Introduction Musical Performance and the Changing City

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Musical Performance and the Changing City

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Fabian Holt Roskilde University

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Fabian Holt with Carsten Wergin

When the Wall came down, the size of the city doubled overnight. There was a lot more space, and much of it was unregulated. There was a joy and excitement in the population that energized the music, and the music became so central to Berlin. It coalesced with the advent of an explicitly electronic music, a new music, a new culture of the present and future. —Thomas Fehlmann of the Orb1

This volume is a collective effort at analyzing key issues in urban musical life within broader processes of social change. The starting point is our recognition of the complex role of culture in the city that evolved in the aftermath of deindustrialization in the 1960s and 1970s. The changes commonly identified by terms such as urban renewal, city marketing, creative industries, and event tourism have deep and ongoing implications for musical life and discourses on music in urban public spheres. In particular, mainstream forms of popular music have become one of the vehicles for the growing number of cultural events in official urban places. Music is also a medium through which new urban populations differentiate themselves within processes of neighborhood change and globalization. This volume focuses on the role of popular music in dominant processes and agendas, while also investigating a broader and more complex social reality among participants and communities. The volume shows that music cultures are deeply affected by urban social change and that music’s role as an instrument of power has evolved in the urban order. The volume also shows that music has the potential to create unique human values and forms of social interaction that would not exist without music, but that this potential is often unrecognized and in conflict with dominant economic and political agendas.

The eye of the casual observer of musical life in contemporary cities might at first be struck by major trends of growth and decline. Small neighborhood clubs with space for social and artistic experimentation are being priced out by real estate development and are losing ground to larger and more commerce-driven clubs for live music consumption among new middle-class residents and tourists. In the process, DIY “microscenes” emerge in repurposed postindustrial spaces in the peripheries. Another trend is the trajectory of popular music styles from subter- ranean performance spaces into festivals with new mass publics and forms of urbanism.2 Moreover, the live concert and entertainment industry has become corporatized and profits from the trend of subsidized arena building, as illustrated by the O2 arenas around Europe.3 A new urban performance culture has surfaced with the proliferation of fl ash mobs in complex dynamics of amateur media culture and viral marketing. Registering and evaluating trends can be a starting point for updating the topics on the scholarly agenda, but research objectives should not be limited to this. The study of music and urban social change requires analytical narratives for examining the dynamics of change. While this may sound obvious, studies of music in cities have not always been clear about how social dynamics are con- ceived, as we shall see. The basic premise of this volume is that changes in urban music cultures can only be understood if they are examined as within broader social processes. Popu- lar music is produced and experienced within particular social, economic, and technological arrangements between individuals and organizations in the city. Its meanings change within emergent social groupings and neighborhood dynamics. More specifically, we contend that to analyze popular music in contemporary cities separately from evolving postindustrial issues of regeneration, gentrification, city marketing, and festivalization would be obsolete. Engaging with such issues is necessary for understanding the city as more than a representation or local setting. To understand the dynamics better, an analytical distinction between music and the city can be made at a conceptual and disciplinary level. The study of music has long evolved in the distinct field of musicology and later a more flexible notion of music studies, while the city is beyond the area of expertise of this field. The city has been a core concept in sociology since the formative stages of the discipline (Sampson 2012) and in the field of urban anthropology that emerged in the 1970s (Hannerz 1980). We shall argue that studies of urban music cultures can do more to recognize the expertise on urbanism, the conditions of urban life, and neighborhood effects within these social science traditions. Our research can be read as a contribution to a broader field of cultural and social research because it high- lights the significance of music and particularly popular music in recent urban history.

The analytical distinction between music and the city implies a critical perspective on popular narratives. Music is often seen as a reflection of the urban environment, informed by origin myths of creativity and phantom crowds in the streets. Such imaginaries are commonly embodied in the phrase ‘sound of the city’ that was used in the title of a pioneer book on an urban history of popular music styles in the United States (Gillett 1970/1983) and is still used in music marketing and journalism, including the title of New York’s Village Voice blog. The phrase ‘sound of the city’ has its own raison d’étre in musical culture, but it was not coined for analytical purposes. It originates in an era when urban cultures were connected to local dis- tinctiveness by music and media industries. Moreover, attempts at offering a holistic view of music cultures in a city easily led to a false sense of totality. The diverse avenues of musical experience in the city are reflected in scholarly specialization, and the literature also reflects urban change in the wider contextualization of art world-derived conceptions of music scenes in relation to policy making (e.g., Chevigny 1991; Homan 2003) and urban renewal (e.g., Cohen 2007), for instance. One of the avenues of urban experience that is relatively distinct from the live performances investigated in this volume is media consumption of music in everyday situations at home, at work, and in retail spaces (e.g., DeNora 2000; Bull 2007).

The contributions to this volume examine music in contemporary cities with a quite specific focus. The volume engages with issues arising from the changing terrain of musical performance in music scenes and in the wider public sphere in which music is often a component of cultural events that are not primarily about music. Performance is central to understanding changes in cultural scenes, music consumption and production, and in urban social agendas. Some of the broader changes will be introduced further here and in detail in later chapters, but our fundamental analytical approach to performance should be clear from the outset. By focusing on particular social situations and moments of musical performance, we pay attention to the aesthetic and situational perspectives in the areas of expertise of music and performance studies. However, to help overcome some of the relative local isolation that exists because of limited collaboration between scholars working on different cities, the volume does not privilege the situational discourse of performance studies. Instead, we seek to com- plement the situational perspective on musical performance with social science approaches to the study of cities and particularly the urban condition as defined by broader contextual dynamics and macro-level structural change.4

To illustrate how the conventional focus on local uniqueness in urban music studies can be complemented by social science approaches, let us consider the opening quotation above. Fehlmann’s statement draws attention to the uniqueness of a particular situation in Berlin after the Wall came down. However, the social processes that transformed the electronic dance music scene are not unique to this scene or to Berlin. Gentrification and tourism have transformed clubs and festivals for the electronic music. The music has entered mainstream media and city marketing in the context of easyjetset tourism and mass events in national historic places such as the Love Parade (Rapp 2009). Other forms of popular music have followed a similar path, as reflected in the Popkomm Festival and the Berlin Festival that both have been held in the city center, with a typical orientation toward neo-bohemian, gentrified neighborhoods. The same processes have unfolded in the music and cultural scenes of many cities, well known examples including Chicago’s Wicker Park and New York’s Williamsburg (Lloyd 2006; Zukin 2010; Holt, this volume).

