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The League for Human Rights Against Nazism and Domestic Fascism, 1933-1946

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The League for Human Rights Against Nazism and Domestic Fascism, 1933-1946 “BY ANY MEANS NECESSARY:” THE LEAGUE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS AGAINST NAZISM AND DOMESTIC FASCISM, 1933-1946 A thesis submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in History by Scott D. Abrams May, 2012 i Thesis written by Scott D. Abrams B.A., The University of Akron, 2010 M.A., Kent State University, 2012 Approved by _______________________________, Kenneth Bindas, Co-Advisor _______________________________, Richard Steigmann-Hall, Co-Advisor _______________________________, Kenneth Bindas, Chair, Department of History _______________________________, Timothy Moerland, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS..................................................................................................iv INTRODUCTION...............................................................................................................1 CHAPTER 1: Building a Nazi Community.......................................................................23 CHAPTER 2: Public Resistance and Clandestine Vigilance.............................................55 CHAPTER 3: Breaking the Bund and Legion...................................................................90 CHAPTER 4: Resistance, Vigilance, and Change: America's War, the League for Human Rights, and the Fall of American Fascism.......................................................................123 BIBLIOGRAPHY............................................................................................................161 iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: This thesis was a product of many long nights, difficult days, and the direct (and indirect) help of many people. I would like to start by thanking the staff and faculty in Kent State University's Department of History. Their assistance from everything bureaucratic to mundane made my stay at Kent State much easier. Without them, I’d still be lost in a sea of paperwork. I would also like to thank the professors whose classes I took or I worked in. I believe that through personal interactions with them and in-class activities I was able to hone my interests, skills, and knowledge well past what I initially had. Among those faculty members, three in particular stood out and made this thesis possible. My committee members, Dr. Richard Steigmann-Gall, Dr. Kenneth Bindas, and Dr. Clarence Wunderlin each contributed to this project by offering me their knowledge, time, advice, and revisions. I am most certainly in debt to them for their intellectual input into this project. My fellow masters and Ph.D. colleagues in the department deserve thanks as well for their moral support and probing questions. I would also like to thank the staff members of Cleveland's Western Reserve Historical Society and Case Western Reserve University's Special Collections department. They each gave me access to indispensable primary sources that otherwise would have this project impossible. Most importantly, my family and loved ones deserve the greatest thanks that I can possibly give. Their constant support, questions, and love brought me through many difficult times and kept my mind focused on the end goal. Their enthusiasm for my project and seeing iv me succeed helped keep my internal drive what it was from the beginning until the end. This entire process has been an enlightening, albeit difficult experience that I will carry with me for the rest of my life. v INTRODUCTION A Brief Prologue By the end of 1945, Cleveland, Ohio's League for Human Rights Against Nazism had fought a long and tiresome campaign against domestic fascism and elements of the German-American Bund. The League led the efforts to counter Nazi propaganda in the area and campaigned for an economic boycott of the Nazis. They printed volumes of informational fliers, lists of businesses that sold German goods, and rallied civilians against Nazi atrocities. For them, the end of the war meant that they could disband and within a few months after June, 1946, the League permanently closed its doors. Before dismantling, however, the League printed a handful of copies detailing a considerable amount of their activities. The report explains the League's rise to local power, the fights it conducted against religiously and politically validated anti-Semitism, and the economic boycott it led in Cleveland. The League's report also hints at a much greater campaign of “carefully-kept files and persistent watchfulness.... [of] hundreds upon hundreds of individuals” and organizations.1 These were secret, extralegal investigations against local Nazis, German spies, suspicious individuals, the Cleveland branch of the German- American Bund and William Dudley Pelley's Silver Shirt Legion, and the local German American community, largely gathered by paid informants and agents with coded names 1Anonymous, Report of the League for Human Rights, 1933-1941 (Cleveland, OH.: League for Human Rights, 1946), 24. 1 2 like P-9, X-5, and 211. Their findings included a black market for German goods, illegal funding programs that sent money to Germany and the Nazi Party, a Hitler Youth-themed education camp, cooperation between German bureaucrats and local officials to send Nazi propagandists into Cleveland schools and Cleveland students to German schools, plans to disrupt local elections, and even a plot to illegally take over Cleveland's most prestigious German American organization. The League furthermore found that Nazi agents and propagandists were indeed active in spreading anti-Semitism throughout northeast Ohio and that the local Bund's membership extended from average citizens to the social, political, and scholarly elite of Cleveland. The key organizations in this thesis, the German-American Bund and League for Human Rights, were products of their time and experiences felt by members over a period of decades. While both of these groups were local entities vying for power, their goals and political leanings were influenced by national forces. Furthermore, they are representative of larger movements, each calling for the nation to move in opposing directions. It should be no surprise then that these two groups fought each other over the role of guiding political philosophies in everyday life and in political power. Most importantly, their conflicts over ideology portrays the problem of democracy's value as America's leading political ideology versus the potential role of fascism offered to the world. The German-American Bund, in both it's national and local attempts to gain real power, represented a threat to democratic principles and left many observers extremely unsettled by their rhetoric and activities. The League for Human Rights saw themselves as Cleveland's leading non-sectarian/Jewish-aligned anti-Nazi boycott organization and 3 the best local solution to the Bund's efforts in Cleveland. Their mission to defend democracy, promote ethnic and religious tolerance, and defeat fascistic regimes took the forms of public informational speeches, rallies, parades, news columns, rumor sections in local newspapers, boycott programs, and clandestine campaigns. The tense, increasingly public relationship between the League and Cleveland Bund reached it's first critical point between 1936 and 1937. This conflict came about when the Bund leaders realized that their initial efforts to reach the American community failed. As a result, they decided to recast the group's image and public message as pro- American, pro-German culture, and anti-Communist, while deceptively remaining Nazi at their core. Their message changed from militarism and anti-Semitism towards more subtle language that embraced ethnic celebration and national pride. Changing in kind, the League's tactical shift towards vigilance, as defined by historian Christopher Capazolla, was aimed at continuing their campaign against an enemy that tried to make themselves look more American and less Nazi. These new methodologies, vigilance and increased subtlety, came to define their dialogic relationship. In all, this study grapples with several key issues about these organizations and their places in the larger historical narrative on American Nazism and resistance campaigns. First, the growth of American Nazism (particularly the German-American Bund), their initial public message, how they challenged democracy, and federal investigations against them. Additionally, I will present the development of the League for Human Rights, a Cleveland-based non-sectarian resistance organization, and how they confronted domestic fascism. Naturally, discussions of these groups will be 4 preempted by sections that display how both were products of larger national conflicts. Second, I look at the League's and Bund's changing public campaigns in Cleveland and how they each forced the other to change their dialogue and methodology in public settings. Third, I examine various changes in the Bund and League's operations, altercations between their ideological campaigns, and, finally, the results of the League's covert operations against the Bund. Fourth, my analysis looks at the breakdown of formal Nazi organizations into discrete underground cells and how the League's vigilance campaigns embraced renewed public resistance and revised private investigations to keep up with developments. Lastly, my review of these groups, their changing tactics, and their activities serves as a revision of major conclusions made by previous historians, particularly Haskel Lookstein, on the affectivity of non-sectarian anti-Nazi
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