured state relations in a legal-rational (and often bureaucratic) system of domination. This may occur, however, only as a result of formal obedience to lines of command. When legitimacy entails consent to the decision-making structures through involvement by other actors, a pluralistic society or a neocorporatist framework are often embraced.

As discussed in Chapter 2, professions gain their legitimacy from the state through its laws and ideology. Professions legitimate their associations by formalising their existence and pursuing state sanction. This is granted through vehicles such as the responsibility for educating their own members and the legal rights to title and practise, the latter of which are achieved via licensing and the awarding of ‘official’ professional designation.

The knowledge and authority of a profession, which is promoted and sustained by itself and other occupational institutions, and advanced in the political arena, legitimate its protection in the labour market. As well, Illich believes that professions claim legitimacy when they become the ‘interpreter, protector and

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 87 supplier’ of a special talent or knowledge and when the state becomes “a holding corporation of enterprises, which facilitates the operation of their [i.e., the professions’] self-certified competencies” (1977, 16). Less formal sanctions such as status and remuneration are granted by the wider community. The profession legitimises itself and is enhanced by formal and sometimes legal state and community sanctions, all of which are furthered by a neocorporatist ideology.

Non-state actors of all descriptions have been legitimised as a result of economic crises and the policy decisions made in many Western states since the 1980s. ‘Partnerships’ were introduced between the state and the private sector to ease some of the financial burdens of the state and to contribute to private economic growth. The 1990s has shown that the state is now in partnership with the third sector. As a result of all these economic and sociopolitical shifts, neocorporatist structures, processes and even language have been legitimised in Western states.

Saul (1997a), Galbraith (1996) and others believe that corporations and commercial language dominate society. Corporate language “and all that it implies are the visible manifestations of a nearly pervasive ideology that views all aspects of human society as a kind of market” (Zimmerman and Dart 1998, 16). Galbraith suggests that society has now accepted and legitimised an economic- based social system, which is manifested in institutions such as the state and professions, and embodied through the adoption of neocorporatist practices.

The Theory of Power

Power, like legitimation, is a key element of neocorporatism. The literature on power is extensive. It was noted over 35 years ago that “it would be possible to become bogged down in a survey of theories of power relations, if one attempted to consider everything that has ever been said about it” (Hunter 1963, 3). Notwithstanding that assessment, Galbraith (1983, 3) contends that “no one should venture into it [power] with the feeling that it is a mystery that only the privileged can penetrate.” Venturing forth, this section deals with power, specifically as it relates to relations between the state and professions.

As noted earlier, Giddens (1979, 92) maintains that “power is a relational concept, but only operates as such through the utilisation of transformative capacity as generated by structures of domination.” That is, power can be

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 88 harnessed by some actors to get others to comply with their wants. Power involves asymmetries of resources, which sustain domination in social relations and between systems of interaction.

“Power is expressed in the capabilities of actors to make certain ‘accounts count’ and to enact or resist sanctioning processes; but these capabilities draw upon modes of domination structured into social systems” (Giddens 1979, 83). In a neocorporatist framework, power is dispersed from the state to interest groups and associations. This structure still presents an imbalance of resources and power within society, which reproduces the conditions necessary for the state and associations to sustain this system of domination.

A neo-Marxist view of power adopts a systemic (or structural) perspective, which identifies the ways in which a particular system affects the social relations of classes in conflict. Weberians view power as the probability that an actor will carry out his ‘will’ in a social relationship because power originates from hierarchical lines of authority. A Foucauldian perspective sees power tied to knowledge as ubiquitous, being neither centralised nor appropriated in any person’s or organisation’s hands. Power is construed as an elemental force in all social relations, one that is focussed on the body.

In their analyses, neither Foucault nor Marx deny that power, domination, class or capital relations exist. However, Cuthbert (1988) notes that they disagree about the forms of their existence. “While Marx’s concept of power is inseparable from capital, so Foucault’s concept of power cannot be detached from its foundation in knowledge” (Cuthbert (1988, 25). Unlike Marx, Foucault believed that relations of power are not confined to particular social institutions. Rather, they are inherent in all social relations, and repress individuals or a class. Therefore, the study of power, from Foucault’s postmodern position, is a study of the mechanisms of repression, struggle and conflict at the micropolitical levels of society.

When Foucault’s notion of power is compared to Weber’s, “at no point in Foucault’s work does a conceptualisation of forms of rationality and the exercise of power assume the monolithic dimension of the process of rationalisation described by Weber” (Smart 1983, 126). Foucault has avoided the use of

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 89 Weber’s rational process as a means to explain the shaping of human experience. To Foucault, there is no rational, meta-narrative or universal theory that can explain social connections.

Both Foucault and Giddens agree that power is everywhere, a universal outcome of all social practice (Giddens 1979). Contrary to Foucault, however, Giddens notes that power can be positive as well as negative. Giddens also acknowledges the hierarchical aspect of administrative power. Further, he does not believe that power is necessarily tied to conflict, which differs from the perspective held by neo-Marxists.

Giddens sees power as more than either a matter of individual will or decision (a Weberian approach) or a property of the social system or structure (a structural- functionalist approach and some Marxist perspectives). If a Weberian view of power is ‘top-down’ and a Foucauldian view is ‘bottom-up,’ then Giddens’ notion of power would reconcile these two perspectives. Given his understanding of the interdependence of structure, Giddens views Foucauldian and neo-Weberian approaches as complementary to one another (Cohen 1989).

The relationship between power and action, according to Giddens (1984, 14), is “to be able to act otherwise; [it] means being able to intervene in the world, or to refrain from such intervention, with the effect of influencing a specific process or state of affairs.” Hence, to Giddens and for the purposes of this research, power is analysed as the effect of action on social systems.

Sources and Types of Power

Most writers differentiate those who wield power from those who submit to it, and also identify different sources of power. I accept Giddens’ and Mann’s similar identification of four main sources of power: ideological, economic, military, and political. I further consider Galbraith (1983), who identifies three sources of power: personality, property (including disposable income, i.e., economic power), and organisation. In a neocorporatist framework, the power sources for professions are primarily ideology and organisation. However, legislative changes have transformed professional ‘partnerships’ into ‘firms’ by

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 90 allowing them to invest in land and hence come developers – that is, part of the overall structure of surplus value and profit innate to capitalism. Thus, economic/property must also be considered as a source of power for professions.

As Mann (1986, 22-23) observes:

Ideological power derives from three interrelated arguments in the sociological tradition. First, we cannot understand (and so act upon) the world merely by direct sense perception. We require concepts and categories of meaning imposed upon sense perceptions. Thus collective and distributive power can be wielded by those who monopolize a claim to meaning. Second, norms, shared understanding of how people should act morally in their relations with each other, are necessary for sustained social cooperation. The third source of ideological power is aesthetical/ritual practices.

These three sources of power are clearly used by professions via their component parts. The claim to meaning is a claim to a specific theory or knowledge and its concomitant claim on authority. Knowledge, meaning and significance, outside the traditional sources of economic and political power, are transcended into professions (Mann 1986). Norms are clearly linked to professions’ codes of ethics and statements of membership values. Similarly, ritual practises can equate to the power derived from a profession’s socialisation processes.

Finally, a profession derives power and sanctions that are granted by the state and society or, to paraphrase Giddens (1984), from allocative (i.e., economic), authoritative (i.e., political) and legal institutions. “Different forms of organization occupy different niches in the total system and have dynamic processes that govern the increase or decrease in their overall power” (Boulding 1989, 191). Many professions have increasingly moved into positions of power by becoming more directly involved in state governance processes, i.e., in neocorporatist practice.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 91 Other writers on the subject of power analyse it by type. Boulding (1989) suggests there are three major types of power: (1) threat – the power to destroy; (2) economic power – the power to produce and exchange; and (3) integrative power – the power to create relationships, such as love, respect and legitimacy, and to build organisations.

Galbraith (1983) similarly classifies power into three types, which align with Boulding’s classification: (1) condign power – submission by threatening or inflicting adverse consequences; (2) compensatory power – submission by the offer of an affirmative reward by giving of something of value; and (3) conditioned power – submission by changing beliefs through persuasion, education, or the social commitment to what seems natural, proper, or right.

The characteristics of these parallel typologies are presented in Table 6.

Table 6. Types of Power

Characteristics Type of Power Institution by which by Author Behaviour Power is Exercised Boulding: Destructive Threat Political/Military Galbraith: Condign Boulding: Productive Exchange Economic Galbraith: Compensatory Boulding: Integrative Positive Relations: Social Love/Respect/Friendship Galbraith: Conditioned

Source: Adapted from Boulding 1989 and Galbraith 1983.

The interrelations of the types of power are at times difficult to tease apart since actors rarely rely on one discrete type. Nonetheless, Galbraith (1983) believes that conditioned power, which produces positive relations, is the type of power most central to the functioning the modern state. Independently, Boulding concludes that integrative (i.e., conditioned) power does the same through persuasion, communication and the general structure of identity in society. Of note, the often unconscious effects of state power on behaviour contrast sharply

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 92 with the other two types of power identified by these authors, in which the individual submitting to power is acutely aware of her or his submissive behaviour.

While Boulding (1989, 24) suggests these categories of power are ‘fuzzy sets,’ they are nonetheless a way to organise “complex reality in a way that perhaps will make for more realistic appraisals as to what kinds of beliefs and actions really create power.” Yet, they each have their own distinct pathology. While great and subtle explanations could be offered for each, the text in the box below briefly illustrates the dynamics of threat, exchange and positive relations.

The Relative Dynamics of Power

Threat “originates when A says to B, ‘You do something I want or I will do something you do not want’” (Boulding 1989, 25). However, for the threat to be carried out, A must have control over some destructive power against people or structures that B values. The dynamics depend on how B responds to the threat.

Exchange “begins when A says to B, ‘You do something I want and I will do something you want.’ B has a choice of either accepting or refusing the invitation; if B accepts then an exchange takes place” (Boulding 1989, 27). If B does not accept it, then exchange does not take place. Exchange behaviour has an integrative component to it since, without some sort of trust, exchange is very difficult. It also has a destructive component underlying it, as found in the development of law, the organisation of punishment for failure to live up to a contract, or the principles of property (Boulding 1989).

Positive relations begin when “A says to B, ‘You do something for me because you love [or respect] me.’ It also could be A says to B, ‘I am going to do this to you because I hate you’” (Boulding 1989, 29). Organisations of all sorts use this form of social power, which is “the capacity to make people identify with some organization to which they give loyalty” (Boulding 1989, 31).

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 93 The ‘where, when, why and how’ of power changes depending on the actors and actions. Professions and the state operate using all three types of power, with a primary focus on conditioned (or integrative) power. The effects of power and legitimacy find that the relations between professions and state are intertwined, with the aim to share decision- and policy-making or, in other words, to share in the governance of society.

4.5 Chapter Summary

Working within a neocorporatist ideology, professions are involved in state policy-making, which acknowledges and further legitimises their known expertise and existence as an active collectivity within society. This also leads to an increase in the collective power and legitimacy of the state. Both the professions and the state are products of power and legitimacy, enhanced by neocorporatist practises. Moreover, both draw on power and legitimacy to maintain this system, which benefits the social structures of each.

Neocorporatism is a dominant ideology in current economic and sociopolitical contexts. However, this ideology is complemented by drawing on portions of the four ideologies discussed in Chapter 3. Combined, the information presented in these two chapters enables us to better understand both the new social order and professions, via power and legitimacy, state structure and social relations.

The key actors with regard to this research are professions and the state. The processes through which they interrelate and the structures that enable this relationship need to be appreciated both theoretically, as presented in this chapter, and by considering specific institutional peculiarities and larger social, economic and political contexts. An explanation of the context in which neocorporatist ideology is influencing Canada’s state operations is presented in the following chapter.

Chapter 4 – Neocorporatism and Structuration Theory 94 5.0 THE CANADIAN CONTEXT

This chapter applies the ideology and theories from the previous chapter to explain how a neocorporatist ideology is influencing Canada’s state operations and illustrate how governance in Canada has recently changed. Professions do not exist independently of ideology. They are shaped by the ideological and sociopolitical context within which they operate. Thus, in order to understand the Canadian urban planning profession, the sociopolitical and economic situation of Canada must first be analysed.

This chapter highlights several major events and challenges which have helped shape the current social, economic and political landscape of Canada. Some historical reference is made, not with the intent to offer the reader a short history of Canada, but rather to provide a sense of Canada’s circumstances and how they have changed.

Historical and current events and initiatives are used as indicators of change and to illustrate the dynamic nature of relationships. A key purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate how the Canadian state has adopted a neocorporatist ideology. This chapter explains how professions are influenced in the current neocorporatist Canadian context. It concludes with a discussion of how the Canadian Institute of Planners as a professional body generally operates within Canada.

5.1 The Canadian Social, Economic and Political Situation

Aboriginal peoples inhabited the land which is now Canada for thousands of years before the French and English settled in central and eastern parts of the country. This was centuries before the political Dominion of Canada was officially created on July 1, 1867. At the time of its formal birth as a nation, Canada had a population of 3,816,680 (Morton 1997, 13). Throughout the 1800s and early 1900s, the west was settled, linking a vast and harsh land together geopolitically. Canada is now home to approximately 30 million people (Beck 1998).

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 95 In 1999, the United Nations announced for the fifth time in a row that Canada was the number one country in the world in which to live (Beck 1998). In attempts to understand this unique nation, researchers, authors and ‘average’ Canadians continue to try to articulate who Canadians are. The following selection of ‘quotable quotes’ captures some of what different writers are saying about what constitutes Canadians.

• “Canadians feel strongly about their weak attachments to Canada, its political institutions and their fellow citizens” (Adams 1997, 171).

• “We are humane and hard working. We possess a quiet, extraordinary confidence alongside a healthy humility and collective caring and respect for one another” (Beck 1998, 8).

• “Our identity isn’t based on ethnicity but comes from our commitment to egalitarianism and from the ideals of civility and tolerance” (Gwyn 1996, 328).

• “That we are both North American, and hence are individualistic and meritocratic, and yet are egalitarian or collectivist is what defines us as a nation-state” (Gwyn 1996, 83).

• “We are nothing without our individuality. And we are nothing without our community. We need both” (Reid 1997, 360).

• “Canadians have had a tradition of valuing peace, order and good government” (Adams 1997, 21).

Canada is “a constitutional monarchy, a federal state and a parliamentary democracy with two official languages (French and English) and two systems of law (civil and common law)” (Ham 1999, 1). The federal government operates in concert with two other levels of government, namely the 10 provinces and three territories and, within them, numerous urban and rural municipalities, each of which have devolved power to meet the needs of their specific constituencies.

Political Context

Parties, leaders and policy are the three cornerstones of any political system (Reid 1997). Canada now has a five party federal system. Only the Liberals and Conservatives have ever lead the government, however. The Bloc Québécois and

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 96 the Reform Party were only formed in the late 1980s. Very recently, (May 2000) the Reform Party has aligned with some Progressive Conservatives to form the Canadian Reform Alliance Party in a bid to increase its national appeal. The House of Commons seat distribution from the last election in 1997 is shown in Table 7. Note that the Reform Party is still listed as such.

Table 7. The Canadian House of Commons

Political Party Seats Held in the House of Commons Liberal Party 155 Reform Party 60 Bloc Québécois 44 New Democratic Party 21 Progressive Conservative Party 20 Independent Members 1 Total 301

Source: Canada 2000a.

The following graph illustrates Canada’s historical political pattern. In the past 100 years, the Liberals have been in power approximately 69 years and the Conservatives have ruled in the remaining 31. It should be noted that the Liberals had two very long stretches of power, from 1935-1957 (22 years) and again from 1963-1984 (20 years, interrupted by a nine month Conservative reign reprieve).

Figure 3. One Hundred Years of Government: Two Parties

Liberal Progressive Conservative

1900 1925 1950 1975 2000

Years in Power

Source: Marshall 2000.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 97 The Liberals governed through the hardships of the Depression and through World War II, during which time they established many of Canada’s social and economic institutions. The Depression hit Canada hard. In what seemed to be continually tough times, and following American President Roosevelt’s lead, events lead Prime Minister Bennett to say in 1935, “There can be no permanent recovery without reform. And, to my mind, reform means government intervention” (Morton 1997, 205-206).

While it was Bennett, a Conservative, who suggested government involvement, it was the following Liberal Prime Minister, McKenzie King, who set the Canadian government’s social agenda into action. In as early as 1943, the Minister of Finance suggested that provinces “be financed so that the richest and the poorest could each provide a comparable level of services, avoiding the terrible inequities made apparent by the Depression” (Morton 1997, 230).

As a cumulative result of the Depression and the Second World War, support for social programs was easily gained and seen as a legitimate expense to help the unemployment situation, families, economic development and health care. The government’s economic and social interventions of the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s were deemed successful since they offered Canadian solutions to pressing social issues. As a result, Canadians began to have “an increasing confidence in government to serve as an engine of economic progress and as a protector of the collective security of individual Canadians” (Reid 1997, 67). Further, the idea that government spending would boost the economy, i.e., basic Keynesian economics, served to reinforce the centrality of the federal government (Reid 1997).

In 1967, René Lévesque, a Quebec separatist, launched the Mouvement souveraineté-association, which was the formal start of the Quebec liberation movement. It was a bid for power, money, and notice of that province’s distinct French language and culture (Morton 1997). The separatist Parti Québécois won the provincial election in 1976, which put the idea of Quebec separation permanently on the provincial and federal agendas (Morton 1997).

During the federal Liberal Party’s reign in the 1960s, 1970s and early 1980s, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau entrenched his party’s agenda. He introduced the Official Languages Act in 1969, the Act for the Preservation and Enhancement of

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 98 Multiculturalism in 1971, and the Canadian Charter of Human Rights in 1982 (Canada 1994). Also in 1982, the British North America Act was replaced by the Constitution Act, which gave Canada full legal independence from Great Britain (Canada 1994), with agreement from all the provincial premiers except Quebec’s Lévesque (Morton 1997).

“The Charter entrenched collective rights and their protection, recognizing both the multinational composition of Canada, and the responsibility of the state for overcoming past inequities” (Jenson and Phillips 1996, 119). Quebec’s refusal to sign the Constitution Act has created a continual process of trying to ‘bring Quebec back in’ to the constitutional fold (Nevitte 1996).

For the Conservative Party, ruling from 1984 to 1993, two national issues dominated the agenda – the Constitution and free trade with the United States. From 1984 to 1993, alongside Reagan in the United States and Thatcher in the United Kingdom, Brian Mulroney led the Progressive Conservative Party with a neoconservative ideology. “The language of ‘partnership’ became the buzzword for a new form of governance in the early 1990s under the Conservatives” (Jenson and Phillips 1996, 127). The goal of partnerships with private industry was better financial management and introducing commercial practices to public services.

With the federal Conservative government off-loading responsibilities to the provinces, deregulating services, downsizing the federal civil service employment base by 45,000 jobs, and privatising crown corporations, it “reduced the functions and the structures of the federal state” (Clarkson and Lewis 1999, 309). A neoconservative ideology was manifested in a lesser role for government involvement in social and economic management.

Exacerbated by the recession, the Canadian public became greatly dissatisfied with its Conservative government. Its neoconservative policies failed to ratify the Constitution to include Quebec, and it opened the doors to American access to Canadian natural resources and financial services through free trade. The final straw for many voters was when the Conservatives introduced a seven per cent Goods and Services Tax (GST).

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 99 In the 1993 federal election, the Conservatives were all but wiped out, retaining only two seats from the previously held majority. The Liberals won a majority government and the two major opposition parties became the Bloc Québécois, a separatist party running only in Quebec, and the Reform Party (now part of the Canadian Reform Alliance Party), which is based in Western Canada but ran in every province except Quebec. “Needless to say, it is difficult to keep a country’s spirits up when two of its three most muscular political movements keep hammering home that the essence of Canada’s political, social, economic and cultural heritage is fundamentally flawed” (Reid 1997, 265).

Political analysts have found that voters are no longer tied to any one party, that is to say that “in politics, we have witnessed the delinking of ideology and identity” (Reid 1997, 15). The message that Canadians sent to all political parties in the 1993 election was that they will no longer support parties with outdated values, patriarchy, unnecessary hierarchy, and that they no longer have deference to authority, or ‘noblesse oblige.’

Pal (1999a) agrees that government policy will be driven less by ideology and more by principled pragmatism. However, Canadians do still want “the state to defend Canadians against the abuses of large corporate organizations as well as the global market and technological forces that threaten our sovereignty as a nation and as individuals” (Adams 1999, 52).

In dealing with the other orders of government, “Canada’s current Prime Minister [Jean Chrétien] advocates a ‘flexible federalism,’ which is able to accommodate provinces that have ‘distinctly different value orientations’” (Ham 1999, 4). This system allows for different levels of federal involvement at the provincial level, depending on the provinces’ preferences for autonomy. Progressively, federal- provincial (and federal-provincial-territorial) agreements have granted the provinces (and territories) more power in the areas of social and economic policy. These agreements stem from long-standing and unresolved debates about where the majority of power should lie – centralised with the state or decentralised with the provinces.

Ottawa’s current ‘flexible federalism’ is continuing to devolve some programs and services to the provinces, which translates into more autonomy and power for the provinces. However, the federal government has not followed through with

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 100 increases in accompanying transfer payments, therefore putting more fiscal onus on the provinces (Clarkson and Lewis 1999). Gwyn suggests that the federal government’s challenge will be to continue to create “symbolic authority, to mobilize Canadians and the provinces into maintaining national standards and programs” (1996, 127).

It is important to note that in the provinces of Alberta and Ontario, extremely conservative provincial governments are in power. Both are focussing on economics and cutting social programs and support. “As for taxation, the Reaganesque rhetoric is already in evidence in Alberta and Ontario: cut programs and put more money in people’s pockets and jobs will reappear” (Reid 1997, 213). The viability of social programs and social equity policies are called into doubt with this push to economically rationalise all programs.

Different political goals in the early 1990s created tensions between different levels of government and threatened to erode collective social priorities as well as established social programs. In response, the federal government ushered in a new spirit of collaboration in February 1999 when federal, provincial and territorial governments – with the exception of Quebec – signed A Framework to Improve the Social Union for Canadians, commonly known as the Social Union Framework Agreement or SUFA (Ham 1999). SUFA attempts to reduce interprovincial barriers between social programs to ensure all Canadians receive equal treatment. It also promotes joint planning and collaboration between the different orders of government and amongst the provinces and territories themselves and requires increased consultation with Canadians on policy matters (Canada 1999a).

Generalising, Canadians are socially liberal and politically conservative, thereby leading the experts to believe there is consensus amongst the public and government on the political goals for Canada as a nation: “fiscal responsibility and an efficient social welfare state” (Adams 1997, xvi). “It is not coincidental that the federal cabinet has only two policy committees – one for the social union and the other for the economic union. All policy proposals must be channelled through one or the other committee for decision” (Pal 1999a, 12).

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 101 Canadians have generally been accepting of state intervention in most parts of their lives, with much of Canada’s social and economic engineering coming from the top-down, rather than from the bottom-up. “All the political parties of our nation have embraced, to a greater or lesser degree, the twin philosophies of collectivism and egalitarianism” (Gairdner 1994, 3), which has allowed for the state’s involvement in constructing and governing many of Canada’s social institutions. However, Canadians no longer have an unquestioned deference for their government (Nevitte 1996).

With a Liberal government currently back in power, ideologically driven to be more actively involved in state operations, the state needed to re-legitimate and re-create a role for the national government. I would argue that the Social Union Framework Agreement is a statement about the necessity of a federal state, albeit in a different role, given the increasing independence of the provinces and territories within Canada. Federalism and the promotion of pan-Canadian services through agreements such as SUFA remain central political institutions of Canada, which are unique to the country.

As Castells (2000, 18) has stated, “the crisis of political legitimacy, associated with the bypassing of nation states by the globalization of economy and technology, includes a growing distance between people and institutions.” This trend was first noticed back in the late 1980s, when governments started to use public-private partnerships as part of the economic rationalisation process. This off-loading and share-loading with the private sector continued well into the 1990s, and has been extended into the third or voluntary sector under the Liberal government.

Economic Context

Government is ideologically driven, and its ideology manifests in policies and programs. The previous section of this chapter analysed the political context of Canada. The next two sections briefly describe and analyse Canada’s current economic and sociocultural situation, which together contextualise the political ‘ground’ of ideological intervention.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 102 Prime Minister Chrétien is currently operating with a ‘50-50 economic plan’ designed to split future surpluses equally between new spending – primarily on health and on research and development – and a combination of debt repayment and tax relief (Canada 1997a). Since taking power, the Liberals have been preoccupied with the debt and deficit, and have been reducing spending, cutting costs, and reducing benefits (Morton 1997). The 1998-99 federal budget was the first balanced one in 20 years, which “evoked the values of pre-Keynesian Classical economics – of balanced books, sensible fiscal finance, and economic equilibrium in the self-regulating market” (Campbell 1999, 113).