The term postindustrial is adopted in this volume as a historical perspective for situating contemporary conditions in relation to the fundamental changes that followed from deindustrialization in Western Europe and the United States in the 1960s. In this sense, the postindustrial perspective is a starting point and not an epochal concept. Our theorizations lie elsewhere. The exhaustion from debates about postmodernism has generated skepticism toward epochal categories. Social formations are still being historicized but more in the form of narratives of particular dynamics. Postindustrial dynamics and conditions have been subject to exhaustive sociological research that helps situate the more specific contexts investigated in this volume. This research deserves more attention in urban music studies, but cannot simply be adopted as an overarching framework. Rather, it requires an analysis that moves across disciplinary boundaries. The interdisciplinary outlook of this volume is shaped by its origins in meetings between humanists in Europe, as mentioned in the Preface, and the project evolved in the network of the editors. This partly explains the particular outlook of the volume and its focus on Western Europe and the United States.

The postindustrial perspective can be complemented by the perspective of globalization, which is central to some chapters and informs our general perception of how cities evolve in the global village. The cultures of cities have generally lost some of their uniqueness, as cities become more generic and neutralized with the intensification of global communications and the hybermobility of capital (Sassen 1998). Another factor is advanced gentrification that has led Zukin to speak of the death of authentic urban places (Zukin 2010). Globalization also challenges conventional notions of cultural scenes and involves a new spatial complexity in relation to the circulation and communication about music via blogs, online radio, media sharing sites, social networking sites, and location-based mobile applications used in cultural events (Lapenta 2011). Musical innovations are increasingly mass mediated online before they mature in a local scene. This partially explains why the relation between musical style and geographic locality has become less distinct, echoing earlier processes of mediatization (Meyrowitz 1985; Straw 1991; Jones 2002). Music is also used as a medium for confronting and restoring changing senses of place and belonging in the global village. Local musical performances become a stage for experiencing these diff erences and how they are articulated in collective encounters at home, involving personal and collective urban politics of place.

While new media practices involve ongoing changes in cultural dynamics of the city and even produce new performance genres such as the YouTube flash mob, this volume testifies that the fundamental genres of musical performance such as concerts and festivals still thrive. Cultures change, however, as part of wider social changes that manifest themselves in social recontextualizations of those genres. The endurance of conventional performance genres might appear as an enigma at a time of rapid change in so many arenas of society and culture, but this can be explained in relation to the fundamental dimensions of the art form and of human experience. The value of musical performance lies in the experience of music making and social co-presence in the here and now. Frith pointed out in his seminal essay on live music (Frith 2007) that there are fundamentally different values in the musical experience of sound recordings and of live performance. This helps explain why live performance retains a perceived distinctness even when it is video-mediated by audiences and organizers in the new digital world of increasingly fractionalized media cultures (Lotz 2008) for sharing and marketing the experience of live performance or the memory thereof (Lange 2011).

In more theoretical terms, musical performance has a relative autonomy from the virtual infosphere of the digital world. Its core values are lost when it is circulated as a form of information and even remain distinct when amplified by the expressive medium of video. Perform- ance is first of all constituted as the experience of co-presence and bodily interaction, not information. This is illustrated by the fact that user mediations of musical performance are commonly motivated by the attempt at signifying presence in and experience of a unique activity in a particular time and place. Music festivals generally produce online video for selling tickets to the event, for stimulating interest in an event that exists only once a year and might require traveling. The official festival marketing video does not substitute attendance but creates desired images of the festival experience, shapes the festival sphere, potentially with both creative and disciplining effects for participants as well as for user videos in the digital world of the festival (Holt in preparation; Lingel and Naaman 2012). Full-length concert broadcasting for a non-attending media audience tends to work well when the performers are superstars or if they have an international niche audience and exceptional brand value for corporate sponsors, as in the case of the Berlin Philharmonic or the Metropolitan Opera. A further limitation for concert broadcasting is that, unlike sports events, for instance, the concert does not have the structure of a game that generates a flow of news information for live broadcasting and messaging.

The overall agenda introduced above developed after the 2008 conference mentioned in the preface and will be further detailed in the following sections. The first step is to detail key contexts of social change in urban music cultures. This will then serve as a background for an account of existing approaches to the study of urban music cultures. The key ideas will be nuanced in the section that introduces the individual chapter contributions, before finally sug- gesting some future implications of the research presented in this volume.

KEY CONTEXTS OF SOCIAL CHANGE To detail the changes outlined a bit further, this section introduces a few key concepts and illustrates their implications for music cultures. The starting points are the concepts of consumerism, festivalization, and gentrification.

Consumption has been a core concept in sociology since at least the 1930s, but has gained a new centrality in cities since the 1960s when gentrification emerged and created new environments of consumerism. Whereas consumption is primarily a practice, consumerism is an attribute of society that sets specific parameters for individual life choices and strategies (Bauman 2007, 28). Gentrification, too, has intensified and expanded. By the early 2000s, one could speak of gentrification as a general condition in many cities (Smith 2002). A key context for understanding musical performance in consumerism and gentrification is festivalization and the role of cultural festivals in agendas of culture as a resource and expedient (Yedice 2003; Delanty and Sassatelli 2011).

