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durch eine intensive Nutzung und Siedlungstätigkeit aus- zeichnet (vor allem die befestigte byzantinsche Siedlung im Bereich des Korha Dag). B. Özgut und A. Schachner stellen auf S. 87-171 die Kera- mikfunde sowie Kleinfunde vor. Im Falle der Keramik reicht das Spektrum der Funde von spätneolithischer Hassuna- Keramik über Keramik des Chalkolitikums und der Eisenzeit bis hin zur Keramik byzantinscher und islamischer Nut- zungsphasen der Höhlen von Bırkleyn. B. Özgut (S. 87-91) analysiert die technischen Aspekte („Aufbauware“, „Schei- benware“, Oberflächenbehandlung, Farbe des Tons) sowie die Waren und ihre Zusammensetzung (Magerung mit Zusatzstoffen). Ein weiteres wichtiges Ergebnis ist das Feh- len „markanter Keramikgruppen des späten 4. und vor allem des 3. Jahrtausends v. Chr.“, was möglicherweise auf eine Lücke in der Siedlungsgeschichte dieses Bereiches hindeuten könnte. A. Schachner zufolge könnte dies mit der in diesem Zeitraum gestiegenen Bedeutung von Kupferlagerstätten zu erklären sein, zu denen die Umgebung von Bırkleyn nicht zu rechnen ist. Die übrigen Kleinfunde entsprechen im Wesentlichen dem chronologischen Spektrum, das anhand der Keramikfunde definiert werden konnte. Es sind vor allem lithische Funde aus Obsidian, die in Verbindung mit der bemalten Hassuna-Keramik in das spätkeramische Neolithi- ARCHEOLOGIE kum zu datieren sind und sehr wahrscheinlich aus ortsnah gewonnenem Material hergestellt wurden (S. 163-166). Der SCHACHNER, A. — Assyriens Könige an einer der Quellen Fund eines bronzenen Armringes könnte aufgrund von Paral- des Tigris. Archäologische Forschungen im Höhlensys- ellstücken auf eine urartäische Bestattung hindeuten (S. 166- tem von Birkleyn und am sogenannten Tigris-Tunnel. 167). Zu nennen ist hier auch eine eisenzeitliche Geschoss- (Istanbuler Forschungen, Band 51). Ernst Wasmuth Ver- spitze, die mit der assyrischen Präsenz zusammenhängen lag, Tübingen, 2009. (30 cm, X, 287). ISBN 978-3- könnte (S. 168-169). 8030-1772-7. ISSN 0723-4333. / 35,- Die assyrischen Königsinschriften Tiglatpilesars I. und In dem hier zu besprechenden Band werden die Ergebnisse Salmanassers III. werden von K. Radner in philologischer der Untersuchungen des Höhlensystems von Bırkleyn und Bearbeitung vorgelegt sowie mit Autographien und Photo- dem „Tigristunnel“ vorgestellt, die unter der Leitung von A. graphien illustriert (S. 172-197 s. dazu unten). In diesem Schachner 2004 durchgeführt wurden. Neben dem Herausge- Zusammenhang sind auch die Beiträge von Y. Helmholz (S. ber A. Schachner haben U. Dogan, Y. Helmholz, B. Özgut 262-266) und K. Radner (S. 267-270) im Anhang von Inter- und K. Radner zu dieser Veröffentlichung beigetragen. esse, in denen beide Autorinnen die Technik und die In der Einleitung (S. 1-19) bietet A. Schachner eine Einfüh- Arbeitschritte zur Gewinnung von Abformungen der Reliefs rung in geographische Aspekte (Lage, Einbindung in die beziehungsweise von Papierabklatschen vorstellen. Einge- Landschaft usw.) sowie einen Überblick über die Forschungs- hend diskutiert K. Radner zudem die Datierung der Inschrif- geschichte, der durch die Veröffentlichung von Faksimiles ten und ihr zeitliches Verhältnis zueinander (S. 197-199, vgl. osmanischer Dokumente ergänzt wird (S. 257-261). Diesen dazu auch die Ausführungen A. Schachners auf S. 219-223, Quellen zufolge wurden Forschungsreisende im osmanischen s. dazu unten sub 1). Reich wie beispielsweise C.F. Lehmann-Haupt und W. Belck Im Anschluss daran bespricht A. Schachner auf S. 203- durch Vertreter der osmanischen Behörden begleitet. 223 die drei mit den Inschriften verbundenen Königsreliefs U. Dogan analysiert die Geomorphologie des Höhlensys- Tiglatpilesars I. (Höhle 1, Inschrift Tigris 1) und Salmanas- tems unter Berücksichtigung seiner Entstehungsgeschichte sers III. (Höhle 1, Inschrift Tigris 2; Höhle 2 Inschrift Tigris und beschreibt die einzelnen Höhlen (S. 20-31). 4), wobei er u.a. den rezenten Erhaltungszustand beschreibt In dem darauf folgenden Abschnitt diskutiert A. Schach- und zugleich die Erhaltungsgeschichte der Reliefs im Blick ner die insgesamt fünf Höhlen als archäologische Stätte. hat. Im Zentrum steht hier natürlich die Darstellung des Dabei weist er auf spätere Nutzungphasen ebenso wie auf heute noch Erkennbaren und dessen kulturgeschichtliche und Anzeichen für Raubgrabungen (insbesondere in den Höhlen in Zusammenhang mit den Ergebinssen K. Radners histori- 2 und 3) hin. Weiterhin geht es um die Lage der assyrischen sche Einordnung. A. Schachner hebt dabei zum einen auf das Felsreliefs und Inschriften in Höhle 1 („Tigristunnel“) und Verhältnis der Darstellung der beiden etwas mehr als 200 um deren Erreichbarkeit. Interessant sind hier die Ausführun- Jahre auseinanderliegenden Könige ab, die bemerkenswerte gen zur Anbringungshöhe, die von den Assyrern offensicht- Parallelen in der Ikonographie aufweisen und sich nur hin- lich im Hinblick auf die zum Teil stark schwankenden Was- sichtlich ihrer „stilistischen und technischen Ausführung“ serstände bewusst gewählt wurde (S. 38-41). Die voneinander unterscheiden (S. 210 mit Tabelle 53). Zum Untersuchungen zeigen zudem, dass sich nicht nur der anderen setzt er die Reliefs Salmanassers III. mit dem Bild- Bereich der Höhlen selbst, sondern auch deren Umgebung streifen X seines Bildzyklus auf dem Balawat-Tor (Imgur- insbesondere in der byzantinischen und islamischen Zeit Enlil) in Beziehung, der bildlich und inschriftlich auf einen Zug des Herrschers zum „Tigristunnel“ verweist (S. 213-217

