CONTENTS PREFACE by BASIL GREENHILL, Director, National

CONTENTS

PREFACE by BASIL GREENHILL, Director, National Maritime Museum ix

ORGANISING COMMITTEE AND LIST OF PARTICIPANTS

OPENING SESSION

1. OPENING ADDRESS by LUIS DE ALBUQUERQUE 2 University of Coimbra

SESSION I .: THE INFLUENCE OF WEAPONS ON SHIP DESIGN

2. SHIPS, WEAPONS, AND PROTECTION, 14oo-1900 12 by WILLIAM A. BAKER Massachusetts Institute of Technology 3. THE IMPACT OF WEAPONS ON SHIP DESIGN IN THE BALTIC: THE DANISH NAVAL EXPERIENCE, 1500-1750 by CHARLES WPETERSEN Portland, Maine

Discussion 35 4. THE IMPACT OF THE TORPEDO by DAVID J LYON 37 National Maritime Museum, Greenwich 5. TORPEDO BOATS INTO DESTROYERS: THE US EXPERIENCE by NORMAN FRIEDMAN Hudson Institute, New York

6. LIMITS TO GROWTH, BRITISH BATTLESHIP DESIGN 56 1840-1904 by DAVID K BROWN Ministry of Defence, Bath Discussion 69

I S81i0 CONTENTS

SESSION II : NAVIGATION AND HYDROGRAPHY

7. NEW LIGHT ON THE DIEPPE MAPS by HELEN WALLIS 72 British Library, London

8. THE INTERCHANGE OF EUROPEAN AND ASIAN NAVIGATIONAL 8o INFORMATION IN THE FAR EAST BEFORE 1620 by ROBERT C D BALDWIN

Discussion 91 9. A STUDY OF SOME NAUTICAL INSTRUMENTS RECOVERED 93 FROM THE "SACRAMENTO" SHIPWRECK (1668) AT BAHIA by MAX J GUEDES Ministry of Marine, Rio de Janeiro

10. THE NORTH HOLLAND CARTOGRAPHIC SCHOOL. A NEW 108 CONTRIBUTION TO THE KNOWLEDGE OF THE OLDEST DUTCH PORTOLAN CHARTS by GUNTER SCHILDER University of Utrecht

11. FRENCH CHARTING OF THE EAST COAST OF CANADA 119 by JAMES S PRITCHARD Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario Discussion 12. THE CHART TRADE IN EUROPE FROM THE MIDDLE AGES 131 TO THE 20TH CENTURY by CORNELIS KOEMAN University of Utrecht 13. HYDROGRAPHY AND THE ORIGINS OF RUSSIAN CARTOGRAPHY by HENRY R HUTTENBACH City University of New York

14. ALEXANDER DALRYMPLE AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE 153 ADMIRALTY CHART by ANDREW C F DAVID Hydrographic Department, Taunton, Somerset

Discussion 165

SESSION III : THE WOODEN SHIP AND SAIL

15. THE BASIC STRUCTURE OF THE WOODEN WARSHIP 168 by ALAN P MCGOWAN National Maritime Museum, Greenwich

vi CONTENTS

16. THE PORTUGUESE GALLEON (1515-1625) 181 by JOAO DA GAMA PIMENTEL-BARATA Lisbon

Discussion 192 17. THE ROYAL WARSHIP "WASA" - KEY TO A LOST WORLD 193 by LARS-fKE KVARNING National Maritime Museum, Stockholm·

18. HARRIOT' S MANUSCRIPT Olll SHIPBUILDING AND RIGGING 204 (ca. 1608-1610) by JON V PEPPER North East London Polytechnic

19. AS EMBARCAC0ES DE MADEIRA DO RIO AMAZONAS 217 (SECULOS XVI-XVIII) by ROSEMARIE E HORCH University of Sao Paulo

Discussion 228

20. L'EVOLUTION DE LA FREGATE DANS LA MARINE 229 FRANyAISE 1660-1850 by JEAN BOUDRIOT Pari s

21. THE ANCIENT PLANKED BOATS OF THE ISLANDS 241 EAST OF ASIA by G ADRIAN HORRIDGE Australian National University, Canberra

