Polynesia in Review: Issues and Events, 1 July 1996 to 30 June 1997

Reviews of American Sâmoa, and private-sector work or self-employ- Wallis and Futuna are not included in ment. But the head of Transition this issue. Services, Nga Pierre, said that many would not even attend interviews for jobs. Many private-sector jobs were advertised but not filled, because Cook Islands private-sector jobs involve regular The shrinking economy was the crucial attendance and effort, which govern- issue in 1996–97. The government’s ment jobs in most cases did not. Moti- budget policy statement accepted that vation was low, as people had become the economy shrank a further 4.1 per- accustomed to wide-ranging depen- cent during the year, following an 8 dence, including being paid without percent drop the previous year. The significant work. A few set up their present government, in power since own enterprises, but most were left ill 1989, outdid its predecessors in efforts equipped for initiative, responsibility, to make voters dependent on them and or self-reliance. Many people have to politicize more forms of power. It some land or family they can fall back achieved this largely by borrowing far on in emergency, and all have the right beyond the country’s capacity to repay, to live in New Zealand and Australia using the money to bring more people and earn much higher amounts (which onto the government payroll with little become a benchmark at home), to do, and giving cash grants and per- whether from work or welfare grants. quisites to politically useful actors— The staff of the Ministry of Agricul- including all the main churches. ture was cut from 280 to 70. Few had With insurmountable debt, and realized that the ministry itself was a bankruptcy only one payday away, the major constraint on agricultural pro- Asian Development Bank was called ductivity, and those who knew had a on and a “structural adjustment pack- vested interest in not telling. For age” devised. Cook Islands currency decades, successes in agriculture have was abolished because it became dis- resulted from individual initiatives; credited after the government “mined” almost every government scheme has the reserve fund on which it was failed. By the end of the year under based. New Zealand currency was review agricultural production was adopted in its place. already much improved. The public service staff was cut However, the political super- nearly sixty percent from a peak of structure remained untouched. As the 3,600 to 1,593—still relatively large publisher of the Cook Islands Press for a resident population of 18,000. observed on 26 January, “Ministers Those who lost their jobs were offered run the country into the ground, every- three months’ pay if they joined “Tran- one loses their jobs except them.” sition Services” and trained for Despite public calls for reductions to

192 political reviews • polynesia 193 the 9-person cabinet and 25-person helped themselves to overseas aid.” No parliament to run a community of one dares to take ministers to court, 18,000, their posts and privileges have for the network of power in a small been preserved. community is too pervasive. Not all is Levels of integrity have also been gloom. The much-respected Minister tarnished. The newspaper article spoke for Justice the Honourable Tiki of ministerial improprieties that are Matapo has often challenged his general knowledge such as “[Minister] colleagues and public servants over Tom Marsters . . . ordering tax-paid conflict of interest and misuse of workers to his private pig farm”—and power. to his taro plots. The same minister There is little confidence in today’s contracted the mowing of the interna- political leaders. A newspaper poll in tional airport to his campaign manager March revealed that an overwhelming and supplied him with a government 86 percent of respondents were not tractor to do it with. Minister for satisfied with the government. Nor did Marine Resources the Honourable they have faith in the opposition. Tepure Tapaitau granted a license for a Prime Minister Sir Geoffrey Henry pearl enterprise in which his family are received only 9 percent support (com- the major Cook Islands beneficiaries. pared to 17 percent last year). The Such conflicts of interest and misuse of highest approval rating was achieved power are common. Former Minister by the Honourable Tiki Matapo, but of Marine Resources and then Cook at only 15 percent. Leader of the Islands Commercial Consul in New Opposition the Honourable Norman Zealand Ben Toma was being sought George rated only 10 percent (and all by creditors and police for money he members of his party together only 19 owed to all three banks in the Cook percent). George’s 10 percent rating Islands (among other debts), and for seems not to have been changed by his his island’s church funds, which “dis- public “apology to the nation for my appeared” while in his care. Toma past business failures....I’ve hurt went into hiding in Australia, using a some people [but] I’ve learned from diplomatic passport. The New my mistakes.” Given the scale and Zealand government was so keen to nature of the “mistakes,” however, get the passport back that it refused to and the number of people hurt, the renew any Cook Islands diplomatic poll suggests that few were moved by passports until it was returned. The his request for forgiveness. Sixty public complains about widespread percent of those polled want a new incidents like these involving politi- field of politicians, suggesting that a cians and public servants, and the credible new party may get public Cook Islands Press editorial of 22 June support. 