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mit Abb. 234). Unter den hier von A. Schachner angestellten den, die zum Teil explizit auf den Alten Palast beziehungs- Beobachtungen ist nicht zuletzt die Szene am Ende des unte- weise auf einzelne seiner Bereiche Bezug nehmen.4) Zu ren Registers bemerkenswert, die einen Steinmetz und einen nennen sind hier der ekal ereni „Zedern-Palast“ (als Bezeich- ihm assistierenden Schreiber bei der Anbringung einer Fels- nung des Alten Palastes) und das bit taskarinni „Buchsbaum- inschrift (S. 214 Abb. 234: Figuren 48-49) zeigt. Auf S. 217- Haus“ sowie das bit ereni „Zedern-Haus“.5) Ausgehend von 218 setzt sich A. Schachner mit der Deutung der Felsreliefs K. Radners zeitlicher Einordnung der Felsinschrift Tiglatpile- und -inschriften von Bırkleyn auseinander und wendet sich sars I. („Tigristunnel“, Höhle 1 s. S. 197) lassen sich einige gegen die Auffassung, wonach die Reliefs primär die Macht Orthostatenserien und damit zumindest ein Teil der Baumaß- und den Herrschaftsbereich Assyriens darstellen sollten. nahmen des Herrschers am Alten Palast sehr wahrscheinlich Ausgehend von der Überlegung, dass Bırkleyn (als Teil des in die Zeit nach dessen 20.-21. Regierungsjahr ansetzen. Dies in assyrischen Quellen benannten Subria) zu Zeiten Tiglatpi- ergibt sich aus der Erwähnung der Stadt Babylon und Akka- lesars I. und Salmanassers III. dazu nicht zählte, schlägt er des in der Inschrift dieser Orthosten, die der Herrscher von hingegen vor, in den Höhlen von Bırkleyn ein Felsheiligtum dieser Zeit an seinem Einflussbereich zurechnete.6) zu sehen, das möglicherweise in einer älteren altanatolischen 1 Tradition stand. ) 2. Anmerkungen zur Paläographie der Steininschriften S. 224-230 (A. Schachner) sind der schriftlichen Überlie- Tiglatpilesars I. und Salmanassers III. ferung Bırkleyn in der klassischen Antike sowie in der byzantinischen und islamischen Zeit gewidmet. Eine Zusam- Die Autographien sind hinsichtlich des Zeichenbestandes menfassung der Ergebnisse bietet A. Schachner auf S. 231- und -anordnung absolut korrekt. Doch lassen sich anhand der 241. guten Überblicks- und Detailphotographien der Inschriften Es schließen sich das Literaturverzeichnis (S. 243-256), die und einzelner Zeichen(gruppen) sowohl für die Inschriften bereits oben genannten Anhänge zu den auf die Begleitung Tiglatpilesars I. als auch für die Salmanassers III. einige der Forschungsreisenden C. F. Lehmann-Haupt und W. Belck „von der Norm“ der „begradigten“ Formen unserer moder- bezogenenen Dokumente der osmanischen Behörden (S. 257- nen Zeichenlisten abweichende Zeichenformen nachweisen, 261, A. Schachner) und die Ausführungen zur Herstellung die jedoch weder in den Autographien berücksichtigt noch in von Abgüssen beziehungsweise Abklatschen der Reliefs und den Kommentaren besprochen werden. Es wäre jedoch für Inschriften an (S. 262-266, Y. Helmholz; S. 267-270, K. Rad- zukünftige Forschungen wünschenswert, solchen Abwei- ner). Außerdem werden die Ergebnisse nochmals in türki- chungen Rechung zu tragen und diese nicht durch standardi- scher Sprache zusammengefasst (S. 271-285, A. Schachner). sierte Formen zu ersetzen (s. Punkt 3). Auf S. 286-287 finden sich Abbildungsnachweise sowie die Anschriften der am Band beteiligten Autoren. 2.1 Die Inschrift Tiglatpilesars I. („Tigristunnel“, Tigris 1) Mit seinen durchweg hervorragenden Beiträgen stellt der In ihrer Beabeitung (S. 173-178 mit den Abb. 173-188) vorliegende Band eine vorbildhafte Untersuchung einer his- weist K. Radner teils im Kommentar teils durch Detailphoto- torischen Stätte dar, die sowohl in ihren geographischen und graphien auf einzelne Zeichenformen hin, ohne näher auf geomorphologischen Aspekten als auch mit ihren archäolo- deren Besonderheiten einzugehen. Bemerkenswert ist hier bei- gischen und historischen Befunden behandelt wird. Zu spielsweise die Form des SID in Z. 7, das hinter dem eigentlich begrüßen ist dabei nicht zuletzt auch die Thematisierung der vollständigen Zeichen zwei zusätzliche waagerechte Keile Forschungsgeschichte und die Edition diesbezüglich relevan- zeigt und damit auf den ersten Blick an ein Ú erinnert.7) Beach- ter Dokumente. Den an diesem Band beteiligten Kolleginnen tenswert ist auch das É in der Schreibung des Könignamens und Kollegen gebührt dafür Anerkennung und Dank. in Z. 4, das nur drei statt der zu erwartenden vier vertikalen Ich möchte an dieser Stelle einige Beobachtungen und Keile aufweist (S. 177 Kommentar zu Z. 4, Abb. 186 sowie Ergänzungen zu K. Radners Beitrag anschließen, die sich vor Abb. 183 auf S. 175). Wie ließe sich die „verkürzte Wieder- allem aus der Aufarbeitung der Orthostatenfragmente Tiglat- gabe“ des É erklären? In den Inschriften der Orthostaten pilesars I. und Assurnasirpals II. aus dem Alten Palast von Assur2) wie auch aus anderen Arbeiten im Bereich der Assur- 3 Forschung ergeben. ) 4) Siehe Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, 14-19.31-35. 5) Siehe S. Lundström, Die Baugeschichte des Alten Palastes nach den schriftlichen Quellen, in: F. Pedde/S. Lundström, Der Alte Palast. Archi- 1. Zur Datierung der Orthostaten Tiglatpilesars I. aus tektur und Baugeschichte. Mit einem Beitrag von Eckart Frahm. WVDOG Assur 120 (2008) 166-173 sowie Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, 31-35. 6) Siehe Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, 16-19. Es lassen sich anhand der nun vorliegenden rekonstruierten 7) Die Argumentation K. Radners, dass diese beiden Waagerechten zu Inschriften (RIMA A.0.87.17-20.29) und ihrer verschiedenen SID und nicht zu einem weiteren nicht mehr erhalten Zeichen zu rechnen sind, ist auf der Grundlage der Abb. 187 auf S. 178 überzeugend. Mögli- Fassungen sowie der Materialien (Basalt/Kalkstein) mindes- cherweise liegt hier ein Fehler in der Vorlage vor, der die Steinmetze folg- tens sieben verschiedene Serien von Orthostaten unterschei- ten. Denkbar ist aber auch, dass die beiden oberen Waagerechten des Zei- chens wiederaufgenommen werden (s. beispielsweise das Zeichen Ú). Nach Abb. 183 auf S. 175 und Abb. 187 auf S. 178 könnte man zudem den 1) A. Schachner bezieht sich hier auf den hurritischen Kumarbi-Mythos Eindruck gewinnen, dass der untere Waagerechte nicht durchgehend, son- sowie auf die nachgewiesene Existenz hurritischer Bevölkerungsgruppen dern als gebrochener Waagrechter ausgeführt worden ist, wobei nach Abb. in Subria (S. 218 Anm. 361 mit weiterer Literatur). 187 nur die obere Hälfte des zweiten Keilkopfes zu erkennen ist. Vergleich- 2) Siehe jetzt S. Lundström/J. Orlamünde, Die Orthostaten Tiglatpile- bare gebrochene Waagerechte finden sich auch in anderen Inschriften von sars I. und Assurnasirpals II. aus dem Alten Palast in Assur. WVDOG 136 Türwächter-Skulpturen Tiglatpilesars I. aus Assur. S. die Zeichen AD in (2011). Ass. 4236a+Ass. 4537a/VA Ass 6948 (Kat.-Nr. 608) Z. 6’, AD in Ass. 4481 3) Siehe S. Lundström, Die Königsgrüfte im Alten Palast von Assur. + Ass. 4658a/o. Inv.-Nr. (Kat.-Nr. 871) Z. 7’ und Ú in Ass. 16955/VA Ass WVDOG 123 (2009) und den von mir im Rahmen der 57 RAI Barcelona 6968 (Kat.-Nr. 626) Z. 5’ in Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, Tfn. 9-11 sowie gehaltenen Vortrag „Some Thoughts on Assyrian Stone Palaeography“. S. 18-19.