CONSUMERISM AND FESTIVALIZATION Zukin was one of the first to analyze in detail how in the 1970s and 1980s urban spaces were transformed into spaces of cultural consumption (Zukin 1982, 1991, 1995). Her metaphor of the city as a ‘landscape of power’ refers to the fact that city governments and entrepreneurs aimed not only to accelerate consumption for economic growth but also to regulate social behavior and images of the city, with implications for the logics mediating social difference and hierarchies of place. Cultural consumption started to be implemented strategically in the re- design of parks and squares, for instance, to eliminate postindustrial decay and create a safe and positive atmosphere for desired demographics (Zukin 1995; Cronin and Hetherington 2008). The same narrative motivated increasing number of cultural events, including concerts and festivals, with support and permissions from the city governments in the 1980s and on- wards. Expanded consumption and consumerist agendas also transformed music festivals in the 1990s, with higher ticket prices, a wider selection of consumer goods, more advertising, and tourism marketing (Laing 2004; Anderton 2011).

The uses of culture as an instrument of power in the urban order has thus complicated the dynamics of arts scenes. Culture is increasingly used as an expedient and marketing tool. Cultural events are organized outside cultural scenes in strategic public locations to enhance their role as vehicles for economic and political agendas. In particular, cultural consumption has become an instrument of urban regeneration, tourism, and a low-skilled service sector, bound up with physical locations. This reality contrasts with another dominant postindustrial narrative, namely the free market narrative that helped transform the financial sector from an intermediary to a primary sector with a transnational flow of capital among the economic elites in the world’s mega cities (Sassen 2007).

The expanded avenues and meanings of culture can be registered on many levels in musical performance. Agents outside of the field of music production are increasingly involved in ways that are more complex than audiences and journalists realize. A call for a political economy of this development can also be made in relation to the large amounts of sponsorship money in live music. The strategic uses of live music may be evident when a concert is staged within a charity event or an official city commemoration.

But some of the economic arrangements and marketing mechanisms are intransparent to audiences, the figures often undisclosed. Adding to the complexity is the commercial exploita- tion of mediations and communications. Participants in a live event might notice a photogra- pher on the side of the stage but cannot possibly know the potential editing and circulation of that material or how the data generated by millions of users on Apps such as Bandsintown is sold to advertisers. To illustrate the complexity, an electronic dance music festival in Copen- hagen has adopted a “creative commons”5 policy to gather and use videos from users, but in a March 2012 interview the festival’s own media editor appeared to be unaware that the city’s tourist office had been using one of the videos to market the city as an exciting place popu- lated by cool and happy youths.6 Similarly, a classroom experiment we conducted in 2010 showed that out of 40 students watching a popular fl ash mob video, no one noticed that the performance was created to drive a social media campaign targeting consumers such as these students. Nor did they know that corporations have adopted the flash mob genre as a tool for viral marketing between consumers. The class watched the 2009 fl ash mob in Lon- don’s Liverpool Street Station in which hundreds of dancers perform to a collage of short ex- cerpts from popular music hit songs (“The T-Mobile Dance”).7 The brand is only revealed at the very end of the video, after the spectator has experienced the entire performance. The accidental audience that day in Liverpool Street station was not prepared for this, and no one could have foreseen how the video would go viral and be perceived in multiple social media contexts with more than 36,000,000 views on YouTube by December 2012.

Festivalization is a key historical context here. During the 1980s and 1990s, city marketers, advertising agencies, policy makers, and cultural institutions started to recognize the communication potentials of cultural events. This development quickly became identified with the term festivalization (Harvey 1991; Quinn 2005; Bennett et al. forthcoming). The term refers to a growing number of cultural events, but it also variously refers to cultural and spatial trans- formations such as (1) the increasing use of urban public spaces for cultural events; (2) the use of cultural events and particularly popular culture for promoting social and economic agendas; (3) the popularization of culture from arts scenes for reaching broader nonspecialist audiences and media, (4) the growing power of public presence in a media-intense culture at the cost of attention to substance and long-term values; and (5) the carnivalization of cultural performances in the form of spectacular show effects, choreography, and installations. The term festivalization has been used for such broad and complex developments that they might not be adequately represented by this term. Among the many events that emerged in the 1980s are public programs such as the European Capital of Culture (1985–) and the Sum- merStage series in New York City (1986–) as well as a growing number of music festivals, and since the 1990s brand events and fl ash mobs.8 The number of music festivals has con- tinued to grow since 2000, many of them creating platforms for niche genres and new visions of urbanism. The growing institutionalization of cultural events since the 1980s can also be registered in the administration of city governments and in the event management programs that mushroomed in the 1990s.

Discourses on festivalization open up contrasting perspectives on music in cultural events and urban social change (Wergin, this volume). City marketers and the events industry tend to frame cultural events in a discourse of uniqueness, innovation, and self-realization through public consumption. This discourse is inseparable from the spirit of flexible capitalism and the project-based economy of cultural production (Sennett 1998; Florida 2002; Kong and O’Connor 2009). Artists, cultural critics, and humanist scholars, on the other hand, and have voiced criticisms of festival saturation and superficiality.9 While the cultural landscape might not be more diverse and the critiques of the corrosion and superficiality are still relevant, the range of critical interpretations have become broader, resulting in more nuanced understandings of the broad field of events. This is partly a result of more specialist research in festivals among humanists, some of whom are learning from the sports and tourist events management literature.10

The adoption of musical performances within cultural events has the implication that musical performances are organized for and accompanied by more consumption, from food to mer- chandising and more extended consumption flows in festivals along with other forms of music-driven tourism. The changing forms and sites of music consumption are arguably more significant than innovations in musical style for an account of music in recent urban cultural history, especially at a time when the developing business of retro culture is raising questions about conventional ideas of cultural innovation (Reynolds 2011). In the gentrified neighborhood, concert life has been shaped by professional management conceptions of audiences as consumers (Holt, this volume). Just as political scientists speak of the citizen-consumer, cultural theorists might speak of the audience-consumer and the consumer-participant. The consumer-subject is conditioned by the purchase of a service and by values such as utility and gratification. In contrast, participation in civic society can be conditioned by mutual interest, solidarity, and ethical responsibility, thus relying more on community rather than commodity values. The consumer-subjectivity, moreover, can involve the commodity role of audiences if they become agents in the marketing of an event or a city. For instance, at the Sonar festival in Barcelona in June 2012, we witnessed how festival employees approached participants with a cool appearance, asking if they would agree to be filmed for the promotion of the festival. A further exploration of these aspects of cultural consumption and consumerism in music can draw from an extensive body of social science literature (Zukin and Maguire 2004).