1997 observed that “Money, cement, In April a new Public Expenditure cars, boats, computers, video cameras Review Committee was established, and decks, and many millions in office but the minister of finance (who is also supplies and food have gone missing prime minister), selects the chairman over the years as those in power have and the cabinet selects the other mem- 194 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 bers. Justice Minister Tiki Matapo’s Tahitian interests. A sale agreement recommendation for an independent was signed for the Rarotongan, with review committee was rejected. He the transfer to take place on 26 wanted a committee with a much November 1996. However, the gov- wider brief, including hearing com- ernment revealed that their arrange- plaints about corruption by members ments to shift the mortgage on it to of parliament and cabinet. The new other government assets by the govern- committee is concerned only with ment of Nauru (as security for the loan public servants. to build the Sir Geoffrey Henry Cul- The government decided to delegate tural Centre) had not been finalized as more financial and administrative promised. They therefore advanced responsibility to local governments on money to proceed with renovations, each island. The principle of devolu- to be repaid once they were able to tion is good if there is a local input, transfer the title. This has been but how it will work in practice delayed by five changes of president in remains to be seen, as the govern- Nauru. Public criticism of the govern- ment will give the Island Councils ment’s actions was strong. The Vai- the money, and they are highly maaga resort lies incomplete, empty, politicized. and without a definite buyer. The Since the government dissipated Rapae is in the process of being savings (including people’s money in sold. the Post Office Savings Bank, the The government liquor supplier superannuation fund, and the reserves (which had the monopoly on all liquor of public utilities) and minimized imports) had a history of corruption incentives for people to save, the coun- and mismanagement. One former try is excessively dependent on foreign manager is still in jail for fraud; some aid, investment, and initiatives to ask why he is the only one there. The create infrastructure, employment, and business was sold, and outstanding income. However, the present govern- debts of nz$400,000 written off. The ment’s eroded credibility and reputa- result of the broken monopoly was a tion for low quality management reduction in alcohol prices as multiple have reduced the volume of both aid outlets competed for the market. The and quality investment. Whereas competition has also led to suppliers overseas suppliers used to give sixty being much more generous in giving days’ credit, they now give many to sporting and other community Cook Islands businesses thirty days or events. less because of the country’s deteri- The radio and television service that orating image abroad in the past the government sold last year has three years. Many local firms have been losing money (although only a ceased giving credit and deal only in fraction of the losses when it was run cash. by the government), but hopes to After years of heavy losses, the become viable by adding cable tele- government decided last year to sell its vision. The government dental clinic four hotels. The Akitua was sold to and one outpatient clinic were priva- political reviews • polynesia 195 tized with some government was accepted, but there has been subsidy. public pressure to postpone the invita- The Rarotonga and Aitutaki air- tion for several years until the econ- ports and shipping ports, power, omy is in better shape. Hosting the water, and waste management services, Forum in the Sir Geoffrey Henry Cul- and the development bank, have been tural Centre will cost nz$500,000 advertised for sale, but the policy according to government estimates, remains contentious and no sales have and $1 million according to some been made. The government has others. This is a lot of money for a offered to return the land to the former country with a national budget of only traditional landowners, who would about nz$50 million, and in financial rent it to the investors who buy the crisis. But the prime minister is deter- assets