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Tiglatpilesars I. ist der Abstand zwischen dem vierten vertika- erscheinen. Ein solches Projekt sollte dabei alle Aspekte der len Keil des É und den voranstehenden drei Vertikalen häufig Produktion und Rezeption von Steininschriften ins Auge fas- größer als der Abstand zwischen den ersten drei Vertikalen.8) sen. Dies beginnt beispielsweise bei der Frage nach dem Ein- Natürlich könnte man hier von einem Fehler der Handwerker fluss der einzelnen Gesteinsarten und Arbeitstechniken (sowie ausgehen. Denkbar ist aber auch, dass man aus Platzmangel Arbeitsmittel etc.) auf den Herstellungsprozess der Inschriften sich bewußt dazu entschloss, einen Teil des Zeichens auszu- und damit auf die Form der Zeichen. Systematisch zu fahnden lassen. Möglicherweise sollte die Inschrift hier einen bestimm- ist auch nach möglichen mit einzelnen Objektgruppen (wie ten Abstand zum Königsrelief nicht unterschreiten. So folgen Gefäße, Sarkophage, Stelen etc.) und Anbringungs- bezie- É, SÁR und RA unmittelbar aufeinander, zudem ist das RA deut- hungsweise Aufstellungsorten verbundene Eigenheiten. Von lich kleiner. Die Beschaffenheit des Felsens lässt sich hier – zentraler Bedeutung ist nach Auffassung des Rezensenten auch wenigstens auf der Grundlage der Abbildungen – als Grund die Frage, welche Rolle beziehungsweise welchen Einfluss den für die Verkürzung des É ausschließen. Handwerkern, Verfassern und deren Auftraggebern bei der Als weitere auffällige Zeichenformen, die weder im Kom- Konzipierung und Umsetzung von Steininschriften zukam oder mentar noch in den Autographien berücksichtigt werden, zugestanden wurde: Hatten die Steinmetze hier die Möglich- sind u.a. das ∑U in Z. 1, das DA in Z. 2 und das SAG wie auch keit, eigene Vorstellungen einzubringen oder waren sie strikt das I in Z. 5 (vgl. Abb. 186 auf S. 177; dort mit Verweis auf auf die Umsetzung von Vorlagen beschränkt? Wie weit reichte das Zeichen SAG) zu nennen (s. unten). ihr Verständnis für die Inschriften (und Objekte), die sie im Auftrage anderer schufen? Waren sie literat? 2.2 „Geschwungene“ Formen versus Standardformen Angesichts des derzeitigen Forschungsstandes lässt sich Sowohl in der Inschrift Tiglatpilesars I. als auch in den nicht sicher prognostizieren, ob als Ergebnis eines solchen Pro- Inschriften Salmanassers III. aus Bırkleyn lassen sich anhand jektes ein Instrumentarium an datierungsrelevanten Kriterien der Photographien Zeichen identifizieren, deren an die Keil- zu erwarten ist, das etwa mit dem in der Hethitologie etablier- köpfe anschließende Fortsätze nicht gerade, sondern einen ten Modell (zur Datierung der auf Ton niedergeschrieben heti- gebogenen oder geschwungen Verlauf nehmen, vgl. bei- tischen Textüberlieferung)12) oder den in der Sumerologie und spielsweise die unter 2.1 aufgeführten Beispiele aus der Assyriologie teilweise schon sehr weit fortgeschrittenen Inschrift Tiglat-pilesars I. (Tigris 1) sowie für die Inschriften Ansätze für die mesopotamischen und syrisch-palästinschen Salmanassars III. vgl. beispielsweise das Ú in Tigris 3, Panel Textüberlieferungen auf Ton13) vergleichbar wäre. Die damit 1 Z. 12 (S. 187 Abb. 201). verbundene Diskussion der oben benannten Fragestellungen Diese Formen sind sicher nicht damit zu erklären, dass die würde sich jedoch in jedem Fall produktiv auswirken. Vor Steinmetze hier etwa schadhafte Stellen im Gestein zu umge- allem würde dieses Projekt zur Klärung der Frage beitragen, hen suchten oder den Zeichen versehentlich diese Formen ob die Datierung von (assyrischen) Steininschriften anhand gaben. Vergleichbares findet sich in den Orthostaten- und paläographischer Kriterien möglich ist oder eben nicht.14) Skulptureninschriften Tiglatpilesars I.9) ebenso wie in den Orthostateninschriften10) und Grabinschriften Assurnasirpals Steven LUNDSTRÖM II. aus Assur.11) Mithin ist dieses Phänomen weder auf die Inschriften eines Herrschers, noch auf eine bestimmte * Objektgattung beziehungsweise einen bestimmten Anbrin- * * gungsort oder einen speziellen Kontext beschränkt. Im Hin- blick auf die paläographische Datierung assyrischer Steinin- schriften ist es damit wenig aussagekräftig. 12) Siehe beispielsweise F. Starke, Die keilschrift-luwischen Texte in Umschrift. StBoT 30 (Wiesbaden 1985) 21-31, C. Rüster/E. Neu, Heth- itisches Zeichenlexikon. Inventar und Interpretation der Keilschriftzeichen 3. Eine Paläographie assyrischer Steinischriften als For- aus den Bogazköy-Texten. StBoT Beiheft 2 (Wiesbaden 1989) und M. Weeden, Hittite Logograms and Hittite Scholarship. StBoT 54 (Wiesbaden schungsprojekt 2011) 43-56. 13) Für einen Überblick siehe R. Borger, Mesopotamisches Zeichenle- Die hier unter Punkt 2 vorgestellten Beobachtungen lassen xikon. AOAT 305 (2003) 624-626 sowie zuletzt Einzeluntersuchungen wie eine detailliertere und zugleich grundsätzliche Untersuchung die von C. Mittermayer, Altbabylonische Zeichenliste der sumerisch-lite- zur Paläographie assyrischer Steininschriften vielversprechend rarischen Texte. OBO Sonderband (Fribourg/Göttingen 2006), K. Radner, Das mittelassyrische Tontafelarchiv von Giricano/Dunnu-sa-uzibi. Subartu 14/Ausgrabungen in Giricano 1 (Turnhout 2004) 54-65 und S. Jakob, Die mittelassyrischen Texte von Tell Chuera in Nordost-Syrien mit einem Bei- 8) Siehe u.a. Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, Tf. 5 (Kat.-Nrn. 16.57), Tf. trag von Daniela I. Janisch-Jakob. VFMOS 2,III (Wiesbaden 2009) 26-40. 6 (Kat.-Nrn. 116.146) und Tf. 7 (Kat.-Nrn. 411.473). 14) Ein mögliches Beispiel dafür könnten die Inschriften Tiglatpilesars 9) Siehe u.a. Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, Tf. 5 (Kat.-Nrn. 57 Z. 1: É; I. bieten. Hier lässt sich bei Zeichen, die aus mehreren aufeinanderfolgen- 62 Z. 2: [E], RI), Tf. 6 (Kat.-Nrn. 75 Z.1: [É]; 108 Z. 1: [É]; 113 Z. 1: den senkrechten Keilen (wie etwa dem Zeichen É) oder bei mehreren über- [GIS]; 116 Z. 1: [É]; 118 Z. 2: [NI]; 127 Z. 2: [RI]; 170 Z. 1: [GAL]; 180 einanderliegenden waagrechten Keilen (wie dem Zeichen GAL) bestehen, Z. 1: [GAL], DIS; 224 Z. 3: [BA].Z. 4: [NI]), Tf. 7 (Kat.-Nrn. 253 Z. 2: [É]; häufig folgende Eigenheit feststellen: Jeweils der äußerste linke / rechte 307 Z. 2: [LAB]; 385 Z. 4: É; 411 Z. 1 [É].Z. 2: IS; 465 Z. 1: [É].Z. 4: [RI]; Senkrechte beziehungsweise der unterste / oberste Waagerechte sind leicht 473 Z. 1: [É], [GAL]; 479 Z. 4: [GAL], É; 481 Z. 2: [MU]R; 522 Z. 1: [É]), versetzt zu den übrigen Senkrechten oder Waagerechten platziert, siehe u.a. Tf. 8 (Kat.-Nrn. 539 Z. 1: [TI]; 541 Z.2: [LA]B.Z. 4: [NI]; 544 Z. 4: [É]; Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, Tf. 5 (Kat.-Nr. 16 Z. 2 É), Tf. 6 (Kat.-Nr. 171 557 Z. 1 [KA].Z. 2: [LAB]; 560 Z. 4: [RI]; 563 Z. 4: [É]; 567 Z. 1: [A]; 576 Z. 2 GAL) sowie Tf. 8 (Kat.-Nr. 588 Z. 3 [I]) und u.a. auch das Zeichen SID Z. 1: [A]), Tf. 9 (Kat.-Nr. 600 Z. 4’: GIM). in der Inschrift Tigris 1 Z. 7 von Bırkleyn, siehe S. 173-178 und Abb. 188). 10) Siehe u.a. Lundström/Orlamünde 2011, Tf. 10 (Kat.-Nrn. 735 Z. 1: Vergleichbare Formen sind beispielsweise in den Assur-Inschriften Assur- É, GAL.Z. 2: IS, [RI]; 739 Z. 3-4: DI Z. 5: [RU]; 746 Z. 2’.5’: DI.Z. 10’: nasirpals II. – zumindest in dieser Häufigkeit – nicht belegt. Zu untersuchen [TA]), Tf. 11 (Kat.-Nrn. 766 Z. 3: PI, TA; 769 Z. 2: [SA]G). wäre in diesem Zusammenhang nun zum Beispiel, wie sich etwa die spä- 11) Siehe u.a. Lundström 2009, Tf. 79 Abb. 79.3: A, Abb. 79.9: MAS, teren Inschriften Salmanassers III. in Bırkleyn dazu verhalten. Hier könnte Abb. 79.10: É, Tf. 80 Abb. 80.8: A, Tf. 82 Abb. 82.8: MA, Tf. 84 Abb. man u.a. das Zeichen IM in der Inschrift Tigris 3 Z. 2 (siehe S. 183-189 84.10: TUKUL, MAS, Tf. 89 Abb. 89.1 Z. 2: DINGIR. Abb. 196) in Betracht ziehen.