Canada has a mixed economy, with a particular focus on information and technology as well as on natural resources. Canada’s entire economy is greatly influenced by global forces. “Once, Canadian business aimed to sell in mass to the protected domestic market. Now they aim to sell to niches of the global market” (Gwyn 1996, 76). Canadians have jumped on the ‘globalisation band- wagon’ and now trade globally for economic survival.

Like many other countries, Canada was driven deep into a recession in late 1979 and early 1980. The inflation of the 1970s and early 1980s, mostly caused by the global oil crisis, receded by the late 1980s. In 1988, the Conservative Party pushed through the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the United States, which “transformed us, irrevocably, from a protected economy into a free-market economy” (Gwyn 1996, 37). Subsequently, in 1992, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed, which included Canada, the United States and Mexico (and, since then, Chile).

The free trade talks were divisive for Canada. Conservative government officials (both federal and provincial), along with corporations, were ‘pro’ free trade. Unions and professionals opposed it because of the implications of increased competition in larger markets with more players (Nevitte 1996). With the introduction of free trade and NAFTA, Canada’s trade pattern changed from east-west to north-south (Reid 1997).

The Conservatives actively pursued free trade agreements, both as a response to globalisation and for opportunities to access ‘vigorous new trading blocs’ and “reap the joint benefits of comparative advantage and economies of scale” (Nevitte 1996, 134). Clearly set within a conservative ideology, “by negotiating

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 103 an international free-trade treaty that sanctified these policies as a binding legal commitment, Mulroney was able to import back into Canada the corporate agenda and the rules and practices of free-market economics” (Gwyn 1996, 41).

Canada enjoyed economic growth until the late 1980s and early 1990s, when another international recession hit. Canada’s labour market grew at an average of 3.5 per cent per year between 1965 and 1989, mostly in exporting and the resource industries, especially oil and gas, mining, and forestry. This growth has since slowed to about 1 per cent per year (Reid 1997, 78).

In order for a country such as Canada to be competitive in a global market, it has had to reshape both the economy and the social order. With federal government funding being tagged for research and development, it is clearly moving to support Canada’s growing knowledge-based economy. Workplaces are being restructured, resulting in reductions in full-time paid jobs, increases in part-time and temporary jobs, ‘nomadic work’ and great increases in self-employment (Reid 1997).

Canada has 32.8 knowledge workers (which includes professionals) per 100 employees. It has slightly more knowledge workers than the United States, which has 31.9/100, but is only ranked 11th in the world, well below the first and second ranked Netherlands, at 44.1/100, and Singapore, at 37.3/100 (Beck 1998, 14). It is the knowledge sector that Canada is promoting, however, through economic policies and financial support.

Campbell (1999) identifies three historical fiscal policy periods in Canada since the Second World War. The first was Keynesian, from the mid-1940s to the 1970s, which focussed on unemployment, welfare, inflation, and maintaining economic and social security by means of demand analysis. The second was post-Keynesian, from the mid-1970s to the 1980s, which focussed on economic planning, deficits and debts, as well as on supply issues including efficiency, productivity and growth. The third was neoconservative, from the mid-1980s through the 1990s, which focussed on eliminating the deficit, rolling back the state, and embracing globalisation with modest economic optimism.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 104 The current “post-neoconservative period does not yet express a full or coherent rationale or strategy at a theoretical level, and remains relatively shapeless” (Campbell 1999, 115) [emphasis mine]. As most countries expand their trade areas, Canadians ask, “Will expanded trade limit the capacity to pursue domestic public policies that reflect the particular collective aspirations of the Canadian public?” (Nevitte 1996, 8). Reid explains part of the underlying concern in this question when he notes that, “in the real world, average incomes are down, job creation has turned into job depletion, workplace benefits are disappearing and the social safety net is badly fraying” (1997, 150).

Sociocultural Context

Canada has seen a dramatic increase in non-traditional work hours, insecure working conditions, stagnant consumer spending and greater income polarisation. As with most post-industrial states, Canada has also been experiencing a demographic shift and changing social attitudes and, as a result, sociocultural structures are also changing.

Baby-boomers are aging, birth rates are below population replacement levels, divorce rates are on the rise, and marriages are down in numbers or are being delayed until later in life. The basic family structure is changing to include more single parent families, de facto relationships and same-sex partnerships. Some Canadians view these changes pessimistically, seeing them as indications of crumbling social traditions. Conversely, others celebrate these changes as liberating, seeing them as an ‘emancipation of alternatives’ (Nevitte 1996).

The current national agenda continues to accommodate new social values and cultural pluralism through its policies and programs. The Quebec sovereignty movement is still strong and Aboriginal groups have put self-determination and self-governance on the political agenda. In 1999, for example, Nunavut became a new territory created in the North, changing Canada’s political boundaries to include three territories where there previously were only two.

Other social changes started in the ‘revolutionary sixties’ with a dramatic pace of urbanisation, changing gender roles and expanded materialistic consumption, with its concomitant desire for material possessions and accompanying status. Along with post-Fordist economic practices – including the development of new

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 105 technology, flexible workforces and an increase in white-collar workers – came society’s individualistic ‘me generation.’ By comparison, Canadians in the 1990s tend to be post-materialist in their values and orientation, focussing on personal autonomy, experiential pleasure and spiritual fulfillment (Nevitte 1996; Adams 1997).

Canada has more recently encountered “fracturing parties, surging interest group activism, increasing public irritation with the status quo, declining satisfaction with the political classes, rising communal tensions and increasingly abrasive relations on other social fronts” (Nevitte 1996, 10). These were fuelled in the late 1980s and early 1990s by high levels of unemployment, averaging approximately 8 per cent in total and 20 per cent for youth, as well as increased poverty – 20 per cent of all Canadian children live under the poverty line, meaning that family income is below Statistics Canada’s low-income cut-off (Nevitte 1996). Reid explains, “what the new economy is producing is job insecurity, longer working hours, a surplus of labour, more part-time workers, a social safety net full of holes and the potential for growing income disparities between rich and poor” (1997, 211). Many others concur that the middle class is evaporating.

In the 1960s and 1970s, ‘ordinary’ citizens started voicing their concerns and opinions to political leaders. During this time and continuing into the 1980s, new issues such as the environment, women’s rights, multiculturalism and family values were pushed onto the political agenda as citizens mobilized. Burgeoning public involvement had great implications for social and economic policy, in Canada as elsewhere. These groups were not the marginalised few, as they might have been labelled in the 1960s. Rather, they were middle class, large in numbers and used diverse tactics to gain public and political attention.

The women’s movement played a significant role in creating an awareness of the “voices of a heretofore unheard sector of the population” and stimulating the resultant change in how issues were addressed at a policy level (Ferderber 2000). Similarly, the business community also made itself heard. The Business Council on National Issues (BCNI), whose members were the CEOs of major corporations, was formed in 1975. As a high-powered lobby which drove the trend to a more market-focussed economy, it supported Canada’s business

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 106 agenda but also influenced government economic strategy, national unity, government spending and social programs (Laxer 1996). Associational representation of this nature further exemplifies a neocorporatist ideology.

The Liberal government’s response to these issues was evident in its public policies. Universal health care was created under the Canada Health Act of 1967. As well, “the Immigration Act of 1967 was the first in the world to abolish all quotas or preferences on the basis of race, national origin, religion, or culture” and Canada’s Citizenship Act of 1947 “was the first in the world to make no distinction between native-born and newcomers” (Gwyn 1996, 186). As a result of its policies, Canada is culturally very diverse. “No other nation has a policy of official multiculturalism” (Gwyn 1996, 187). Whilst most people favour the idea of cultural diversity, which is often a defining characteristic of Canadians, tough economic times often stimulate a public backlash against legislated multiculturalism and a welcoming immigration policy (Gwyn 1996).

Nevitte, Gwyn and Adams label the new Canadian nationalism as postmodern, with ‘multiple identities and flexible personalities.’ “Traditional categories based on geography and demographics are quickly losing their power to explain our behaviour. Values matter most” (Adams 1997, xx). Individuals were once defined by race, religion or region, but are now defined by values, personal priorities and life choices (Adams 1997).

Prince (1999) has divided the federal social policy of the last 20 years into four phases of development. These phases roughly correspond to government mandates, and “each refers to a dominant strategy of social policy change and direction apparent at the national level” (Prince 1999, 156-157), as driven by ideology. Prince (1999) distinguishes the four policy phases by time frame, as: (1) 1980-1984 – maintaining the social safety net; (2) 1984-1988 – restraining social program costs; (3) 1988-1997 – restructuring the social role of government, and (4) 1997 onward – repairing the social union. The current phase is supported by initiatives such as the Social Union Framework Agreement.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 107 Sociopolitical and Economic Summary

States all over the world have drastically changed in the last 25 years and Canada is no exception. A global, post-industrial economy based on information and knowledge has replaced the old industrial, mass production system. Culturally, a postmodern world order has replaced the previous structured, modern society. However, as Cuthbert (1994a, 211) notes, “the last ten years have seen global restructuring and urban transformation comparable to that of the industrial revolution in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, but incomparable in its strategies, ideologies, spatial impacts and social consequences” [emphasis mine]. These impacts and consequences have highlighted the interconnectedness of the economic, social and political arenas, although, “in economic terms, it appears that all the advanced industrial states experienced a shift to the right” (Nevitte 1996, 118).

In the past, the Liberals have played an interventionist role in Canadian society by creating jobs, programs and services – all to stimulate growth. In contrast, the Progressive Conservatives have tried to depoliticise the market economy and to reorient expenditures, taxes and regulation in order to let market forces work without intervention – again to stimulate growth. Some believe that Canada’s past and likely future are simply a result of the nation being an advanced industrial state. Others contend this is because Canada has become ‘Americanised,’ whilst others maintain this is because it is an immigrant society, uniquely made up of English-Canadians, French-Canadians and New-Canadians (Nevitte 1996). I believe it stems from a combination of all three scenarios, which are not mutually exclusive.

Considering Canada’s past socioeconomic and political situation, it is likely that the Canadian state will be influenced by several key factors, which will further it as a corporatist state. The state’s size, nature, role, and scope will continue to change. Services and programs will be offered in new ways as part of fiscal conservatism and governance challenges. Fiscal management will continue to be a top priority with respect to reducing the Canadian debt and deficit. As a result, the public sector will continue to enter into partnerships with the private and third sectors. A ‘flexible federalism’ will continue to be required to balance the nation state and its relations with the provinces and territories. Finally, a

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 108 knowledge economy and globalisation will also continue to be a context for Canadian decision-making, creating an interesting interplay between the state and globalisation factors.

5.2 Canadian State Operations and its Neocorporatist Directions

This section describes current Canadian state operations and its neocorporatist practices. In the collaborative Canadian governance climate and due to social, economic and political circumstances, the federal government will be governing society differently in the future than they have in the past, by involving more players in different ways. Initially fuelled by the recession in the early 1980s, and fiscal crisis, government had to learn to conduct its business, i.e., govern, differently.

Alternative delivery systems and serious private-public partnerships were created and encouraged by a neoconservative government and accompanying economic rationalism. The current federal Liberal government continues to actively pursue partnerships with the private sector, but also with other levels of government and the third sector. If this trend continues, the third sector will be increasingly involved in policy-making and the delivery of programs and services.

Osborne and Gaebler (1992) wrote Reinventing Government, a book that addressed new ways that western governments (at all levels) could work. They stated that governments already relied on alternative delivery systems and partnerships with other sectors. To Osborne and Gaebler, governance is “the process by which we collectively solve our problems and meet our society’s needs” (1992, 24). They suggest that government should be used for what it does best, that is, “raising resources and setting societal priorities through a democratic political process” (Osborne and Gaebler 1992, 30). They maintain that the private sector should be used for the production of goods and services, whereas the third sector should be encouraged to carry out public objectives. Third sector involvement as a concept is not new; however, what is changing is how, where and when the third sector relates to government.

In Canada, the last Speech from the Throne (Canada 1997a, 4) stated that, to realise Canada’s collective aspirations will require “the active engagement of Canadians in all walks of life, as well as our institutions, businesses, voluntary

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 109 organizations and our governments. It will require collaboration and partnership.” Prime Minister Chrétien, in a 1998 speech in to the International Association for Volunteer Effort, affirmed this approach by stating, “working together we can accomplish so much more than working apart. The days in Canada when the voluntary sector is overlooked and underrated are over for good. Our desire is to build a new and lasting partnership ... a real alliance” (Canada 1999d, 4).

The move by the Canadian government to interact with the third sector has been influenced by global factors, local contextual circumstances and government’s relative position to markets and society. Global influences that have affected government and third sector involvement in Canada and likely other western societies include the following (Phillips 1991):

• Societal challenges, technical information and policy solutions are all too complex for the state to have a monopoly on the expertise required to effectively govern in isolation.

• Government financial resources have diminished and so societies are demanding that the public dollar be stretched with more efficiency.

• In a globalised world, the state has lost some of its power to control what occurs within its boundaries, as many outside forces are now internal social and economic determinants. Several analysts believe the interventionist state has lost legitimacy and requires economic and social restructuring – others believe it is just changing.

Specifically in the Canadian context, Phillips (1991, 3) notes that it was during the Conservative government’s second term in office that three complementary trends emerged in state-society relations: “a demand by both the public and government departments for more meaningful consultation and a more client- centred public service; the practice of giving grants to interest groups has come under review; and the concept of ‘partnership’ has become very attractive.” Canadian state-society relations were traditionally accommodated through democratic representational politics and issue-based lobbying of the government. Now, however, “the greatest departure from old relationships is the concept of ‘partnership’” (Phillips 1991, 185).

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 110 Phillips explains why, besides the global forces listed earlier, she believes this shift in relationship has occurred in Canada. The reasons include “increasing fragmentation and specialization of interests” (Phillips 1991, 185), whereby issues are increasingly more complex and diverse, and are often not represented by the traditional system of government which is structured by region, not issue. Interests no longer follow a partisan ideology. Besides challenges to the status quo coming from non-partisan formations including interest groups, they have also come from within the political system itself in Canada, with the formation of the Western-Canadian based Reform Party and the Quebec separatist Bloc Québécois in the late 1980s.

There has also been an “embodiment of a rights-oriented political culture” (Phillips 1991, 186). With the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedom enacted in the mid 1980s, people and organisations believe they have the right to be heard in the policy process and the responsibility to contribute to the governance of their society. According to research conducted by Ekos Research Associates, “citizens want a direct, substantive and influential role in shaping policies and decisions that affect them. What does this mean for the public policy process? ... Citizens are reclaiming their place in civil society” (Bourgon 1998, 2).

Finally, there has been a “growing uneasiness with elitism and increasing unwillingness to leave policy to our elected leaders” (Phillips 1991, 186). As Nevitte (1996) observes, there is a decline of deference toward government. Accordingly, Canadians want a more open and participatory governance structure. One senior Canadian government official interviewed for this research contends that interest associations and citizens now have the ‘thirst, expectation and capacity’ to influence the political and policy processes (Ferderber 1999a). The tools they bring to bear include access to information, education, technology and devolved power from the state.

The Third Sector

Like individual citizens, third sector organisations also wish to be involved in governing and want the federal and provincial governments to “ensure that the voluntary sector has a voice in government policy making” (Panel on Accountability and Governance in the Voluntary Sector 1999, iv). The Commonwealth Foundation (1999, 85) is quick to mention that, while

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 111 “strengthening a new connection between citizen and state is the main direction and goal” with respect to building a better society, “attention must also be given to and action taken on state-intermediary and citizen-intermediary relationships.”

The third sector is made up of organisations that “exist to meet public or social needs, not to accumulate private wealth [which the private sector pursues]” (Osborne and Gaebler 1992, 44). The third sector, also known as the non-profit sector, the voluntary sector, or simply as non-state actors includes, among others, professional organisations, labour unions, non-governmental organisations (NGOs), religious organisations, and lobby groups (Canada 1999f). In Canada, there are approximately 175,000 such organisations, to which some 7.5 million Canadians volunteer approximately 1.1 billion hours of time annually (Canada 1999d).

Some suggest that “as governments abrogate their traditional civic responsibilities and as corporations in effect become nations and take on more and more of the roles of traditional government, the not-for-profit sector will emerge as a fusion point between the two” (Taylor, Watts and Means 1997, 146). The contribution of non-state actors is gaining world-wide recognition with, for example, the United Nations declaring 2001 as the International Year of Volunteers. The Commonwealth Foundation, also greatly supports public involvement and collaboration between governments and non-state actors. Specifically, it “supports NGOs, professional associations, and cultural activities by facilitating inter-country networking, training, capacity building and information exchange” (Commonwealth Foundation 1998, 1).

Jenson (1998, 7) offers a contrary position when she reminds us that “governments’ downsizing and off-loading to the voluntary sector is generating new, and not always positive pressures. The [third] sector is being compelled to transform itself, frequently along the line of market principles of the ‘new managerialism;’ nonprofits have to become more like any ordinary firm, focussed on the bottom line.”

A distinctive feature of the Canadian political system as it relates to the third sector is that “the federal government provides funding to public interest groups, many of which engage in vociferous criticism of their own benefactor” (Phillips 1991, 196). As an example, intervener groups concerned with the socioeconomic

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 112 and environmental impact of mega-project developments are often awarded funding, which is paid by the proponent, in order to critique or appeal the proposed development. The rationale for providing government funding or ensuring that the private sector funds public interest groups to intervene in various processes is the presumption “that strong organizations of citizens have an intrinsic value and are essential for a healthy society” (Phillips 1991, 197).

Professional Organisations as Part of the Third Sector

Professional organisations are active members of the ‘third sector’ and are amongst those that are the most organised, well-funded and formalised. Most employ paid administrative staff but many of the activities undertaken on behalf of the organisation are still conducted on a volunteer basis by the membership. Professional organisations, in comparison to other volunteer organisations and NGOs, have money, are often more comfortable working in the corporate world, are articulate, have particularly focussed expertise and, therefore, more often have the ear of decision-makers (Ferderber 1999a).

Some still argue that experts no longer bring unique knowledge to the table; however, others insist that professionals and other experts will always bring an expertise to the policy-making arena that ordinary citizens cannot, even with greater and more broad-based citizen engagement (i.e., public involvement). Many critics think professionals should offer technical facts and information and not comment on the values of the broader morality of government decisions. However, it is believed that professional associations will continue to be devoted to influencing legislation and policy that preserves a favourable market for their members (Freidson 1973a), including their investments as ‘firms’ in the capitalist market place.

Professions are the associations that quintessentially exemplify corporatist features and are likely to involve themselves with neocorporatist (policy-making) initiatives. As Giddens’ (1990, 302-3) notes, professions:

• Enjoy a monopoly over a right to exercise particular skills and knowledge based on a theoretical discipline

• Organise themselves for the purposes of self-regulation and to defend their position and power

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 113 • Have the right to self-regulation in terms of competence and conduct which is sanctioned by the state

• Often act in an altruistic manner and consider the ‘public good’ in exchange for having their position of monopoly recognised and maintained by the state

• Negotiate agreements on behalf of their membership and act as intermediaries between the state and their individual members, and

• Their members “normally have a definite sense of identity – they recognize themselves to be a part of a corporate entity.”

Most professional organisations have a designated government liaison and vice versa. Ferderber (1999a) suggests that, in order for senior government officials to engage in dialogue with professional groups, the situation must be politically ‘safe,’ strategic, and provide the state with the opportunity to deliver an ‘approved’ and consistent message. This scenario lends itself to a controlled neocorporatist involvement model. Professional lobbyists, often working on behalf of professions, have the option of operating at the political level as well as dealing with the bureaucracy. As a result, professional associations are now involved at the administrative and political levels of government (Nevitte 1996, 54-55). Ferderber (2000) notes, however, that how professional organisations will be more involved in state relations in the future is ‘largely an unwritten story.’

Canadian Government Responses to Neocorporatist Influences

The Canadian federal government has had an interest in continuing to pursue partnerships because of the constant fiscal pressures on the state. Government has also had a “genuine interest in obtaining the range of public opinion ... to legitimate the process of decision-making” and to “sensitize the parties to each other’s concerns as well as providing information useful for policy-making” (Phillips 1991, 190-191). As a result, increases in public engagement and stakeholder participation have been committed to for the future by political leaders, government administration and third sector organisations. The government has had to respond to individual citizens and organisations that want to be more involved in the governance of their society.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 114 The sociopolitical and economic context, and expert opinion, support the need to expand the third sector, which offers citizens as well as organisations the opportunities they are demanding for participation in their society’s governance. Governments and the third sector have often joined forces in the past to achieve common goals. However, due to societal changes, new economic realities and the changing role of government, this relationship has shifted and adjusted over time. The government and the third sector have had to “re-assess their relationship and initiate a new process that capitalizes more effectively upon the unique knowledge, perspectives and expertise of the voluntary sector” (Canada 1999c, 1). I believe the state will be increasingly reliant upon the third sector as partners in ventures that will influence the fiscal and social arenas at a level that has traditionally been the exclusive purview of government.

Castells (2000, 18) would support Habermas’ idea of a state legitimacy crisis in which “the nation state has become too big for the management of everyday life and too small to control global flows of capital, trade, production, and information.” Some experts argue the Canadian federal government “has lost its formerly unchallenged control over critical policy levers required to manage the economy” (Canada 1999f, 6). Another perspective views the state “not as an institution that is disappearing, but rather as an institution that is evolving and disaggregating into its separate, distinct parts” (Canada 1999f, 6). All of this confirms Canada’s embrace of a neocorporatist ideology.

In response to societal circumstances, the federal government has changed the way it does business and, in reference to the social economy (i.e., the third sector’s relationship to economic activity), “the state maintains an important role” (Jenson 1998, 24). This has manifested in structural mechanisms to enhance participation, new processes of involvement, and specific projects to meet the new demands of state-society relations. Collectively, these demonstrate a new way of governing through the use of alternative service delivery systems, increased partnerships, and a general shift in state-interest association relations, with a neocorporatist influence. Some examples are provided below.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 115 New Ways of Governing

In order for the Canadian government to achieve the mandate it has set for itself – using collaboration and partnership to co-govern – certain structures, mechanisms and processes must be in place to ensure that state-third sector relations flourish (Canada 1999d). There is also a need for social cohesion to enable collaboration and partnerships to build upon shared values and social capital (Paquet 1999). It is clear that government has the power and the will needed to create opportunities for ‘citizen engagement’ as one expression of an increased level of neocorporatist activity.

With the suggested “weakening of the power of national governments, by ‘downloading’ to the state, provincial or local level, by ‘uploading’ to supranational agencies and by ‘off-loading’ to non-government actors such as NGOs, private firms and individuals” (Canada 1999e, 1), the federal state is having to reclaim its legitimacy and function, albeit in different forms and roles than previously. Efforts such as the promotion of flexible federalism and the creation of the Social Union Framework Agreement to deal with the provinces and territories demonstrate some ways in which the Canadian federal government is reinventing its identity and reinstating its power.

Initiatives and Institutions

Flexible Federalism

Flexible federalism allows second order governments in Canada (i.e., provinces and territories) to deal with the state in a unique way, based on each one’s own ideologies, processes, and the level of federal government involvement desired. “In 1945, 80 per cent of government revenue lay in federal hands and only 20 per cent in provincial, but by 1995 the ratio was approximately 40 per cent federal to 60 per cent provincial” (Canada 1999e, 2).

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 116 Social Union Framework Agreement

It is thought that the Social Union Framework Agreement (SUFA) will improve the social union for Canadians, given the historical and current forces that are tending to highlight the tension surrounding the regard Canadians have for one another. With Quebec separation still a threat, talks of other provinces splitting off from the federation, suggestions for the formation of new territories and provinces, and major regional sociopolitical differences, Canada’s social fabric is starting to tear. SUFA principles and processes are intended to harmonise government administration, social programs, and diverse underlying attitudes.

The federal government, as the prime architect of SUFA, is poised to gain legitimacy with the success of the Agreement. Citizens and stakeholder organisations, through their invited involvement in governance, are also situated to gain. With the government drawing organisations, including the professions, into the decision-making arena from many different levels and domains, it is legitimating itself and thereby gaining power, as are third sector associations and professions (through partnerships), as explained by Giddens’ structuration theory.

Giddens’ structuration theory attempts to understand the patterns of human relationships, i.e., structure and human action. He believes that “systems are ensembles of social practices that are both medium to and outcomes of social structure” (Storper 1985 407). “Structural properties are recursively implicated in concrete modes of praxis as both the conditions [that] agents require in order to reproduce institutionalised conduct, and as the reproduced outcomes of that conduct” (Cohen 1989, 241). When applied, the state through neocorporatist praxis (e.g., by constructing the SUFA) is regenerating itself and drawing on resources, which, in turn, changes the social practice to ensure its survival.