and operate the services. mined to “showcase” the “reform” The Mangaia ostrich farm closed, program and rehabilitate his image with the loss of one hundred jobs, after among fellow heads of government. being for three years the main source Once one of the most positive images, of private employment on that island. it has been badly shattered in recent A proposed alpaca quarantine station years. (for alpaca en route to Australia) never Despite high rates of natural opened, following long and acrimoni- increase, the population remained ous debates. The owners established it static due to emigration, particularly in on neighboring Niue. Copra produc- the 15–44 age group. The national tion, which ceased some years ago, total of 18,617 in 1991 rose to only recommenced on the atolls. It is 18,904 by the December 1996 census. exported to Sâmoa. There is scope for It rose considerably in the early 1990s, more agricultural exports, but Man- but dropped markedly in 1996 and gaians stopped exporting taro in early 1997 following the collapse of September as they had not been paid the “bubble economy” that had been for up to seven months. built on reckless borrowing and non- A lands commission, set up to ame- maintenance of national assets. The liorate problems of fragmented title, proportion of non–Cook Islanders in absentee ownership, backlogs in the the population has grown, as Cook land court, and so on, presented its Islanders emigrate and foreigners report during the year. Action to be immigrate to set up commercial taken by the government has not yet services. Most of these services could been decided. be set up by Cook Islanders, but the A private Internet casino opened. government’s dependency-creating Cook Islanders cannot play, and there practices, plus cultural priorities, have has been criticism of the fact that the sapped their initiative and confidence. business was given tax-free status. If the hoped-for economic upturn takes The South Pacific Forum holds its place there will not be enough staff for annual meeting in a different country the hotels and other enterprises and an of the region each year. This year the inflow of Filipino and other Asian Cook Islands’ offer to host the meeting workers is likely—as is apparent 196 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 throughout much of Melanesia and at the end of the fifteen-year term, was Micronesia. cashed early, leaving the government The shrinking economy, and the with another unmanageable debt. higher fees set by the University of the A Polynesian Song Quest, which South Pacific in Suva, was reflected in was to have been an annual event, enrollments of extension students fizzled after the first session, at which being less than one third of what they the government lost considerable have been. The whole education sys- funds. The rhetorical importance given tem is currently being reexamined. to the Cook Islands language is faced The prime minister rode a self- with the reality of a deteriorating generated wave of “Cook Islands language situation. Nongovernment culture,” which the first head of gov- cultural initiatives, on the other hand, ernment (his cousin Albert Henry, who have in many cases been successful. led the country from 1965 to 1978) Voluntary expressive arts flourish, had likewise used to political advan- sponsored mainly by the sources of tage. Sir Geoffrey’s goals of enhanced income, travel, and other rewards for cultural integrity were supported, but performance and product—the tourist once filtered through his ego and polit- industry, the airlines, and the banks. ical goals, they ended up being The international commercializa- expressed in such initiatives as bank- tion of rugby, league, and soccer began rupting the nation with the Sir in 1996 to provide external funds for Geoffrey Henry Cultural Centre. Its full-time and part-time Cook Islands main hall is empty ninety-nine percent staff, training in country and abroad, of the time and in the one percent of equipment, and fares for Cook Islands time it is used, ninety percent of the teams to compete in games in several seats are usually empty. The National different countries each year. The Library, which is part of the centre, Olympic Movement also provides was built in an unsuccessful attempt to funds for in-country and overseas force the closure of the voluntary, training of Cook Islands athletes and long-established, and successful Cook for equipment and financial support to Islands Library and Museum Society, compete abroad. These are valued which was chaired by former prime experiences. minister and political foe Sir Tom Permanent-residence status in the Davis. The island of ten thousand Cook Islands is very difficult to obtain, people now has three libraries side by and Sir Geoffrey Henry stated publicly side—the third being that of the Uni- in 1989 that no more permanent resi- versity of the South Pacific Extension dence certificates would be issued Centre. None is adequately