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SIMPSON, E. — The Gordion Wooden Objects, Volume l analyses are major scholarly components of the study. The The Furniture from Tumulus MM. (Culture and History two stands are decorated with intricate inlaid patterning, in of the Ancient Near East, 32). Brill Academic Publish- each case different. Their top surfaces had three open rings ers, Leiden-Boston, 2010. 16. (xl, 285). ISBN 978-9- that held the small bronze cauldrons used with bronze 0041-6539-7. ISSN 1566-2055. / 250,-. ladles, which were found on the tomb floor. Simpson dis- cerned that the two curved legs set into each of the inlaid Elizabeth Simpson began her study of the Gordion furni- faces are lion legs terminating in stylized paws (pp. 66, 75) ture in 1980 and in 1983 inaugurated the Gordion Furniture and recognized that the central medallion represents a Project. The Furniture Project’s goals were “the study, draw- crowned Matar collectively portraying the Phry- ing, photography, conservation, reconstruction, and storage en face, gian Mother Goddess supported by lions. Her viable inter- of the furniture,” as well as a wood species analysis and pretation is reinforced by a thorough examination, both other types of technical studies relating to the organic finds within Phrygia and abroad, of representations of rosettes, from the tumuli and City Mound at Gordion (pp. xxxv- lozenges, swastikas, and lions associated with Matar and xxxvi). Absent Simpson, these goals would never have her counterparts. Hitherto unrecognized is the underlying reached fruition, and we would have had for study only Rod- design of the patterns on the rock relief at Arslan Kaya, ney S. Young’s The University Three Great Early Tumuli, which Simpson explains and sets within her discussion of Museum, 1981, his posthumous publication of the Gordion the iconography of the Tumulus MM stands (pp. 91-99). wooden objects. The first of Simpson’s long-awaited mono- She also reviews textile decoration bearing the same motifs graphs, has now been pub- The Furniture from Tumulus MM, recovered at Gordion and elsewhere in Anatolia, as well as lished; Volume II is forthcoming. in the Aegean and the Ancient Near East. Such motifs can In this first volume Simpson articulates the form of the be interpreted as magical apotropaic symbols, and their objects, which she has now understood correctly, the con- presence on the furniture implies a cosmic significance. struction methods of the craftsmen, their joinery techniques Providing extensive documentation, Simpson suggests that with pegs and glue, followed by the complex inlay of the the stands’ patterning may reflect a 364/365 day calendrical geometric patterns present on the inlaid table and serving year (pp. 99-110). stands. Culturally significant are her observations on the Chapter Six discusses the furniture fragments from the nature of the Phrygian artistic and spiritual temperament, northeast corner of the tomb, representing one chair and two perceptively replicating the hands of the artisans at work. stools. Chapter Seven examines the king’s coffin. Young, Reading these detailed data is sometimes challenging because understandably, given the conditions of the collapsed head of the complicated nature of the subject, but is ameliorated and foot elements, thought it was a four-poster bed. Studying by Simpson’s superb writing skills. his written records and photographs, Cox’s drawings, and the Chapter One presents the background to the excavation of fragmented remains, Simpson (as previously in 1990) accu- Tumulus MM in 1957, necessary for all that follows. Chapter rately re-interprets the “bed” to be a log coffin with horizon- Two reviews Young’s initial conclusions, which he was una- tal ledges extending at each end (a bed was recovered in ble to revisit before his death in 1974. Simpson summarizes Tumulus P, the burial of a prince). Remains of log coffins and critiques both Young’s interpretations and Dorothy were found in three other Phrygian burials, Tumulus B at Cox’s drawings of the furniture, outstanding being the inlaid Gordion, and in tombs at Ankara and Bayındır, all associated table (Young’s “Pagoda Table”), the serving stands (Young’s by her with the log coffins from Pazyryk in Siberia and those “screens”), and the coffin (Young’s “bed”) in which lay the from earlier contexts in Europe. dead king. To Simpson (p. xxxv) Young “maligned” the Chapter Eight is a neat essay detailing the nature of Pagoda Table, its baroque nature, but he certainly appreci- the religious ceremonial process of the king’s burial in ated its construction (p. 16 and note 22). Simpson records the Tumulus MM, illuminated by the Frontispiece painting by difficulties (I witnessed them) that Young and Cox experi- Greg Harlin. Simpson’s scenario presents a banquet cere- enced examining the water-damaged wood and cloth in MM, mony preceding the entombment, then a dismantling and caused by two previous seasons of drilling implemented to reinstallation of the coffin in the tomb, together with the locate the tomb within the massive tumulus: but no drilling, deposition arrangements of the dedicatory objects. Based no tomb. The techniques used to preserve the wood after on an analysis of the contents of the bronzes from the tomb their removal led to loss, sometimes irreversible, necessitat- (Appendix 5), Simpson suggests that two situlae (one lion, ing years of subsequent conservation work by head conserva- one ram headed), found wrapped in cloth behind the serv- tor Krysia Spirydowicz and the Furniture Project’s team ing stands, were used to transfer a mixed fermented bever- (Appendix 1). age of wine, barley beer, and honey mead from the large Chapter Three comprehensively discusses the inlaid Table cauldrons to the omphalos bowls, for a libation ceremony. 8, its intricate construction, inlay patterns, and ancient Although not mentioned, the situlae were not Phrygian repairs. Simpson presents Bronze and Iron Age parallels of works. They were surely imports, and probably royal gifts, tables from the Near East and the Aegean as well as relevant perhaps from Sargon II of Assyria, as Young had suggested literary references. Here (and in Chapter Five) is a discourse (in 1958: 229-230). Simpson correctly recog- on the cultural backgrounds of the swastika, maze, and loz- Archaeology nizes that the deceased was not Midas (as was claimed by enge designs that decorated the Tumulus MM furniture, and some scholars), but his father Gordias, as first maintained the 90 and 180 degree rotational symmetry of much of the by Young, then by me (p. 11, note 55). It was Midas who ornament (pp. 48-56, 83-110). Chapter Four discusses the presided over the burial, and thus the grave goods were eight plain tables with comparanda. supplied by this king. Appropriately she interprets the bur- Chapter Five, on the serving stands, is a continuation of ial ceremony and artifact deposition as both facilitating Chapter Three. Its complex and detailed descriptions and the transfer of power and dynastic succession as well as

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providing dedications to the dead king himself, the head of MÜHLENBRUCH, T. — Die Synchronisierung der nördli- the state religion (pp. 131-133). chen Levante und Kilikiens mit der ägäischen Spät- There are eight appendices, each revealing the team’s bronzezeit. Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der many years of collaboration: Appendix I deals with the Wissenschaften, Wien, 2009. (30,5 cm, 174). ISBN 978- history of the wood conservation treatments (K. Spirydo- 3-7001-6552-1. / 63,20. wicz), a careful account for future reference; Appendix 2 One of the most distinctive kinds of ceramics found in the discusses the reconstruction of the inlaid table and serving Late Bronze Age eastern Mediterranean (c. 1500-1200 BC) stands for display in the Ankara Museum (E. Simpson); is Mycenaean decorated pottery.1) Potsherds and whole or Appendix 3 gives the results of the wood species analysis restorable vessels have come to light at sites in Egypt, Ana- (B. Aytug, R. Blanchette, B.Held); Appendix 4 is a discus- tolia (modern-day Turkey), Syria and the Levant.2) The sty- sion of the wood deterioration (R. Blanchette); Appendix listic and morphological development of pattern-painted 5 gives a chemical analysis of the organic residues of the Mycenaean pottery, the origin of which can be traced back food and drink served at the ceremony (P. McGovern); to the Greek mainland, is well understood.3) As a result, this Appendix 6 records and interprets the graffiti on the tenons kind of pottery can also be used to date find assemblages of the serving stands (L. Roller); Appendix 7 discusses outside Greece. The book under review illustrates this use of the tools and woodworking techniques employed (E. Mycenaean pottery as a dating tool in the Near East. Using Simpson); Appendix 8 is an analysis of the textiles used Mycenaean pottery (particularly) from well stratified con- with the furniture (M. Ballard et al.); and Appendix 9 is a texts (for more details see below), the author, T. Mühlen- concordance of the objects discussed correlating various bruch, has succeeded in establishing a number of chrono- publications. logical synchronisms between the Late Bronze Age (northern) Gordion is our main source of Phrygian art and culture, Levant and Cilicia on the one hand, and Mycenaean Greece and this book enlarges our knowledge of this subject on the other. immensely, situating the finds from Tumulus MM well The monograph can be divided into three parts: (I) intro- within their Near Eastern and Aegean contexts. Phrygian ductory section, (II) presentation of the archaeological evi- artistic skills and the Phrygian spiritual life have been articu- dence and, (III) interpretation of the finds. Each part is lated here as never before; also the Phrygian textiles, art and briefly addressed in this review. technology, and, not least, Phrygian religion. Because of In the introductory section of the book (p. 13-24), a num- Simpson’s work, we are now more aware than previously ber of general issues is discussed. These include the aim and that Phrygia was a major component of the Aegean and Ana- the research questions of the study ( ); the his- tolian community. Simpson (p. 10) notes that “the furniture 1. Einleitung tory of research ( ); the availability in the tomb recalled” Herodotus’ description of Midas’ 2. Forschungsgeschichte and the nature of the (published) archaeological resources ( throne at Delphi, but does not suggest that it may have been 3. ); and, finally, the methodology ( ). made of wood (Muscarella 1989: 345). Quellenlage 4. Methode Two factors that have had an influence on the results and Rodney Young and his team, including Dorothy Cox and impact of the study are the availability of well stratified Ellen Kohler, were responsible for excavating the furniture archaeological materials and datability of the individual finds from Tumulus MM with great care, photographing and draw- (sherds and pots). Both aspects are discussed at length by ing the finds, making the tomb plan, recording, and treating Mühlenbruch. The potsherds and (whole or restorable) pots the objects. It was their painstaking work that made the pre- discussed by him in the second part of the monograph sent study possible. While Simpson revises the early inter- ideally came or originated from closed find complexes, such as pretations of the furniture significantly, she acknowledges floors or the contents of storage rooms, having been sealed her debt to these early scholars (pp. 11, 27-28). off by debris following the collapse of a building (e.g. after Simpson is a gifted artist, providing meticulously executed a devastating conflagration). Indeed, these assemblages can drawings that reveal every detail of each object discussed, usually be attributed to one (stylistic) phase; the finds are without which one could never fully appreciate the Tumulus contemporaneous. Secondary and/or tertiary deposits such as MM furniture. Her publication is a perfect sequel to Young’s the contents of a rubbish pit, on the other hand, are cumula- 1981 publication, and has extensively amplified our percep- tive in nature, their contents (potentially) having originated tions of “the Phrygian artistic intellect” during King Gor- from different (types of) contexts. As a result, the contempo- dias’ reign, which ended ca. 740 +/- B.C. (pp. 10-11, 132- raneity of the finds is not certain. Nevertheless, primary 134). We look forward to her Volume II, which will publish deposits are relatively rare. the many fine wooden artifacts from Tumulus P and W and Mühlenbruch pays attention to the quality of the finds in the City Mound, finally completing her decades of arduous relation to the (primary or secondary) nature of the type of work. context (e.g. floor, terrace fill, pit, etc.) concerned. Another The price of this publication is high, but understandable aspect relevant to the discussion is the ‘lifespan’ of finds, considering the cost of production, including the fine-quality which tends to be variable. For example, stylistically older color plates, drawings and photographs, plus the CD. Thanks objects may be found in (stratigraphically) younger archaeo- to the efforts of Simpson and her Editor Jennifer Pavelko, all logical contexts (p. 24). Another related phenomenon is the is very well indeed. difficulty of dating (small) fragments of Mycenaean pots, New York City Oscar WHITE MUSCARELLA 1) I would like to thank Dr G.J. van Wijngaarden and Prof dr J.H. Crou- * wel for reading an earlier version of this review. * * 2) See, for example, Wijngaarden 2002: 16. 3) See, for example, Mountjoy 1999.