22. THE PHILADELPHIA STEAMBOAT OF 1796 259 by MELVIN H JACKSON

Discussion 273

SESSION IV : IRON, STEEL AND STEAM

23. IRON, STEEL AND STEAM 278 by EWAN C CORLETT Isle of Man

24. STEAM ENGINEERING ON US WESTERN WATERS, 1840-1865 292 by CLARK G REYNOLDS

25. CONSIDERATIONS SUR L'HISTOIRE DE LA DEVIATION 304 DU COMPAS by M de BROSSARD, Academie de Marine et Academie des Sciences d'Outre-Mer

vii CONTENTS

Discussion 320

26. IMPACT OF THE APPLICATION OF IRON AND STEEL 322 AS A STRUCTURAL MATERIAL UPON THE DEVELOPMENT OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN SHIPBUILDING IN THE XIX CENTURY by j W OOERFFER Gdansk Technicai University

27. THE USS "MICHIGAN" : A NEGLECTED CHAPTER IN THE 346 DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICA'S STEAM NAVY by JAMES M MORRIS Christopher Newport College, Virginia

28. CONTRIBUTION OF DR TIDEMAN (1834-83) TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN SHIPBUILDING by JAN M DIRKZWAGER Ministry of Defence, Den Haag PROGRESS AND PARAOOX: BENJAMIN ISHERWOOD AND 388 THE DEBATE OVER IRON VS. STEEL IN AMERICAN WARSHIP DESIGN by EDWARD W SLOAN Trinity College, Hartford, Connecticut / MINUTES OF PLENARY SESSION 397

INDEX 398

viii Max Justo GUEDES Brazil

A STUDY OF SOME NAUTICAL INSTRUMENTS (INCLUDING TWO ASTROLABES) RECOVERED FROM THE "SACRAMENTO" SHIPWRECK (1668) AT BAHIA.

"Navigational Instruments of this period are exceedingly rare. Therefore, the recovery of any, no matter how rus ted, eroded or barnacle covered is a matter of excepti onal interest" (David Watters, 1968).

Introduction

It is known that after the dutch had occupied the Brazilian northeast, the atta cks on ships that headed to the ports still in the hands of the Portugueses were enormously increased, for the Domination of the sea in Atlantic waters which stretched until Bahia was, in fact, exerted by the Dutch. The only resource available to Portugal, in view of the total material impossibi- lity of arming a coast-guard fleet, was the navigation of fleets convoied by warships. This practise, tried after 1644, became effective five years later, with the foundation of the General Company of the Commerce of Brazil, quickly decided after the heavy losses in the biennium 1647-648. The Institui~ao (statute) of the Company established, in its introduction, that two yearly fleets would sail to Brazil, each one convoyed by 18 war vessels "con taining from twenty up to thirty pieces of artillery or more". (l) Nevertheless, difficulties concerning material and personnel reflected the precarious Portugue- se economic situation - the Restoration left the country at war against two great enemies, Spain and Holland - and impeded that such purpose were reached, for one yearly fleet was the maximum that could be dispatched, even with some oml ssions. The amount of men of war was also being gradually reduced, in proportion to the improvement of the international situation and the reduction of possible attacks to the convoys. The fleets, in view of the Flemish domination of Pernambuco, headed to Salvado"r (Bahia), from where a detachment was sent to Rio de Janeiro; after the delivery of the cargoes destined to this port, the detachment returned to Bahia, where it joined the fleet to the return voyage. After the expulsion of the Batavians in 1654, another detachment was created: while the fleet passes the latitude of Pernambuco, the ships destined to that captain ship were separated, to be reannexed for the return in dates previously set. With variations and more or less rigidity, according to the circumstances of the time, the system of convoyed fleets persisted until 1765, when the liberty of navigation to Brazil was finally proclaimed (2).

The Brazil run

The so-called Carreira do Brasil (Brazil run), that is, the route to be followed since Lisbon (or any other peninsular port) to reach the different ports of the Brazilian coast was established in the first decade of the XVIth century. An ex cellent description of it was left to us by coeval Portuguese pilot Diego Garcia de Moguer, in a Relacion y derrotero of the trip he effectuated to the ~a Plata River between January, 1526 and September, 1529, departing from la Coruna, ln service of Spain (3). He obeyed, of course to the regime of the winds of the Atlantic, dominated by trade winds, as it is known.