GENTRIFICATION Like consumerism, gentrification commonly has negative connotations in the cultural sphere among fans, artists, and music critics. It is associated with commodification, standardization, popularized luxury commodities, and brand retail environments of chain stores such as Star- bucks, Banana Republic, Whole Foods Market, and their equivalents around the world. While such brands can be found in more than one neighborhood, neo-bohemian areas have more specialist and upscale mini chains catering specifically to perceptions of hip and trendy urbanism (as opposed to subculture). In the desire to retain a sense of urbanism, popular images of gentrification are perceived as a kind of suburbanization with reference to nation-wide chain stores and mass culture (Lloyd 2006; Zukin 2010; Hammett and Hammett 2007). Gentrifica- tion, moreover, also carries negative connotations because of the pricing out of not just artists and arts spaces but also low-income residents more generally. White middle-class domi- nance has been a defining characteristic since gentrification was first recognized in the mid- 1960s (Terkel 1967; Smith and Williams 1986; Sassen 1991). This has culminated in increasing homogeneity of entire neighborhoods (Atkinson and Bridge 2005; Keith 2005; Shaw 2007). To give a sense of gentrification narratives among underground music scenes, consider the following reactions to the closing of the East Village’s Tonic. The quotation is from the beginning of a thread in the Flickr group “experimental LIVE music” started by the user digital_freak:

Sad sad sad news for the avant-garde music scene in New York (and beyond) as its most vital and eclectic sanctuary is about to disappear !!! It’s now official: the legendary club TONIC will close its space in the Lower East Side in April 2007. Another proof if needed of how hard it is to promote, support and live from experimental music even in major cities . . .

Below is the blurb from the Tonic website (http://www.tonicnyc.com/) [ . . . ] I urge you to show up for the last gigs ever at 107 Norfolk if you can, to send emails and basically to show some LOVE !!! ______

Dear Musicians, Fans and Friends:

After more than 9 years as a home for avant-garde, creative, and experimental music, Tonic will reluctantly close its doors on Friday, April 13th, 2007. We simply can no longer aff ord the rent and all of the other costs associated with doing business on the Lower East Side.

The neighborhood around us has been increasingly consumed by “luxury con- dominiums,” boutique hotels and glass towers, all making the value of our sal- vaged space worth more than our business could ever realistically support. We have also been repeatedly harassed by the city’s Quality of Life Task Force which resulted in the debilitating closing of the ))sub((tonic lounge in January. Coincidentally, this campaign began as our immediate neighbor, the Blue Con- dominium building—a symbol of the new Lower East Side—prepared to open its doors.

[ . . . ] If profit had been our chief motivation we could have changed our pro- gramming to something more mainstream and fi nancially lucrative. Instead we were more committed to a certain type of music and loyal to the community that supported us.

Sincerely,

Melissa and John (“The end of TONIC . . . ,” digital_freak 2007)

This excerpt of a long discussion illustrates typical aspects of the symbolic and emotional discourse on the club in a gentrification context. The club is described as a ‘legendary sanctuary’ for the ‘community’, with managers resisting to give in to ‘mainstream’ tastes for ‘commercial’ reasons. The letter from the managers expressing their personal feelings to artists, fans, and friends in terms of solidarity and the ‘heroic individual vs. the system’ metaphor are also typical elements of this discourse on gentrification.11 In contrast, commercial concert promoters in gentrified neighborhoods tend to operate with a discourse of neutral professionalism, present- ing each act without the insidership characteristic of underground and DIY promotion, and without reference to the neighborhood or to community.

RESEARCH APPROACHES TO URBAN MUSIC CULTURE The negative associations with consumerism and gentrification might explain why urban cultural circles tend to see it as an external evil, inventing a discursive location outside of the process through a set of dichotomies. This might also explain why relatively little has been written about music in the context outlined above. The sites of inquiry in urban cultural sociology routinely include museums, shops, restaurants, and architecture, but less frequently music. An overview of urban culture in this field is unthinkable without museums but not without music. At a time when hierarchies of the senses and of art forms have supposedly been de- constructed, it is striking that urban ethnographers are not writing more about listening among their subjects.

Music scholars have long been drawn to the city and the concentration of the arts there, but this does not mean that they have studied the relation between music and the city. Urban music cultures have appeared in musicological histories of styles, concert halls, and music associations, for instance. Ethnomusicology has expanded from the song collecting and rep- ertoire approaches of folklore studies to take into account studies of musical performance in social life. In the 1990s, musical performance was a site for investigating national identity and ethnicity, for instance (Stokes 1994a; Turino 2000; Bohlman 2004). In the 2000s, ethnomusi- cologists increasingly expanded further to examine music and sound in the broader context of space and geography (Feld 2000; Bohlman and Stokes 2003; Ramnarine 2009). Recently, more studies have appeared on musical performance in the urban experience and its affec- tive and emotional dimensions (Peterson 2010; Stokes 2010). There are nevertheless few of these studies, and they tend to focus on a single city. Popular music studies expanded from its conventional focus on mass media with studies of music scenes in the 1990s (e.g., Cohen 1991; Shank 1994; Berger 1999) and further into urban environments and geography in the early 2000s (Connell and Gibson 2002; Krims 2007; Whiteley, Bennett, and Hawkins 2004; Johansson and Bell 2009). These studies provide many valuable insights, and some of them are discussed and developed in this volume. The contributors are also expanding on their evolving approaches to urban music research (e.g., Cohen 2007; Grazian 2008; Holt 2007; Webb 2007). The unique approach of this volume mainly, however, lies in the shared focus on musical performance as a core unit of analysis in ethnographically grounded accounts from which we develop analytical narratives of music cultures in processes of urban social change.