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which often depends on the presence or absence of specific the existence of contacts between these two contemporane- morphological and/or stylistic characteristics that have not ous local powers. Mühlenbruch follows J. Maran in arguing always been sufficiently preserved in the archaeological that the Mycenaean Greek tunnels can be viewed in conjunc- record. Hence, certain finds in Mühlenbruch’s study cannot tion with the exchange of specialized personnel between the be more precisely dated than LHIIIA-C, thereby covering rulers of Mycenaean Greece and Hittite Anatolia. However, much of the period (i.e. Late Bronze Age) under considera- it should be stressed here that the earliest tunnels from Hittite tion. As a result, at least on an individual basis, such finds Anatolia date back to, as early as, the Middle Bronze Age. are less suitable for establishing inter-regional synchronisms Indeed, the famous Poterne Mauer from the Hittite capital between the Syro-Levantine area and Cilicia on the one city Hattusa is dated to the 16th century BC. The ones from hand, and the Mycenaean Greek world on the other. How- Mycenaean Greece have, however, been attributed to the lat- ever, because most of the deposits studied by Mühlenbruch ter part of the LHIIIB phase or the second half of the 13th usually consist of (at least) a couple of Mycenaean finds, century BC. As a result, direct exchange of personnel seems some of which are better preserved than others, the author unlikely. generally succeeds in successfully delimiting the chrono- The impression gained from Mühlenbruch’s discussion of logical range of the find assemblages under consideration. (the development of) trade in the Eastern Mediterranean dur- The middle part of the monograph (5. Vergleichende ing the Late Bronze Age is mixed. He discusses many topics. Stratigraphie) (p. 25-88) offers a regional overview of the Their relationship to the main subject of the book – the estab- selected Mycenaean pottery finds per site. Discussed are find lishment of a number of chronological synchronism between assemblages from such sites as Kilise Tepe, Mersin, Tell Mycenaean Greece and the Near East – is not always com- Tayinat and Tell Atchana in Cilicia; and Ras Shamra pletely clear. Most importantly, it is not at all clear how the (Ugarit), Ras Ibn Hani and Tell Kazel in the Syro-Levantine (renewed) analyses carried out by him have altered, extended area. The selected finds from each site are described in gen- or reinforced old or previous existing ideas about trade-rela- eral terms in the text, as well as visually represented in the tions in this area during the Late Bronze Age. In general, this form of a table. The individual finds are grouped together by subject, as well as many of the secondary themes addressed context or deposit. The tables contain such details as find by him to strengthen his argument, seem too big to be appro- number (from the original excavation), bibliography, pot priately treated within the margins of the 20 pages that have shape, find place/stratigraphic context, decoration and pat- been attributed to it in this book. terns, condition, diameter and stylistic date. Note that in con- The second part of the interpretative section (7. Zur Spät- trast to the tables, the text also occasionally mentions other bronzezeitlichen Bedeutung von Importen) (p. 109-149) basi- classes of finds that were found together with the Mycenaean cally represents a more detailed version of the middle sec- sherds and/or pots in a certain context. tion. Mühlenbruch has selected a number of comparatively The third and final major component of the monograph well published sites, which he then subjects to a more detail- consists of a large interpretative section (p. 89-149), which oriented contextual discussion. He especially focuses on the is divided into two separate parts. The first one (p. 89-108) co-occurrence of Mycenaean finds with other classes of arti- addresses trade in the Eastern Mediterranean during the Late facts, such as local (ceramic) wares and imports from regions Bronze Age (6. Zum “Handel” zwischen Südgriechenland other than Greece (in particular Cyprus). The discussion is und der nördlichen Levante). The chronological overview divided into three sections, each one of which is devoted to offered by Mühlenbruch encompasses the entire Late Bronze a different type of context, namely settlements (e.g. Ras Age, from the so-called LHI to the LHIIIC phase, in terms Shamra (Ugarit) and Tell Kazel), cultic structures or asso- of ceramic stylistic dates. The developments observed by ciations (e.g. Kamid el-Loz and Tell Kazel), and tombs (e.g. him, such as an increase in trade in the 14th century BC, are Ras Shamra (Ugarit) and Minet-el-Beida). The main conclu- considered against the background of two (seemingly contra- sion, which can be drawn from Mühlenbruch’s treatment of dictory) theoretical approaches. The perspectives discussed these contexts, is that the ‘consumption’ of Mycenaean pot- by him are S. Sherratt’s treatment of world system’s theory tery is not standardized or homogenous across the research and M. Dietler’s model of colonial encounters. The latter, in area. Local or regional differences and diachronic changes contrast to the former’s generalizing interpretation of (active) are explained in terms of such local influences or contingent core and (passive) periphery relations, stresses the agency of social factors as peoples’ tastes, attitudes, class, etc. He dis- individual actors and/or social groups in influencing the ebb- cusses these differences, amongst other things, against the and-flow of trading activities in this period. In addressing the background of A. Appadurai’s ideas about the exclusivity subject, Mühlenbruch touches upon an enormous number of and authenticity of luxury goods and P. Bourdieu’s habitus inter-related topics, including the role of (local) élites in the principle. It has to be noted, however, that Mühlenbruch’s regional economy, changing (social) value systems in the conclusion is not entirely new. Similar observations have Aegean Bronze Age (in order to account for the increased previously been made by G.J. van Wijngaarden in his PhD wealth in the Shaft Grave period, or early Late Bronze Age, dissertation (2002), Use and Appreciation of Mycenaean vis-à-vis the preceding relatively ‘poor’ Middle Helladic Pottery in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy (ca. 1600-1200 BC). period in Greece), the rise and fall of Mycenae, ancient Because Mühlenbruch’s study includes a number of sites Egyptian and Hittite texts dealing with trade and interna- which were not available to van Wijngaarden at the time, his tional inter-state affairs or relations, the “Sea Peoples”, etc. conclusions seem to reinforce rather than alter the observa- One aspect that I would like to mention is Mühlenbruch’s tions made by van Wijngaarden. discussion of the corbel-vaulted tunnels from the fortified To conclude, Mühlenbruch’s monograph consists of two sites of Tiryns and Mycenae on the Greek mainland on the independent parts. The first component represents a valuable one hand, and those from Hittite Anatolia on the other (p. addition to the debate about the synchronization and the 100). These tunnels are considered against the background of cross-dating of finds of Mycenaean origin in the ancient Near

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East. As indicated by the title of the book, this represents the while until the collapse of the older Early Bronze towns and main purpose of Mühlenbruch’s study. The second compo- their society. Chapman subsequently outlines a rather deter- nent, which is concerned, amongst other things, with Bronze ministic model. He states that the demise of the Early Bronze Age trade, seems too brief and would rather deserve its own towns is connected with the demise of trade relations with separate volume. Most importantly, it does not entirely Egypt around the start of the First Intermediate period. become clear how Mühlenbruch’s findings have contributed According to the author, this event is also linked with the to a better understanding of trade in the Bronze Age Eastern campaigns by the Mesopotamian king Sargon of Akkad and Mediterranean. Finally, the discussion devoted to the varied his grandson Naram-Sin. Only during the demise of the Ur- ‘consumption’ of Mycenaean pottery in the ancient Near III era the inhabitants of the Levant would turn again towards East represents a valuable addition to and an extension of Egypt. earlier work. In the article Socio-Economic Aspects of an Intermediate Bronze Age Village in the Jezreel Valley by Karen Covello- Paran the results of the excavations of an Intermediate References: Bronze Age hamlet at the site of ‘Ein el-Hilu in the Palestin- ian Jezreel Valley are presented. In this paper several aspects Van Wijngaarden, G.J. (2002). Use and appreciation of Mycenaean pottery in the Levant, Cyprus and Italy (1600-1200 BC). of the settlement are briefly discussed, namely site organiza- Amsterdam Archaeological Studies 8. Amsterdam, Amster- tion, material culture, fauna and socio-economic variability. dam University Press. Afterwards, an interpretation is given of the results. The Mountjoy, P.A. (1999). Regional Mycenaean Decorated Pottery. author regards the site as a small-scale hamlet, focused on Rahden/Westfalen, Leidorf. food procurement and storage. The settlement of ‘Ein el-Hilu is seen as a clear example of a rural settlement of the Inter- Amsterdam, March 2012 Jacob EERBEEK mediate Bronze Age with clear interaction with surrounding settlements and regions. Despite being a model site, the * author correctly states that a rural society can take on many * * different forms and levels of social and cultural complexity, especially during the absence of an urban centre. Conse- PARR, P.J. (ed.) — The Levant in transition. Proceedings of quently, she argues that one should be cautious to see this a conference held at the British Museum on 20-21 April site as the sole example of rural life during this period. 