In structuration theory, an agency-oriented concept of power sees all agents (e.g., the state and professions) as having the capacity to intervene or to have an effect on social practice and events (Cohen 1989). Centralisation and the concentration of power are critical aspects of neocorporatism. The “political and bureaucratic elites most opposed to a transformation of the Canadian governance system have embraced alternative service delivery and the drive to quality-service and citizen-

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 117 centred federalism as a most attractive manoeuvre designed to give an appearance of transformation of the federal government apparatus without any substantial reduction of federal hegemony” (Paquet 1999, 99) [emphasis mine].

Federal Regulatory Policy Consultation Requirements

Directed by the Privy Council office, “the government is committed to working in partnership with industry, labour, interest groups, professional organizations, other governments and interested individuals to ensure that its regulatory activity serves the public interest” (Canada 1999b, 17). The federal government demands that “any regulatory authorities proposing new regulatory requirements or changes to existing requirements must carry out timely and thorough consultations with interested parties” (Canada 1999b, 17).

These consultations must also allow the stakeholders to provide input on the definition of the problem, as well as on proposed solutions and where appropriate, when stakeholder groups state a preference for a particular consultation mechanism, this will be accommodated (Canada 1999b). By requiring consultation initiatives like this and especially by having stakeholder groups involved in the decision-making process from start to finish (i.e., from problem definition to the delineation of solutions), the Canadian state is clearly supporting a neocorporatist framework.

Alternative Delivery Systems

The Canadian federal government is indisputably involved with the private and third sectors. Both are influencing policy development and the delivery of programs. “At all levels of government – international and domestic – a critical issue is how governments can ensure that non-state actors are informed and heard so that their views can be taken into account in developing policy positions and international norms” (Canada 1999e, 6).

Within the Canadian federal administration, a survey of 34 departments alone identified more than 300 initiatives where the state was involved with the third sector, with a future objective to develop a government-wide strategic

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 118 relationship with non-state actors (Canada 1999c). The Canadian government suggests that it is relinquishing significant areas of control to non-state actors (Canada 1999e). Others believe this is only happening only ‘to a point’ (Kroeger 1999).

Voluntary Sector Accountability and Governance Committee

In the spring of 1999, the Canadian federal government and the voluntary sector launched a joint initiative designed to build a new relationship; strengthen joint financial, human resource, knowledge, and structural capacities; and to improve the existing regulatory framework (Joint Tables 1999). Prior to this time, relations between the third sector and the federal government had been ad hoc. This initiative is intended to produce a strategic relationship that will strengthen government and third sector joint capacity.

Increased Partnerships

Much has been said about the Canadian government pursuing partners to govern, and most analysts agree that the third sector is now a ‘third pillar’ alongside government and private industry. The state has adopted a partnership approach to governing and has, therefore, put structures in place and directed many of its own operating guidelines to support this mandate. “By creating highly organized social movements, the federal government has augmented, if indirectly, a political discourse focussed on collective rights” (Phillips 1991, 205), manifesting in increased interest representation.

Strong state-third sector relations are seen to be of two functional types: administrative, whereby the “state uses instruments to regulate interest group behaviour, albeit with probable input from these groups” and co-governance, whereby the third sector actor is given responsibility to help build policies and programs for its particular interest area (Canada 1999f, 20). These are broader than, but complementary to, Phillips’s (1991) categories, which she differentiates between four basic types of partnerships occurring within Canada. Each is described below.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 119 Consultative Partnerships

Over time, consultative partnerships “build trust, commitment and expertise among the members, [who] are carefully selected individuals who are typical of a particular stakeholder interest rather than representatives of a specific organization” (Phillips 1991, 207). These types of partnerships were traditionally known as ‘advisory boards.’ The federal Round Table on the Economy and the Environment is an example of this type of partnership.

Contributory Partnerships

Contributory partnerships “lever new resources or replace government with private sector money” (Phillips 1991, 207). The Environmental Partners Fund illustrates this type of scheme, whereby Environment Canada would fund up to 50 per cent of a project if there were matching local dollars to support the proposed initiative.

Community Development Partnerships

Community development partnerships involve the “cultivation of financial and human resources at the grassroots level so that local communities can develop and deliver government policy” (Phillips 1991, 208). These are community-specific policies, contextually sensitive to each situation. The Healthy Communities projects created in 1988, funded by the federal government and jointly sponsored by the Canadian Institute of Planners, the Federation of Canadian Municipalities and the Canadian Public Health Association is an example of such a partnership.

Collaborative Partnerships

A collaborative partnership “involves power-sharing, active participation by partners and an attempt to develop broad policy consensus among major social partners” (Phillips 1991, 209). The Labour Force Development Board, which was a consensus-building national body composed of labour and business organisations that acted as an independent agency to Parliament exemplifies a collaborative partnership. Whilst Phillips does not claim outright that the Labour Force Development Board partnership is neocorporatist, she does suggest that it supports Jessop’s concept of ‘ad hoc corporatism.’ She states that collaborative

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 120 partnerships merge “interest representation and policy intervention in the same organ, such that the specific targets of intervention are directly and permanently represented” (Phillips 1991, 210).

Others might dispute that this type of collaborative partnership represents neocorporatism, likely due to its historical stigma of being attached to more authoritarian political regimes. Nonetheless, I contend that this type of partnership indeed and most easily fits within a neocorporatist ideology. In accordance with Lehmbruch’s (1982) definition of neocorporatism, whereby interest organisations are integrated into the government’s policy- and decision- making process, collaborative partnerships do just that. They go beyond state consultation with non-state actors to include sharing some power and legitimacy at the decision-making table.

The evolution of partnerships “is a move away from support for interest advocacy and policy criticism to an emphasis on service delivery and implementation” (Phillips 1991, 211). As applied to professional associations, Ferderber (2000) agrees that there is a growing shift in their relations with the state, from “hard-edged lobbying” to partnerships that demonstrate an industry’s contribution to meeting overall government objectives. These efforts are well received by the state.

A Thrust Towards Greater Citizen Engagement

This trend highlights the increasingly strong relationship between the Canadian federal state and the third sector. In response to involving individual citizens in state policy-making, “the Privy Council Office, in collaboration with all federal departments and agencies, is currently developing a Federal Policy Statement and Guidelines on Engaging Citizens” (Ham 1999, 21). The purpose of the new policy is “to affirm the government’s commitment to public consultation, to define guiding principles and practices for the effective engagement of citizens in government decision-making, and to outline roles and responsibilities in supporting a consultative culture in the federal government” (Canada 1999b, 15).

Citizen engagement encourages reflection and learning and focusses on moral choices. It is said to go beyond traditional forms of consultation by “allowing options to emerge, providing the time and seeking the level of understanding

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 121 necessary to find common ground” (Canada 1999b, 7). Moreover, “citizen engagement also involves the development of a new ‘mental map’ for the relationship between the governed and the governing. It requires politicians and officials to ‘let go’ of the process and enter into a partnership and shared ownership governance relationship with citizens” (O’Hara 1998, 79). As an objective, public policy is often reviewed or rewritten.

The Public’s Response to Neocorporatist Directions

Ekos Research Associates has studied citizen engagement in Canada and has polled the general populous extensively on a variety of governance issues. Graves (1999) reports on the findings about Canadians’ attitudes toward government and other social institutions, which indicate Canadians’ attitudes about the legitimacy and power of three broad classes of institutions: the potentates, the moderately influential, and the disenfranchised. These findings are summarised in Table 8.

Table 8. Canadian Attitudes on Organisations’ Power and Legitimacy

Public Attitudes about the Classes of Social Institutions Power and Legitimacy of Each Broad Class

The Potentates • Big business and the media • Illegitimate • Federal and provincial governments • Legitimate

The Moderately Influential • Experts, academics, community groups, • Legitimate, to be advanced and local governments • Interest groups, public servants • Legitimate, balanced

The Disenfranchised • Small business, average citizens • Legitimate, to be advanced • Religious groups • Legitimate, balanced

Source: Adapted from Graves 1999, 53.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 122 Whilst public confidence in the Canadian government has never been lower, “governments still enjoy legitimacy in terms of the power citizens think they should wield” (Graves 1999, 42) [emphasis mine]. This would be a reflection of Canadians acceptance of government involvement in the affairs of Canadian life to achieve societal goals. However, the involvement that is accepted is now conditional.

“We do not need more government or less government, we need better government. To be more precise, we need better governance” (Osborne and Gaebler 1992, 24), and the public wants to be involved. The public asks for “a shift from parentalism to partnerships, they want clear accountability for targets and results, they want fiscal prudence, and they want citizen inclusion in the selection of goals and means that reflect public values” (Graves 1999, 55). From these results, it can be concluded that there is broad community support for a neocorporatist governance thrust.

Professions (which are included among the ‘moderately influential’ class of experts and academics) and the individual citizen are both seen to have legitimacy and power, but the public believes these should be increased for both groups. In contrast, it is noted that citizens do not believe that general ‘interest groups’ should be granted more power or legitimacy, which would have supported a more pluralist involvement model. The federal government’s processes and its citizen engagement and partnership initiatives would appear to respond to these general public attitudes.

Professions’ Responses to Neocorporatist Directions

The Economic Council of Canada in 1990 divided the service economy into three sectors: dynamic, traditional and non-market (Reid 1997). The dynamic sector would include professionally-based business services such as architecture, engineering, management consulting, and planning (practised by planners working as private industry consultants). The traditional sector would include retail trade and personal services. The non-market sector would include public administration and essential community services (both of which could include planners employed by government).

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 123 Jobs in the dynamic sector are based on knowledge and are usually occupied by younger, educated and entrepreneurial or self-employed professionals. As with most professional positions, these are well-paid, autonomous and coveted jobs (Reid 1997). They are sensitive to increased competitiveness, especially with free trade agreements in place, which are setting up a larger market and creating increased international competition amongst colleagues. “The average annual growth rate in this category between 1967 and 1989 was 7.3 per cent, the highest of any group” among the three service sectors described (Reid 1997, 185). Even with the recession of the 1990s, the dynamic sector retained a 4 per cent growth rate per year.

Jobs in the non-market sector, that is, public services (including many government planning jobs) were plentiful in Canada when governments “were deemed to be part of the solution, rather than part of the problem. This sector grew by 3.5 per cent a year from 1967 to 1989” (Reid 1997, 198). With economic rationalisation, this service sector’s growth rate dropped to 1.2 per cent per year. Since 1994, 45,000 federal civil servants have been let go, with many provincial governments downsizing and rationalising positions as well (Reid 1997). Clearly, this sector was affected by the socioeconomic factors of the times. Included in this category are professionally-based civil servants, many of whom turned to the private sector for employment.

As well as the influences of the general economic and political climate on employment sectors, technology continues to play a significant role. Technology is now being used to perform tasks that professionals once did or to assist in processes that reduce the number of humans needed. This is especially evident in the design professions, where planning applications of Computer Assisted Design (CAD) and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are becoming increasingly sophisticated.

On a human level, technology was supposed to increase leisure time, which did not happen. Instead, the job never goes away for many professionals who are linked (or some would say bound) to their workplaces through communications technology such as home computers, laptop computers, fax machines, pagers and cellular phones. There is no denying that all areas of work are influenced by technology, including work done by the professions. But because professionals

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 124 are ‘paid to think’ and use their judgement, they may be slightly less influenced by technology than occupations that are more dependent on machinery or communications technology.

The information economy pays for knowledge beyond technical skill. As Taylor, Watts and Means (1997, xv) note, there is a “rise in the value of the intellectual property people claim for themselves,” which has great relevance to the professions. Canadian statistics show that “those with a university degree earned about 50 per cent more than those with no post-secondary education” (Reid 1997, 26). Even though the professions have fared better than some occupations, they have not been immune to general economic trends, severe corporate and government cutbacks, and the influences of technology.

Exploring a different perspective, Nevitte (1996, 168-169) has clustered work motivations into four categories: (1) instrumental, where employment is a necessity; (2) comfort, where employment offers good holidays, remuneration, and conditions; (3) self-actualisation, where employment offers responsibility and where personal contributions and abilities are valued; and (4) terminal, where the work is enjoyed and has high importance in defining a person’s identity. While these categories are not mutually exclusive, Canadian motivations can be classified as mostly terminal and self-actualising. Further, Canadians are driven more by these two motivations than are Americans (Nevitte 1996).

With almost 33 per cent of Canadians in a high-knowledge job, these motivating factors become important to employers. Such trends favour a neocorporatist model where individuals, through their association, will find value and actualisation in contributing to the governance of their society, where their knowledge in different areas is appreciated and ,whereby, they are ‘making a difference.’ However, these are also motivating factors that government should be mindful of as different ‘sectors’ or professions are asked to become involved in society’s governance.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 125 5.4 Chapter Summary

This chapter has provided a brief analysis of contemporary Canadian politics, economics and society. It has shown that neocorporatism is influencing current Canadian state operations and governance, demonstrated by the relationships between the state and the private and third sectors. The growth of powerful non-state actors, including professions, is and will continue to affect the overall Canadian governance process. “It is very likely that Canada will see more collaborative partnerships, independent of which party is in power, due to evolving state-market-society relationships” (Phillips 1991, 210).

Both government and third sector organisations are critical to the new overall governance process, and again through structuration principles, to each other. Under the guise of co-governance, a neocorporatist ideology is legitimising new forms of state action by reeling in the power of the third sector through initiatives, partnerships and techniques such as citizen engagement.

This chapter has also shown that a neocorporatist ideology is offering an invitation for organised collectivities, including professional organisations, to become more involved in the state’s policy- and decision-making processes. The state, the Canadian public, and its professions have accepted neocorporatist practice. Chapter 6 illustrates in detail how the CIP has historically related to the state, while Chapter 7 will show specifically how the Canadian government’s current neocorporatist ideology is increasing the CIP’s influence in state governance and policy-making.

Chapter 5 – The Canadian Context 126 6.0 THE CIP AND THE STATE: HISTORICAL RELATIONS

6.1 Reprise

This thesis, thus far, has demonstrated that professional activity has little independent existence as praxis. Its operations are mostly a reflection of the state’s changing ideology over time in a changing socioeconomic and political context. As Galbraith (1996) suggests, society has now accepted and legitimised an economic-based, organisational social order, which is manifested in institutions such as the state and professions.

Currently in Canada, a neocorporatist ideology is influencing practice in the public, private and third sectors. In addition to this pervasive neocorporatist ideology, Canada’s sociopolitical and economic circumstances support a system in which governance is shared across all sectors. Professions, as part of the third sector, are feeling this influence. Organised collectivities, including professional organisations such as the CIP, are becoming more involved in the state’s policy- and decision-making processes. This collaboration is essential to the governance process now used in Canada.

Given this context as a back-drop, this chapter discusses how the CIP has interacted with the state in the past, that is, under different circumstances and influenced by different ideologies. The balance and distribution of power between professions and the state has clearly influenced the CIP over time. This is demonstrated through an examination of significant time periods in the history of the CIP, which show that the profession has had different types and levels of involvement in state operations throughout its organisational history. The time periods that I have identified are:

• 1919-1929 – Establishment • 1930-1950 – Dormancy • 1951-1970 – Re-establishment • 1971-1985 – Entrenchment, and • 1986-1995 – Shape Shifting.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 127 These time frames have been identified, and labelled as significant, based on the changing socioeconomic and political circumstances in Canada, the effects on planning practice, and key organisational events in the CIP’s history. Of note, the CIP was known as the Town Planning Institute of Canada (TPIC) until 1974. Because planning is so intertwined with the state, each time frame includes a scale, which shows the government in power throughout the period. This is accompanied by a brief history to encapsulate how the state was functioning at that time and to explain how the organisation interacted with the state during that period. It was in around the mid 1990s when a neocorporatist influence was felt (as noted in the previous chapter generally) and which will be demonstrated specifically against the CIP in the next chapter.

This chapter significantly provides more than a chronicle of CIP events. As part of this analysis, the Canadian socioeconomic situation, the governing political ideology, and the professionalisation process of the CIP are assessed. Although it is impossible to quantify power and legitimacy, a discursive, qualitative analysis of the CIP’s power and legitimacy relative to the state is provided. Specifically, the urban planning profession’s reactions over time to both state ideology and socioeconomic conditions are articulated, as exemplified by the CIP’s changing practice and organisational structure. Finally, this chapter provides an empirical description of how the Canadian Institute of Planners is currently structured and its key operating objectives.

6.2 1919-1929 – Establishment

During this short period of 10 years, there were four changes in government. However, in the preceding eight years, there was a stable Progressive Conservative government in power, which governed until 1921. The second Conservative reign in the 1920s lasted approximately six months. The Liberals then governed for four years, from 1926 to 1930, before again being replaced by the Conservatives.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 128 Figure 4. Government Parties in Power 1919-1929

Liberal Conservative

1919 1929 Years in Power

Source: Marshall 2000.

Planning and TPIC History During the Establishment Period

Wolfe (1994) describes two movements that occurred in Canada in the early 1900s, both of which contributed to the establishment of the Town Planning Institute of Canada. The ‘active’ movement was one. This saw the Dominion land surveys divide land into “the long-lot in the French colonies, the township- concession systems of Upper Canada, and the square grid” across the prairies (Wolfe 1994, 13).

The second movement, a ‘reactive’ thrust, was an urban reform movement, which attempted to manage urban conditions such as inadequate sanitation and water supply, congestion, the lack of parks and open space, and poor housing stock. Other serious problems of the day included the “reckless suburban speculative subdivision of land, corrupt municipal government and wanton exploitation of natural resources” (Wolfe 1994, 13). As a result of these conditions and the efforts made to deal with them, an independent body called the Commission of Conservation of Natural Resources (hereafter referred to as the Commission), was established by the federal government in 1909 and headed by Clifford Sifton.

The Commission was set to advise, investigate and inform federal and provincial governments on natural resource issues and “the planning, arrangement and sanitation of homes and industries and therefore, with the proper development of towns and cities” (TPIC 1921a, 2). With the support of the government, the

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 129 Commission’s medical officer, Dr. Charles Hodgetts, and Sifton wanted a planning expert as part of the Commission to help deal with housing, environmental conditions, and the preparation of preliminary plans for local authorities.

Due largely to the work of the Commission, many Canadian cities had municipal plans, planning commissions and boards prior to the First World War. The first provincial planning legislation was passed in New Brunswick in 1912, with the other provinces following shortly thereafter. By 1921, it became law in the provinces of Nova Scotia and Saskatchewan that cities and towns must prepare plans (TPIC 1921b). Gunton (1981, 149) credits the Commission with helping to formulate a comprehensive set of planning principles and planning legislation, and notes that it “had been a vital force encouraging public support for the whole idea of comprehensive urban and regional planning.” Essentially, the Commission served as a national planning agency and had a branch that was responsible for planning education “as a means for opening up the field of professional practice” (TPIC 1921a, 2).

Thomas Adams, who had been the first President of Britain’s Royal Town Planning Institute (RTPI) in 1914, was sought after and subsequently hired by the Commission, both for his practical experience and his organisational work with the RTPI (TPIC 1921a). He wrote planning legislation for several provinces and “proposed a wide-ranging and radical series of remedies [for planning problems], including an expanded role for government at all levels” (Wolfe 1994, 17-18).

Concurrent with his work with the Commission, Adams headed a group of architects, land surveyors and engineers who were keen to establish professional relations. Borrowing from the structure of the RTPI, the TPIC was established in 1919 with 18 members and Adams as its first President. “The primary preoccupation of TPIC was to promote the new discipline of planning to a young Dominion experiencing reckless post-war growth” (Wolfe 1994, 20). Engineers, land surveyors, landscape architects and architects were admitted to the association after submitting a statement of interest and a portfolio of work.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 130 The federal Department of the Interior supported the organisation and funded the TPIC’s professional journal, which was launched in 1920. The organisation was granted a federal charter of incorporation in 1923 by the Secretary of State of Canada. This was accompanied by a set of by-laws with a definition of planning (see Appendix A), organisational objectives, membership classes and other operating specifications.

The objectives set for the Institute in its Charter (TPIC 1923, 2) were: “to facilitate the acquirement and interchange of professional knowledge among its members; promote professional interests; encourage original research; develop and maintain high standards in the town planning profession; and enhance the usefulness of the profession to the public.” Membership in the Institute grew from the initial 18 members to 132 in the early 1920s and to 367 by 1930. There were calls for the creation of town planning schools in Canadian universities but only courses within faculties of architecture and engineering were created.

After World War I, there was a shortage of housing, infrastructure was in poor condition, and there was general social unrest. In response, the Dominion of Canada set up another Royal Commission in 1919 to study the situation. Based on its findings, a $25 million National Housing Scheme was established to ameliorate the housing problem. Adams and other Commission members contributed advice and designs to the Housing Scheme (Gunton 1981). Several cities began to initiate major plans and many homes were constructed. “These housing initiatives taken by the government provided a powerful stimulus for the development of planning” (Gunton 1981, 144).

The planning-boom was short-lived due to generally slow urban growth rates, restrictive planning regulations, the eventual termination of both the Housing Scheme and the Commission of Conservation, and the onset of the Depression. “The euphoric expectations of the new Canadian planning profession were soon dashed by the harsh political and economic realities of the society in which they had to work” (Gunton 1981, 187).

The Commission of Conservation was disbanded because, according to Prime Minister Meighen, it was expensive to operate and had ‘overstepped its boundaries’ by becoming involved in any too many varied activities and, thereby,

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 131 duplicated government departments (Gunton 1981). Meighen suggested that, because the Commission was an ‘independent body’ which had no ties to any Ministry, it was not ‘consistent with our system of government’ (Gunton 1981).

With the termination of both the Housing Scheme and the Commission, the federal government had seriously withdrawn from active involvement in Canadian town planning. Federal departments took over only those planning functions that they deemed to be essential. Provincial and municipal governments were unwilling, and often unable, to shoulder any additional responsibilities. As a result, Canadian planning started to wither (Gunton 1981).

Analysis of the CIP’s Establishment Period

The federal government, through the Commission of Conservation, saw the need for planning in the post-war growth period and invited planners into the rebuilding process. This is evidenced by its support in bringing Thomas Adams to Canada to help lay the ground work for a professional planning organisation and by its financial support of the TPIC’s journal. As reported in one of the journal’s first editions, “the most significant general result of the six years town planning work of the Commission of Conservation is that a widespread public sentiment in favour of city planning has been created throughout the Dominion” (TPIC 1921b, 2).

The government thereby legitimised the practice of planning and gave the profession power and influence through its involvement with the Commission and the National Housing Scheme. The government helped establish the TPIC and guided it to ‘serve the state.’ The organisation also gained public visibility and demonstrated some worth when it helped restructure society after the war.

Gunton (1981) suggests there were three factions influencing the planning discipline during this time: (1) agrarian radicals, who wanted to implement reform and create structures that would revitalise rural life and reverse the urbanisation trend; (2) urban liberals, who accepted the urbanisation process but only wanted slight reform in order to preserve capitalism; and (3) urban radicals, who embraced urbanisation and wanted to restructure capitalist institutions to

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 132 better manage ‘the new urban order.’ With the influence of these factions, and following a change in federal government in 1921, the previous acceptance of government ideology, state intervention, and control of planning was fractured.

Referring back to Wilensky’s (1964) five stages of professionalisation (presented in Chapter 2), the TPIC made some progress during its Establishment Period towards achieving the first three stages: establishing a full-time occupation; establishing education and training programs (at least to a limited extent through courses); and founding an organisation. However, the organisation was nowhere near the stage of adopting a formal code of ethics or protecting the professional association by law, the fourth and fifth stages in Wilensky’s process.

The CIP’s Establishment Period highlights the extent to which the planning profession is influenced by governments and their ideologies. In 1921, the Conservative government, with a conservative ideology, disbanded the Commission of Conservation because the profession challenged, and at times inhibited, private capital investment and because less state apparatus was sought by government during this time.

The looming Depression fuelled further societal shifts in what people expected of the state and its planning initiatives. At that time, the Liberal government believed it could provide the planning services that the Commission once provided by ‘pulling in’ some of its power, protecting both its own role and the capitalist interests that supported the party. The government exercised further power by withdrawing support for other national planning initiatives and for provincial planning departments, essentially stopping the growth of the planning discipline. In those early years, the TPIC as an organisation was not entrenched enough to survive the loss of its government granted power and legitimacy.

During the CIP’s Establishment Period, the federal government gave the planning discipline legitimacy and power as something distinct from architecture, land surveying and engineering, by asking specifically for a planner as part of the Commission of Conservation. However, in total control and with absolute power, the government retracted the discipline’s limited power as easily as it had previously given it by disbanding the key avenues of planning’s influence, i.e., the Commission and the Housing Scheme. Socioeconomic circumstances did not

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 133 help the growth of the discipline and, in fact, in combination with government policy, inhibited planning, driving the organisation into dormancy for the next 20 years.

6.3 1930-1950 – Dormancy

Government during this time was very stable, with a 22 year Liberal reign (1935-1957) that extended throughout the Second World War and beyond. There were, however, brief Conservative government terms, of five and six years respectively, at either end of the Liberal government’s long reign, the first of which falls within the Dormancy Period.

Figure 5. Government Parties in Power 1930-1950

Liberal Conservative

1930 1950 Years in Power

Source: Marshall 2000.