The broadened perspective in music studies has not developed without debates over conventional wisdom in the field, but these debates have shown that the divisions in music studies have less to do with the lack of useful analytical tools than with discrepant cultural perspectives among scholars. There is still resistance to social science approaches in musicology, and the social sciences do not see music as a privileged area. As a result, the system does not fully reward the mastery of musical and social analysis. The research objectives of this volume gravitate toward the social science perspective and less toward exhaustive micro- level musical analysis. The volume owes a great deal to the intellectual spirit of scholars studying popular music cultures beyond super stars and mainstream pop culture (e.g., Clay- ton et al. 2003/2011; Stobart 2008).

To illustrate important changes in the approach to popular music performance and urban social change let us turn to the work of Sara Cohen. Her oeuvre provides a key to the field and a longitudinal perspective on changes in the same city. Cohen’s seminal study Rock Culture in Liverpool (1991) drew on popular music studies within cultural studies and sociology but extended the perspective into social anthropology. Rather than focusing on mass media and rock stars, for instance, the book took the by then unconventional step of studying in micro- social detail a local rock music community. It provided insight into a world in the shadows of mass media and the music industry to give a broader perspective on musical culture. Cohen’s ethnography, moreover, gave a sense of how commercial interests shaped subjectivities and career goals as well as the practical organization and relationships in music production and performance. The relationship between music and urban change is registered, but her first in- depth analysis of this relation and of postindustrial perspectives came sixteen years later with the monograph Decline, Renewal, and the City in Popular Music Culture (2007). That book makes an important contribution by exploring issues of local heritage and cultural diversity as coexisting and partly interacting with the entrenched commercialism of tourism and cultural policy. In the chapter on ‘music as a city business’, Cohen examines both how the music business gains from the city and how music drives the city’s culture and economy. She argues for extending the perspective from music in the city to understand how the city is constructed through music across local and transnational flows. The role of music as a mediating metaphor and economic driver for dominant city agendas is characteristic of the contemporary urban order. The contemporary order involves a convergence of art, identity, and commerce in the name of the city, and this process weakens the autonomy of distinct music communities. Cohen develops her analytical discourse to examine these changes by drawing more on urban sociology and on music industry research than before, and the macro-level and translocal perspectives play a greater role. A culminating point for the dominant agendas of Liverpool and other European cities is their moment as European Capitals of Culture, and we are grateful that Cohen has developed her analysis of Liverpool’s moment (Cohen and Lashua 2010) for the present volume.

PLACEMAKING The first of the three thematic sections in this volume focuses music’s role in creating experiences of place. Musical performance involves a continuous production of space, with the possibility of creating place-based stranger intimacy in clubs and other performance spaces, but also in transforming images of the neighborhood and the city. Music itself operates as a form of social power in public performance, not just through mediation or representation, but also through its own unique expressive and sensory qualities in the situated performances to shape collective agency and consciousness. Musical performance has the potential to offer strong experiences of social and spatial presence, and this has special importance to social groups who do not have their own place geographically or in society (Bohlman 1994; Gilroy 1993; Ramnarine 2004; Stokes 1994b; Toynbee and Dueck 2011; Wergin 2010).

The chapters gathered in this section of the volume explore musical performance as a plat- form for urban regeneration, immigrant communities, and for temporary urban cultural formations outside the city. The relation between city and history is central to Cohen’s chapter on Liverpool, a city far into the process of urban regeneration. The chapter begins with a discussion of the big ceremony to launch the city’s year as a European Capital of Culture in 2008. The ceremony was held in a newly redesigned public space in front of a large historical building. The musical performances in this ceremony were designed to mediate the transformation of the city, which also involves the transformation of music scenes into memory cultures. Cohen also analyzes how the hegemonic agenda impacts on existing small performance spaces where more intimate and community-driven collectivities exist.

O’Meara and Tretter’s chapter examines how urban elites in twenty-first-century cities influ- ence what kinds of musical practices and sounds are associated with a city. The chapter looks at Austin, Texas, where the city slogan is “The Live Music Capital of the World.” Despite the apparent inclusiveness of the slogan, it is deployed in ways that support existing racial and/or ethnic divides as well as musical diff erences within Austin’s music community. Austin first developed a reputation as a music city with progressive country in the 1970s, a reputation it maintains with help from a diverse and concentrated geography of performance venues and a number of significant music festivals. The chapter examines how and why particular members of the music community entered into the city’s growth coalition in the 1980s. Music, at first, was supported by the business community because it was thought to be essential to promoting the city’s quality of life; only later did it become the city’s main brand, central to dis- tinguishing Austin in an increasingly fi erce world of intercity competition. The analysis sug- gests that Austin’s elites in the 1980s understood music in terms infused with particular racial and musical limits. There are homologous representations in how music entered into the growth coalition and the way elites—both within the city and the music industry—continue to imagine Austin’s musical sound. This connection between live music and Austin’s economic development often serves to erase or ignore the city’s racial, ethnic, cultural, and musical diversity.