2004. (Palestine Exploration Fund Annual IX, 2009). The contribution by Claude Doumet Serhal The Northern Maney Publishing, London, 2009. (28 cm, VI,121). ISBN Levant at the End of The Early Bronze Age: The Evidence 978-1-904350-99-6. ISSN 1753-9234. £ 48.00; $ 96.00. from Sidon presents an insight from the new excavations at Sidon. At this site, it is clear that in contrast to the Southern This book under review is the ninth annual volume by Levant continuity of urban life and material culture of the Palestine Exploration Fund. This volume, edited by Peter J. Early Bronze Age III is prevalent. The author states that in Parr, deals with the topic of the transitional period of the contrast to the Southern Levant the coastal cities, similar to Early Bronze IV also called the Intermediate Bronze Age. inland Syria, witnessed an economic boom and technological During this period the Southern and Central Levant wit- development. Only at the end a cessation of urban life in this nessed a period of significant economic changes and the dis- excavated part occurred. However, this can according to the location of population. However, this fascinating period was excavator be connected with a new function of this area, and even is still not well understood. Therefore, it was namely as a burial site. decided to organize a two-day conference held at the British The short article museum in April 2004. This conference was aimed to bring A Short-Lived Settlement System and a together scholars from the Levant and neighboring regions. Lengthy Period: The Intermediate Bronze Age (‘EB IV’) on by Ram Gophna presents a sum- The outcome was a range of presentations of a wide range of the Coastal Plain of Israel mary of the data from the coastal plain during the Early topics and opinions that concern this period. The resulting Bronze Age IV. The author lists a number of aspects of occu- papers have been gathered in this book. pation of the coastal plain during this period. Gophna poses After a brief preface by Jonathan N. Tubb, the first article that after the collapse of the Early Bronze Age III settlement Early Bronze III and IV: Chronological and Cultural Rela- system the coastal plain was the realm of non-sedentary by Rupert L. Chapman III discusses the transition tions groups. After this phase people settled in small settlements between the Early Bronze Age III and IV. Following an for a number of generations, after which these were aban- introduction of the scientific discussion concerning the tran- doned. Subsequently, this region became again the territory sition between the two eras, the scope turns towards the evi- of non-sedentary groups until the start of the Middle Bronze dence presented for the end of the Early Bronze Age III. Age. Hence, Gophna argues that the name of the period Chapman reaches the conclusion that there is no separation should be Intermediate Bronze Age in contrast to Early between the two proposed periods, but rather a partial over- Bronze Age IV in order to accentuate the differences with lap. Subsequently, he discusses the stratigraphical evidence the preceding and succeeding periods. from the excavations of Jericho and Megiddo for the overlap In Moti Haiman’s interesting article between the two periods. The author regards these results as Copper Trade and the evidence for a partial overlap between Early Bronze Age III Pastoralism in the Negev and Sinai Deserts in the EB IV settlement pattern during the Early Bronze Age IV in the and IV. He states that at the end of the Early Bronze Age, Negev is discussed. The author links this pattern with the around 2300 B.C., a new and different social group entered copper mining and production at the Wadi Feinan in Jordan. the region, which interacted with the already present Early The new settlements have developed during an era when the Bronze Age society. These two societies coexisted for a Egyptian power weakened, which stimulated an Asiatic

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entrepreneurship. As a result the desired copper was brought In her article The Late Third Millennium in the Levant: to Egypt instead of being taken by Egypt. The settlement A Reappraisal of the North-South Divide Kay Prag discusses pattern is a result of this new trade relation, which allowed the north-south divide between the archaeological data sets the existence of settlements at quite inhospitable locations of the Northern and Southern Levant. Following, a discus- in the Negev and the Sinai. After the political changes in sion of terminology and a historical overview of the archae- Egypt at the onset of the Middle Kingdom, Egypt retook the ological interpretation of the period are presented. After- control over the mining and production of copper. As a wards, she begins discussing the interaction between the result the fragile settlement system collapsed and rapidly Northern and Southern Levant during the period of Interme- ceased to exist. diate Bronze Age. Prag distinguishes several Syrian influ- The article The Intermediate Bronze Age (IBA) in the ences within the Southern Levant during this period, which Negev, Forty Years Later by Moshe Kochavi discusses the is exemplified with the results from her excavations of Tell Intermediate Bronze Age in the Negev. Similar to the previ- Iktanu. Afterwards, Prag discusses in an addendum the sil- ous article, he links the growth in the number of settlements ver Ain Samiya cup from the Southern Levant, which in the Sinai and Negev to the copper trade with Egypt. appears to her to be a product made in the Levant rather than The Jebel Bishri is the topic of the following article Jebel an exotic import. Bishri in Syria and the Role of Nomadism in the End of the In the following article Khirbet Iskander, Jordan ad Early Early Bronze Age. This table-like mountain of one million Bronze IV Studies: A View from a Tell Suzanne Richard and hectares in size is a natural boundary between the desert and Jesse C. Long jr. present a synthesis of the Early Bronze Age the sown. The article by Lönnqvist addresses several IV remains at the site of Khirbet Iskander in Jordan. Firstly, aspects. After discussing the textual references to this region the authors discuss the archaeological background of the site and its inhabitants the author turns towards the archaeo- and the period. Afterwards, they focus on the views on this logical data and the correlation with the textual sources. period. The authors subsequently discuss the possibility of Afterwards, Lönnqvist raises the convincing notion of a different regional reactions towards the collapse of the inter- more varied composition of the, as nomadic designated, regional systems. This would explain the regional differences group within the region. The author also argues at the end between different Southern Levantine regions. Khirbet of this paper that one should not see the ancient inhabitants Iskander is reoccupied and displays a more urban than rural as static. Rather one should regard this group as mobile, character as well as a more agricultural character than a pas- traversing and interacting with several Near Eastern regions. toral character. Convincingly, the authors argues that one Unfortunately, no bibliography and references have been should see the Early Bronze Age IV period as a period dur- included in this article. ing which different regional societies developed as a reaction The site of Tell Mishrifeh/ Qatna and its surroundings is to the collapse. This is opposite to the view of the period as central in the next article Tell Mishrifeh and its Region Dur- an era of pastoral-nomadic communities. ing the EBA IV and the EBA-MBA Transition. A First Assess- The following article The Southern Ghors and the Kerak ment. The author Daniele Morandi Bonacossi discusses the Plateau in EB IV by R. Thomas Schaub deals with the Early results of the excavation of the layers that date to the mid- Bronze Age IV occupation in the Transjordanian regions of third to early second millennium. After this presentation of the Southern Gohrs and The Kerak Plateau. The article results, the author discusses the results of the archaeological intends to critically review the claims for the remarkable study by the Italian component of the Joint Syrian-Italian- continuity between the Early Bronze Age III and Early German project. The geoarchaeological and paleobotanical Bronze Age on the Kerak plateau, including the continuation studies indicate the existence of a natural landscape domi- of fortified settlements into the Early Bronze Age IV. The nated by an open juniper and oak forest. In it a rural land- author firstly discusses the sites from the Southern Ghors, a scape was situated containing fields with cereals and leg- region which is situated west of the Kerak Plateau. Here, the umes. The combination between the regional survey and the sites of Bab edh-Dra’ and Khirbet Khanazir have yielded results of the excavations of the main site of Mishrifeh Early Bronze Age IV material. At the Kerak plateau several showed that during the transition Early Bronze Age IV - sites seems to have been occupied during the Early Bronze Middle Bronze Age I the main site expanded, while the num- Age IV period. After a comparative study of pottery from ber of settlements in the region decreased. The author argues Khirbet Iskander and Bab edh-Dhra’ a rolled rim is assigned in line with current ideas that the latest part of the Early as being dominantly an Early Bronze Age IV. Afterwards, Bronze Age cannot be seen as a period of major disruption, the author studied the ceramic assemblages from several sites but rather as a period of continuity. on the Kerak Plateau. On basis of this study, the author con- The following article EB IVB-MBI in Northern Syria: Cri- cludes that there is considerable continuity of occupation sis and Change of a Mature Urban Civilisation by Frances from Early Bronze Age III into IV. However, whether sites Pinnock deals with the site of Ebla/ Tell Mardikh. The results were walled is uncertain as stratified evidence from the of excavations of the occupational layers from the Late Early Kerak Plateau is still absent. Syrian Period and Archaic Old Syrian Period are discussed. Jonathan Tubb discusses in the last article Aliens in the Afterwards, the author discusses the ceramic assemblage Levant the stone-lined or stone built tomb type. This type has from these layers. Also at this site no indication for a dra- been found throughout the Levant, as well as in the north at matic break in occupation has been found. Rather a process Ugarit/ Ras Shamra and in south at Tell al-Ajjul. However, of social change can be envisioned, although this was very outside the region the type is also encountered in a more likely influenced by external factors. This aspect is evident limited amount. These tombs contain high status burials with from several changes within society that had occurred during bronze weapons. Tubb firstly shows that these tombs do not the transition between Early Bronze Age and the Middle exclusively date to the Middle Bronze Age-IIA, but already Bronze Age. date to the Early Bronze Age IV in the northern as well as