Planning and TPIC History During the Dormancy Period

The effects of the stock market crash in late 1929 and the onset of the Great Depression were felt throughout Canada. Factories closed, unemployment rose, grain harvests failed, and natural resource extraction ceased due to the lack of demand (Wolfe 1994). Planning initiatives also ceased, several provincial planning offices closed, and town plans became outdated. Toronto was the only Canadian city that had a planning department left by the end of World War II (Hodge 1991). “Prominent planners had begun urging their colleagues to adopt a less interventionist and more business oriented approach to planning more

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 134 acceptable for the times” (Gunton 1981, 188). They wanted planning to focus on the efficiency of development and cities or, in other words, on an approach that was profitable for the property industry.

Projects undertaken during the Dormancy Period focussed more on engineering, architecture and infrastructure, and less on the urban and social management planning of the early 1900s through the 1920s. The general populous no longer saw planning as a technical science concerned with social problems and equity. Rather, “Canadians were now becoming increasingly confused as to what planning really was as it shifted back and forth with the political trends” (Gunton 1981, 190). Between the First and Second World Wars, Canada’s federal government had flipped between the Conservatives and Liberals five times and with each change came a new ideology and new policies.

The TPIC suspended operations in 1932 and it was not until 1952 that the organisation was formally reactivated. This suspension of activity happened because of declining membership and decreased Conservative government support, which culminated in a withdrawal of financial support by the Department of the Interior to publish the Institute’s journal (Gunton 1981). John M. Kitchen, Secretary of the TPIC, held and renewed the organisation’s charter annually from 1932 to 1951, although its membership fell to as few as two members by the 1940s. In contrast, during the same time period and while dealing with similar challenges, planning blossomed in the United States under the Roosevelt administration with its New Deal programs (Hodge 1991).

Canada eventually followed Roosevelt’s lead after being pressured by more liberal provincial governments and in response to the conditions left behind from the Depression. Contrary to his conservative ideological platform but in order to generate economic growth, Prime Minister Bennett became a supporter of large scale government intervention programs and planning. It was the Liberals, however, who set government intervention into action when they came into power in 1935. Because the previous Conservative government’s policies had not worked, and nor had relying on the market to ‘work itself out,’ the Liberals’ adopted a plan that included a strong, involved state, a social support system, and an acknowledgment that comprehensive planning was necessary.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 135 Specifically, federal government support came in the form of unemployment relief programs including major infrastructure and public works projects and other social welfare programs especially related to housing. In addition, the Prairie Farmers Rehabilitation Administration was established to improve farming techniques and conservation, and to help Canadian farmers. Similarly, the League for Social Reconstruction was struck as an ‘independent’ research and policy body comprised of members of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (Wolfe 1994).

The Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, later known as the New Democratic Party, “published an all-encompassing manifesto for a new social order. Titled Social Planning for Canada, it analyzed social conditions and proposed almost all of the benefits we enjoy today: old age pensions, unemployment insurance, mothers’ allowance, health care, town planning and social housing” (Wolfe 1994, 22-23). This socialist-based ideological political platform also suggested that society would benefit from rational, comprehensive planning undertaken by a group of planning experts.

“The socialist response to the Depression had catapulted the idea of planning to a level of significance [that] enthusiastic advocates had not dared to contemplate just a few years before” (Gunton 1981, 220-221). Although the Second World War started and national concerns gave way to pressing international issues, Canadians believed there were still many unresolved problems within their own borders. As Wolfe (1994, 23) notes, “the wartime years are rarely mentioned in planning histories, even though they significantly affected both the shape of cities and the profession.” Most of this activity was seen in the housing and building industry, which set the conditions that were necessary for a successful revival of the TPIC as a professional organisation.

The federal government struck an advisory committee on post-war reconstruction in 1942. From this, a subcommittee, known as the Curtis Commission, was established in 1944 to deal with housing and other traditional planning matters. The Curtis Commission recommended to the Liberal government that money and support be given to housing projects, social programs, comprehensive planning initiatives, planning education and public awareness (Hodge 1991). Specifically, its report suggested provincial planning boards be instituted and that provincial and municipal planning legislation be revamped.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 136 Post-war reconstruction saw changes to the National Housing Act (est. 1938), which stimulated the construction of new houses and promoted community planning. There was clear support for housing programs, from both economic and social perspectives. “Overall, the Curtis report was an important step in the rebirth of Canadian planning” (Gunton 1981, 250). As well, the Central (now Canada) Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) was established to implement many of the recommendations proposed in the Curtis report. The CMHC “subsequently fostered community and university education programs, housing and planning research, and undertook the provision of housing for the poor and programs of urban renewal” (Hodge 1991, 98).

The CMHC recruited planners and architects to deal with planning, design, and housing subdivisions. To promote planning, it created and published two journals, Habitat and Living Places. The CMHC also founded the Community Planning Association of Canada (CPAC) in 1946, “an organization to promote planning ideas, provide a forum for citizens, politicians, developers and planners to debate issues, run short courses and, for years, publish the now-defunct Community Planning Review” (Wolfe 1994, 25). The CMHC was instrumental in establishing the first town planning school in Canada, which opened at McGill University in 1947. Another professional planning program soon followed at the University of Manitoba in 1949. The CMHC contributed $100,000 per year to the town planning cause – $75,000 annually to the Community Planning Association of Canada and the balance to the publication of its journals, and to the new planning schools (TPIC 1955).

In 1946, with post-war reconstruction on the agenda, the federal government invited representatives from the provincial governments, the Canadian Federation of Mayors and Municipalities, the Royal Architects Institute of Canada, the Engineers Institute, the Canadian Welfare Council, the Trades and Labour Congress, and the still dormant TPIC “to meet with federal government officials to discuss the urgent question of community planning” (Gunton 1981, 270).

Other organisations, and individuals including John Kitchen, who held the TPIC’s charter during its Dormancy Period, remained committed to an institution which would again promote community planning. With government support, demonstrated primarily through the actions of the CMHC, and with

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 137 socioeconomic conditions requiring the skills and knowledge of planners, the TPIC as an organisation was poised to formally re-establish itself and gain back the legitimacy and power it once had.

Analysis of the CIP’s Dormancy Period

As a result of successive shifts in the ruling party of the federal government, each of which was driven by its own ideological perspective and subject to the broader effects of the Depression and the Second World War, Canada’s young planning organisation, in reacting to these changes, lost legitimacy with the government and the public as to its purpose, integrity and political neutrality. Each new government directed the profession slightly differently. Moreover, planning was often a technocratic, passive exercise, which reacted to circumstances that arose as a result of political ideology and socioeconomic stress. Therefore, a lag time existed before solutions were proposed and, by then, the problem had often subsided or changed. The public and politicians began to doubt the profession’s ability to ‘plan ahead’ or anticipate problems before they arrived. Planning therefore lost legitimacy because of the way that it functioned as a largely reactive discipline.

During the first five years of the Dormancy Period, the Conservative government, with its conservative ideology, supported less government, which resulted in the provision of fewer public planning services. That government also accepted inequalities amongst the population and regions as a normal effect of a market- driven society. The subsequent Liberal government, driven by a slightly more liberal ideology, sought to protect individuals and their investments in the market. However, this also resulted in depressed planning activity, which was seen as an inhibitor to liberal market practices.

“The fiscal crisis which struck the provinces in the 1930s as well as the needs of wartime mobilization enabled the federal level [of government] to accumulate much more authority to direct the Canadian economy and society than it had previously” (Jenson and Phillips 1996, 115). Another influence on the Liberals was the establishment of the more socialist-oriented political party, the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (now the New Democratic Party). Its ideology, based on more democratic and social ideals, influenced the Liberal’s eventual programs and post-war rebuilding processes.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 138 It was in the 1940s that the Liberal government built Canada’s welfare state and social programs (Jenson and Phillips 1996). It was not until post-war reconstruction was underway that the TPIC was invited by the government to join the rebuilding process. The organisation resurfaced and, although Kitchen had kept its charter active, it essentially had to start afresh in the early 1950s, when times where quite different from when it was first conceived in the 1920s.

The TPIC was not entrenched enough as a profession to survive on its own when the Department of the Interior withdrew its funding and the government halted state planning initiatives in the early 1930s. Whilst some TPIC members tried to operate within the liberal, market-driven ideology of the late 1920s, larger socioeconomic forces crushed such efforts. Under those circumstances, and given that the organisation was completely dependent on the state, the TCIP did not survive. Although the TPIC lay dormant for 20 years, the planning activity that continued through the Depression and Second World War set the groundwork for the organisation’s revival.

After the TPIC had been dormant for 20 years, the government – still very much in control of its power relations – invited planners to the table, thereby legitimating the profession for the second time in its short history. Socioeconomically, tough times were in the past and growth looked promising after the war. A very stable Liberal government embraced ideas of a ‘new society’ in which government was actively involved in the provision of services and programs to ensure a basic standard of living for all Canadians. This commitment required social and traditional physical planning expertise.

The Dormancy Period in CIP’s history more than exemplifies the socioeconomic and political influences that affected the shape and role of planning in Canada. That is to say, planning was still not the master of its own destiny. Indeed, it remained subject to the control of state ideology and the larger sociopolitical context of the times.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 139 6.4 1951-1970 – Re-establishment

Governance during the CIP’s Re-establishment Period was fairly evenly split into thirds, with ruling power held first by the Liberals, then by the Progressive Conservatives, and again by the Liberals. Starting in 1963, however, at the beginning of their second round of governance during this period, the Liberals began a reign that lasted an uninterrupted 16 years, through to 1979.

Figure 6. Government Parties in Power 1951-1970

Liberal Conservative

1951 1970 Years in Power

Source: Marshall 2000.

Planning and TPIC History During the Re-establishment Period

“It was in the decade following the immediate post-war years that Canadian planning became truly institutionalized and really assumed many of its present characteristics” (Wolfe 1994, 26). In 1952, the TPIC’s charter was reactivated, after having been registered as dormant since 1932. Based on post-war development and growth, some Canadian planners were convinced that a professional organisation was required as a “medium through which to develop and maintain high standards in town planning and to enhance the usefulness thereof to the public” (Canada 1952, 2).

An Ontario-based organisation called the Institution for Professional Town Planners amalgamated with the remaining few members of the dormant TPIC. This group of 60 held it first meeting in Ottawa in 1952, questioning the distinction between planning and other professions, and determining membership criteria (Gunton 1981). Membership in the renewed TPIC rapidly increased and reached approximately 500 by the late 1960s.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 140 The CMHC supported the re-establishment of the TPIC, with the proviso that it was not revived at the expense of the Community Planning Association of Canada (CPAC), which the CMHC had founded in 1946. The new TPIC organisation had to agree to complement and support CPAC and its lay-person membership (TPIC 1952c). It was then decided that the TPIC’s objectives, as a professional organisation, should be “to promote the acquisition of knowledge pertaining to planning, to examine candidates for admission to the Institute, hold conferences and exhibitions, build up a library, acquire property, accept gifts and endowments, encourage original research and maintain high standards in the profession” (TPIC 1960, 2).

In 1955, TPIC president E. G. Faludi suggested during the annual meeting that the planning profession should claim a ‘professional’ status to retain its integrity and to safeguard the welfare of Canadian communities (TPIC 1955). Following this, by-laws that defined eligibility into the organisation and detailed its operating procedures were adopted in 1956 and approved by the federal Secretary of State.

There are several other illustrations of the ‘institutionalisation’ process the TPIC went through during the Re-establishment Period. Codes of ethics were drafted based on those of the American Institute of Planning (AIP) and the Canadian engineers’ professional association. Further, the TPIC Council saw the need to establish a recognised code of professional conduct. A distinction was drawn “between ethics, as a personal quality, and a code of professional conduct, and suggested that the Institute could only police or enforce the latter” (TPIC 1955, 11). As well, a discipline committee was established in 1959. Planning programs at the University of Toronto and the University of British Columbia were established and approved by the TPIC Council. Six other planning schools were subsequently established during this time frame.

The Qualifications Committee of Council continually reviewed membership requirements. Initially, any practising planner was eligible for membership, provided they submitted a comprehensive statement to the organisation and received a positive vote from Council. Not long thereafter, however, Dr. Ira Robinson suggested that membership qualifying components should become very detailed. The question was raised “as to whether the Institute was now strong enough to tighten its qualifications and to set higher standards for entry, [which]

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 141 was thought to be especially necessary in order to head off the activities of charlatans and unqualified persons advertising themselves as planners” (TPIC 1955, 12-13). Guidelines for membership were subsequently made more stringent, requiring a university degree and several years of relevant, responsible experience.

Council recommended additional planning programs at more universities, a central library for the Institute, funds to assist planning research, the organisation of a professional journal, the scheduling of international conferences, active recruiting of planners to the discipline, and public education to the lay person about town planning (TPIC 1958). However, the general consensus on the TPIC’s Council seemed to be that the Institute was not ready to apply for licensing of planners and that greater public recognition was needed first. Suggestions for reciprocity agreements with the Royal Town Planning Institute, the Royal Australian Planning Institute and the American Institute of Planners were made, although none were secured during this time frame.

In 1958, the TPIC President B. Pelletier declared, “the foundations of a professional planning organization have now been established. I believe our efforts can now be directed to other fields, possibly official recognition and ultimately a closed profession” (TPIC 1958, 5). A press release was issued across Canada, informing the public that the TPIC had been re-established.

The Institute was run by volunteers in the 1950s and 1960s, and the Council was primarily concerned with establishing a solid organisation and raising membership standards (Sherwood 1994). In 1970, a national office with paid staff was established in Ottawa. Locally-based chapters of the Institute, operating in different parts of the country, eventually merged to form regional or provincial chapters. To further institutionalise the organisation, the journal of the TPIC was re-established in 1959 with a new bilingual title, Plan Canada. This journal is still in publication.

Wolfe (1994) describes this period of re-establishment as one of ‘great expectations.’ After the war, there was population growth, increasing development and optimism about the future. By the early 1950s, there were permanent municipal planning departments undertaking zoning, master plans, and other civic planning tasks. It was during this time that planning practice was

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 142 formalised. “The belief was that through scientific analysis and the application of objective judgement, planning problems could be solved” (Wolfe 1994, 26). Two major planning initiatives helped solidify this belief and define planning as a discipline. These were the rebuilding of Regent’s Park, part of downtown Toronto, Ontario, and building the new town of Don Mills in Ontario, a 2200 acre master subdivision development (Hodge 1991). Both ventures highlighted the benefits of developing planned areas, as opposed to letting the unregulated market dictate development.

The final influence on planning practice during the Re-establishment Period was the major 1964 expansion of the National Housing Act, which increased planning activity by including renewal and redevelopment as part of the Act. As a result of this government activity, “the provinces were becoming more conscious of federal dominance in the housing field and its direct influences on municipalities. Uncomfortable with being by-passed in policy matters, most set up provincial housing agencies in the mid-1960s through which CMHC monies were channelled” (Wolfe 1994, 27). Provinces also continued to support the private development industry.

A strong liberal ideology was evident during this era, as seen by the federal government’s establishment and implementation of programs such as the Agricultural Rehabilitation and Development Administration, (ARDA), created in 1961 to combat rural poverty. This was replaced with the Department of Regional Economic Expansion (DREE) in 1969 in order to promote diversified development. Both of these programs were an expansion of individual social equity programs, typical of a liberal ideology. In 1967, the government also established an Intergovernmental Committee on Urban and Regional Research, which resulted in a federal and provincial agreement to conduct planning research for government. In addition to these initiatives, the federal government created a Ministry of State for Urban Affairs in 1970, which added to planning’s legitimacy and public visibility.

Analysis of the CIP’s Re-establishment Period

Population increases, prosperity, and general socioeconomic growth fuelled by a liberal state ideology, which was held by a government that was determined to eliminate individual social inequities, combined to increase government planning

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 143 initiatives. As a result, public awareness of the discipline increased and created a broad, community-based legitimacy. Post-war growth and strong Liberal government involvement in the development of Canadian society helped the TPIC re-establish itself as a professional organisation. The creation of a federal planning department, municipal and provincial counterparts, and master planning initiatives across Canada also legitimised planning as an activity. Covert power was exercised within government through the establishment of planning departments, commissions and boards.

The TPIC started to take a strong hold as an organisation. Planning processes seemed to balance the liberal ideology of government and corporate, capitalist interests with the profession’s management of land and social development. Government not only became more involved in planning than in the past, it also became involved in other sectors of the economy where private markets did not function well. Planning, amongst other disciplines, was recognised as a public function and seen as a state ‘deliverable’ or public good. The introduction of social science into the discipline also saw planning practice expand beyond traditional land use and physical planning.

The TPIC, as an organisation, largely as a result of government interest in planning practice, became very formalised. It developed by-laws, a code of ethics, strict membership entrance requirements, a professional journal and regional chapters. It also became involved in the establishment of university planning education programs. These efforts carried the profession through Wilensky’s first three stages of professionalisation – and advanced the organisation to the fourth stage of professionalisation, with the creation of a code of ethics. The fifth stage, protecting the professional association by law, remained to be achieved.

The Canadian planning organisation was clearly professionalising and the profession itself recognised that it was gaining wider recognition, both with government authorities and the public (TPIC 1955). During the Re-establishment Period, the institutionalisation of the TPIC and favourable sociopolitical circumstances set the stage for the next phase of the organisation’s development, one of entrenchment through sustained growth.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 144 6.5 1971-1985 – Entrenchment

This time frame saw the Liberal government’s protracted reign extend from the latter third of the last period through to 1984, interrupted only by a nine month Conservative government stint. In late 1984, however, just before the end of the Entrenchment Period, the Conservatives took power and held it until 1993. Although there were three changes in government, this time frame was essentially and very clearly driven by a liberal ideology.

Figure 7. Government Parties in Power 1971-1985

Liberal Conservative

1971 1985

Years in Power

Source: Marshall 2000.

Planning and CIP History During the Entrenchment Period

The Liberal government was essentially in power for 21 years under the leadership of Pierre Trudeau. He was a supporter of long range planning and, as a result, initiated large infrastructure projects involving the services of planners (Morton 1997). This further contributed to the growth of planning practice as well as to the stability of the professional organisation. This time frame was one of entrenchment for the profession and one of growth for planning practice, which continued unabated from the previous decade.

Society was changing, rapidly transforming to reflect a postmodern world. New issues were on the agenda, producing an interest in environmental planning and a concern for energy efficiency, influenced by the global oil crisis of the early 1970s. Citizen participation flourished, based on growing concerns for social justice and equality (Wolfe 1994). Computers were becoming commonplace in the planning world and introducing new skills to planners such as computer aided

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 145 design, geographic information systems and data management. International development was encouraged and advocated, especially through CIDA, the Canadian International Development Agency (Wolfe 1991).

As a result of these influences, planning practice diversified and planners took on specialisations. The discipline cast its net well beyond traditional land use and physical planning activities. ‘Adjective planning’ can illustrate this growth. Specialisation increased to encompass social planning, environmental planning, cultural planning, recreation planning, parks planning, Third World development planning, and so forth. Planners became change agents, challenging the traditional ‘rational’ planning model with advocacy planning, public consultation, and a recognition that the ‘new social order’ included a pluralistic society (Wolfe 1994). Some suggest that “increased demands for meaningful participation flow from the specific recognition of the enhancement of both individual and collective rights in the 1982 Charter of Rights and Freedoms” Canada 1999b, 8).

An upsurge in neo-Marxist ideology brought the debate about planning theory to the forefront within the discipline. Peter Hall (1989) labelled part of this time frame ‘the city theoretical.’ Debates on planning theory showed a disjuncture between theory and practice, which many would argue still exists today. As Wolfe observes, “the fact was driven home that planning is a political process” (1994, 28). It could no longer be argued that planning was value neutral, nor that it should be conducted in a vacuum without public input. Of necessity, planners became visibly involved in politics.

During the Entrenchment Period, significant organisational change took place within the TPIC. A federated national and chapter structure was adopted in 1972 and new operating by-laws came into effect shortly thereafter. In 1974, the Town Planning Institute of Canada (TPIC) changed its name to the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP). This was done to better represent the changing shape of the planning discipline, beyond ‘town’ planning (Sherwood 1994).

Another six university planning schools were established during this time frame and, as a result of feminism, women started to enter the planning profession in greater numbers (Sherwood 1994). In 1976, the Canadian Association of Planning Students (CAPS) was formed and, a year later, the Association of Planning Programmes of Canadian Universities was established, which is now

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 146 known as ACUPP, the Association of Canadian University Planning Programmes (Wolfe 1991). Increased numbers of graduates were finishing their planning studies and applying their skills and knowledge in a diversified market.

In the late 1970s, economic growth and planning activity both started to slow. The Community Planning Association of Canada disbanded (except in Quebec), the CMHC funding for the Canadian Council on Urban and Regional Research was terminated, and the Ministry of State and Urban Affairs ceased to exist as a federal department. At the time, it was explained that the Ministry’s functions were adequately provided by the provinces (Wolfe 1991).

In 1982, the CIP tabled the results of three year study from a major Task Force which had set objectives “to stimulate thinking ahead, to identify problems in the future of the profession and institute, and to recommend objectives and a strategy for CIP to the year 2000” (CIP Task Force 1982, 12). The impetus of the study came from an “increasing rate of technological development, a continuing reliance on exploitation of natural resources to sustain the Canadian economy, questioning of government policies, probably including a realization that those policies have not produced anticipated social changes, increased power of consumer organizations and demand for higher standards by informed consumers” (CIP Task Force 1982, 32). The Task Force put forth a recommended business plan entitled The CIP National Programme, which set the future agenda for the organisation.

The Task Force report suggested that planners had been too focussed on regulatory controls, technical solutions, over-valuing property (without differentiating planning from development), and avoiding the evaluation of the CIP’s achievements (CIP Task Force 1982). The Task Force’s findings were indicative of both the socioeconomic times and a more conservative ideology that had started to creep into social practice. Whilst the Task Force (1982, 2) noted that “planning in Canada is healthy, being increasingly recognized as a legitimate and useful activity by all levels of government and by private enterprise,” it did identify some major concerns, which are delineated below.

Planners noticed that practice was starting to reflect postmodern issues and were quick to identify this ideological reflection as a threat to the unification of the profession. “We must take care that the broadening [of planning] does not dilute

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 147 the idea of what planning is and that planners do not become fragmented into different groups” (CIP Task Force 1982, 2). With hindsight, planning practice has remained involved in many substantive areas and still responds to the postmodern issues of the day.

The profession noted that, in the past, planners have responded to demands of society and government, that is, to the manifestations of social and political ideologies. When the CIP Task Force (1982, 17) stated that “planners have a responsibility beyond responding to stated demands” by society and government, it was trying to move beyond this limitation of practice without realising, or at least articulating, that ideology is a major influence, inescapable to any profession.

The Task Force also observed that land use regulations are not sensitive to changing lifestyles. Many regulations inhibit business and investment, and prevent a land use response to the market (CIP Task Force 1982). This sentiment is indicative of the neoconservative ideology that was starting to permeate Canadian society in the 1980s. The profession believed that business should not be inhibited by certain planning practices and that it was important to maintain a market-driven response to traditional planning.

Analysis of the CIP’s Entrenchment Period

The Liberal government’s liberal ideology, initiatives and policies, along with its funding for university planning schools, supported planning as a practice throughout the 1970s and, thus, for most of the Entrenchment Period. Socioeconomic growth during this time was strong, although it waned in the early 1980s. This change stimulated the federal government (and some provinces) to adopt a more neoliberal ideology, resulting in many changes including the disbanding of several agencies and programs that supported planning practice and the activities of the CIP.

The planning profession survived these tough times, which it did not when a similar shift in government support during the 1930s caused the TPIC to falter and suspend its activities. As a result of its 1982 Task Force initiative, however, the CIP started to question both its position vis à vis the state and its role in society. Planning practice was understood to be ideologically bound to

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 148 governments and their policies and programs, even if the Task Force report did not articulate it quite that clearly. However, the legitimacy of planning and the power of its organisation during the Entrenchment Period was such that these challenges did not lead to the CIP’s demise.

Postmodern societal change supported a questioning population and a decreased deference to authority in general. Planning reflected these social changes by entering non-traditional areas of planning. As governments started to feel economic pressures, the planning domain again responded, adopting more economic-based practices. In 1984, at the end of the Entrenchment Period, a Conservative government was elected. It began to implement more neoconservative policies and programs than those adopted by the Liberal party in its previous 21 year reign.

Government continued to shape the sociopolitical and economic landscape but the profession, by this time, had become entrenched, enabling it to weather the storm. The CIP grew significantly in membership, from about 800 in 1970 to 2,400 in 1980, and had taken a strong hold in Canadian society. Government also had an influence on the CIP as an organisation, which became especially evident when the Liberal government and its programs was replaced by a neoconservative government at the end of the Entrenchment Period. Despite this ideological shift and its repercussions, planning as a discipline was seen as legitimate and necessary, and the well-entrenched CIP continued to flourish.