Sánchez Fuarros similarly argues that public musical performances are vital to the creation of new spaces of collectivity in urban social change. His study of Barcelona focuses on a migrant community. To Cuban migrants, public and semi-public musical performances are a vital means of meeting and sharing collectivity in the city. Musical practices constitute a ready resource for migrant groups and individuals to creating new spaces of agency in the urban environment. The chapter adopts a processual perspective to show how Barcelona as an urban music space is changing in and through Cuban music migration. Moreover, the chapter illustrates the importance of understanding the formative stages of urban music scenes and communities. In this context, music is not simply a commodity but a cultural resource for imagining alternative futures in new urban worlds to accommodate the Cuban diaspora in Barcelona.

Wergin’s chapter examines musical performance in social change from the perspective of the audience at the popular music festival Melt! outside of the metropolitan area of Berlin. The chapter argues for a reading of contemporary city space and popular music festivals as ‘des- tinations’, whose meanings oscillate according to visitors’ roles as their consumers and pro- ducers. The investigation is motivated by the question about the kinds of collectivity that emerge in musical performances at popular music festivals outside cities and how this collectivity can be understood in relation to social activities in the city. Wergin uses a comparative approach on particular dynamics at the Melt! Festival, about 90 miles southwest of Berlin. The Berlin neighborhood of Friedrichshain serves to illustrate that music festivals are not only agents in global media and music consumerism, but specific indicators of a touristifi cation of life that impacts on both popular music festivals and on inner city space. Wergin’s firsthand account shows how places are adopted and appropriated in media narratives, while live music performance remains able to stimulate a sense of being in a place, as part of a collective group, even if this collectivity does not have a permanent base, either geographically or in society. Auto-ethnographic material is enmeshed with anecdotes and stories to further illustrate the argument.

As a whole, the chapters in this section illustrate the power of music in transforming places into social spaces that are both real and utopian. They also illustrate how senses of place in urbanized societies become more fluid and independent of physical places and their immediate communities. In all three chapters, music and place are electronically mediated at several levels. Audiences and narratives are mobilized via networked and increasingly visual media, but they all recognize and relate to the intensity of the collective musical experience in the physical sphere. Musical places are thus adopted and appropriated in media narratives, but musical performance is still one of the situations in social life that offer the potential of experiencing emplacement, even when participants do not have their own place geographically or in society.

SCENES AND VENUES The chapters in this section examine changes in performance in the context of scenes and venues, including informal performance spaces and commercial clubs. Cities have been centers for live popular music since the late nineteenth century; their large populations providing audiences for both mass entertainment and for subcultures and niche genre scenes that only existed in large cities. A long history of small clubs with informal community dynamics in the city center might be ending, as suggested by Holt’s chapter on gentrification. In the late twen- tieth century, new clubs in many city centers around Europe and the United States increasingly adapted to rising rents, following real estate development, by focusing more on headlin- ers and a concert-based business model. Small community-oriented activities have tended to move away from gentrified neighborhoods in the city center.

Grazian’s and Holt’s chapters examine both sides of the development. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in Philadelphia, Grazian theorizes what he calls microscenes: “locally bounded yet decentralized DIY (do-it-yourself) music scenes where participants gather in repurposed urban spaces to perform and enjoy alternative popular music genres such as indie rock, experimental jazz, and underground hip-hop, all while relying on digital media tools to build a networked community and sustain participation.” Grazian argues that “[w]hile scenes cluster around sets of music venues, record labels, and other infrastructural elements of musical production and consumption in neighborhood entertainment zones, microscenes tend towards spatial decentralization within cities, appearing sporadically in repurposed venues among a variety of gentrifying neighborhoods.” Microscenes exist almost entirely outside commercial music industry contexts and far from the downtown worlds of House of Blues and Hard Rock Café. Grazian focuses on a set of indie rock microscenes and analyzes meta- events to illustrate how they are oriented toward local cultural dynamics and issues specific to the micro-environment of their own social worlds.

Holt concentrates on changes in the city center in which commercial concert clubs have gained ground. He offers an analytical narrative for explaining the dynamics of gentrification that have transformed underground rock scenes of the postindustrial 1970s and 1980s and led to the emergence of a new concert culture since the late 1990s in gentrified neighborhoods of Berlin, Copenhagen (Denmark), and New York. Holt argues that the social changes associated with gentrification have implications for urban music cultures across genre scenes and neighborhoods. A key sociological point is that changes in urban music cultures are oc- curring within processes of urban social change, even when they position themselves discur- sively outside of the process. Holt’s analysis focuses on the emergence of mid-size concert venues for indie rock in the three cities and closes in on the advanced development in Manhattan from the perspective of the now dominant concert promoter and venue management company called the Bowery Presents. Holt concludes that the intense gentrification in Manhattan illustrates how the process has had different implications for neighborhood ecologies of music scenes in the three cities.

McGee’s chapter brings conceptions of music scenes into a detailed ethnographic and historical study. The chapter is a contribution to the study of the intersections between music and culture in the contemporary urban experience. It is a case study of self-organized collectivities of musicians in Amsterdam and their practices of mixing music genres and media in live performance. The musicians draw on a tradition of jazz and cultural cosmopolitanism in Amsterdam. Such music is unlikely to have a mass audience, but these otherwise marginal musicians actually concentrate their performance activities in a square known as a tourist magnet. A music that comes with a history of social hybridity and cosmopolitanism thus becomes localized in a space of gentrification and tourism. McGee’s analysis illustrates how the experience of social presence in musical performance in fact grows from unique aesthetic dialogues through music with historical and social complexity.