staffed or while he was prime minister. The Cook equipped. Interest payments on the Islands constitution states that only the loan for the construction of the Sir High Court can revoke permanent resi- Geoffrey Henry Cultural Centre are in dence status. That would require very arrears, and the zero-coupon bond, good reason, and no such case has ever donated by the founder of the Cook been brought. Nevertheless, the prime Islands tax haven to repay the capital minister and other ministers from time political reviews • polynesia 197 to time threaten to “deport” any standard of living better than any in permanent resident who annoys them. the region, and in harmony with our Their bugbear during the past couple culture and environment.” That had of years has been Jason Brown, pub- been achieved by Sir Tom Davis’s lisher of the Cook Islands Press, whose government in the 1980s, with the investigative reporting (along with that then exception of Nauru among the of his equally vigorous Cook Islands independent nations and the stark partner, whom the government cannot exception of the French and American touch) has hurt the government more territories in which levels of income, than any other. It was they who uncov- education, health, and so on are much ered the Letter of Guarantee scam and higher. If Sir Geoffrey is to attain his various others. goals, it will mean a radical change of In September the government tabled policy and practice from those he a constitutional amendment in parlia- applied during his first seven years as ment, giving the minister the right to prime minister. He admitted in the deport permanent residents at his Parliamentarian (January 1997), as he discretion. The New Zealand govern- has publicly at home, “I finally came ment did not comment, but several to realize who caused the problem: we New Zealand backbenchers called for did—my government and past admin- a review of the automatic right of istrations.” Nevertheless, the public Cook Islanders to enter and remain in will take some convincing. Henry’s New Zealand (where there is no commitment to repaying his govern- deportation, even through the courts), ment’s debts will take time to achieve, while New Zealanders have no right to even if expenditure is reduced. The key enter the Cook Islands. There are two goals in Vision 2005 are to lift eco- and a half times more Cook Islanders nomic growth through tourism, agri- in New Zealand (over 50,000) than in culture, marine resource developments, the Cook Islands, but only a few hun- offshore financial services, and local dred New Zealanders in the Cook industries and services. It aims, Islands. Cook Islanders both there and between 1997 and 2005, to get at home value the access privilege government revenue and expenditure highly, and the possibility of loss of it below 30 percent of gross domestic led them to apply pressure on their product, net debt (liabilities to current politicians at home. In response, the assets) down to 30 percent, and to Cook Islands government withdrew build a national reserve of at least the proposal for ministerial deporta- nz$50 million. The Cook Islands tion and provided for a maximum of remains in a trough, but if the reform 500 permanent residents at any one program is maintained, future time. There were then 315. For the prospects could be much brighter. first time since 1989, a new intake was ron crocombe permitted in 1996. marjorie tuainekore crocombe In April the government issued the prime minister’s “Vision 2005,” the basic goal of which is “to achieve a 198 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998

Flosse has thus become a passionate French Polynesia advocate of the meeting. In the year 1996–97, territorial Presi- In another move designed to endear dent Gaston Flosse exerted renewed the territory to regional leaders, Flosse efforts to promote a favorable impres- bestowed honors on three heads of sion of the French presence in the government in mid-1996. The French region. His mission was helped by the Organic Law of April 1996, granting fact that any fears the French testing expanded autonomy to the territory, center might reopen for business are conferred the right for Tahiti to freely dissipating as the site’s facilities are determine its own distinctive symbols. being completely dismantled. Regret- The new statutory law allowed the tably, territorial political life is still rife creation of a territorial system of with corruption, most notably with honors, entitled Order of Tahiti Nui, the dismissal of eleven territorial coun- which was passed into legislation by cillors for electoral fraud. The national the Territorial Assembly in June 1996. assembly elections in Tahiti held few The first recipients of the new honors surprises, with candidates from the were Fiji’s Sitiveni Rabuka, Vanuatu’s conservative ruling coalition winning Maxime Carlot Korman, and the Cook both seats. The government’s continu- Islands’ Sir Geoffrey Henry. ing popularity is in