6.6 1986-1995 – Shape Shifting

The Progressive Conservative Party, driven by a neoconservative ideology, was in power for most of this time frame. However, in a 1993 election near the end of the Shape Shifting Period, it saw its majority government literally wiped out, retaining just two seats in the House of Commons. The Liberal Party took power in that election, retained it in a 1997 election, and remains in power still.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 149 Figure 8. Government Parties in Power 1986-1995

Liberal Conservative

1986 1995

Years in Power

Source: Marshall 2000.

Planning and CIP History During the Shape Shifting Period

The Progressive Conservative party, with its neoconservative programs and policies, made its influence felt during the CIP’s Shape Shifting Period. “Public/private partnerships were touted as a solution to diminishing public funds and planning took an entrepreneurial turn: wheeling and dealing became a modus operandi for many professionals” (Wolfe 1994, 30). In the age of the Conservative government’s policies of deregulation, privatisation and the economic bottom-line, planning was seen to be either ‘kowtowing to government ideology’ or irrelevant.

In order to survive, planners embraced “management skills, real estate and market analysis, cost recovery, negotiation techniques and devolution of social service to voluntary agencies, strategic planning and the commodification of previously free services to the population” (Wolfe 1991, 10). Socioculturally, postmodern conditions seemed to be at odds with Canada’s neoconservative government and ideology, and its concern for economic management (Wolfe 1991). This conundrum presented internal conflict for planners, who found themselves shifting their roles to fit new government expectations.

The CIP, like the federal government, was influenced by the economic pressures of the mid and late 1980s. It began to run itself like a business, with a new management structure and updated procedures. In 1986, the CIP’s by-laws were revised to establish a federated structure of national and affiliate organisations,

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 150 which recognised the seven affiliates as equal partners to the national body. Also in 1986, four smaller, Ontario-based chapters amalgamated to form the largest affiliate, the Ontario Professional Planning Institute (OPPI). The CIP continued to grow throughout the 1980s and 1990s and, by 1995, had a membership of approximately 4,420 (CIP 1995a).

Sherwood (1994), a previous Executive Director of the CIP, suggests the 1986 structural and procedural changes allowed National Council to shift its role and administration away from day-to-day affairs to larger issues and broader context activism. This included hosting the administration of the Commonwealth Association of Planners from 1988 to 1992 and producing a 1992 submission for the constitutional debate, Sustainable Development, Property Rights and the Charter. During the Shape Shifting period, planners were expected to blend environmental, social and economic considerations into projects and policies. Considerations for special populations such as the elderly, Aboriginal groups, youth and immigrants were also raised.

The CIP became involved in two other major initiatives during this time. The Healthy Cities movement, adopted as policy by the World Health Organisation (WHO), was brought to Canada in 1986 and embraced as a national initiative. A healthy community was seen to encompass a healthy environment and society (beyond the health of its individual residents). This perspective promotes social cohesion and helps enable people to realise their full physical, social and intellectual potential (Berlin 1989). This project was originally administered by the CIP starting in 1988, supported by the Canadian Public Health Association and the Federation of Canadian Municipalities, with additional grassroots, ‘bottom-up’ support. It was this initiative that Phillips (1991) identified as a ‘community development partnership’ between the third sector and the state, as noted in Chapter 5.

The second major project for the CIP came as a result of the 1987 Brundtland Report, which supported further environmental planning and sustainability initiatives. The National Round Table on the Environment and the Economy brought together industry, government and environmentalists to develop national sustainable economic policies (Wolfe 1994). Planners played a key role in

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 151 implementing sustainable, community-level policies, albeit government-oriented, i.e., ‘top-down’ and technocratic. This was one example of ‘consultative’ collaboration that Phillips (1991) also highlighted.

Wolfe (1994, 34) observes that “Agenda 21, the declaration of the UN Environment Summit in Rio de Janeiro in 1992, has shown us that the technical capacity to achieve appropriate sustainable development is easier to imagine than the political processes required for implementation.” Whilst planners and other experts had the knowledge to determine sustainable solutions, it would take political will to implement them. Starting to be influenced by neocorporatism, experts and interest groups, alongside government, shifted this initiative to gain popular and political support and are now considering public, private and third sector perspectives in policy development.

The 1990s continued to bring global scale environmental issues to the forefront for planners. However, under the Conservative federal government, all initiatives had economic underpinnings, based on a neoconservative ideology. Although there was a shift back to a Liberal government near the end of the Shape Shifting Period in 1993, government continued to focus on an economic agenda and the development of partnerships with other sectors.

Analysis of the CIP’s Shape Shifting Period

Given the neoconservative ideas and economic rationalisation of the late 1980s, and exacerbated by a recession, planning (with its primary function of development and regulatory control) came under scrutiny, resulting in governments at all levels reducing their in-house planning functions. It was during this time that much government downsizing occurred, along with an increase in partnerships with the private sector. Neoconservatives generally wish to minimise the state and the need to provide services. Hence, it turns to partnerships as a viable alternative for public sector service delivery (Jenson 1998). Stemming from these two shifts, many planners found themselves becoming entrepreneurs and ‘planning by negotiation’ as public involvement and partnerships were demanded (Wolfe 1994).

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 152 It is ironic that during these postmodern times, without grand-narratives, that many Canadian cities developed comprehensive master plans, large corporations undertook mega-development projects, and the state started conducting national level public involvement projects. Planning was caught in the middle, influenced by government ideology and socioeconomic circumstance. As a result, the profession was continually shape shifting in an attempt to redefine itself.

The shifts seen during this time frame have been drastic. With government flipping from a wholly liberal ideology (in the 20 odd years prior to this time period), to a neoconservative ideology, and then back to a neoliberal state, planners believed they had to alter their inherent ‘public good’ treatise to one that was market driven – and then shift it back again. Could planning have held its ground and survived the neoconservative years? That answer will never be known for sure. What is known, however, is that the profession shape shifted time and again during this period.

Neoconservative policies and economic rationalisation shifted planning’s focus to one of private-public partnerships and entrepreneurialism, and saw it fighting for its existence and a secure place in the social order. Its legitimacy and power were again in question. However, the CIP as an organisation was strong enough to maintain itself, but only by doing some serious soul-searching and deft shape shifting.

6.7 Historical Relations – Summary

Thus far in this chapter, I have shown that socioeconomic conditions and political ideology greatly influence planning practice, adding weight to the proposition that planning is highly contextual. Also of great importance are the components of a profession and the professionalisation process of the CIP as Canada’s national interest association of planners. As shown in Figure 9, the CIP has had to interact with, and has been influenced by, continually changing state ideology.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 153 Figure 9. Government Parties in Power Throughout the CIP Time Frames

Liberal Conservative

1900 1919 1930 1951 1971 1986 1995

Periods of CIP Development Overlayed onto Political Party in Power Source: Marshall 2000.

Although the TPIC was originally established in 1919, it really only survived as an active organisation for just over a decade. The TPIC re-established itself in 1952 by essentially starting anew under very different socioeconomic and political circumstances. Prior to 1952, the TPIC had achieved only two of the five stages of professionalisation – establishing an occupation and forming a professional organisation – although it had made limited inroads into a third, by establishing some educational courses. It is not surprising, then, that the organisation became dormant when times got tough and government support was withdrawn. It had no legitimacy or power apart from that provided by the federal government.

Since 1952, the CIP has progressively matured as a professional organisation. Referring back to Wilensky’s stages of professionalisation presented in Chapter 2, the CIP has achieved four of the five stages of professionalisation: establishing a full-time occupation, founding an organisation, establishing education and training programs, and adopting a formal code of ethics. Canada’s professional planning organisation felt the influence of British planners such as Thomas Adams and other foreign-trained experts such as architects and land surveyors. The TPIC was also influenced by American politics and planning policies through sheer geographic proximity, but also via conscious information exchange.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 154 Finally and most importantly, the nation’s own socioeconomic and political situation had a significant impact on the profession. This included Canada’s vast geography, its establishment and development patterns, its urban-rural dichotomy, the sociocultural changes it experienced, its economic strengths and weaknesses, and its three-tiered government system. The profession has been significantly influenced by the differing ideologies and practices of the two federal parties that have dominated throughout the organisation’s history, namely the Liberal Party and the Progressive Conservative Party.

The Canadian urban planning profession has always related to the nation state, but usually in a subordinate position. The organisation gained its power and legitimacy from the state. It was not until the 1960s, when the TPIC became entrenched in Canadian society, did it claim any legitimacy or power of its own. Until the mid-1990s, relations between the CIP and the state had been ad hoc at best, with the organisation still trying to push itself along the professionalisation continuum from an organised occupation to a full-fledged profession.

6.8 The CIP: Contemporary Context

This section situates the Canadian urban planning profession as it generally operates in the Canadian context. Key historical dates are noted in Table 9 which maps significant events in the history of the CIP on a time line.

Table 9. Time Line of Significant CIP Events

Year Significant Events in the History of the CIP 1919 Town Planning Institute of Canada (TPIC) formed 1923 Federal charter of incorporation granted to TPIC 1932 Activities of TPIC, as an organisation, suspended 1947 First planning program established – McGill University 1952 TPIC charter reactivated 1970 National TPIC office established with paid staff 1972 Federated national-chapter structure formalised with new by-laws 1974 Name changed to the Canadian Institute of Planners (CIP) 1986 By-laws revamped – affiliates recognised as equal partners 1999 Organisational review to inform internal restructuring of operations

Source: Marshall 2000.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 155 The CIP’s Structure and Purpose

The Canadian Institute of Planners is guided by its mission “to become the national advocate for effective planning that meets the challenge of a changing world and that supports planners in their professional practices to create healthy, sustainable and livable communities” (CIP 1999a, i).

Through its policies, the CIP, like Canada, operates as a ‘flexible federation.’ It is currently comprised of seven geographic affiliates and one section of international members (also called affiliates), each of which deals independently with the national CIP Council and administration. The national office is in Ottawa and has three permanent staff including an Executive Director, an Office Administrator and a Communications-Promotions Officer. Other consultants and temporary staff are hired on a ‘special project’ basis as required.

Figure 10 illustrates the organisational structure of the CIP and its affiliates. Presented below each affiliate is the actual number of members in 1999 and the percentage within each affiliate of the total CIP membership of 4,700 planners.

Of particular note, the number of Quebec members is very small compared to what one might expect, given that Quebec represents approximately 25 per cent of Canada’s entire population. Demonstrating the CIP’s flexible federalism, in order to be a member in six of seven of the regional affiliates, an individual is first a member of the CIP. That is not the case in Quebec, however, where a planner may be a member of the OUQ but not necessarily a member of the CIP. While there are 800 members of the OUQ, only 151 of them are also members of the CIP. As well, unlike the other affiliates, the OUQ has it own professional organisation status (Williams and Associates 1999). Also of note, more than half of the CIP’s members are in the province of Ontario, the Canadian province with 38 per cent of Canada’s total population.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 156 Figure 10. Organisational Chart for the CIP

CIP NATIONAL COUNCIL

AFFILIATES

PIBC AACIP APCPS MPPI OPPI OUQ API INT'L

769 425 118 127 2,726 151 276 121 16% 9% 3% 3% 58% 3% 6% 3%

Key: PIBC = Planning Institute of British Columbia, which also includes the Yukon Territory. AACIP = Alberta Association, Canadian Institute of Planners, which also includes the Northwest Territories. APCPS = Association of Professional Community Planners of Saskatchewan. MPPI = Manitoba Professional Planning Institute. OPPI = Ontario Professional Planning Institute. OUQ = Ordre des Urbaniste du Québec. API = Atlantic Planners Institute, which includes the provinces of New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island. INT’L = International affiliates.

Source: Marshall 2000.

The National Council of the CIP is made up of elected volunteers in the following positions: President, past-President, President-elect, a councillor from each of the seven regional affiliates, and a student member from an accredited planning school. Since the CIP has just undertaken a major organisational review, this structure may change in the near future (for details on the organisational review, see Williams and Associates 1999).

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 157 Implementation of the CIP’s objectives is undertaken jointly by the national organisation and its administrative staff along with the regional affiliates, and is guided by formal by-laws and procedures. The purposes and objectives of incorporation, quoted from the CIP’s National Charter, By-Laws, Procedure and Appendices, include the following (CIP 1994b, 4).

• Membership – to establish, maintain and enforce national standards and criteria for professional recognition.

• Policies – to influence legislation, policies and decisions affecting planning and planners.

• Communications – to provide for continuing interaction among planners and to establish and maintain ongoing contact between planners and related professions.

• Public Image – to create a positive image and develop a strong profile for planning and planners as professionals, at home and abroad.

• Research – to expand knowledge in the field of planning and anticipate and/or respond to planning issues.

• Program Delivery – to provide a variety of high quality and cost effective services to members.

• Financial – to sustain economic stability.

Each regional affiliate is generally responsible for membership matters within its own jurisdiction. The National Council is responsible for international members. The membership categories for the CIP include two classifications: (1) corporate including full members, fellows, provisional members, and student members, and (2) noncorporate including public associates, public associate students, and honorary members (CIP 1994b).

“A member of the Institute [the CIP] is entitled to the appellation MCIP [Member Canadian Institute of Planners] or the French language equivalent, namely MICU” [Membre Institut Canadien des Urbanistes] (CIP 1994b, 6).

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 158 Every corporate member is governed by a Statement of Values, a Code of Professional Conduct and by suggested responsibilities to clients, employers and the planning profession. A full description of each of these guiding documents is found in Appendix B.

6.9 Chapter Summary

This chapter has discussed socioeconomic and ideological influences on the urban planning profession, its practice and organisation, from the TPIC’s inception in 1919 through to 1995. It was at this time that a neocorporatist ideology took hold in Canadian society, the effects of which are explored in the following chapter. Finally, this chapter has provided a general overview of the history of the Canadian Institute of Planners and a general empirical description of how the CIP operates in Canada.

This hermeneutic, tautological approach helps to identify the sociopolitical conditions, ideology and other factors required to interpret the phenomenon of the Canadian planning profession becoming more involved in state policy-making. My interpretation and presentation of significant historical events provides an explanation of relations between the CIP and the state over five periods of time in the organisation’s history, named here as Establishment, Dormancy, Re- Establishment, Entrenchment, and Shape Shifting.

Chapter 6 – The CIP and the State: Historical Relations 159 7.0 A NEOCORPORATIST CIP

As documented previously in the thesis, the Canadian state is operating with a neocorporatist ideology. Chapter 5 explained how the state is restructuring its processes in order to better interact with the third sector and facilitate relations with interest associations. The argument was developed in Chapter 6 that, historically, urban planning has been both a creation and reflection of government and, as such, it continues to mirror government ideology. This chapter demonstrates how the CIP is currently reorganising and aligning itself strategically with the state, which will make it more effective within the neocorporatist governance structure in Canada.

To reiterate two key concepts, ‘neocorporatism’ focusses on the participation and influence of interest associations in state policy-making, while ‘corporatism’ focusses on the structure of these groups. In the following pages, I review the current Canadian neocorporatist state. Thereafter, I analyse how the CIP, as a corporation, is increasingly functioning in a neocorporatist mode. Specific examples highlight and substantiate the argument that the CIP is increasingly influencing Canadian state policy and programs at the federal level.

The latter portion of the chapter contains my critique of the CIP, measured against both the structural components of a profession and those of a corporate organisation. This analysis is critical to establishing that the CIP, as an organisation, is exhibiting many characteristics of a profession – the ultimate corporatist interest association. It is structurally corporatist organisations that are the quintessential neocorporatist actors, meaning that they are easily integrated into the state’s neocorporatist apparatus.

To conclude the chapter, some policy directions for the CIP are offered. These are based on the ‘distance’ the CIP must yet travel to obtain full status as a profession and achieve more complete corporatist integration with the state.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 160 7.1 The Canadian State and Neocorporatism

The federal Liberal Party has been in power in Canada since 1993, which spans the entire period of this time frame. It currently forms a majority government, with four other parties holding seats in the House of Commons.

Figure 11. Government Parties in Power 1995-2000

Liberal Conservative

1995 2000 Years in Power

Source: Marshall 2000.

As previously noted, corporatism is a politically neutral ideology until it is adopted as an axiom by a certain regime. Neocorporatism has been a response by the state to the social, political and economic pressures being experienced by most Western governments. The development of neocorporatism in Canada also seems closely related to the changing role of the state. As shown in Chapter 5, the Canadian government is promoting stakeholder consultation, third-sector participation, collaborative planning, and mixed representation. This ideology is manifested, both consciously and unconsciously, in corporatist structures and neocorporatist processes.

As organised religion did during the Industrial Revolution, modern governments like Canada’s are searching for ways to manage rapid change, individualism, diverse social structures and an unstable social order. Neocorporatism contributes to these efforts. Associations and professional groups, like the Canadian Institute of Planners, are being legitimised by the state as links between the civil society and the state. They are seen, in part, as key stabilisers of the social order. As Jenson (1998, 16) contends, the “intermediation necessary for

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 161 living with the value conflicts of a plural society [like Canada] does not happen at the level of individuals; it is the product of institutions, including the macro institutions of a liberal democratic state.”

Sanction and the power to make the decisions needed to balance many societal values, lies with the state and institutions including professions. That is, the state is relying on organised interest groups – including professions – to maintain a social order that is politically acceptable, meaning one that the government can be ‘comfortable’ with and which echoes societal expectations of participation and democratic values.

The review of Canadian federal government operations presented in Chapter 5 shows that the state is clearly moving to involve the third sector in governance to a greater extent and in different ways than in the past. This reflects the concept that organisational participation in the governance process slides along a continuum from low to high levels of interest representation in state involvement (Johansen and Kristensen, 1982). Canada is clearly moving towards higher levels of organisational participation in governance.

7.2 The CIP as a Neocorporatist Profession

The CIP’s Internal Neocorporatist Push

It was stated in 1994 by CIP President Livey that “the time has come for the profession and the federal government to benefit from a stronger relationship” (Livey 1994, 4). It was also in 1994 that a Fellow of the CIP, Len Gertler, reminded the organisation that it withdrew during the adversity of the Depression years in the 1930s. He warned the CIP not to let this happen again (Bloodoff 1994). Gertler challenged the Institute to revise its role in order to better respond to changing societal and governance conditions.

CIP Presidents Bloodoff and then Couture took up ‘the Gertler Challenge.’ Bloodoff and the 1994-95 National Council laid the ground work for new directions by asserting that “we have to solidify our role as future-oriented advisors on public policy development” (Bloodoff 1994, 6). The following year, Couture campaigned for the CIP presidency on a platform of ensuring the Institute was relevant to government and the Canadian public.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 162 Once elected, Couture picked up the gauntlet and introduced his own ‘at the table and in the loop’ strategy for the National CIP Council to initiate. He maintained that the CIP “must ensure that planners have a strong voice at the national level. To do so, the Institute must be prepared to have representatives meet regularly with senior federal administrators and politicians. To be at the table and in the loop, we must establish and maintain credibility” (Couture 1995, 6).

Shortly thereafter, the CIP’s National Council adopted a strategy to ensure that the profession would be at the table and in the loop. “It is Council’s responsibility to place itself in a position of influence with members of the federal government” (Couture 1996a, 5). That particular National Council substantially advanced a neocorporatist agenda for the organisation, by focussing on the CIP’s participation and influence in state policy-making. It built on the ideas of the previous Council and, during its first meeting of 1996, passed a motion adopting a formal Government Relations Program. The program objectives (Couture 1996b, 5) were to:

• Monitor legislative and regulatory changes at the federal level

• Identify issues of concern to CIP that are influenced by federal government action

• Develop concise statements of CIP’s position on issues deemed to be significant

• Seize opportunities to make CIP’s position known through either direct contact with legislators, public consultation processes (formal hearings, for example) and media releases

• Develop government contacts and build relationships with government officials and politicians, and

• Build mutually-beneficial relationships with other national organizations having similar concerns and interests to CIP.

President Couture stated in a report to the general membership that this government relations program “represents another major step in our effort to chart a new course for the Institute. In June 1995, we formulated a strategic direction that was summed up as ‘being at the table and in the loop.’ The intent

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 163 was to increase our relevance by ensuring that we are informed, involved and influential in all matters that affect the practice of planning. Council’s role in this regard was to focus on national issues and to establish a stronger presence in national policy and decision-making. In the fall, we addressed the allocation of [the CIP’s] resources, both human and financial, to that goal” (1996b, 5-6).

Couture (2000, 1) recently confirmed that “the intent was to make ourselves better known among federal politicians and senior administrators and to use that familiarity to exert influence on public policy.” Thus, a neocorporatist ideology took hold in the organisation as a result of the sociopolitical situation in Canada, the influence of the state’s neocorporatist ideology, and the thrust taken by two consecutive National Councils of the CIP. Whilst the theoretical term ‘neocorporatism’ was not articulated by the CIP, the practices implemented by the organisation were certainly neocorporatist.

Unfortunately, as it had in the past, the CIP was feeling the effects of the social and economic strains on society, and had to segue into more economically based operations in order to get its financial house in order. Further, as a result of having to address internal management issues, the CIP’s neocorporatist thrust was briefly sidelined. As shown below, however, the organisation is again back on track and implementing changes that will further secure its corporatist structure and its neocorporatist agenda.

The CIP’s Neocorporatist Philosophy and Operations

There has been a very high staff turnover rate at the CIP national office since the late 1990s. The organisation’s finances have run a deficit in four of the last six years, members have suggested that dues are too high for the benefit returned, and there have been unclear service and communication lines between the national organisation and its affiliates (Williams and Associates 1999). It was clear to the National CIP Council that the organisation was in difficulty. In order to address these concerns, the CIP hired a consulting firm in August 1999 to conduct an independent management review of the organisation and to recommend structural and operational solutions (Williams and Associates 1999).

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 164 As a result of the CIP’s internal organisational problems, and in response to current state governance influences, the recent review suggested a restructuring of the CIP. The proposed reorganisation, currently underway, is based on three key, newly articulated national goals. It is of particular note that two of these represent the intent to develop future neocorporatist practice. The first goal is entirely neocorporatist and the third influences national education policy, which will be discussed later in this chapter. The new national goals articulated in the Williams and Associates Report (1999, 6) would have the CIP:

1. Influencing and shaping public policy at the national level

2. Developing and promoting international programs, and

3. Establishing and maintaining national standards for membership.

Prior to reorganisation, National Council consisted of a President-Elect, a President, a Past-President, one representative for each provincial or regional affiliate, and one student member. Council conducted business via ad hoc committees and task forces based on single issues. “The overall operation is somewhat unstructured and contributes to instability in the organization” (Williams and Associates 1999, 11). In the newly proposed organisational structure, the composition of National Council remains unchanged. However, the term for the President will be extended from one year to two to add stability and consistency.

In addition, a new committee structure is being implemented, which will consist of three standing committees, each of which will be responsible for specific functions that reflect the CIP’s newly articulated [neocorporatist] goals (Williams and Associates 1999). These three standing committees, each comprised of a Chairperson and two other Council members, will be responsible for the following functional areas:

• Public Image / Government Relations / International Programs

• Member Services / Administration, and

• Communication / Education.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 165 With the introduction of such a structure, which incorporates clearly articulated responsibility for government liaison, policy reviews and the promotion of the planning discipline, the CIP is situating itself to accommodate the state’s neocorporatist processes and practices, as outlined in Chapter 5. Again, whilst there is no indication that the CIP and its consultancy team has labelled the influences on its new objectives and structure as ‘neocorporatist,’ the likely effects of these proposed changes reflect that ideology.

Following from the neocorporatist path set in 1995, these efforts represent further steps in which the CIP is actively becoming more involved in state policy-making and, hence, influencing the allocation of public resources. Other recent CIP initiatives also indicate that the organisation is facilitating its own success as a neocorporatist organisation, as illustrated by the following examples.

• The Executive Director hired in 1998 was chosen for her “experience in the field of government relations,” in order to help strengthen relations between the CIP and the state (Déoux 1999b, 2).

• The 1999-2000 Communications Plan was adopted by National Council, which reflects the Institute’s objective to raise the profile of the profession with the general public and government bodies (Déoux 1999b).

• A new Three Year Strategic Plan for 1999-2001 emphasises the organisation’s government relations goal by stating that the CIP will “promote the interests of professional planners and influence planning policy by providing input and timely response to federal government decision-making on issues affecting the planning profession” (CIP 1999e, Item 28).

• In the CIP’s one year Action Plan of Current Operations for 1999-2000, under the objective of ‘improving government relations,’ the CIP has set out to complete two major tasks. The first is to “develop a CIP government relations inventory, which lists all federal departments and agencies, provincial ministries as well as nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) of national and international stature with which the Institute deals or should be dealing. The inventory should list the specific aims of CIP’s interactions with those agencies and should identify the relevant contacts. Document progress with all contacts. Publish and distribute the inventory to the

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 166 National and Affiliate Councils. Establish a process for updating the inventory” (CIP 1999e, Item 29). The second initiative is to “ensure that CIP retains membership in the major federal government forums dealing with the interests of Canadian planners” (CIP 1999e, Item 29).