Tsioulakis provides a different example of how musician collectives negotiate spaces for their music in the city, the city of Athens. The chapter examines experiences of collectivity in three different venues, each involving different performance settings. By examining not so much the kind of music played in these performance as the subtle nuances of collective experience, Tsioulakis makes the crucial point that musical performance offers participants a unique experience of being, but not under all conditions. A lesson to learn from the experience of these musicians is that musical interaction and sociability are important for the music to become a strong agent of social experience, and some venues provide better conditions for this than others. These issues were subject of discussion in the literature on jazz performance in the 1990s, and Tsioulakis’ chapter opens up for taking urban places into account. Similar to the Amsterdam collectivities, these musicians in Athens find themselves working in different social worlds of the city. They feel most at home in small venues that allow a certain freedom and intimacy, but they make most of their income from touring as background musicians for national pop stars in a mass culture setting.

NIGHTLIFE This section examines social change in urban nightlife. Musical performance has been central to perceptions of nightlife and urbanism since the beginnings of modernity, with the cabaret as an early influential example in the late 1800s (Gendron 2002). Where small towns and suburbs have little public life after midnight, night in the city is a time of activity among neobo- hemians, artists, and subcultures. The darkness and the closing of the official city involve a deregulation of the norms of ordinary business and working life. Instead, other forms of social behavior emerge in both indoor and outdoor spaces (Almeida 2008; Chatterton and Hollands 2003).

Electronic dance music has been a vital force in urban nightlife since the late 1960s, and the first two chapters in this section examine social change in this area from a contemporary perspective. Garcia’s chapter presents an analysis of nightlife spaces from the perspective of electronic dance music and urbanism. In his auto-ethnographic account, he engages anxie- ties and pleasures of crowds inside and outside the electronic music venue. It is this metaphor of feeling ‘outside the club’ which inspires his understanding of what governs social relations in and around music in urban nightlife. Garcia describes intimacy in crowds that are both corporeal and performative, but mostly more fluid and unstable than those generated through identity-based solidarity. The intimacy at the Berlin music venue Berghain manifests itself, as Garcia shows, in variable gestures of support and recognition. He argues that in contrast to conventional understandings of belonging and togetherness, solidarities within groupings of people are better described in metaphors of fluidity and what he terms “liquidarity.” Crowds for him are organized around shared affect, feeling, or experience, rather than a particular identity or cause. Manifest in his discussion of electronic music venues in Berlin and Paris, for instance, is a sense of togetherness that depends on a vagueness about the details of its coming-together. Garcia’s notion of liquidarity describes this sense of belonging in a space with fluid boundaries and practices inherent to it.

Brunner complements this analysis of the fluidity of nightlife spaces. He discusses nightlife by focusing on the perception of sound, technology, and bodily experience. His contribution presents sounds as a fundamental element of the sensuous nightlife space. In his chapter, Brun- ner applies an AfroFuturist perspective on the history of dubstep music in the UK. He ex- plores the bodily perception of dubstep as a socio-technical nightlife space in London. In his partly auto-ethnographic account, he identifies a network of agents among pirate radio stations, secret party announcements via social media, to the closer relations with embodied sound perception of an omnipresent bass. Following this trajectory, Brunner argues for a close relation between human and nonhuman actors who co-produce new forms of social spaces at night such as in dubstep. Brunner presents these networks through a wider notion of the live music experience and a focus on the practices of participant actors. In combination, he argues, new sound ecologies emerge, and social relations surface, and dubstep as a cultural formation becomes a practical framework for micropolitical ‘socio-technical assem- blages’.

The final chapter by Webb examines a music culture and milieu in London based on conceptions of culture, place, and identity in the global city. The chapter accounts for a scene that might be described as neofolk on the surface but is constituted by more complex musical formations, social dynamics, and narratives of apocalypse and ideological extremism. For participants in this nightlife scene, the musical and social encounter sustains one of the pow- erful undercurrents to mainstream society. This milieu is shaped by network communication and characterized by the negotiation of a range of cultural traditions, including Nordic my- thologies, paganism, esoteric knowledges, conservatism, and fascism. Its milieu is often discussed as influenced and/or generating a fascist current within. The chapter develops theorizations in his earlier work on milieu cultures (Webb 2007) to create analyze the complex political, national and philosophical dimensions of this fascinating urban music culture.

CONCLUDING SUGGESTIONS FOR URBAN POLICY The research presented in this volume has the complexity of academic research, and we would like to put some of the core findings into perspective for policy makers and a wider audience in this concluding section. We would like to draw attention to the fact that the research in this volume is based on more longitudinal and rigorous research than what is generally possible in policy reports and cultural journalism.

The findings of the volume need to be understood in the humanist perspective that is our core area of expertise. This perspective is necessary for understanding the cultural values of music and can productively be distinguished from a commercial perspective on how musical performance can generate profit. Humanist interests cannot claim absolute autonomy in capitalist society but should be treated systematically in their own right and incorporated into the broader analysis of social change. A common misperception is that core humanist research is essentially static and has therefore become stale. This volume illustrates that scholars en- gage in firsthand experiences of cultural change and are developing new conceptual approaches in the process. The volume also does not simply refer to commercial aspects. Some of the chapters analyze how commercial interests are shaping the conditions of musical experience and production. We witness that music now serves more commercial purposes than ever before and that humanist voices have not experienced a similar success. This is a challenge to humanist research that motivates the following conclusions.

The first point we wish to make is that musical performances increasingly have become part of cultural events that are not primarily about music, but typically about promoting agendas of city governments, corporations, and NGOs. This wider interest in music as a marketing tool and social expedient has the implications that there are more economic interests in musical performances and a larger number of performances that constitute new platforms for musicians and audiences. However, filling the city with musical performances in the form of arena entertainment, fl ash mobs in train stations, and parties in the streets might brighten the everyday of many people and give the city an emotional facelift, but it also institutionalizes music as festive entertainment and undermines the deeper artistic and social values of musical performance. This volume shows that the uses of musical performance in official city events in some cases even lead to the alienation of communities within superficial discourses of collectivity. It is tempting for a city government to permit events in public space for which the government does not have to pay, especially if the events promote the agendas of the government. But such festivalization also institutionalizes neoliberalism and consumerism in everyday urban life in the subtleties of cultural experience.