part assured by its After the end of the nuclear test launching of a splendid range of major series, Flosse took it upon himself to public works projects subsidized by announce that a conference would be the postnuclear funds from France. held in Paris in September for Pacific This review concludes with a brief leaders to discuss the postnuclear role tribute to the life of Francis Sanford. of France in the Pacific. The hasty In the wake of the final series of choice of date proved ill advised, as it French nuclear tests in the Pacific, was scheduled only ten days after the Gaston Flosse continued his diplo- meeting of the South Pacific Forum, matic campaign to redeem France’s which had still to decide whether to image among island governments and readmit France into the Post-Forum raise the territory’s (and his own) Dialogue after its suspension the previ- profile in regional affairs. To this end, ous year because of the final test series. at the fifth Pacific leaders’ conference As a result of this poor timing, in July held by the Pacific Islands Develop- Flosse announced that the Pacific ment Program (pidp) in Suva in July, leaders’ meeting in Paris would be Flosse promised us$200,000 on behalf deferred until an undetermined date in of French Polynesia and France to 1997. ensure the financial viability and At the Forum meeting itself, held in continuation of the conference. The Majuro on 2 September, a Tahitian pidp meeting represents one of the few delegation caused a minor diplomatic opportunities for Flosse to participate incident when a territorial minister and as an equal among island leaders, an adviser to President Flosse arrived given that Tahiti is ineligible to be a uninvited to press the case for France’s member of the South Pacific Forum. readmission to the Post-Forum political reviews • polynesia 199

Dialogue. Although the Tahitians were to sever all links with the EU” (Tahiti politely excluded from the Forum’s Pacifique, March 1997, pp 8, 53). deliberations, ultimately on 3 Septem- An earlier vote by the French Senate ber the leaders did decide to readmit in July had provoked concern along France, effective immediately. As a similar lines. The Senate voted in favor result, at the Dialogue meeting held a of a bill that abolished the requirement few days later France was represented of a return airfare for metropolitan by the French minister for European French traveling to overseas French Affairs, Michel Barnier, possessions. This move revived fears in and Gaston Flosse. Tahiti that there would be an uncon- While progress is being made in trolled influx of people seeking work Tahiti’s relations with its Pacific neigh- and residence in a territory that is bors, the same cannot be said for its already struggling to combat high attitude to the European Union (eu) unemployment. with which it is associated as an over- The dismantling of facilities at the seas territory. In early February, Flosse Moruroa test site has been progressing launched into a passionate diatribe slowly. Virtually everything will be against the European Union. “Be destroyed, except for five blockhouses European, yes. But not at any price!” used to monitor the atmospheric tests, He invoked the dangers of an invasion the airport runway, and port facilities. of European immigrants to the terri- French Atomic Energy Commission tory in view of new directives that, if authorities predict it will take two applied, would allow eu citizens easy years to complete the process. This access to set up residence and seek time frame will allow for the gradual employment in the territory. He also voluntary separation of some four accused Europe of giving the overseas hundred employees of the test center. territories only 10 percent of the finan- President Flosse confirmed that France cial aid granted per capita to overseas would maintain a permanent labora- departments. tory for radiological surveillance and On 20 February, Flosse moved and several technicians to run it. Flosse passed a resolution in the Territorial also reported that Moruroa is unsuit- Assembly that “the obligations able for any commercial enterprises, imposed [by Europe] on FP largely such as tourism, because of the high outweigh the advantages that she gets costs of transporting goods and . . . she demands immediately that the services to the isolated atoll. power granted by her statute be recog- The remaining medium- and low- nised and protected from all incursions level nuclear waste at the test sites has by European law. [The Territorial been interred in deep shafts and cov- Assembly was] convinced that the free ered with concrete. According to a installation of Europeans would pose a French military spokesman, General grave risk of social disequilibrium. . . .” Michel Boileau, the atoll will be Flosse further warned that “if at the returned to its “original state” follow- outset of negotiations we do not get ing a program of revegetation. Boileau satisfaction, I think we will be