These structural and operational goals and initiatives of the CIP are situating the organisation to become more active in the Canadian government’s efforts to involve the third sector in its policy- and decision-making arenas. This recasting of the CIP will help it move from the fringe of government involvement inward, to a position of greater power and influence.

It is interesting to observe how the objectives of the Institute have changed over time. Shortly after the CIP was reorganised into its federated structure in 1986, a Strategic Plan was completed. At that time, the CIP adopted the following goal: “to support an identifiable national association, with more decentralization of responsibilities and resources to the affiliates. This will result in the affiliates becoming the primary focus of achieving the objectives of the CIP” (Davidson 1989, 56). The primary focus of the 1986 Plan was on the affiliates, rather than on the national body. Whilst some leadership projects were identified in that Plan as contributing to the CIP’s ‘public presence,’ no where are government relations mentioned, let alone identified as a key organisational objective.

In contrast, the primary focus of the organisation’s 1996 Strategic Plan was “to ensure the profession is more influential in shaping public policy by focusing on national issues and offering specific recommendations to federal government decision-makers” (CIP 1996, Insert). Comparing the 1989 and 1996 Strategic Plans, a shift from a decentralised to a centralised position can be seen. The 1996 Plan was based on a neocorporatist ideology, with the organisation’s efforts being primarily focussed on influencing national public policy. The current Strategic Plan (for 1999-2001) continues this trajectory by including government relations and national policy influence as key aspects of a critical organisational goal.

This analysis demonstrates that, by focussing on participation and involvement in state policy-making, the CIP is becoming increasingly neocorporatist in its own internal structure and organisation, and in the way it relates to the state.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 167 The following section provides some examples of how this ideological position has been turned into action, by illustrating the involvement of the CIP in a series of national policy initiatives.

The CIP and National Policy Initiatives

Historically, involvement of the CIP in federal government processes was, at best, minimal and sporadic and, at worst, nonexistent. Apart from the organisation’s limited involvement with the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation during the 1950s and 1960s, and the occasional policy position paper the CIP submitted, very little evidence of sustained involvement with the federal government can be found.

Moreover, the CIP has been involved to very different degrees in the few major, national policy initiatives directly related to planning that have been conducted in Canada. The level of involvement by the CIP in four such initiatives is described below. Thereafter, a number of recent examples of increased, albeit minor, activity by the CIP in other national policy initiatives is presented. Finally, the CIP’s involvement in national education policy is examined.

The CIP’s Involvement in Major Policy Projects

Urban Affairs – A National Policy Framework: In 1969, the economist N. H. Lithwick was asked to “undertake a study that might assist the Federal Government to determine what, if any role it should play in urban affairs” (Lithwick 1972, 45). As a result of this national initiative, the report Urban Canada: Problems and Prospects was presented to Cabinet. An immediate result was the introduction of the Federal Ministry of State and Urban Affairs in 1970.

What is interesting to note about this process, with its national focus on Canadian urban problems and potential policy solutions, was the absence of any involvement by the then TPIC (Audain 1972). The absence of the organisation indicates its lack of effective state–profession relations during that time and demonstrates that it was not sufficiently developed or recognised as a profession to provide an expert voice on national policy issues related to planning.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 168 In contrast, the CIP has recently been involved in three large national initiatives: the National Round Table on the Economy and the Environment, the Healthy Communities Project, and the Projet de Société. These processes set the groundwork for the CIP to be seen by the federal government as a legitimate, professional organisation capable of further positive state relations.

The National Round Table on the Economy and the Environment: Mentioned in Chapter 6, this Roundtable acted as an advisory body to the Prime Minister on sustainable development. It was “mandated to reconcile divergent issues to the primacy of sustainable development” (CIP 1992, 36). The CIP was a participant in the process and promoted to its membership their roles in implementing sustainable government policies at the regional and municipal levels. This was a consultative partnership with the federal government that had national policy implications.

The Healthy Communities Project: Also mentioned in Chapter 6, the Healthy Communities Project saw the Department of Health and Welfare Canada work in full partnership with the CIP and two other organisations to promote three major health strategies: “fostering public participation, strengthening community health services, and coordinating healthy public policy” (Berlin 1989, 13). The Healthy Communities promotion and coordination office was physically located in the CIP National office. The CIP’s membership was influential on the Healthy Communities Steering Committee, the body responsible for both developing national policy strategies for the initiative and implementing related strategies at the regional and municipal levels (Berlin 1989).

The Projet de Société: This project was initiated in 1992 to “lay the groundwork for the preparation of a National Sustainable Development Strategy – a report on Canadian responses to Action 21 and the Rio Conventions, and a draft framework and process for sustainability planning” (Bloodoff 1995, 6). Amongst many other players, the CIP was minimally involved with this project.

Of note, in early 1995, CIP President Bloodoff (1995, 6) asked, “why are planners in general and the Institute specifically not in the lead or even at the forefront of this [Projet de Société] process? Public policy development, consensus building and visioning are our strengths, yet our involvement is at best marginal.” This, no doubt, contributed to Bloodoff and his Council’s charge to

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 169 solidify the CIP’s role in the development of public policy. The CIP, at that time, was not identified as a body that wielded significant influence at the national level but, rather, was perceived as an organisation whose métier was regional and municipal affairs.

Regional Policy Contributions of Affiliates: Traditional planning legislation is formulated at the provincial and territorial level and, therefore, is different for each region of the country. Each government is driven by its own ideology, which is reflected in different foci for municipal and regional planning practice and in variable levels of involvement with the CIP affiliates. Whilst my research focuses on national policy-making, it is important to note that some of the profession’s legitimation filters upward to the federal level from the community- at-large and the two lower tiers of government. The CIP as a national body thus benefits from the legitimacy accorded its regional affiliates.

The CIP’s Increased Involvement in Other Federal Policy Initiatives

In Canada, the process of involving society more in governance is effected via political direction and bureaucratic administration. For example, third sector involvement often occurs via committee participation, agency creation, alternative delivery systems, downloading of services to the third sector, partnerships, and expert information exchange. Informal advice, which is often just as influential, is also part of the neocorporatist process.

The Canadian state’s neocorporatist ideology and the CIP’s own internal neocorporatist push during the mid-1990s have started to reap results. The CIP has been involved in a few major policy initiatives and is now starting to become more consistently involved in other state policy and service delivery issues. Collectively, the initiatives mentioned below demonstrate that the CIP is having an influence in areas as diverse as housing, the environment, transportation, international development, public works and agriculture. The following summary, in approximate chronological order, illustrates many of the policy initiatives in which the CIP has been involved since its neocorporatist thrust.

In 1993, an Environment Canada briefing paper entitled A New Vision for Urban Transportation was endorsed by the CIP. It called for “new directions in urban structure and land use, the role of private automobiles relative to other modes of

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 170 travel, and financing transportation infrastructure and services” (CIP 1998, Insert). The CIP recently prepared a further detailed briefing which offered “practical policy advice to decision-makers who seek to realize these goals in their own urban areas” (CIP 1998, Insert).

As part of Habitus II, the second UN Conference on Human Settlements held in June 1996, the CIP participated in a session to help construct the Canadian delegation’s objectives. This included the preparation of several background papers. One of the Canadian delegation’s key objectives was to encourage an increased role for nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) as part of Habitus and other UN programs (CIP 1995a, Insert). A CIP representative, one of very few invited participants, travelled to the Conference as a key Canadian delegate (Couture 2000). Based on this experience, it was observed that the “CIP can act both as a government resource to national implementation of the global plan of action and as a guardian to ensure its implementation” (Dembek 1996, 6).

The CIP submitted a position paper to the Canada Infrastructure Works Programs in 1996, suggesting that the program should be guided by good planning principles and should support sustainable communities. The CIP recommended five core principles, which it believed the infrastructure program should support, one of which was to develop partnerships with NGOs and the private sector (CIP 1999b).

Environment Canada has publicly stated that the government’s role is changing and that NGOs have a key role to play in that regard. To that end, it has made efforts to involve the CIP in its planning initiatives. Environment Canada “will remain mindful of the fact that the broad issues of governance, science and technology, and partnerships are fundamental within the broader global context and over the longer term. This will affect the way in which we adapt and evolve our collective decision making and direction setting” (Canada 1997b, 1). True to its new dictum, Environment Canada involved many stakeholders and NGOs in developing its Sustainable Development Strategy in 1997. The CIP’s review of this strategy was another contribution to, and represents ongoing involvement with, this department.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 171 The CIP and the Intergovernmental Committee for Urban and Regional Research (ICURR) have become partners, on a small scale but on a permanent basis. ICURR acts as a holding centre for thousands of library articles related to planning and local government and, since the mid-1990s, heralds itself as the holder of the “comprehensive bibliographies of the Canadian Institute of Planners Awards for Planning Excellence submissions, an ICURR/CIP partnership initiative” (ICURR 2000, 1). The CIP in return offers ICURR access to its membership list and information distribution processes, as well as advertising. This collaboration is described as a permanent, cooperative relationship.

The CIP currently sits on the National Housing Research Committee of the CMHC. Significant power and influence is wielded through this Committee with respect to housing and national sustainable development policy (Déoux 2000).

The CIP organised and conducted the 1999 Inter-American Forum on Professionalism in Urban Management and Local Governance. The Forum was sponsored and financially supported by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), Environment Canada, the CMHC, and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC). The Forum was attended by NGO and government delegates from across Latin America and Canada. Following from this, the CIP has started a long-term project to build relationships amongst developing planning associations, community development organisations, and government agencies from Canada and Latin America (Harasym 1999b).

Recently, “the CIDA-based Cooperatives, Unions and Professional Associations Program and the World Bank’s Urban Partnerships Program have expressed sincere interest in working with the Canadian Institute of Planners” (Harasym 1999a, 2). The CIDA program “seeks to support and encourage sustainable development initiatives through the establishment of partnerships between Canadian civil society members and organizations with similar interests in developing countries” (Canada 1999g, 1). Links have also recently been made with the World Bank and the Inter-American Development bank, with the intent to affirm future cooperative relations (Déoux and Frojmovic 2000).

Based on previous partnerships and cooperation, one can infer that CIDA believes the CIP, as a professional association, can play a role within its realm of competence in ‘sociopolitical and cultural capacity-building’ with parallel

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 172 organisations in Latin America (Canada 1999g). The CIP won a contract in April 2000 from CIDA for a capacity-building consulting project in Latin America. This $300,000 project will see the CIP ‘partnered’ with CIDA for several years (Déoux 2000).

The CIP and its affiliate, the Ontario Professional Planners Institute (OPPI), manage a CIDA employment program that provides opportunities for young planners to work on international projects. WorldLink, the International Internship Program for Planners, is a program through which recent planning graduates are employed with NGOs around the world (CIP 1999b). This is an ongoing collaborative project.

A CIP representative, appointed in 1999, sits on the Central Experimental Farm Advisory Council under the Department of Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada. This Council provides advice on the management of this site’s heritage value and proposed planning processes. The CIP’s representation on this Council is permanent (McMullen 2000).

The CIP, in 1999, formalised a ‘strategic alliance’ with the Minister of Public Works (whose Ministry is also responsible for the CMHC). “The Minister has indicated his interest in increasing CIP’s involvement in his areas of responsibility” (Déoux 1999b, 4). “In collaboration with CMHC and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Institute established several partnerships that will allow us to promote the initiatives of our members on the international scene” (Déoux 1999b2). The CIP also accepted an invitation by the CMHC to join international missions to Chile in 1998 and Lebanon in 1999. Further relations are being pursued (Déoux 2000).

The CIP participated in a Finance Committee meeting convened by the Minister of Finance, during which the CIP showed its support for a youth employment program that was slated to be terminated but ultimately was not. “We like to think the YES [Youth Employment Strategy] program continued partly because of our presentation” (Déoux 2000, 1).

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 173 Environment Canada’s project on Canada’s Transportation Challenge, which is studying the nation’s transportation issues and potential solutions, has involved the CIP to “help work out a vision for better transportation and how to achieve it” (Canada 2000b, 1). This project is currently underway and represents yet another initiative between the CIP and Environment Canada.

As the preceding initiatives have shown, the CIP is becoming increasingly involved in national policy-making initiatives and, hence, in governance. Relations forged with and on behalf of federal departments and agencies since the mid 1990s include those with: the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation; the Canadian International Development Agency; the Department of Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada; the Department of Finance; the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade; Environment Canada; the Habitus II federal department conglomerate; Industry Canada; the Inter-American Development Bank; the Intergovernmental Committee for Urban and Regional Research; the International Development Research Centre; Public Works and Government Services Canada; and the World Bank.

The CIP’s Influence on National Education Policy

The CIP influences policies that are external to its own operations, as demonstrated above. However, it also influences national education policy through its own internal directives, specifically through its planning education and accreditation policies.

All planning education in Canada is delivered through public universities, which fall under provincial jurisdiction. Planning programs are evaluated for ‘recognition’ by the CIP and its affiliates. “The term ‘recognition’ is an action by the [CIP’s National] Council to formally acknowledge the quality of specific academic degrees awarded during specific periods of time” (CIP 1995c, 1). At present, 19 Canadian universities hold recognition from the CIP for 25 planning degrees: 8 bachelor’s degrees, 14 master’s degrees, and 3 doctoral degrees (CIP 2000a).

It is the responsibility of the jurisdictional affiliate to conduct university accreditation processes in order to maintain a consistent level of education and recognition. However, the CIP has articulated national standards, which are

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 174 upheld by all affiliates, although some discretion is permitted in their assessments (CIP 1995b). The National By-law of CIP set out the accreditation requirements of the Institute, and the national Membership Manual stipulates guidelines to be used by affiliates. “By individual agreements executed each year with the affiliates, the affiliates agree to comply with CIP’s By-law” (CIP 1995d, 1). Full documentation of the university accreditation process can be found in Schedule A of the National Charter (CIP 1994b) and Volume III of the Membership Manual – Recognition of University Degrees (CIP 1995c).

The CIP’s criteria for university accreditation are based on four principles (CIP 1995c, 1). These state that:

1. The degree is in ‘planning’ as defined by CIP

2. The department or planning school has the administrative capacity and academic independence to control and deliver its programs

3. Members are significantly involved in teaching, and

4. Course content includes ‘what planners need to know.’

The first three principles are administrative requirements, which the CIP most certainly regulates. The last requirement, however, is where the CIP is very influential since it determines planning education content and delivery. “The Institute, as the voice of the profession, has a duty to identify the knowledge and skills that professional planners require, and to require that degree programs include these as a condition of recognition” (CIP 1995c, 1).

The CIP greatly influences the knowledge, skills, ethical values, and work experience support that planning education delivers. Moreover, within these general categories are 28 very detailed points with which universities must comply. The complete requirements for accreditation by the CIP are presented in Appendix C. These requirements are very similar to those used by the American Planning Accreditation Board (PAB 1998).

Each Canadian university planning program is subject to a major evaluation every five years, with minor reviews occurring annually. The major evaluation ensures that the CIP’s affiliates meet their “obligations to review planning academic

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 175 programs to ensure that the curriculum content and administrative criteria fulfill the requirements for recognition by CIP” (AACIP 1995, 1). For accredited status, “substantial compliance with the criteria needs to be demonstrated by the program, both at the time of the review and into the future over a five year term” (AACIP 1995, 2). The affiliate makes a recommendation to the National CIP Council as to whether or not the reviewed school should receive or continue to hold accredited status (CIP 1995d).

“Before 1992, the review process was essentially administrative in nature” (CIP 1995d, 1). It was not until the mid-1990s, when the CIP’s internal neocorporatist thrust occurred, that comprehensive accreditation review processes were routinely undertaken by the CIP through its affiliates. As a result of the CIP setting such detailed national standards for planning school administration and curriculum content, it is influencing the education delivered by 19 different universities through 25 post-secondary degrees – essentially to all Canadian-educated professional planners.

As professions, including the CIP, continue to exert influence on the current education system to ensure it becomes more discipline-focussed by providing industry- and market-driven curricula, they concomitantly perpetuate a neocorporatist ideology. Saul (1997, 72) observes that “there is no need to be surprised at how smoothly universities are fitting into the corporatist structure. Each profession has its box and each plays its circumscribed role.”

The CIP “is committed to maintaining an interest in the university system in which the majority of the professional planners in Canada are educated. It is the responsibility of the Institute to visibly commit itself to Canadian planning programs so that the schools and the students will participate in the activities of the Institute, and at the same time, contribute to the continuing evolution and development of its [the CIP’s] principles, philosophy and responsibilities” (CIP 1995c, 1). In other words, the CIP is ‘walking a fine line’ between developing and socialising its potential members and influencing planning education. The latter must be achieved in a way that is acceptable to the academy but does not attempt to control it beyond the point where the schools and the academic members pull their support from the profession.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 176 With initiatives underway to promote the hiring of CIP members for Canadian academic planning positions, and with education received at a recognised planning school a fundamental requirement of individual membership (or at least the easiest route to it), planning students are also in a position to demand that the planning programs in which they enroll are accredited. This cannot help but strengthen the CIP’s overall position as a profession and increase the influence it brings to bear on Canadian society.

The CIP as a Neocorporatist Profession – Summary

Canadian society is well-entrenched in a neocorporatist ideology, embracing its major ideas, whether consciously or unconsciously, and transforming these ideas into social practice. As can be seen from this discussion of neocorporatist ideology, manifested as third sector involvement (i.e., interest association representation), neocorporatism best explains the CIP’s changing form as well as its growing influence on state policy and broader social institutions such as tertiary education.

The federal government has control over its own macro policies, the influence of which filters down to the regional levels. Whilst the implementation of many strategies falls to the jurisdiction of the provinces, territories and municipalities, national policy directions are determined by the federal government and national umbrella organisations such as the CIP.

As the preceding analysis has shown, the CIP has since the mid-1990s increasingly focussed on participation and influence in state policy-making. As part of this thrust, the CIP is becoming ever more neocorporatist in its own internal structure and organisation. This is evidenced by the goals it sets for itself as a professional body and the way in which it relates to the state. In addition, the CIP now wields significant influence with respect to the content and delivery of virtually all planning education that is provided in Canada. This has been achieved as the CIP has strengthened and enforced its own internal accreditation policies, with which university planning schools must comply in order to be recognised by the professional organisation.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 177 Whilst it is difficult to measure cause and effect at the best of times, it is also too early to measure any long-term influence that the CIP has had, or might have, on Canadian policy- and decision-making. What can be measured are the number of initiatives the organisation has been involved with, throughout its history and currently. It is also educated speculation that the number of similar opportunities will increase and be taken advantaged of by the profession as it continues to implement its clearly neocorporatist 1999-2001 Strategic Plan. As a result, it is very likely that the CIP will increasingly gain power, legitimation and influence within the governance process in Canada.

The neocorporatist trajectory of the CIP since the mid 1990s has highlighted gaps in both its operations and structure as a profession, and in its corporate integration with the Canadian state. These gaps will be articulated in the next half of this chapter.

7.3 The CIP as a Profession

Popular and theoretical definitions of professions are quite different, as explained in Chapter 2. To reiterate, professional associations emerged out of gentlemen’s clubs, guilds and interest groups. Over time, these associations became formally organised and were recognised as distinct from other occupations. In contemporary times, many occupational groups have attempted to gain professional status and a number have succeeded.

A theoretical definition, though, continues to limit the application of the label ‘profession’ to relatively few vocations. As explained theoretically in Chapter 2, the five component parts of a profession are: (1) knowledge and theory specific to a discipline; (2) community sanctions; (3) professional authority, autonomy and control; (4) codes of ethics; and (5) socialisation and the development of a professional culture.

The organised Canadian planning discipline continues its quest for a professional label. As the CIP advances along the professionalisation continuum, and with the recent shifts in governance strategies and in the roles of the state and of professions, it is well placed to gain power and legitimacy. What follows is a qualitative assessment of how far along the professionalisation continuum the CIP is placed for each component part – from an organised occupation at one end

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 178 to a profession at the other. Wight (1999, 6) has commented on this analytic approach (first presented in Marshall 1999) and states that it “provides a platform to build a better sense of contemporary planning professionalism.”

Because of its relevance to the following analysis, the schematic diagram of the professionalisation continuum and its components, which was first introduced in Chapter 2, is presented again as Figure 12.

Figure 12. The Professionalisation Continuum and its Components

COMPONENTS

Occupation Profession Knowledge/ Domain

Community Sanction

Authority

Code of Ethics

Socialisation and Culture

Source: Marshall 1999.

Knowledge and Theory Specific to a Domain: Often the most obvious and understandable element of a profession is its unique knowledge and theory. Professionals have different and more detailed knowledge in their disciplines, distinguishing the depth and breadth of their expertise from that of a layperson.

It is often asked if planners have particular knowledge or a theoretical base that is unique to planning. Although the CIP has adopted a formal definition of planning (see Appendix A), “there is often disagreement amongst individual members and

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 179 amongst provincial affiliates about what planning is and is not and about what types of ‘responsible, professional experience’ should and should not be accepted when granting membership into the professional organisation” (Marshall 1999, 23).

However, I agree with Castells’ (2000) notion and move beyond the traditional interpretation of professional knowledge by suggesting that ‘planning is a profession, not an academic discipline’ although it is drawn from a variety of academic disciplines. I also use Sandercock’s (1998) term domain to capture this expansion of traditional interpretations of knowledge.

Despite the different arguments of what constitutes planning and what is at the core and periphery of its domain, it can be concluded that with respect to knowledge/domain, planning is at the profession’s end of the professionalisation continuum.

Community Sanctions: This component has three subcomponents – education and training, the legal right to title and practise, and the public good – all of which are intertwined with the other components of a profession. Nonetheless, each subcomponent can be assessed in its own right.

Education and Training: Cuthbert (1997) believes that a profession is an arbitrary construct that derives its power from state law and tertiary education. In the CIP’s case, whilst original establishment occurred in 1919, it was not until there was significant state support for the organisation and the establishment of planning schools in the late 1950s that the CIP really became entrenched. Prior to this, the political, societal and economic situation was too unstable to allow the organisation to sustain itself and, hence, it shut its doors in 1932. The creation of several planning schools in the late 1950s helped re-establish planning, perpetuate it as a domain, and enable it to evolve from its previously embryonic stages of development as a profession. The CIP now has substantial power to direct planning education.

The Legal Rights to Title and Practise: It is through legal means that professions gain the rights to title and practise, which come when the profession persuades the community to institute a system for determining who is qualified to practise the professional skill (Greenwood 1966). The planning profession in Canada has

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 180 been granted certain sanctions related to education and training, as well as the legal right to title and practise, albeit not uniformly across provincial jurisdictions. This is in part due to Canada’s political structure as a federation, whereby the provinces have substantial legal reign, but also in part due to the lack of status the profession has held in the past in the eyes of different legislating bodies. As a result, these sanctions differ greatly amongst provincial affiliates.

Most affiliates have managed to persuade the state to grant accredited planners (in their own jurisdiction) a legal, professional designation for the right to title. Five affiliates – PIBC (British Columbia), AACIP (Alberta), APCPS (Saskatchewan), OPPI (Ontario), and OUQ (Quebec) – have provincial legislation that provides registered title (CIP 1995b). The largest affiliate among these, the OPPI, was only granted the title of Registered Professional Planner (RPP) in the 1990s, yet it was as early as 1982 when the title of planner was protected in the Province of Quebec, where planners must also be licensed to practise. OUQ (Quebec) is the only affiliate that has been granted sole rights to practise, although the API (Atlantic Provinces) and other affiliates are considering efforts to pursue licensing.

The Public Good: The third subcomponent of community sanctions is the relevance of the profession’s services to basic social values and ‘the public good.’ Community sanctions offered to a profession often depend on its contribution to the ‘community good’ and the way in which it is organised to muster support from officials and the general public, both of which give professions formal and informal status. Throughout its history, the CIP has attempted to gain political and popular support. Still, members of the organisation believe the CIP should be more active in promoting the organisation to the government and the general public (Williams and Associates 1999), claiming that most people ‘don’t know what planners do.’

When all three subcomponents of community sanctions are taken together, it can be concluded that with respect to community sanctions, the CIP is situated slightly closer to the profession’s end of the professionalisation continuum.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 181 Professional Authority, Autonomy and Control: As Greenwood (1966) states, the professional’s authority is not limitless but is confined to those specific spheres within which he or she has been educated. In part, this involves having ‘control over knowledge’ and claiming the theories and techniques that the profession identifies as its area of expertise. The CIP has struggled to exert its authority and expertise, and as Lang (1999, 19) observes, “the planning profession in Canada has a dubious claim to exclusive knowledge, a diffuse body of theory around which there is little consensus or apparent interest, and weak disciplinary processes.” However, if Castells’ (2000) assertion is accepted and advanced that planning is a profession, although not a singular academic discipline, the CIP can claim expertise within a particular domain – interdisciplinary design praxis. In so doing, the CIP will increase its opportunities to exert some authority.

The CIP is already exerting control over that knowledge through the very detailed guidelines it has established for planning education and accreditation. As well, additional authority will naturally flow to the profession as it gains power and legitimacy from its contribution to different policy processes and government decision-making circles.