The second point we wish to make is that rising real estate prices and other aspects associated with gentrification call for a rethinking of urban cultural policy and particularly the future of cultural scenes in the city. The rise of larger and more commercial clubs in the city creates a market for headliner artists in optimized venue facilities. However, the conditions do not fa- vor low-budget cultural production and lead to the migration of scenes into more peripheral microscenes. The implication is a separation of DIY and commercial cultural production between neighborhoods and therefore a weakening of the ecology that constitutes a scene and ultimately a vibrant neighborhood.

City governments can counter the negative implications of such developments by strengthen- ing their focus on artistic criteria and community relations and by clarifying and institutionaliz- ing a humanist perspective that cannot be subsumed under larger agendas of city marketing and tourism or it will be confi ned to the role of strategic entertainment. If this requires a change in the administration of urban policy, this is a practical challenge that can be solved. What ultimately matters from a humanist perspective is how artistic and cultural diversity can be sustained within and among neighborhood ecologies. When culture is used for new strategic purposes, moreover, city governments have a responsibility for evaluating these activities not just from an economic impact perspective but also from a cultural perspective to inform the public sphere about the changes. For instance, city governments can share simple data on the numbers of musical and cultural events in public places within categories used for permissions and funding. If city governments conflate rather than clarify distinctions between humanist, commercial, and utilitarian approaches to culture, recent urban history shows that humanist values are likely to weaken, and this would strengthen the discourse of strategic entertainment. Despite such hegemonic discourses in the institutions of society, musical performance will always involve more complex experiences and has the potential for producing counternarratives. Musical performance is a unique cultural form in the sense that it cannot be completely controlled or predicted. The chapters of this volume powerfully demonstrate how musicians and participants interact in and around musical performance to create and experience unique values and visions for the present and future.

NOTES 1. Conversation with Thomas Fehlmann, Copenhagen, August 18, 2011. Fehlman is a composer, pro- ducer, and performer, born in 1957 and based in Berlin since 1984. He is mostly known for his work with the Orb, but has also been a member of Palais Schaumberg and Sun Electric and as a solo artist.

2. Scenes have expanded from clubs into festivals in urban public space, and urban music festivals frequently involve club scenes. A further investigation might consider the evolution of big festivals in public parks, particularly in Chicago and London, and how their framing of city space and social groups differ from older festivals for folk and jazz, for instance, and from non-profit civic events such as the Grand Performances in Los Angeles and the SummerStage in New York. With electronic dance music, it might be useful to consider Sonar in Barcelona, Distortion and Strom in Copenhagen, Ultra Music in Miami. See McKinley (2012) for recent developments in New York City.

3. The international rock and pop concert business went through a process of corporatization in the 1990s, with Live Nation and AEG as the big players. The process is now mirrored in electronic dance music with SFX Entertainment, ID&T, Insomnia Events, and Ultra Enterprises as major players (Sisario 2012; Holt 2010).

4. For a discussion of the situation perspective in relation to performance and electronic mediation, see Meyrowitz (1985).

5. For information on creative commons licensing, see “Creative Commons.”

6. Conversation with the media editor, March 12, 2012. The editor and the festival shall remain anony- mous. The tourist agency Wonderful Copenhagen presented the video along with an endorsement of the festival.

7. For further perspectives on the fl ash mob genre, one might look to the playlist of flash mobs created by the trend analysis department at YouTube in early fall 2011. (“International Flash Mobs” 2011). Three typical aspects can be identified. Firstly, the fl ash mobs were set in public transit spaces such as train stations or in large shopping spaces. Secondly, most of them featured popular dances such as rhumba and MTV dance styles, but also the traditional dance haka. Others focused on the promotion of the musical genres of opera and symphonic music usually performed in concert halls. Third, most of the fl ash mobs were promotional events set in commercial spaces. It is striking that four of the fl ash mobs were promotions for public organizations, including the Berlin state ballet, a Danish symphony orchestra, and a university (Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University).

8. For an astute analysis of the European Capital of Culture program and its transformation into urban regeneration policy, see Sassatelli forthcoming. See also Richards and Wilson 2005. For information on SummerStage, see the program’s website at the City Parks Foundation (“SummerStage”). The evolution of brand events in the 1990s has been described by Klein 2000/2010.

9. In addition to McGuigan’s critique (2010), one of the editors of this volume draws on more than 25 interviews with experts and politicians across the Nordic countries in 2012. The data was produced for a confidential policyreport. All informants in the five Nordic countries talked about festival saturation and that there always seems to be a festival going on in the capital city. A typical concern about superficiality when art is presented in cultural events was voiced in a meeting in 2011 by the director of the Arts Council, Denmark. This confidential meeting cannot be referenced in detail. The sheer number of events devalue the uniqueness of each, and this could be put into historical perspective by examining the hu- manistic ideals among festival organizers in the past. For an overview, see Autissier’s (2009) notes on the statements made by organizers and supporters when the Mozart festival in Salzburg and the Edin- burgh International Festival was created. A comprehensive critique of festivalization is beyond the scope of this volume.

10. The pioneer volume Festivals and the Cultural Public Sphere (Delanty, Giorgi, and Sassatelli 2011) presents new conceptions of festivals as cultural public spheres. Positive aspects of festival saturation has been noted by Stevens (2011).

11. The discourse has surfaced in responses to the closing of other clubs and to police interventions in the DIY and underground scene elsewhere in the city. A similar discourse was articulated around the closing of the Bottom Line (“The Bottom Line Website”; Pareles 2004). The discourse has been articulated almost daily on popular blogs such as Brooklyn Vegan and by promoters such as Todd Patrick and Ariel Panero (conversation with Ariel Panero, April 23, 2010; Todd Patrick, April 27, 2010).

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