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Southern Levant. Tubb subsequently turns towards the origin according to anthropologist Frederik Barth, successful adap- of this burial type. Especially on basis of the presence of tations to continuously changing natural and social environ- certain bronze objects in Ugarit and Byblos he envisions an ments. immigration of a group of people from Central Europe The theme of social organization is further continued by towards the Levant. However, he omits evidence from Ana- Piotr Bienkowski’s article, ‘Tribalism’ and ‘segmentary soci- tolia to further support this bold thesis and therefore mecha- ety’ in Iron Age Transjordan. The paper’s subject concerns nisms such as gradual diffusion of certain traits throughout a the ongoing debate surrounding the concepts of tribalism and wider region or simply coincidence cannot be excluded. segmentary society as applied to the Iron Age Kingdoms of At the end of this book Peter J. Parr, the editor, discusses Transjordan. This article is intended to review and reflect the nomenclature of the concerning period. He presents an upon this theme. Its main aim is, however, to present a overview of the usage of the different terms for the period defence of tribalism and the tribal kingdom-model. Firstly, under scope. Afterwards, he agrees that a better system the author introduces the traditional as well as the tribal king- would be desirable, but that it is an unrealistic aim. There- dom models. Following this Bienkowski criticizes the notion fore, the scholars should clearly state which period they are of a segmentary society in Moab as developed by Bruce discussing. Routledge. Bienkowski does not present archaeological and It is clear that this book contains a range of different top- historical evidence for this theory and he sees only negative ics and views. However, it is not negative trait. It is this fact evidence. Amongst others, Bienkowski regards variability in that makes a valuable book as the different articles firstly ceramic wares at the sanctuary near Khirbat al-Mudayna as present new insights into the period. Secondly, the different evidence for a tribal meeting ground. Many reasons, how- articles also form a good introduction into this period as they ever, could lie behind the observed variability. Bienkowski discuss different aspects of this period. Summarizing, this admits that there are flaws in his theory about the tribal Iron book is valuable contribution and has its merits for both the Age kingdoms, as Routledge had argued. However, these can specialized and non-specialized audience. be overcome according to the author. In the next part of this paper the author discusses the concept of ‘tribe’ and poses a Leiden University, 19-11-2011 Niels GROOT new definition of the concept of tribe. Following, he turns towards the archaeological evidence for tribal kingdoms in * Transjordan. Despite being quite convincing, Bienkowski * * makes some statements concerning Ammon that are not completely correct. Firstly, the architecture of Iron Age II BIENKOWSKI, P. (ed.) — Studies on Iron Age Moab and Ammon is not well known and can therefore not be used as Neighbouring Areas in Honour of Michèle Daviau. evidence of a tribal kingdom. Secondly, the sites of Tell Deir (Ancient Near Eastern Studies Supplement Series, 29). ‘Alla and as-Sa’idiyeh have not shown until now any evi- Editions Peeters, Leuven, 2009. (30,5 cm, XII, 273). dence of being in either a heterarchical or hierarchical rela- ISBN 978-90-429-2180-1. / 87,-. tionship with each other - any assumption is therefore based on speculation. Notwithstanding this critique, the article by This book under review is a volume of essays dedicated Bienkowski forms a good introduction to and a valid plea for to Michèle Daviau on the occasion of her retirement from the notion of the tribal kingdom. fulltime teaching at Wilfrid Laurier University in 2009. The following two papers concern the development of the Michèle Daviau has made an important contribution to the Iron Age society in Moab. The first paper knowledge of the Iron Age Kingdoms Ammon and Moab. In ‘The land of by Tim Harrison pre- the preface her life and achievements are summarized. This Medeba’ and early Iron Age Madaba sents the results of the ongoing Tell Madaba Archaeological biographical synopsis is followed by an overview of the con- Project. The author commences with a discussion about the tributions within this volume. history of the study of Moabite state formation. The author The first article, The poly-centric nature of social order subsequently turns towards the documentary sources that in the Middle East: preliminary reflections from anthropo- speak of Moab in the Iron Age I and IIa-b. Following this by Øystein LaBianca and concerns the logical archaeology, overview the archaeological evidence from the Iron Age I organization of society in the Middle East throughout several and IIa-b (1200-900 B.C.) on the Madaba plain is discussed. millennia. The author presents an overview of the organiza- The author firstly discusses the development of the settle- tion of society in the Near East throughout several millennia. ment pattern. Harrison argues convincingly that the lack of It is though especially focussed on the societies in the South- Early Iron Age II pottery at the sites is not due to absence, ern Levant. He views the past Southern Levantine societies but that it can be attributed to the lack of well stratified Iron as being mostly poly-centric in nature. This opinion means Age II pottery assemblages in the region. Afterwards, Har- that rule was not centrally organized but rather in the hands rison turns to the excavations of the Early Iron Age strata of of several non-state actors, like tribal chieftains, clan heads Tell Madaba. At this site unequivocal Late Iron Age I/Early and religious leaders, etc. The opposite uni-centric organiza- Iron Age II strata have been found. These layers therefore tion was more common for the Ancient Egyptian and Ancient shed a light on the formation of a Moabite state. Tell Madaba Mesopotamian societies. However, hidden behind these two appears to have become one of the largest Iron Age II sites uni-centric organized civilisations were also poly-centric in Jordan. The site was, according to Harrison, a central set- societies. After presenting this intriguing view on the organ- tlement of one of the several small autonomous policies in ization of society, the author briefly argues for the value of Early Iron Age II Moab. Later on these policies became a the concept of polycentric organization within an increasing part of the kingdom of Moab. globalized world. This bold statement may however be worth In his article consideration as the Near Eastern polycentric systems are, Environment and settlements in the Ard al- Karak: remarks on the socio-ecological and socio-economic

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conditions in the Iron Age Udo Worsech reviews the evi- Ahituv’s translation. Afterwards, he begins to discuss the his- dence for occupation between the Late Bronze Age II and the torical context of the inscription, in fact mostly the biblical- Iron Age II in the Ard-Al-Karak, the area between the Wadi’s historical context of the inscription. To the reviewer’s opinion al-Mujib and al-Hesa. This is the territory commonly defined Dearman seems to turn too much towards the biblical sources as Moab. In the first part of his paper he discusses the differ- for information. Despite the historical information presented ent aspects of the Mesha-stele that are correlated with the in these books, each of these could have been composed from question how statehood came about. After this discussion the several sources. Furthermore, these sources could have been author reviews the textual and archaeological evidence on written from certain perspectives. These aspects may have led the regional situation prior to the reign of king Mesha. to potential mixing or distorting of historical data, which Besides inscriptions, Worsech also discusses Canaanite and should therefore be treated with caution. After discussing the Aramaic roots of regional town names. The following review context, Dearman sets out to discuss the term ‘Beth Harosh’. of the archaeological evidence concerns an overview of the It could be a location north of the Wadi al-Mujib or other- settlements dated to the Iron Age I. Subsequently, the author wise, although less likely on the Karak plateau. Moreover, discusses the development of these settlements during the Beth Harosh could be a reference to a sanctuary. The author Early Iron Age. Worsech sees the observed development as ends with stating that an archaeological connection between a reaction to the decline of Egyptian influence and the fol- the inscription and the discoveries made in Moab is necessary lowing instability of a ‘free’ tribal society. This new constel- and expresses the hope that further monumental inscriptions lation caused the formation of several political units that are found. consisted of fortified or unfortified villages around which the Eveline van der Steen’s interesting paper Nelson Glueck’s tribes or clans were centred. However, to the reviewer’s ‘string of fortresses’ revisited discusses the hypothesis of the opinion this is a far fetched hypothesis as the Egyptian pres- existence of a string of fortresses running along the eastern ence was, if even present, rather short in Late Bronze Age borders of Early Iron Age Ammon, Moab and Edom. After Moab. Therefore, this