9.3 ,. ....

From the Iberian Peninsula, ships set course to the Canarias Islands passing, un der way, between the islands of Madeira and Porto Santo. From the Canarias they navigated to the Cape Verde Islands, from which they finally steered to Brazil. Diego Garcia calls the attention of the navigators ~o the large streams, which coming "de los rios de guinea ... abatem los navios ala banda del Norueste, que van estas corrientes a las Indias de Castilla" (4). Although, according to the p{lot of Moguer, Santo Agostinho Cape (i..p =08920'S, A = 34956'W) on he Brazilian coast was sited SSW Cape Verde Islands, navigation to the Brazilian cape should be made southwards and, frequently, S by E. The problem of the monsoons in our coast was also to his knowledge, for Garcia reminds that, in order to navigate along the coast, in the north-south direction, one should wait "el tiempo que el sol haga verano en aq•,lell a parte" 2nd quickly explains that "e a trece de Diciembre es ~ e l sol en el tr'OpTco""Ciel Sur, questa sobre el Cabo de Frio, questa en veinte e tres grados e medio (5). If we compare the route taught by Diego Garcia with what was included in Luis Serrao Pimentel 's Pratica da Arte de Navegar (1673), exactly the one which be longs to a date closer to the wreck of the galleon "Sacramento", which is of our knowledge (6), we shall find out that nothing had it been possible to impro ve in 150 years of continuous navigation in that route. On the contrary, pilots happened to navigate in a route closer to the African coast than that who had been taught by Garcia (SSE and SE by S instead of SandS by E). Regarding the problem of the Brazilian monsoons, Serrao Pimentel warned that t he landing in Pernambuco (Recife,~ =08903' S) and Bahia (Salvador, A =13900' S) should obey them: in winter months (March to August) they should be accomplished south of the destination port; in summer months (September to March), ships would land north of their destination (08915'S to Recife and 129S to Salvador). Towards Rio de Janeiro, however, for this port was not subject to the monsoon regime, the Portuguese cosmographer advised that the navigator should, at any time, look for Espirito Santo, the latitude of which he put at 20915'S (it really stands at 209 / l9'S), and from there run along the coast till entering Guanabara Bay.

The Wreck of the "Sacramento"

On March 5, 1668, a huge fleet of more than 50 ships, led bu the galleon "Sacra mento", of 60 guns (two other warships the Almirante and the Fiscal escorted the convoy) neared Todos os Santos Bay fustigated by a violent tempest. Since s1x 0 ' c 1 oc k ln ' the afternoon the fleet ' tried to ender the bay, instead of making a board to the sea and waiting, as it would be advisable, a weather improvement. Around eleven o'clock in the evening, after having touched the Santo Antonio sand stone bank (plate 1), situated ashore from the point which has the same na me (~here, it would light, within 30 years, the first lighthouse to shine on the Amerlcan coast) and where nowadays it has from 4,6 m to 10 meters sounding (pla te 2). Ungoverned, the ship ended by wrecking in front of the Vermelho River, approxima t~ly two miles away from the coast (~=13902'18"S and >. =38930'04"W). There dled more than 500 people, among passengers and crew, including the new general_ governor of Brazil, Francisco Correa da Silva, the captain of the ship, Cristovao da Costa, officers, pilots, masters and many other authorities. 70 men saved themselves, sailors in the majority.

The Archaeologic Finding

1973 In • sportsmen from Bahia dedicated to submarime fishing discovered the hull Cf the "Sacramento" while they dived in a fishing ground known as Capitanha, wrong manner of spelling the word Capitania which was the role of the "sacramento" · ' . . . ln the 1668 fleet). Several pieces were then rescued 1n predatory explo- ltatl?n until the summer of 1976, when the Brazilian Navy was given the task, startlng regular archaeologic works (plate 3). A large number of pieces was brou ght to surface , attracting attention, amongst them, 26 bronze cannons of several

94 •Sto. Amaro •Cochoeiro

•Sto . ,.ntonio Je,us

SITIO DO RIO VERMELHO Fa(i.1

95 .:······ .. , ··...... ···· ...... ···'·······...... _ .. \ ·.. ___ ..... ' ' ···-·· ·"······ ·...... ,· .. . II . I t ... ,, \ , ,...... IJ ,. .. (.·· · ~ ...... ······ ,, \ ·.. •.