The trait of autonomy includes the ability of a profession to ‘control its membership’ through its power to exclude members. The CIP has exercised complete control in this regard. It has operated thus far as a ‘closed’ organisation, prohibiting individuals who do not have a university degree from obtaining membership in the organisation. For example, even if individuals have training in planning as technicians and have acquired substantial ‘responsible professional planning experience,’ they are not entitled to become corporate members of the CIP. However, the CIP will grant membership to individuals who do not have a university degree in ‘planning,’ providing they have either a ‘related’ university degree or even an ‘unrelated’ degree, along with ‘responsible professional planning experience’ (CIP 1994b).

From this it can be concluded that it is not the ‘relevant experience’ that counts towards membership in the association (which a trained planning technician may have acquired). Rather, to the CIP, it is a university degree that matters – any university degree. Whilst this sort of control may not make sense to the layperson, it has become entrenched as national CIP policy in an attempt to

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 182 create an elite or exclusive organisation of ‘learned members.’ An underlying foundation of this closed membership agenda is the idea of exclusivity and the concomitant drive to attain a monopoly in the marketplace for planners who are accredited by the CIP.

Universities, with their limited enrollment numbers, also promote a closed profession. Saul (1997a) argues that post-secondary education in Canada is becoming highly specialised and compartmentalised. Faculties and schools remain independent of each other, often compete for resources, and restrict themselves to teaching very specific disciplines. Hence, the professions and the universities that teach specific, professional knowledge mutually safeguard and enhance their existence and independent market value (Williamson 1989). This exclusivity is seen by some planners as a way to maximise their ‘due rewards’ by restricting access to the opportunities and resources needed to achieve professional perquisites.

The CIP does not have the direct power to restrict the number of students who enter planning schools, but it does have the power to accredit individual planning schools – or not, which influences the issue of exclusivity at a foundational level. Moreover, the CIP can also exclude any individual from becoming or remaining a member of the organisation after they have completed their schooling, should education or experience come into question or if disciplinary action is required.

Given the extent to which the CIP exercises power in this realm, it can be concluded that with respect to professional authority, autonomy and control, the CIP is closer to the profession’s end of the professionalisation continuum.

Codes of Ethics: Codes of ethics define ‘appropriate’ professional behaviour. The CIP has adopted both a Statement of Values and a Code of Professional Conduct. The Statement of Values “is intended to provide a source of inspiration and guidance for planners” (CIP 1994a). The Code of Professional Conduct “is enforceable through the disciplinary provisions of the by-law or through the complementary codes and by-laws of the Institute’s affiliates” (CIP 1994a).

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 183 Whilst together these could be viewed as a professional code of ethics, the CIP is rarely, if ever, reliant on them to monitor professional behaviour. For example, the disciplinary or practice review committees of the affiliates of the CIP only have the jurisdictional authority to deal with the professional behaviour of their own members. Moreover, there are individuals – some of whom are educated in planning and others that are not – who are, in fact, practising planning but are not members of the CIP. These practitioners neither recognise nor revere either the CIP’s values or its code of conduct. As a result, although the CIP is empowered to control the professional behaviour of its members, it is not able to regulate all planning practitioners.

In questioning the efficacy of the CIP’s values statement and code of conduct, it has been asked, “in practise, do planners use them, refer to them or alter their behaviour because of them? I doubt it” (Marshall 1999, 23). Wight (1999, 10) also suggests that the CIP could be better served with a ‘broader serviceable ethic’ rather than a “half-baked code of ethics, mainly for others’ benefit,” which only leads the public to believe, incorrectly, that the organisation has a formal code of ethics as a profession or is acting generally in the public’s interest. Wight believes that an individual, conscious effort towards the meshing of technical, moral and utopian dimensions would better serve planning action.

Given that the CIP has developed a Statement of Values and a Code of Professional Conduct but that neither of these can be enforced with all planing practitioners, it can be concluded that with respect to a code of ethics, the CIP falls equidistant between the occupation’s end and the profession’s end of the professionalisation continuum.

Socialisation and the Development of a Professional Culture: Socialisation into a professional culture is the consequence of the formal and informal interaction that occurs during training and throughout practice (Pavalko 1971). Pavalko also suggests that a great deal of socialisation occurs amongst cliques of colleagues, which often form around areas of specialisation, geographic proximity, and personalities.

Canada is a vast nation and the CIP ensures that an affiliate operates in every region of the country. In this respect, each affiliate offers its members easy access to a network of fellow CIP members, although many do not take advantage

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 184 of this formal collegiality. Wight (1999, 11) states that “an embarrassingly small minority” of members of the CIP are active in the organisation, as demonstrated by those relatively few members who seek to hold a position in office or who simply attend the CIP conferences.

Language, also part of an acculturation process, is thought to be a point of control in professional discourse, which excludes some individuals from understanding the jargon. In that regard, it is likely that only a Canadian planner would understand the following statement: “I’m an MCIP, RPP (of the OPPI), working on a DA on an RM-4 for the SDAB” (Marshall 1999, 23). The CIP’s journal Plan Canada also helps bridge communications across the geographically dispersed membership.

The affiliates, the organisation’s journal, and planning discourse are all well- developed in Canada. Nonetheless, the cohesion of planners as a professional group is far less evident.

Considering all the factors related to the formal and informal interaction that occurs during training and throughout practice, it can be concluded that with respect to socialisation and the development of a professional culture, the CIP is slightly closer to the profession’s end of the professionalisation continuum.

The CIP as a Profession – Summary

Considering all of the components of a profession, I attempt to schematically place the CIP along the professionalisation continuum, as shown in Figure 13. Whilst this might be seen as an attempt to quantify a subjective argument, which is not the intent, it does help the reader gauge the ‘distance’ that I believe the CIP has yet to travel for each component in order to achieve pure professional status.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 185 Figure 13. The CIP’s Professionalisation

Components

Occupation Profession

Knowledge/Domain

Community Sanction

Authority

Code of Ethics

Socialisation

0 20 40 60 80 100

Source: Marshall 2000

It can be seen that with regard to knowledge/domain, if one accepts that planning is not a discipline but is a profession, then it comes very close to the profession’s end of the continuum. The components of community sanction, authority, and socialisation are about mid-way between the centre of the continuum and the profession’s end. The professional component that the CIP is furthest from achieving is a code of ethics, which lies equidistant between the two ends of the scale, for reasons previously explained.

Overall, planning has moved a considerable distance as an occupation towards achieving full status as a profession. The policy implications of the distance yet to travel, in which the gaps can be mitigated by the CIP, will become more evident once the CIP is reviewed as a corporatist organisation. This is discussed in the following section.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 186 7.4 The CIP as a Corporatist Entity

Professions represent ideal models of corporatist organisations. As discussed in Chapter 4, a corporatist system includes a limited number of interest associations and power relations with the state that are neither limited nor a zero-sum game. The CIP is assessed against these two factors and five structural components of corporatism.

The structural components illustrate the extent to which the CIP as an interest association has a structural relationship with the state and therefore: (1) has privileged access to state decision-making (as a matter of right and routine); (2) is noncompetitive (i.e., no two groups compete to represent the same interest); (3) is hierarchical; (4) has compulsory membership and thus holds a monopoly in the market; and (5) is involved in both the authoritative allocation of values and in the administration and implementation of public policy (i.e., involvement is continuous, cooperational and integrated).

A Limited Number of Interest Associations: Canada embraces a pluralist system in which the number of non-professional interest groups is theoretically unlimited. In tangent with this, Canada also embraces a corporatist system. Thus, whilst there are literally thousands of civil society actors operating in Canada, there are only a limited number of professions – limited by the state’s legal sanctions and by the community’s granting of informal status. Therefore, there is a limited number of professional interest associations at the hub of government decision-making circles.

Power Relations with the State: Power is the result of action and social systems, as per my use of Giddens’ analysis of power for the purposes of this research. Power is not limited, which means that interest associations are “able to intervene in the world or to refrain from such intervention, with the effect of influencing a specific process or state of affairs” (Giddens 1984, 14). This interpretation differs from a pluralist perspective, in which power is a zero-sum game and each association competes for the limited amount of power and recognition that is provided by the state.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 187 Corporatism, however, does not treat power as a finite pie that is divided up amongst organisations and, once allocated, leaves no more to be shared. By accepting Giddens’ interpretation, it can be concluded that, amongst interest associations, power relations with the state are not limited; nor is power a zero- sum game. That is, power relations and power are unlimited and can be exercised to have an effect in society.

Privileged Access to State Decision-Making: As corporatist associations such as professions develop and mature, they move closer to the core of state decision- making circles. As discussed in Chapter 4, Kriesi (1982) draws three distinct concentric circles of influence in the decision-making hub: (1) the core, where most decisions and policies are made (the most influential position); (2) the inner circle of decision-making, which has a moderate level of influence; and (3) the fringe, where there is a low level of power.

Thus, the locus of state-association relations in the decision-making structure dictates an interest group’s fundamental level of influence. Figure 14 schematically represents the CIP’s overall influence with the Canadian federal state.

Figure 14. Corporatist Government Decision-Making Hub

Core o • Great Power Inner Circle • Mid-Range Power Fringe • Low-Level Power o CIP's Placement

Source: Marshall 2000.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 188 In the Canadian context, Cabinet has ultimate decision-making power. However, different professions and associations can be ‘mapped’ at different points in these circles – indicating varying degrees of general power and influence with the state. In the past, as noted throughout Chapter 6, the CIP has had little power or influence with the state. However, if the CIP continues on its current neocorporatist path – with an organisational focus on government relations and policy influence – I believe it will move from the fringe of the decision-making hub into the inner circle, where it will have greater power and legitimacy.

In real terms, for each government department or agency, a similar diagram could be drawn to indicate where different professions have different degrees of influence. For example, for the Department of Public Works, which includes the CMHC, the CIP would be closer to the core of the decision-making hub than it would be for the Department of Finance, where the CIP would be at the outer edge of the fringe.

Corporatist Interest Associations are Noncompetitive: Professional organisations in Canada are not competing against each other for power. The traditionally weaker professions such as planning would have little hope of ever gaining power or influence if they were competing against the stronger, more established professions. Since they are operating in functionally different areas, professional organisations in Canada are each attempting to gain more power within their own domain, i.e., within their specific areas of expertise.

The planning profession is gaining power by making its influence felt within its domain, interdisciplinary design praxis, most notably through the allocation of land and social resources. This activity falls within the jurisdiction of numerous government departments and the CIP has relations with many of them, confirming the profession’s interdisciplinary nature. The CIP’s formal purpose, also dovetailing with the concept of interdisciplinarity, is described as “the planning of the scientific, aesthetic and orderly disposition of land, resources, facilities and services with a view to securing the physical, economic and social efficiency, health and well-being of urban and rural communities” (CIP 1994b, 5).

Interest associations are also noncompetitive in the sense that no two groups compete to represent the same interest, although membership may overlap. The CIP is the only professional planning body in Canada and its membership is

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 189 restricted to university educated planning practitioners. In contrast, the Community Planning Association of Canada is a non-professional body and its membership entirely open. These organisations are therefore noncompetitive.

Corporatist Interest Associations are Hierarchical: This component of corporatism refers to hierarchies that exist both between groups and within them. Whilst different interest associations are not competing with each other, there are differences in their respective levels of influence. Levels of power within the state’s decision-making circles were discussed previously (see Figure 14).

The differences in the degree of influence brought to bear by various interest associations can be seen as evidence of the existence of a hierarchy amongst groups. This variability in influence is related to the degree to which a third sector association group has become an entrenched profession and has been integrated as a corporate organisation with the state. The CIP’s comparatively weak influence, resting as it does on the fringe of the government decision-making hub, is likely due to the fact that it has not yet achieved full status as a profession. That is, some distance remains between the CIP’s place on the continuum and its achievement of professional status for the individual components of a profession.

Apart from the hierarchy amongst interest associations, in which the CIP is currently poised to gain greater influence, there are also definite levels of hierarchy within the CIP. The organisation has an ascending ladder of corporate association membership: student member, provisional member, full member, and fellow. There are also three lesser, noncorporate membership classes: honourary member, public associate, and public associate student. These categories are lesser to the extent that such members do not have voting rights (CIP 1994b).

Moreover, there is a hierarchy of formal and informal power within the general membership of the CIP. More power can be exercised by those individuals who are elected onto the National Council (and Affiliate Councils) or appointed to positions on, for example, the national editorial board or special committees. Overall, it can therefore be concluded that the CIP, as an interest association, is hierarchical.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 190 Corporatist Interest Associations Have Compulsory Membership and a Monopoly in the Market: The state controls which professions are legally recognised and licensed although, as described previously, this varies from province to province across Canada. As a result, different affiliates of the CIP have different levels of relative power, rights to title, and rights to practise – all of which contribute to creating a variable monopoly in the market.

Whilst membership in the CIP is currently voluntary, the organisation, by its own actions, is moving to alter this situation with a push to give all designated planners the right to title as well as the right to practise. The CIP is also encouraging all government institutions to hire only those planners who have been accredited by the organisation.

Evident now in most public sector job advertisements for planners is an employment requirement of ‘CIP membership’ or, at minimum, ‘eligibility for CIP membership.’ With the government being a major employer of planners, this initiative will command more practising planners to join the ranks of the CIP. As a result, the CIP will gain strides in securing a national monopoly in the marketplace. Similarly, compulsory membership is being encouraged amongst academics by the CIP through its accreditation requirements. University planning programs must employ a certain number of full-time instructors who are members of the organisation. This, too, is pushing more planners to join the CIP.

Beyond both the public service and academia, however, there is a large group of private consultants who practise planning. Without the legal right to practise, planners accredited by the CIP will never have an absolute monopoly in the marketplace. Much time and effort will no doubt be required before this right is granted to the profession in all provinces and territories. As mentioned, currently only the OUQ (Quebec) affiliate members have to be licensed to practise. Accordingly, the CIP has only partially achieved the corporatist structural component of compulsory membership and a monopoly in the market.

Corporatist Interest Associations are Involved in the Authoritative Allocation of Values and the Administration and Implementation of Public Policy: With access to state decision-making comes legitimacy and power, and the CIP is starting to have privileged access to the state as described earlier in this chapter.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 191 As the CIP improves both its public image and its relations with government, it will gain even more access to the state and have further influence on public policy. The development, maintenance, and improvement of a profession requires continuous political activity. As a result, it befits an interest group such as the CIP to advance its own aims and protect its political advantage (Freidson 1973b).

A critical difference between pluralism and corporatism is the structure of interest groups and the way in which relations take place between the state and these non-state actors. Corporatism and pluralism are “clearly recognizable ideal- types of mutually exclusive systems of interest intermediation” (Wassenberg 1982, 88). In a corporatist state, interest groups become involved in a continuous, cooperational and integrated manner with the authoritative (i.e., political) allocation of values and in the administration and implementation of public policy. Professional groups have ongoing relations with government, rather than the ‘one-off’ issue- or project-based involvement ordinarily undertaken by pluralist groups. Canada clearly operates with both of these systems.

Professions, compared to pluralist groups, are also more likely to yield to control by the state since they are more sophisticated in their lobbying techniques and are a ‘known factor’ to the state. The more controlled that relations are between the state and non-state actors, the more that government is likely to promote and facilitate that particular relationship. As Ferderber (1999) notes, “professions are a much more enticing interest group for decision-makers to deal with” than are loosely organised interest groups over which the government has little leverage. That said, different professions are granted different privileges and, accordingly, are able to influence government and public policy with different intensities.

The general public, pluralist groups and professionals each fulfill different roles in a government involvement process. Whilst I am a strong proponent of public involvement principles and processes (Marshall 1999; Marshall and Roberts 1997; Roberts and Marshall 1995, 1996), I also believe there is an appropriate time and place for expert professional opinion in policy-making. Professions will always be required to complement public opinion and collective values with technical, often scientific, advice. Compared to the layperson or to pluralist groups, professions are granted greater privileges and have easier access to

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 192 policy-makers when they bring specialised knowledge to the table. Historically, the CIP has had – and continues to have – varying levels of influence with different federal government departments, ranging from direct partnership to no involvement at all.

The CIP as Corporatist Entity – Summary

The CIP exhibits most of the structural components of a corporatist system. The organisation does have some special privileges and access to information, both of which are increasing. It is non-competitive, in that it is the only professional urban planning organisation in the country. As well, it is hierarchical, by the nature of its formal internal membership categories and through its informal social relations. Whilst the CIP has not historically had much influence in the public policy arena, it is rapidly getting more involved. The one corporatist structural component the CIP does not have at present is compulsory membership and a monopoly in the marketplace.

7.5 Some Suggestions for CIP Policy Directions

This section of the chapter suggests some general policy directions that the CIP might pursue in its quest for full professional status and a more complete corporatist structure. Whilst the central purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate the relationships between a neocorporatist ideology and the CIP, the analysis presents an opportunity to inform the CIP’s national policy and the structural components of the organisation.

The greatest opportunity for change lies where the CIP has the biggest gaps, both on the professionalisation continuum and in some of the corporatist structural components. Changes in these areas will allow the CIP to become better integrated into a neocorporatist state.

The biggest gap on the professionalisation continuum exists due to the lack of a code of ethics. Hence, in order to be seen as a full-fledged profession, the CIP should articulate a strong and definitive code of ethics and strictly enforce it with its members.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 193 The socialisation of the organisation’s members also could be improved. The socialisation process may seem insignificant, but if the members of the CIP do not support their own professional association, how can National Council expect the broader community to do so? Policy should be directed to actively involve more members in the governance of the organisation and to pursue new members, especially planning students.

Coinciding with this are the professional components of community sanctions and authority. If the CIP stays on its current neocorporatist trajectory, increased profile will follow and it will gain stature in its areas of expertise and, hence, increase its authority. It would be wise for the profession to adopt Castells’ and Sandercock’s articulation of the domain as a profession, before the group argues itself into oblivion about its discipline. More effort should also be given to the promotion of what the planning profession can offer the state, rather than ‘navel gazing’ about theories on what planning is, which are ideologically bound and thus naturally tied to change.

In relation to the CIP’s structure, the recent year 2000 reorganisation seems to be a positive step. Its emphasis on government relations is critical to maintaining and increasing the degree of access the CIP has to state decision-makers and thus enabling it to gain more power. This policy direction will see the organisation move inward in the government decision-making hub, and become more involved in policy-making and, ultimately, in resource allocation.

In order to become more of a profession and a stronger corporate entity, and less like a pluralist interest group, the CIP should maintain a ‘closed’ membership policy. This is particularly important in view of the fact that the government prefers to work with professional groups since they are more controllable by the state. Adopting a more ‘open’ membership policy, which the CIP is currently considering, would clearly be counterproductive to the achievement of the organisation’s goal of influencing and shaping public policy at the national level via enhanced government relations.

The CIP should also pursue formal partnerships with all three orders of government in order to tighten state hiring qualifications for planners. Ideally, all public sector planning positions should affirm that ‘CIP membership is required’ or that applicants are ‘eligible for CIP membership, with membership required

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 194 within a reasonable time period.’ This would strengthen the currently weak corporatist component of compulsory membership, which is tied to achieving a monopoly in the market. In parallel with this policy initiative, the CIP should pursue the legal right to practise in all provinces and territories of Canada.

One substantive area in which the CIP is operating successfully is that of international work, which is influenced by the socioeconomic context of Canada and globalisation trends. Since Canada has a strong knowledge-based economy, which will likely become more fully developed in the future, more of its expertise will be exported. The CIP should therefore continue to export its planning knowledge in a systematic fashion.

Finally, administratively, the CIP must regularly step back from praxis and understand itself theoretically in the socioeconomic, political and ideological context within which it operates. If it did so now, it would find that a neocorporatist philosophy and practices are influencing the profession’s power and legitimation. It is creating the enabling conditions needed for the CIP to increasingly influence public policy and thereby achieve its own mission.

7.6 Chapter Summary

The CIP is increasingly influencing Canadian state policy and programs at the federal level. Clearly, the organisation is strengthening its relations with the state as it moves more towards the profession’s end of the professionalisation continuum. It is also exhibiting more of the structuralist components of a corporatist system.

Many Canadian planners are actively striving, through their professional association, the CIP, to attain each of the components of a profession and, thereby, to professionalise. Planners are trying to identify and agree on their intellectual domain. Affiliates are seeking formal sanction by winning provincial legal rights to title and practise. More and more planners are socialised through accredited planning programs and the continuing professional development offered by the CIP through its conferences. The organisation is also promoting

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 195 exclusivity by pursuing a hiring scheme with governments and public agencies that will help it secure a monopoly in the market. These conscious acts are helping push the urban planning profession closer to being recognised as a full profession (Marshall 1999).

The CIP also exhibits most of the components of corporatism, achieving varying degrees of the ideal. Because professions are the most complete form of corporatist structure, the closer the CIP comes to being recognised as a full- fledged profession, the more extensively it will exhibit the ideal components of corporatism. If it maintains its present trajectory, it is only a matter of time until the CIP will be able to ensure that its organisation is integrated into and influential within the Canadian corporatist structure.

By way of concluding, the following and final chapter of this thesis revisits the original thesis statement and summarises the key points of the study, which answer the central research question that was initially posed. It also discusses the limitations of this study and proposed some ideas for future research.

Chapter 7 – A Neocorporatist CIP 196 8.0 CONCLUSION: FINAL REFLECTIONS

Is the recent trend of neocorporatist philosophy influencing the power and legitimation of the Canadian urban planning profession, and if so, how? Marshall (2000)

Reflecting back to the central research question, as noted above and in response to it, I have argued throughout this thesis that neocorporatism is increasingly becoming the adopted ideology of both the public and private spheres in Canada. That is, businesses and governments are increasingly using neocorporatist strategies as a way to govern and conduct business. This general ideology then flows into the third sector and influences other forms of social practice such as professions.

“Canadians have had a tradition of valuing peace, order and good government” (Adams 1997, 21). In times of rapid change, these traditional foundations can no longer be relied upon, and so society begins to question the social order. The state, with its own role in the governance of the country coming under question, has identified key indicators of instability amidst emerging socioeconomic trends. It has begun to strategically reposition itself to work through such instability by adjusting and reconfiguring state institutions.

Complex issues and global influences no longer allow a central government to control all societal forces that influence the conditions within a country’s borders. Since change is now rampant in all sectors of Canadian society, government is attempting to settle the uncertainty, while maintaining its own role in the governance of the nation. To do so, it is reformulating the social order such that it again becomes ‘comfortable’ for both the polity and the government. Realising that it can no longer govern on its own, due to both the complexity of the task and diminishing financial resources, the Canadian federal government is involving the business and non-profit sectors of society in the governance of the country.

As Jenson has pointed out, there are several theoretical approaches to maintaining the social order. One is to adopt a clear strategy for social cohesion, which “results from interdependence, shared loyalties and solidarities.” Another is to promote an active democratic government, which guarantees a basic level of

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 197 equality and equity. A third is to adopt a more classical liberalist approach, which “results from private behaviour in private institutions such as markets” (Jenson 1998, 12). Yet another approach, neocorporatism, involves state-interest association co-governance, which mandates some power sharing through a reallocation of legitimacy rights in the policy- and decision-making arenas. In an incontrovertibly Canadian manner, the federal state has adopted a little bit of each of these approaches, but with an emphasis on neocorporatism.

The state is clearly attempting to settle unstable times with initiatives that bridge the crevasses that are starting to show in the Canadian social and economic landscapes. As neocorporatist philosophy becomes entrenched over time and manifests in more neocorporatist practice, Canada will experience an essentially new way to govern.

This thesis has investigated the proposition that the Canadian Institute of Planners is reflecting neocorporatist ideology in its philosophy and practices. Moreover, far from reflecting any ‘inherent’ neutrality, impartiality or professional independence, the CIP has adopted wholesale the dominant philosophy of postmodern business practice as its own, in order to become more integrated with the neocorporatist state and increase its power and legitimacy. As a result, the CIP is becoming increasingly structured like a corporatist interest organisation and more neocorporatist in its function. That is, the CIP is increasingly involved in state policy-making or, in short, in the governance of the country.

8.1 Reflections on Professions

This thesis has discussed the nature of professions, how they relate to society, how they ‘professionalise’ and how they are defined theoretically by their common components. These component parts – theory and knowledge/domain, sanctions, autonomy and control, codes of ethics, and the socialisation of professionals – represent the systemic elements that develop and recombine in complex ways, allowing us to understand professional action and intent.

We have learned that the Canadian Institute of Planners has not been a stable organisation throughout its 81 year history. It was dormant for nearly 20 of those years and has been ‘shape shifting’ in the others to reflect the government-

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 198 of-the-day’s ideologies and practices. The CIP has not been consciously entrenched in professional ideology and, as a result, has been more influenced by state ideology than by its own. As the CIP professionalises and fuses its own needs with those of the state, it moves towards a congruence of its own components, functions and interests. That is, as Canada’s professional body of urban planners professionalises and becomes more integrated with the state, it will gain power and legitimacy, and produce the structures necessary for its further development.