driven insists that no radioactivity remains on 200 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 the surface of either Moruroa or Court of Appeal. Flosse will be judged Fangataufa. The extent of any surface for passive corruption and complicity radioactivity and the likelihood of relating to clandestine casinos in his future leakage from radioactive municipality of Pirae in 1991 and substances underground should be 1992. Juventin must face similar clarified in a forthcoming report by the charges concerning casinos in Pape‘ete International Atomic Energy Agency, in 1988. The casinos were managed by due to be released early in 1998. Julien Li Lem, alias Hombo, who is As part of France’s new policy of facing charges of active corruption and transparency, in October a press dele- running illegal casinos. Hombo has gation, and later a delegation from the publicly declared that Flosse and French parliament, were invited to Juventin accepted bribes for their per- inspect the dismantling of facilities and sonal gain and for their respective cleaning up at the atolls. The parlia- political parties in return for turning a mentary delegation represented the blind eye to the casinos’ operations. As three major parties and included a in the past, concluding these court specialist on nuclear wastes, Mr cases has proved painfully slow. Bataille. He sought guarantees that In a shock move on 25 March, the France would fulfill its responsibilities state-run Administrative Tribunal and ensure that monitoring of the test annulled the election of eleven territo- sites continued not just for ten years, rial councillors from the last election but for several generations. The dele- held in May 1996. Their alleged elec- gation also noted that the French toral fraud involved the misuse of parliament has a right to call for inde- funds designated to assist the outer pendent verification of radioactive islands to facilitate the election of monitoring at Moruroa in addition to members of the government majority, that undertaken by the French Atomic that is, the Tahoeraa party of Flosse. Energy Commission and the military, The commission deciding distribution though whether it will exercise this of these funds, presided over by a right is unclear. (For more on nuclear Tahoeraa member, had provided hous- issues, see the Region in Review, 1996 ing benefits to inhabitants of the Lee- [Contemporary Pacific 9:448–457; ward Islands just prior to the 1996 1997].) territorial elections to influence voting Territorial political life was as color- preferences. Flosse was named in ful as ever in respect to corruption alle- connection with dubious practices in gations and continuing court cases. the Marquesas, where he gave his During the year, a number of mayors approval for the construction of a were convicted for corruption and football field and provided materials forced to pay fines and give up their and labor for the project from the public offices. In November, a corrup- territorial public works service. These tion case implicating Flosse and the incidents led to the dismissal of eleven former Pape‘ete mayor-cum-national Tahoeraa councillors, three from the deputy, Jean Juventin, was sent to the Marquesas and eight from the Lee- Correctional Tribunal in Paris by the ward Islands. political reviews • polynesia 201

The tribunal’s move to rein in elec- September 1995. When Temaru sought toral fraud comes after many years of the right of reply on rfo, his request allegations that public funds, services, was refused. and jobs have been routinely used to In another blow to the Tahoeraa influence voters, particularly in favor majority, its parent party and metro- of parties incumbent in government. politan ally, the Rassemblement Pour The standing down of more than a la Republique, was toppled from third of the governing majority is power in May. The governing conser- unprecedented. Moreover, by-elec- vative coalition in France made a tacti- tions for eleven members of the forty- cal error in deciding to hold early one-seat assembly could tip the bal- elections for a new National Assembly. ance of power if voters turn against A backlash over unemployment, immi- Tahoeraa due to its implication in gration policy, and relations with the fraud. In view of the dire consequences European Union saw the conservatives the government faces as a result of by- ousted, and a coalition dominated by elections, on 1 April Flosse launched the socialists came to power. It remains an appeal to the Council of State in to be seen whether the territorial France to overturn the Administrative government will have stormy relations Tribunal’s decision. At the time of with the socialists as it has done in the writing the outcome of this appeal was past, although President Chirac can be not known. New elections are sched- expected to continue protecting the uled for these electoral districts in late interests of his protégé and friend, 1997, though the pro-independence Gaston