I \ ' •.. IO \ t.... " 0 \. ' ,. \.. ·~,.. .. ,;:: ~ : : .. l •. / \•\· \ ' ....r .._ : ' ·.., 1 .~ · ., •. ~.. \ ...... ·. \ . I

Figura 2 - Tentativa de reconstitui!;iiO da derrota, acidente e naufragio do Galeao Sacramento (5 de m aio de 1668) . . "

~ I

. ~

' I ' !

: t I

I , I ~ ~

i 'I '

" I

.. I . I . I · j ; .~ ' I n I • I

'·! ~,

. . .0 ~ g ~ . I ' I :I ' I ' I I " I §Q liD oJ I -; ' ! xI '.I I ·: 3 ~ I ~ :I ., " j "I 1 ! s . c ' ~ ~ ~ ! ~\.fr fr fr 1- 97 ~~~gi~s - Portuguese, Dutch, British; British ones were the olders, varying from br· ml~dle till the end of the XVIth century, some engraved with the date of fa- lcatlon and the name of the manufacturer. There was also china on board, as we~l as religious statuettes glasses and bottles, leaden plates, sheets, faience, co1ns· ' J. ars an d several other' utensils. The naut1ca· 1 1nstruments· wh1ch· were found lnterest directly to our communication (7).

The Nautical Instruments

Through. express 1nd1cation· · of the author o f t h'1s commun1cat1on,· · t h e d'1vers team h wb lch work e d 1n· the rescue of the naut1ca· 1 1nstruments· was prec1se· 1 y 1nstructed· ~ out them, especially about those ones built on wood. Consequently, there were bound f our navigational dividers two hand-leads, two nautical astrolabes and two rass rul es. Now, let's descr1be. ' each one 1solated. 1 y.

The Navigational Dividers

There w .. . ere rescued four of them of two d1fferent models: a ) T ' b ~pe l, formerly known as chart compasse, that is the one that could be opened y Slmple hand pression on the head side. Three specimens were found (plate 4).

I / Chart Compasse Length Diameter of the Head

Specimen A 9,786 em 3,758 em Spec:lmen B 9,362 em 2,950 em Specimen c 8,810 em 2,512 em

b) Type 2, formerly known as straight compasse, used by shipwrights and pilotes (plate 5). One specimen was found, to which the iron points were missing, natu rally corroded through oxidation. One of its legs has, in its superior part, three blades; the central blade is set in, not cut from the same piece of metal; a small hole in this leg seems to have been designed to guard a pin to keep the compass opened. The other leg has only two blades. A combined of concentric cir c~mferences' disposed· in a triangle and engraved on both sides is' surely' the Slgn of the manufacturer.

Straight Compasse Brass Legs Iron Points Total

Single Specimen 8,810 em 5,500 em 14,310 em

The comparison between this compass with other known ones lead us to suppose that it is typically Dutch, especially because of the concentric circumferences which had been already found, for instance, on compasses rescued from the wreck of the flute "Lastdrager", lost off Yell, 1653 (8).

98 0

~IBIJIJ~IRI~P=====-1

c:JG![":g;::;;·"'"''"'""·"'~

u.oan -~z- oo~ m. i!UI~0;sll!!"'""liiilli .,

99 The Hand-Leads

The two hand-leads found don't differ from the many ones that exist nowadays; they maintained, as it is known, for a long period, the same characteristics. Here are the ones of the "Sacramento":