change has to be explained in a differ- an introduction, Van der Steen firstly sets out to discuss ent way, which is independent from the Egyptian presence. firstly the extent of the kingdom of Moab and secondly the Notwithstanding this difference in opinion, the article pre- as ‘Moabite’ assigned pottery. Glueck had also defined sents a good overview of several aspects of the Early Iron Moabite pottery on basis of his surveys in Jordan. He found Age in Moab. it to the north and south of the Wadi al-Mujib. This formed The following six papers discuss specific aspects of the the basis for designation of sites as ‘ Moabite’. Furthermore, archaeology of Moab. Bruce and Caroline Routledge’s the as ‘Moabite’ assigned pottery led to the recognition of informative paper The Balu’a stela revisited focuses on the the so-called ‘string of fortresses’. As yet the existence of Balu’a stele. In this article several aspects of the Balu’a stele such a fortification line is not really accepted by the schol- are discussed and previous studies are reviewed. First, the arly community. After a discussion of the sites on the Karak archaeological context is discussed, i.e. the site of Balu’a. plateau, Van der Steen discusses the location of these. She The context is followed by a description of dimensions, form indeed regards the sites as strategic centres, although not as and material. Subsequently, the authors turn their view fortresses per sé. She states that these sites were likely small towards the inscription above the figures. They also reach the local outposts, organized and controlled by the kingdom. conclusion that until now no good explanation for the inscrip- These were especially built to check the Arab tribes, that tion has been given. The discussion about the relief below it wandered through the desert. The ‘fortresses’ along the Wadi is somewhat less complex. The common opinion is that it is Hasa likely functioned as centres which controlled the traffic a typical Egyptian scene of a god who presents a ruler with between the kingdoms of Moab and Edom. symbols of power and authority. However, an exact interpre- The following aspect of the archaeology of Moab is dis- tation of the figures remains difficult. The date of the stele is cussed by Annlee Dolan. She explores in her paper Defining generally placed between the fourteenth and second half of sacred space in ancient Moab the archaeological evidence the twelfth century B.C. Unfortunately, a more precise date for Moabite religious activity. The article by Dolan present cannot be provided yet. In the following section, the authors a good overview of clearly cultic contexts from Iron Age focus again on the identity of the figures on the relief panel. sites in Moab. Following, she turns towards the difference This section could have been better merged with the discus- between the terms ‘bmt’ and ‘bt/mqdss’. These are used for sion of the relief itself. They state that the style of the figures religious constructions. She sees the difference in the usage can be identified, but further interpretations cannot yet be as a distinction between open air sanctuaries and more tem- given. The final section of this paper concerns the analysis ple-like buildings. She regards the WT-13 building outside of the relief. The authors regard the relief as a scene in which the main settlement of Khirbat al-Mudayna as a typical a ruler is invested with symbols of authority and power by a ‘bmt’, while the gate sanctuary (building 149) at Mudayna is god and is aided by a goddess on the right. The authors are an example of a ‘bt/mqds’. Furthermore, in the conclusions impressed by the spread of this Egyptian iconography Dolan convincingly states that the Moabite religious practice throughout the entire Levant, which also encompassed a should be seen as a non-formal cult, with some common ele- tribal society in a remote part of Jordan. ments. It should not be regarded as a codified religion as the The article is followed with a paper by Andy Dearman: diverse cultic contexts indicate otherwise. Moab and Ammon: some observations on their relationship The contribution by Margreet Steiner Khirbat al-Mudayna in light of a new Moabite inscription. The author re-examines and Moabite pottery production is aimed at providing an an inscription, which is attributed to an unknown Moabite insight into the production and distribution of this type of king. This inscription, with a dubious provenance, is assumed pottery. After a general introduction into the study of organi- to be authentic on the basis of script, vocabulary and syntax. zation of pottery production, Khirbat Al-Mudayna and the The author first discusses the text itself in conjunction with pottery found, the author turns towards the so-called low-tech

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fabric study. Subsequently, Steiner highlights certain vessel founded during the reign of Emperor Diocletian and was types and discusses their production. In this section she also occupied until the Late Byzantine period. Interestingly, many mentions the reviewer’s own PhD research. However, in Hellenistic and/or Nabatean spolia have been used for con- some cases the proposed production organization is not con- struction of this building. vincing as some aspects, like the presence of itinerant potters. In her contribution Bioarchaeology east of Jordan Marga- These are unlikely as potters could well have made these ret Judd discusses the study of human archaeological remains objects themselves. This can be judged on the technological in Jordan, so-called bioarchaeology. After an introduction of skill of the local potters. In addition, the focus on the Jordan bioarchaeology, the situation in Jordan is discussed. The Valley maybe far fetched as likely in the highlands of Ammon author points to the lack of bioarchaeological research in Jor- all mentioned shapes were produced. Therefore, one should dan. Research is also hampered by circumstances. Besides rather regard most or all of the parallels are result of regional the often encountered singular burials, the archaeologists are dissemination of certain pottery shapes. Notwithstanding also faced with looted or reused burial sites from the past. these remarks, this article presents a valuable insight into the Following this, the author presents different aspects of bio- Moabite production during the Late Iron Age II. archaeological research, which she illustrates with data from The site of Al-Lehun is the subject of the next paper, The the restricted research conducted in Jordan. Firstly, she pre- Iron Age II fortresses of al-Lahun (Moab). Denyse Homès sents the possibilities to study commingled and fragmentary Fredericq presents the results of the excavation of the fortress remains. Following, a number of paragraphs is devoted to by the Belgian mission. It offers a detailed overview of the possibilities of this ‘new’ branch of science to address sev- excavation of the Iron Age II-fortress at this site as well as eral important archaeological matters, namely: social iden- the obtained insights. Also the future of the excavated for- tity; ethnicity and immigration; subsistence change and tress is discussed in the last paragraph. activity; engendered research; occupational health; and The following articles deal with a range of more miscel- environmental stress and general health. She ends with a laneous topics. Robert Chadwick’s excellent article Chang- valid plea to integrate these research themes within the ing forms of gate architecture in Bronze and Iron Age Tran- archaeological research programs. sjordan investigates the changes in gate architecture that This tribute to Michèle Daviau is an excellent work, which took place in the villages and settlements in Transjordan dur- discusses several aspects of the iron archaeology of Moab. ing the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. In this clear article first As a consequence it is a valuable introduction to several an exposé about the interpretation of the development of the aspects of the regional archaeology as well as a good source gate is presented. Afterwards, the focus turns towards the of general information. Michèle Daviau could not have been gates in Transjordan. Chadwick underlines besides influ- honoured in a more appropriate way. ences from other regions also the aspect of local traits. This local aspect is often ignored in the debate of the archaeology Leiden University, 12-10-2011 Niels GROOT of Transjordan, where the focus is placed too much on adja- cent Palestine. In the next article The sphinx handle from Tall Abu al- Kharaz: further evidence Peter Fischer re-examines a carved bone object on which two sphinxes have been depicted. He interprets this object as a handle of a fan or flywhisk. Com- parable objects of this kind have been found in bone and ivory at the Burnt Palace of Nimrud and at Tel Hazor. Pot- tery found in the same context indicates a ninth-eighth cen- tury B.C. date. Possibly on basis of the reviewer’s own knowledge of the ceramics of Tell Deir ‘Alla a ninth century B.C. date is more likely. An assumption, which is supported by the C-14 date. However, dating this period is quite diffi- cult to the well-known problems with the calibration. As the author correctly argues the object represents influences from the north, meaning from Syria. Jonathan Ferguson presents in his article Rediscovering az-Za’faran and az-Zuna: the Wadi ath-Thamad Project Regional Survey the results of the research of the sites of az-Za’faran and Khirbat az-Zuna, nearby the central site of Khirbat al-Mudayna. This project formed part of the Wadi ath-Thamad Project Regional Survey. The site of az-Za’faran was surveyed in 2005 and 2007. This site comprised two fortified towers, so-called qsur, which are surrounded by caves, cisterns, cemeteries and architectural remains. The research of both fortified towers indicates a foundation dur- ing the Iron Age and (intermittent) occupation until the Late Antique periods. The site of Khirbat az-Zuna was surveyed and excavated between 2005 and 2008. Khirbat az-Zuna has proven to be a Late Roman to Byzantine castellum with a square quadriburgium plan. The site seems to have been

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