Flosse. leader, Oscar Temaru, has called for The national election results were new elections to be held throughout somewhat different for the two candi- the territory. dates chosen to represent French In a separate development, for the Polynesia. As the poll was held a week first time the courts judged that the earlier there than in metropolitan French Overseas Radio and Television France, voters were unaffected by the network, rfo, had exhibited bias in its tide of discontent that turned against allocation of air time to different polit- Jacques Chirac’s Rassemblement Pour ical parties prior to the territorial elec- la Republique. Instead, conservative tion. The court condemned the fact candidates from the territory’s govern- that in the first four months of 1996, ing coalition won majorities in the first rfo had provided five times as much round without having to contest a coverage to the governing Tahoeraa second run-off. In the eastern elector- party as it had to opposition parties, ate, Emile Vernaudon, the mayor of including the pro-independence party Mahina and leader of the Ai‘a Api of Oscar Temaru. Subsequently, in party, which is allied to Tahoeraa, won April, rfo came under fire again for its comfortably with 58.9 percent of the partial treatment of politics. Flosse had votes cast. In the western district, accused Temaru on rfo tv of having Michel Buillard, a Tahoeraa minister been responsible for the riots that led and mayor of Pape‘ete, won with a to the destruction of the airport in narrower margin of 51.5 percent. 202 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998

Nevertheless, Buillard was given a run has provoked considerable opposition for his money by Oscar Temaru, the from local residents, mayors, and envi- pro-independence leader and mayor of ronmentalists. Apart from a not-in- Faaa, who gained a strong vote of 41.6 my-backyard attitude, reasons for this percent. opposition include that Papenoo is Overall, the pro-independence party subject to the highest rainfall level in Tavini made solid gains throughout Tahiti, the site is close to a river most of the archipelagoes, especially in system, and the long road servicing the the Windward Islands, but Tahoeraa site would need to undergo constant kept its grip on the Marquesas. As repairs to accommodate the heavy always though, it is difficult to draw traffic of garbage trucks. firm conclusions from trends in In the year under review, the territo- national elections held in Tahiti. rial government decided on several Knowing that the outcome will not major public works projects and other have a direct impact on local politics, socioeconomic initiatives, to be largely voters can use these elections as a pro- financed by the special postnuclear era test vote against the incumbent govern- funds granted by President Chirac. ment without necessarily supporting These projects are meant to improve independence or transferring their infrastructure and social services, votes to opposition parties when it create jobs, and generally boost the comes to territorial and municipal elec- ailing economy. On the health front, tions. The real extent of support for there will be a new hospital to replace Tavini and other opposition parties the one in Mamao, a new psychiatric will be demonstrated in the forthcom- hospital to replace the old institution ing territorial by-elections. in Vaiami, and a cardiology clinic. The problem of disposing of Tahiti’s With regard to public housing, the waste remained unresolved and was a government made a commitment to source of contention throughout the building seven thousand new lodgings year. In mid-1996, for the third time in over the coming decade. A new build- as many years, the date for the closure ing to house the Territorial Assembly’s of the over-full Faaa municipal dump administration will be constructed at a came and went in the absence of alter- cost of 1.2 billion fcfp, and the presi- native rubbish sites being developed. dential office will move to a historic Sitom, the public company charged building, Caserne Broche, to be refur- with resolving the waste issue, proved bished at a cost of 600 million fcfp. incapable of fulfilling its mission. In In September, President Flosse February, the government established a revealed an ambitious plan to build a new semipublic company to deal with tunnel under the lagoon to connect the the urban waste problem, the Polyne- Faaa airport with Pape‘ete’s seaport. sian Environment Society, in which the This was proposed to alleviate the territory would retain a majority share. chronic traffic congestion in the capi- A site in the valley of Papenoo was tal. The tunnel is estimated to cost 12 identified to host the new waste dis- billion fcfp. The idea is for the tunnel posal facility. The choice of location to be constructed privately and eventu- political reviews • polynesia 203 ally recoup its costs via a toll of 100 directly involved in the execution, is fcfp each time a vehicle uses it. It is the forthcoming debut of a new luxury hoped that by a year after its opening, cruise ship. The Paul Gauguin luxury 25,000 cars will travel via the tunnel liner of 16,000 tonnes will carry 320 each day. However, considerable passengers and is destined to cruise doubts have been aired in the public mainly around the Society Islands. It is domain about whether it is feasible for presently under construction, with an island that accounts for only plans for a launching in January 1998. 