Hand-Leads Length Windth of the basis

Specimen A 12.00 em 3.50 em Specimen B 25.70 em 8.00 em

The Astrolabes

Two nautical astrolabes were rescued; in face of the great rarity of these instru ments (only specimens are known according to the catalogue of all known astrola b~s maintained by the Departmen~ of Navigation and Astronomy of the National Mari tlme Museum) we shall only do a detailed description of them, for we can practi cally add nothing to the studies on the basic principle and utilization of the as trolabes made by Luciano Pereira da Silva (9), A. Fontoura da Costa (10), David Wate:s (ll) and Marcel Destombes (12). By the way, for a better comparison between the lnstruments now descripted and another of the same manufacturer studied, in 1968 , by M. Destombes we took on our specimens, the same measures that the emi- nent nautlcal· historian' took on ' the astrolabe caught in the estuary of the Bow- !egreg ~Rabat, Morocco) in 1938. ) Speclmen A (plates 6 and 6A): cast brass wheel-type mariner's astrolabe with / base ballast and limb 1 45 em wide scale 90-0-90. It has a diameter of 17,29 em and th lc· k ness of 2,00 em.' The armature' has three normal radii 1,31 em wide, and they enlarge where they join the limb· at this point, it is engraved on each radius a. four-poi n t e d star . The fourth radius,' having an l· d entlca· 1 star, soon opens ltse· lf lnto a half circle which links it to the limb. Engraved on the semicircle is the date of construction (only the first two numbers 16 •.. are visible) framed by four four-pointed stars, which are themselves inserted in concentric circumferen ~es, the diameter of the larger one measuring 3,40 em. Under this circumference, "etween two other stars, always four-pointed, we find the name of the manufacturer A· · Goys". ' Wl· t h the letter "A" topping the surname· The alldade measures only 14 57 em for its extremities are time-worn; attached to them a re th e Plnnules,· rectangular,' ' measuring 4,76 em long and 4,00 em wide, away 2 ' 95 c~ from the center. The pin-holes, of a semicircular form, have both an exte- rior d lame t er measuring 0,55 em. The a lidade is attached to the body of the astra- 1 abe by an axis-pin with a roundhead; a (broken) butterfly nut is screwed on to the t~readed end of the axis-pin. The suspending ring (lacking) is attached by a double ~)n~ e . ~he piece now weighs 2,565 grams . . p~clmen B (plates 7 and 7A): practically equal to specimen A. A cast brass ma ~~~~~9s astrolabe, ~f the circular type, ?ase ballast, limb 1,37 em wide and scale · O. 17,09 em dlameter and uniform thlckness of 2,00 em; the armature has three normal. . radii ' 1 , 30 em wlde,· that enlarge at the JOlnt· · Wlt· h t h e 1'liD b ; at thls· polnt· 7~ ls.engraved, in each radius, a four-pointed star. The fourth radius, having an lhentlcal star, soon opens itself in a half circle which links it to the limb. On ~ e half circle, the date of construction (now illegible) was engraved, framed by ~ur four-pointed stars, which are themselves inserted in almost faded concentric bClrcumference s, wh at makes lt· lmposslble· · to me asure t h elr· d"lameters. Un d er t h em, etween two other (always four pointed) stars there appears the name of the manu f Thacturer . "A · Goys " , with the letter "A" topping the surname. ~Oalldade (which is broken) measures only 13,50 em; the remains of the pinnules, 2 b'd em away from the center, are attached to it. The alidade is attached to the ko Y of the astrolabe by an axis-pin with a roundhead, whose threaded end lS bro- en and missing the .n:ut.

100 • \0 ~.,. . 0 <( • • u.."

101 /

FIG. 6A

102 FIG.7 A

103 It weighs nowadays 2 320 grams. On the back of the astrolabe, among four stars, (always four-pointed), is engraved the latin word vide (see). The already mentioned study of M. Destombes give us some information on the manu facturer of both astrolabes of the "Sacramento", Agostinho de Goes (or Goys) Rapo so, active in Lisbon between 1630 and, at least, 1658. In 1676 he had already died . The examination of both astrolabes prove the high pattern of quality reached by the art of Raposo and allow him to be placed among the most skilled manufacturers of nautical instruments in Portugal.