Professions are the perfect embodiment of a corporatist interest association, and fall naturally into the neocorporatist process. Because professions do not operate independent of the state, and because the Canadian government has stylised neocorporatism to its own context, professions such as the CIP are being strongly influenced by this relatively new phenomenon.

8.2 The Ideological Dimension

We have seen that professions do not operate independent of the state. Nor do they operate independent of ideology. In order to better understand this point, I studied five major ideologies – anarchism, post-Marxism, neoliberalism, postmodernism and neocorporatism – each of which contributes relevant concepts and ideas to our understanding of the social order and professions within it. After analysing each ideology, I suggested which portions of each interpret the professions in modern times. Neocorporatist ideology emerges with the greatest explanatory power, which enables us to best understand the total context including the new social order, professions, state apparatuses and state- profession relations. Yet neocorporatism derives support from key elements within each of the other four ideologies that were examined.

When operationalised, neocorporatism gives organisations (professions being key among them) the power and legitimacy to influence state policy. This acknowledges and legitimises the known expertise of these non-state actors and validates their existence as active associations within society. This, in turn, leads to an increase in the collective power and legitimacy available to the state. Enhanced by neocorporatist practices, and theoretically explained through Giddens’ structuration theory, professions and the state are products of power

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 199 and legitimacy, while simultaneously drawing on power and legitimacy to maintain this system in dynamic equilibrium. This interplay benefits both of these social structures, independently and as part of the larger social order.

Authors agree that every contemporary, democratic state operates with some level of neocorporatism. It is a matter of determining how much is at play in different governance systems. There is no doubt that neocorporatism is being used to help manage the social order in Canada. The CIP is a part of that order and is strategically aligning its structure and programs to resonate with corporate and neocorporatist modus operandi.

Whilst the current developments in a globalised world are as revolutionary as the changes of the 18th and 19th centuries, the strategies and ideologies used to manage such changes are vastly different (Cuthbert 1994a). With accelerating postmodern interconnectedness in the information age, governments can rely on neither the status quo nor their own resources to maintain the social order. As the state adapts to this new way of the world, neocorporatism is the critical ideology that is overseeing and revamping new governance processes in Canada.

8.3 Empirical Speaking: The Canadian Context

How professions and the state interrelate in Canada, along with a description of the structures and processes that enable this, have been described and analysed in ideological terms. These relations were also demonstrated empirically within the Canadian socioeconomic and political system’s peculiarities.

Currently in Canada, key processes such as public and stakeholder involvement, consultation, engagement, dialogue, and participation are being advanced by the state amongst the private sector, NGOs, the third sector, nonprofit organisations, civil society, and advocacy groups. As the sheer volume of such activity mounts, there is no doubt that non-state actors are becoming more involved in the governing of the country than they have ever been before.

Politically, the state is under pressure to consult the polity. Without wanting to relinquish its own governance role, power or legitimacy, the state is creating formal processes for involvement that are politically palatable – with groups that

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 200 are controllable. That is, the state is legitimising interest associations, rather than focusing predominantly on involving a diffuse and diverse general population in a variety of policy-relevant involvement processes that would be much more difficult to manage.

Canada’s neocorporatist state is therefore inviting the organised third sector to become more involved in the state’s policy- and decision-making processes. The professions, reflecting the government’s neocorporatist ideology, are accepting that offer. Under the process of co-governance, the legitimacy of powerful non- state actors, including professions, is growing and will continue to expand. “It is very likely that Canada will see more collaborative partnerships, independent of which party is in power, due to evolving state-market-society relationships” (Phillips 1991, 210). Applying Giddens’ structuration principles, the Canadian state and professions are relying on each other by legitimising new forms of state- third sector involvement and, as a result, will collectively synthesise greater power and influence.

8.4 Revisiting the CIP’s Historical Ideological Influences

In the thesis, I have given general overview of the CIP has been given, along with a history of how the organisation has responded to different governments since its inception. As demonstrated, the CIP has been strongly influenced by the state’s operational ideologies, even adopting these in its own structure and practices. With Canada regularly alternating between the Liberal and Conservative parties, each with different ideologies, the CIP has had to respond to different governance processes over time. As well, whilst Canada’s socioeconomic and political context greatly affected the shape and function of the CIP, the organisation also responded to the influences of British and American planning practice and organisation, particularly in its formative years.

Historically, the Canadian urban planning profession has related to the state in a subordinate position. Although the CIP was established in 1919, it went into dormancy for 20 years in 1932. Before re-establishing itself in 1952, the association had achieved only two of the five stages of professionalisation by establishing a full-time occupation and founding an organisation. It had also made limited inroads into a third stage by establishing some education and training

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 201 courses in the programs of related disciplines. Thus, it is not surprising that the organisation became dormant when times got tough and government support was withdrawn. It had no legitimacy or power apart from that first provided – and then withdrawn – by the federal government.

Since 1952, however, the CIP has been focussing primarily on developing its own power and legitimacy by moving from an organised occupation into a fully- fledged profession. It has now achieved the three stages of professionalisation mentioned above and has made progress towards adopting a formal code of ethics via its combined Statement of Values and Code of Professional Conduct. The outstanding stage, protecting the professional association by law, is a work in progress in Canada, which has not been uniformly achieved across the provinces, where such laws are made.

8.5 A Neocorporatist CIP

Until the mid-1990s, formal involvement and partnerships between the CIP and the state had been ad hoc at best. The Canadian state, via neocorporatist processes, is now offering the CIP opportunities to increase and strengthen its relations with the federal government, and thereby to increase its power and legitimacy.

As history has shown, the Canadian urban planning discipline has always reflected the reigning government’s ideology. Current times are no different. The Canadian government is having to manage social change and an unstable social order. Amongst other initiatives, the state is instituting neocorporatist practices. Like other third sector actors, and in response to the state, the Canadian Institute of Planners is also displaying a neocorporatist ideology and, as a result, is increasingly becoming more involved in policy-making at the national level.

Because professions have the quintessential corporatist interest mediation structure, they are also ideal neocorporatist actors. The CIP exhibits most of the components of a corporate structure and, as it restructures itself to focus on government relations, is coming close to being recognised as a full-fledged profession. If it maintains its present trajectory, it is only a matter of time until the CIP will be able to ensure that its organisation is integrated with the state and, hence, much more influential in formulating public policy.

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 202 8.6 Significance of This Research

This research has deepened the current understanding of professions-state relations in the Canadian neocorporatist context. As more and more occupations seek professional status, there is an increasing need to know about professions, their distinguishing features, their functional relations, and their social purpose. Professions are becoming increasingly influential and, as such, it becomes ever more crucial to understand them as social structures and co-governors of society.

Most professionals do not reflect on the ideologies and microtheories that influence their domains. Accordingly, most professional organisations are very empirically-based, with little or no knowledge about the multitude of factors that influence them. This thesis increases our understanding of Canada’s professional planning organisation by looking at it ‘from within’ and exposing the contexts that influence its structure and function. It also holds the potential to inform the CIP about itself and its environment and, in so doing, to enable it to consciously gain power and legitimacy as a profession that has policy influence.

This research has followed a hermeneutical approach, investigating the relationships between professions, ideology and the state within Canada. It provides an original description and interpretation of these relationships. Since very little has been theorised and documented about the Canadian urban planning profession, this work is a major contribution to that previously scant material.

As the CIP is restructuring itself, this research also offers a theoretical explanation for some of its philosophies and practices. This empirical analysis can help strategically guide the organisation in relation to state operations and increase its influence in the decision-making arena. If the CIP takes conscious advantage of current sociopolitical opportunities, power and influence will follow. This can only make the Canadian urban planning profession stronger. Information gleaned from this research may help to influence how the Canadian planning profession ultimately defines itself and strengthens its place in the new social order.

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 203 8.7 Research Limitations

Whilst neocorporatism best explains Canadian state operations and professions, aspects of the other four ideologies studied collectively offer a unique interpretation of ideology and professional social practice. Overlaid onto these relations is Giddens’ theory of structuration, dealing primarily with power and legitimation. This approach does not allow the reader to sit comfortably within one analytical framework but instead offers a multilayered, challenging approach to this subject. Some readers may find this approach to be an asset, whereas others may see it as a limitation.

I believe that a more in-depth analysis of the state with regard to each ideology reviewed, in which state form and function were considered, has shed further light on how professions function within different scenarios. The analysis of each ideology, however, could easily be a study unto itself. Whilst my approach demonstrates a thorough understanding of the social order in each ideology, it is recognised that more could always be done.

Another characteristic of this research is directly related to the limitations of available data. Very little has been written about how professions are a part of the third sector and how they specifically relate to state operations and governance processes. As a result, very little literature was available regarding how much influence or power professions have when compared to other non- state actors. This is where my approach is an original contribution to the literature. Nonetheless, power is a difficult concept and the exercise of power is impossible to quantify. Hence, study in this area must rely on qualitative methods and hermeneutical interpretation, which may not sit comfortably with some readers.

Another limitation of this research is that, from an empirical perspective, the written records kept at the CIP’s national office are, at best, sketchy. Hence, the contents of the journal Plan Canada have historically served as an official history of the organisation, although this record is short and incomplete. Had time and financial resources permitted, in-depth interviews with surviving long-time CIP members may have provided a more complete history of how the CIP interacted

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 204 with the state in its formative years. Offsetting those challenges, however, I have been able to access information and files not normally open to a researcher, due to a two year appointment to an affiliate practice review committee and in my current position as a member of the CIP’s national editorial board.

8.8 Possibilities for Future Research

Back in 1991, Phillips (212) identified the “need to encourage more public and scholarly debate about the potential, limitations and consequences of shifting government-interest group relations,” a suggestion with which I would still agree. This field of research has not yet emerged as a significant preoccupation of academics. Whilst this thesis does contribute to that slowly growing body of material, much more remains to be studied. For example, although the influence of neocorporatism is being seen in all policy realms, there is still a lack of awareness of neocorporatism’s cumulative effects. Future research could ask:

• What are the long-term implications for the third sector (including professions), decision-makers and society as a whole of a neocorporatist ideology, given that, initially, neocorporatism was most often associated with more authoritarian political regimes?

Although an extensive new literature is being written on governance, and on the third sector as an entity, very little is specifically written on professions as part of the changing relationships between the state and non-state actors. Therefore, we might also ask:

• How will relationships between the state and non-state actors change over time under a neocorporatist ideology within the Canadian democratic structure?

This research will have to be conducted in the future, when implications can be assessed using measuring sticks from the late 1990s and early 2000s. The answer would further help co-governors determine which initiatives, processes or legal agreements have the greatest impact on the social order and identify where the change results, be it at a national, regional or individual level.

Chapter 8 – Conclusion: Final Reflections 205 Finally, studies of other planning associations could be conducted to determine if neocorporatism is a global trend and if it is influencing the other major world professional planning associations in ways similar to the CIP. For example:

• To what extent would a case study of the Royal Australian Planning Institute or the Royal Town Planning Institute (UK) reveal whether or not these organisations are also feeling the effects of neocorporatism?

Each of these questions could generate a detailed study on its own.

8.9 Concluding Remarks

Since neocorporatism is a fairly recent phenomenon in Canada, having emerged only in the mid-1990s, the state and non-state actors are still formulating the means through which they can conduct new practices. It is too early to tell what the long-term consequences will be on government, the private sector, the third sector or the general public. For now, though, professions stand to capture significant power and legitimacy from integrating themselves into a corporate structure and neocorporatist processes. At the beginning of the third millennium, if the Canadian Institute of Planners is opportunistic and acts with conscious intent, it clearly has much to gain.

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Bibliography 240 Wellman, Tony. 1989. ‘The National Housing Research Committee.’ Plan Canada 29 (3): 20-21.

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Bibliography 242 APPENDIX A: INSTITUTIONAL DEFINITIONS OF PLANNING

Town Planning Institute of Canada – Definition of Planning (1923)

“Town planning may be defined as the scientific and orderly disposition of land and buildings in use and development with a view to obviating congestion and securing economic and social efficiency, health and well-being in urban and rural communities” (TPIC 1923, 1).

Canadian Institute of Planners – Definition of Planning (1994)

“Planning means the planning of the scientific, aesthetic disposition of land, resources, facilities and services with a view to securing the physical, economic and social efficiency, health and well-being of urban and rural communities” (CIP 1994b, 5).

Royal Town Planning Institute (UK) – Definition of Planning (1996)

“‘Town planning’ is not defined in the Institute’s charter, but the following definition is included in the Royal Town Planning Institute Practice Advice Note No. 10 (June 1992): The professional planner is an expert in the management of change in the built and natural environment. Within Britain, this must be understood as applying to the planning of town and country and involving strategic considerations as well as those relating to the implementation of policies and projects. The Institute acknowledges that the process of planning is not solely a scientific and technical one. It involves competence in management and mediation among many interests. It draws on innovative and creative capabilities in developing and managing solutions to problems as well as evaluating them. It requires a sensitive awareness of political and ethical issues because planning is typically practised in complex institutional contexts” (RTPI 1996, 1).

Appendix A – Institutional Definitions of Planning 243 APPENDIX B: THE CIP’S STATEMENT OF VALUES AND PROFESSIONAL CODE OF CONDUCT

CIP Statement of Values

The Canadian Institute of Planners has been dedicated to the advancement of planning since 1919. Planning is an applied science and art based upon knowledge and wisdom gained through education and experience. Although planning philosophy, theory, and practice have evolved over the years, the essential values advocated by the Institute are derived from a long and honourable tradition.

Planners work for the public good. Planning includes a concern for health, aesthetics, equity and efficiency. As well, planning respects the land as a community resource. It contributes to the conservation of natural and cultural heritage, and promotes healthy communities and improvements to quality of life.

Being accountable to their clients, the public and future generations, members of the Institute must practice in an ethical and responsible manner. Representing professional planners in Canada, the Institute has prepared the following Statement of Values, which is intended to provide a source of inspiration and guidance for planners, and the Code of Professional Conduct which is enforceable through the disciplinary provisions of the by-law or through the complementary codes and by-laws of the Institute’s affiliates.

Statement of Values

1. To respect and integrate the needs of future generations. CIP members recognize that their work has cumulative and long-term implications. When addressing short-term needs, CIP members acknowledge the future needs of people, other species, and their environments, and avoid committing resources that are irretrievable or irreplaceable.

2. To overcome or compensate for jurisdictional limitations. CIP members understand that their work can affect many jurisdictions and interests. Therefore they practice in an holistic manner recognizing the need to overcome the limitations of administrative boundaries.

Appendix B – CIP’s Statement of Values and Code of Professional Conduct 244 3. To value the natural and cultural environment. CIP members believe that both the natural and cultural environments must be valued. They assume roles as stewards of these environments, balancing preservation with sustainable development.

4. To recognize and react positively to uncertainty. CIP members believe that the long-term future is unpredictable and develop adaptable and flexible responses to deal positively with this uncertainty.

5. To respect diversity. CIP members respect and protect diversity in values, cultures, economies, ecosystems, built environments and distinct places.

6. To balance the needs of communities and individuals. CIP members seek to balance the interests of communities with the interests of individuals, and recognize that communities include both geographic communities and communities of interest.

7. To foster public participation. CIP members believe in meaningful public participation by all individuals and groups and seek to articulate the needs of those whose interests have not been represented.

8. To articulate and communicate values. CIP members believe in applying these values explicitly in their work and communicating their importance to clients, employers, colleagues and the public.

Source: Statement of Values adopted by Council, February 1994 (CIP 1994a).

Appendix B – CIP’s Statement of Values and Code of Professional Conduct 245 Code of Professional Conduct

1.0 The Planner’s Responsibility to the Public Interest

Members have a primary responsibility to define and serve the interests of the public. This requires the use of theories and techniques of planning that inform and structure debate, facilitate communication, and foster understanding. Accordingly, a CIP member shall:

1.1 practice in a manner that respects the needs, values and aspirations of the public and encourages discussion on these matters;

1.2 provide full, clear and accurate information on planning matters to decision- makers and members of the public, while recognizing the client’s right to confidentiality and the importance of timely recommendations;

1.3 acknowledge the interrelated nature of planning decisions and their consequences for individuals, the environment, and the broader public interest; and

1.4 identify and promote opportunities for meaningful participation in the planning process to all interested parties.

2.0 The Planner’s Responsibility to Clients and Employers

Members owe diligent, creative, independent, and competent performance of work in pursuit of the client’s or employer’s interest. Accordingly, a CIP member shall:

2.1 provide independent professional opinion to clients, employers, the public, and tribunals;

2.2 work with integrity and professionalism;

2.3 perform work only within the member’s professional competence;

Appendix B – CIP’s Statement of Values and Code of Professional Conduct 246 2.4 ensure that advertising or promotional activities fairly and accurately communicate the expertise and skills offered;

2.5 acknowledge the values held by the client or employer in work performed, unless such values conflict with other aspects of this Code;

2.6 respect the client’s or employer’s right to confidentiality of information gathered through a professional relationship, unless this right conflicts with other aspects of this Code;

2.7 inform the client or employer in the event of a conflict between the values or actions of the client or employer and the values or actions set in this Code;

2.8 ensure full disclosure to a client or employer of a possible conflict of interest arising from the member’s private or professional activities;

2.9 inform all parties and give public disclosure, together with the member’s professional recommendation, in circumstances where the public interest may be adversely affected;

2.10 reject, and not offer, any financial or other inducements that could influence or affect professional opportunities or planning advice; and

2.11 not sign or seal a final drawing, specification, plan, report or other document not actually prepared or checked by the member.

3.0 The Planner’s Responsibility to the Profession

The vitality and credibility of the planning profession, and of the Institute, rely upon the quality of the members. To further the profession, members will be expected to attain and maintain a high standard of professional competence. Accordingly, a CIP member shall:

3.1 act in a fair, honest manner;

Appendix B – CIP’s Statement of Values and Code of Professional Conduct 247 3.2 encourage healthy and constructive criticism about the theory and practice of planning among colleagues and share the results of experience and research that contribute to the evolving body of planning knowledge;

3.3 maintain an appropriate awareness of contemporary planning philosophy, theory, and practice by seeking and receiving professional education throughout a planning career;

3.4 contribute to the professional education, mentoring, and development of planning students, provisional, and full members of the Institute, and other colleagues;

3.5 accurately represent his or her professional qualifications and affiliations and those of colleagues;

3.6 advertise professional planning services in a manner that enhances the credibility of the profession;

3.7 comply with any reasonable request of the Institute for information or for the co-operation of the member in pursuit of any Institute objective; and

3.8 implement and give full effect to the disposition of any discipline proceeding affecting the member.

Source: Code of Professional Conduct, April 1994 (CIP 1994a).

Appendix B – CIP’s Statement of Values and Code of Professional Conduct 248 APPENDIX C: CIP RECOGNITION OF UNIVERSITY DEGREES – PROGRAM CONTENT REQUIREMENTS AS A MINIMUM STANDARD GUIDELINES

Background

This section is intended to assist the Major Review Committee and the program chair in determining (establishing/assessing) that the program’s curriculum successfully implements the goals and objectives and provides students with the knowledge, skills and ethical values necessary for becoming professional planners.

Criteria

Planning is a future-oriented and comprehensive process. It seeks to link knowledge and action in ways which improve the quality of public and private development and of decisions affecting people and their environment. Because of its future orientation, planning embraces visionary and idealistic thinking, yet also recognizes that the implementation of plans requires the reconciliation of present realities to future states. To become effective and ethical practitioners, students must develop a comprehensive understanding of communities and regions, and of the theory and practice of planning. They must become sensitive to the ways in which planning affects individual and community values, and must be aware of their own roles in the process.

1. Quality: The program’s curriculum shall be of high quality to ensure an up-to-date understanding of the field and the development of state-of-the-art planning skills be its graduate.

2. Goals: Planning programs seeking recognition from CIP must clearly state their goals and objectives with respect to complying with the CIP program content requirements as stated in this document within the broader framework of their own university or institutional goals and/or mission statements. Further, the program’s curriculum shall be configured consistently with the stated goals and objectives.

Appendix C – The CIP’s Recognition of University Degrees 249 3. Components: The components of a program shall address knowledge, skills and ethical values as follows:

Knowledge Components

1. Structure and Function of Human Settlements

This subject area should include: • knowledge of human settlement itself – its evolution and history, geography, economy, changing forms and political and social structure; • an understanding of local government, finance, and land use; • an understanding of the broad principles that guide the design and operation of infrastructure and services; • an understanding of the roles of economic development and social service provisions, including housing.

2. History and Principles of Community Planning Processes and Practices

This subject area should include: • knowledge of the theories, ideals and principles which have guided community planning; • approaches to and methods of policy analysis; • history of community planning; • community planning practice.

Planning should be examined as a decision-making process in a political environment. This typically includes: • an understanding of the strengths, limitations, and uncertainties associated with the political, social, cultural and economic nature of public interest and the roles of professional judgment, expertise and advice within these frameworks; • an understanding of the historical evolution of community planning as a function of government, as a professional activity, and as a reform movement.

Appendix C – The CIP’s Recognition of University Degrees 250 3. Legislative, Legal, Political and Administrative Aspects of Planning and Policy Implementation

This subject area should include: • the contexts in which planning takes place, focusing on enabling legislation, agencies conducting planning or employing planners, and the processes by which plans are made and implemented.

4. Methods of Policy Implementation and Planning

This subject area should include: • methods for implementing public policy and community planning within the framework of Canadian law and the process of local government – it includes planning law, community development plans, zoning and other implementation techniques, governmental systems, political and organizational behaviour, public finance principles, evaluation methods and impact assessment; • knowledge of and familiarity with the role and methods of public consultation and involvement in decision-making and understanding of the concepts of community based development.

5. Environmental and Ecological Aspects of Planning

This subject area should include: • an understanding of biophysical environments and systems; • an understanding of the relationship between ecological, social and economic factors in planning including the concepts of sustainable development.

6. Roles and Responsibilities of Planners

This area should: • enable students to understand the roles, relationships and responsibilities of planners within the broader society.

Appendix C – The CIP’s Recognition of University Degrees 251 Skills Component

1. Problem Identification, Research Skills, and Data Gathering

This subject area should address the ability to identify problems from complex actual situations. Sub-areas include the ability to: • design research frameworks and conduct research; • gain competence in a variety of research techniques including case study methods, survey design and data gathering methods such as observation, open-ended interviewing and the design of questionnaires; • gain familiarity with information sources commonly used by planners.

2. Analytical Skills

This subject area should address: • the ability to apply statistical and other analytical methods and techniques, to define planning problems, forecast future needs, generate alternatives, and evaluate their consequences; • the ability to apply principles and rules of classification (sorting, grouping, categorizing), logic (inductive and deductive reasoning) and empiricism in undertaking analysis and in reporting results; • the ability to apply methods of policy and program analysis and evaluation to identify outcomes such as benefits and costs (including differential distribution of benefits and costs).

3. Written, Oral, and Graphic Communication Skills

This subject area should address: • the ability to communicate effectively in written, spoken, and visual terms; • the drafting of technical, advisory and regulatory reports and other documents used as a basis for decision-making.

Appendix C – The CIP’s Recognition of University Degrees 252 4. Collaborative Problem-Solving Skills

This subject area should include: • the ability to work effectively as leaders and members of multi- disciplinary teams, and to understand interpersonal and group dynamics to assure effective group action – the subject area should also include an understanding of group processes, as well as mediation and negotiation skills; • knowledge of and familiarity with the role and methods of public consultation and involvement in decision-making and an understanding of the concepts of community-based development.

5. Synthesis and Application of Knowledge to Practice

This subject area should include: • the ability to synthesize planning knowledge and apply it to actual planning problems – typically this is demonstrated through a thesis, comprehensive project, or comprehensive exam; • the ability to generate creative solutions to practical planning problems – this may be through studio projects or workshops.

Ethical Values Component

The planning program shall provide students with the basis for becoming ethical practitioners who are aware of and responsible for the way that their activities affect and promote ethical values. The program shall provide students with an understanding of the importance and effects of the Statement of Values of the Canadian Institute of Planners. This should be discussed in courses in the planning program. A separate course is not required.

The Planning Work Experience Component

The program should be expected to assist and support students in finding planning work experience. The program should encourage students to acquire such experience, to the greatest degree possible, given the job opportunities within the program’s region before graduation.

Source: Membership Manual: Volume III – Recognition of University Degrees (CIP 1995c, 3-5).

Appendix C – The CIP’s Recognition of University Degrees 253 APPENDIX D: KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEWS CONDUCTED

Informal face-to-face interviews were conducted with the following individuals during 1999:

• Rachel Corbett – Past Executive Director of the CIP • Patrick Déoux – Past President of the CIP • Rhonda Ferderber – Canadian government senior official • Kevin Harper – Current Deputy Registrar of the OPPI • Christine Helm – Acting Executive Director of the CIP (1999), and • Don Roy – Past Communications Officer of the CIP.

Appendix D – Key Informant Interviews Conducted 254