The Brass Rules

Finally, among the wreckage of the "Sacramento", there were rescued two brass ru les one (specimen A) measuring 2.5,80 em long (plate 8), 0,70 em wide and 0,35 em thick, graduated on three sides: 1-100, 1-illegible (over 30) and 8 equal parts; the other rule (plate 9), broken at its extremity (specimen B), measures 23,80 em long, 2,00 em wide and is 0,35 em thick, graduated on, at l east, three of its four faces: 1-80 (missing the end), 1-(?) missing the rest, next to 30 and, on the third side, numbers that do not allow an identification of the extremes of the graduation. The superficial examination of the rules firstly led us to suppose that they were Gunter's rules; however, as soon as a better reading of the scales was possible, we found out that the scales 1-100 and 1-80 (broken) were not logarithms of the natural numbers, .what quickly dismissed the first hypothesis. The careful cleaning made afterwards and the contacts made with Miss Anita McCon nell, from the Department of Earth and Space Sciences of the Science Museum, South • I K ens~ngton, which, for her turn recurred to Dr. G. L E. Turner, from the Museum of the History of Science (Oxford), led us to admit three possibilities to the rules: / a) being gauging rods for barrels; b) being ship's carpenter's rules; c) being gunner's rules. · The studies that we made seem to dismiss the first two hypothesis, for the speci mens of the "Sacramento" differ substantially from the descriptions we had access to. Thus, we stayed with the third one, and shall submit the matter to the experts gathered at this Third Reunion, which are able to make a certainty out of our sup position*

7 ' Later informations of Dr. Turner confirmed the third supposition.

Conclusions

It is a common suppos~t~on among nautical historians that the XVIIth century saw, since the beginning, the decadence of the Portuguese nautical science, quickly supplanted by its English and especially Dutch congeners. It is also stated that such decadence was caused by the fact that Lusitanian pilots "successively aban doned themselves to the most sterile routine" (13), specially because they la cked the help of scientists and wise men that, until then, used to give the ne cessary theoretical backing to the practices. The examination of the nautical instruments rescued among the wreckage of the II s II • acramento proves that, effect~vely, the Portuguese were supplanted by the navigators from the North, for the divers of the Brazilian Navy were carefully ins tructed to gather each and every wood fragment that could be similar to Davis' quadrant (back-staff), an invention from the end of the XVIth century, and no thing was found, what lead us to believe that pilots of the "Sacramento" on such a late date (1668) kept themselves faithful to nautical astrolabes, unlike the British and the Dutch, that had abandoned them around 1650 (14). However, we suppose that such fidelity to the old instrument did not necessarily

104 105 mean a technical and scientifical decadence. It simply characterizes an accomoda ti.on. Therefore, we offer to the illustrious participants of this Reunion a hypothesis (that we think has not been considered yet) to explain the fac t that Portuguese navigators did not try to improve the methods they u sed then: it is the one of the fulfilled needs. We all known that the Italian sailors (like Catalan and Majorcan ones), for 1ns tance, used the compass and the portolanos to navigatt· the Mediterranean; howe ver. the enormous progress reached by the peninsu lar Renascence did not take them t-o a1 :y basic change on the methods they emploied. \.Jhy did they stick to the routi ne? Why did they leave to the Portuguese the search of new techniques? We believe the answer is very simple: magneti c course and dead reckoning was thoroughly sa. tisfying to their needs, because of the small l atitudi nal width of the Mediterra nean. Otherwise, they would take refuge with tJ ,e Pleiad of wise men that inhabi- · t ed Italy in the XIVth and XVth centuries. The Portuguese too, which mad e the following s tep by cr eating t he celestial navi gation, stuck to it, also keeping u se of t he original instruments and utensils. What was the reason for s uch accomodation? We believe that the answer can be found on the physical limitations of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans, chief scenaries of the Lusitanian activities. We s howed, at the beginning of this paper that the wind regime on those oceans (trade winds and mon soons ) forced the sailors to go through virtual liqui d roads, p~rf ectly de termined in relation to the sailing s hips of the time. Fortunately provided with geographical points of support (Madeira, Canarias, Cape Verde, Fer nando de Noronha and Trindade on the way to, and S. Helena, Ascen~ao and A~ore s o~ the way back), the compulsory routes were thoroughly known by the Portuguese p1 lots, as it is proved on the nautical diaries that resisted destriction. To the k~owledge of the latitucte they added, through the long practice, many other fami ltarities - birds, colours of the waters , sea plants , fishes , e t c - which, to / ge ther, a llowed them to calculate the geographical position compatible with the vessels they used. It is perfectly natural that an a ccomodation could come out of that, dictated by t he law of the minor e ffort. Th~ same did not happen to the British and the Dutch. Ingressing very late in the Ortent Club , pilots of the North had only recourse to second-hand knowledge, bor row ed from the Portuguese and the Spanish. Wh en they ventured on unknown seas or seas that had been long abandoned by peninsular sailors (Northwest Passage and Magel lan Strait, for instance) they put themselves in a position identical to the one faced by the Portuguese, more than one centur y earlier . Con sequently, they we re obliged to create methods and instruments suitable to the new challenges, and, helped by scientists of wit, they fully reached their purpose. The nautical instruments of the galleon "Sacramento", compared with other known archaeo logic findings seem to demon strate wh at we have just stated.

106 NOTES

(1) GUEDES, Max Justo. Seguran~a da navega~ao nos seculos XVI-XVIII; navios arti lhados, frotas e comboios. In: HISTORIA naval brasileira. Rio de Janeiro ...... ' Serv~~o de Documenta~ao Geral da Mar~nha, 1979. v. 2, t. 2, p. 56-131. (2) SILVA, Antonio Delgado da. Coll e ~ao da legisla~ao portugueza de 1763 a 1774. Lisboa, Typ. Maigrense, 1825 30. p. 221. Alvara of September 10, 1765. (3) GARCIA, Diego. Mss. Relacion y derrotero. Archivo General de Indias, Sevilha. Patronato, leg. 44. Also in: MEDINA, Jose Toribio. Los viajes de Diego Garcia de Moguer al Rio de la Plata. Santiago de Chile, Impr. Elzeviriana, 1908. p. 232-46; TORRES DE MENDONZA, Luis. ed. Coleccion de documentos ineditos relativos al descubrimiento, conquista y organizacion de las antiguas posesiones espanolas de America y Ocean~a sacados de los Archivos del Reino y muy es pecialmente del de Indias. Madrid, 1864-84. v. 40, p. 354-67; REVISTA DO INSTITUTO HISTORICO E GEOGRAFICO BRASILEIRO, Rio de Janeiro, 15(5):6-14, 1852; REVISTA DE LA BIBLIOTECA PUBLICA DE BUEN OS AIRES, l(4):1T4-23 , 1879 . (4) MEDINA, op. cit., p. 234. (5) Ibid. (6) PIMENTEL , Luis Serrao. Mss. Pratica da arte de navegar. 1673. (Biblioteca Na cional, Lisboa. Codice 156). (7) MELLO NETO, Ulysses Pernambucano de. 0 galeao Sacramento (1668) . Navigator , Rio de Janeiro, ~:7-40, jun/dez. 1976-7. (8) STENUIT, Robert. Early relics of the VOC trade from Shetland; the wreck of the flute Lastdrager lost off yell, 1653. Bruxelles, 1974. p. 232-4. Separata do International Journal of Nautical Archaeology and Underwater Exploration, 2.2:213-56 , 1974. (9) SILVA, Luciano Pereira da. Obras completas. Lisboa, 1943, 3 v. (10) COSTA, Abel Fontoura da. A marinharia dos descobrimentos. Lisboa, Agencia Geral do Ultramar, 1960.

(11) WATERS, David. The sea or mariner's astrolabe. Coimbra, Junta de Investiga ~oe s do Ultramar, 1966. (Agrupamento de Estudos de Cartografia Antiga. Ser. Sepa ratas, 15). (12) DESTOMBES , Marcel. Deux astrolabes inedits de J. et A. de Goes, Lisbonne, 1608, 1648. Coimbra, Junta de Investiga~oes do Ultramar, 1969. (Agrupamento de Es tudos de Cartogr afia Antiga. Ser. Separatas, 32). (13) MOTA, Avelino Teixeira da. Mar, alem mar; estudos e ensaios de historia e geo grafia. Lisboa, Junta de Investiga~oes do Ultramar, 1972. v. 1, p. 61. (Agrupamento de Estudos de Cartografia Antiga. Ser . Memorias, 11). (14) MARITIEM MUSEUM PRINS HENDRIK. Catologue of the exibition "With lead and line" [Met lood em lij n}. Rotterdam, 1974. p. 106.

107