40,000 vehicles to recoup the costs of Though Tahiti will benefit from the the tunnel. visiting tourists, the liner will be regis- On 31 October, Flosse launched tered in Wallis and Futuna and man- another grand project, this time to aged by an American company. An establish the territory’s own interna- additional project to stimulate tourism tional airline. The decision to proceed is the planned construction of a new was based on three years of feasibility hotel of 252 rooms in Arue. This hotel studies. Initially called Tahiti Airline, it will be targeted at an older clientele, later underwent a name change to Air principally retired metropolitan French Tahiti-Nui with a view to removing the civil servants. anglophone connotations. The first In September, the government plane to be acquired will be an Airbus implemented legislation to create a 340–300 with a passenger-carrying youth employment initiative. The new capacity of 380. The first airbus will measure is directed toward low-skilled, be delivered in April 1998. It will unemployed young people of 17 to 26 mainly service routes connecting Tahiti years of age, with a view to subsidizing with the United States, Japan, and their employment in the private sector Korea. for up to eight months and providing The Territorial Assembly has voted them with supplementary training. to contribute 10 percent of the initial This policy was in part prompted by capital for the airline to encourage the large involvment of unemployed private investors to take the plunge. It youth in the September 1995 riots. is expected that the airline will post a Concern over unemployment was loss of 250 million fcfp in its first year shown to be warranted once official of operation, but that it will produce figures were released by the Territo- profits of 300 million and 1 billion rial Institute of Statistics (itstat) in fcfp in the subsequent two years. If all October. goes according to plan, another plane The latest statistics on employment will be acquired. The government is were collected in 1994. At that time confident that Air Tahiti-Nui will there were ostensibly 9,320 unem- promote tourism and generally fare ployed out of an active population of better than many of the unprofitable 79,120 people, which translates into airlines run by neighboring Pacific an official unemployment rate of 11.8 microstates. percent. However, the real rate has Yet another project, supported by been estimated to be in the vicinity of the territory even though it is not 16,000 unemployed. The public and 204 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 private sectors account for 17,876 and approved territorial legislation for a 26,864 jobs respectively, with an addi- modest Contribution to Territorial tional 5,000 in the liberal professions, Solidarity tax in March that is meant leaving the remaining 30,000 workers to cover increased public health costs. (or 44 percent) in the traditional sector In February the Territorial Assem- of subsistence agriculture and fisheries. bly also adopted legislation to imple- Ninety per cent of people of working ment a value added tax to take effect age are resident in the Society Islands, in January 1998. A report by itstat which confirms the inexorable exodus (Jan 1997), assessing the pros and cons of people from the outlying islands to of such a goods and services tax, noted the urban areas. several potentially negative outcomes. In December, provisional results First, the tax would not be egalitarian from itstat’s census of the territory’s because it was likely to have a greater population in September were impact on poorer households. Second, released. A total of 219,521 inhab- it is likely to provoke inflation, which itants were divided among the archi- would in turn deter investment and pelagoes as follows: Windward Islands tourism. Inflationary pressures could (including Tahiti) 162,686; Leeward also be brought to bear on salaries, Islands 26,838; Marquesas 8,064; especially those of the public service, Tuamotu-Gambiers 15,370; Australs which are indexed to the cost of living. 6,811. The island of Tahiti, where the The end result could thus be a redistri- capital, Pape‘ete, is situated, accounts bution of wealth in the territory from for 68.6 percent of the territory’s the private sector to the public sector. population. In French Polynesia, Several categories of goods and 94,651 of the inhabitants (or 43 services will be exempt from the value percent) are less than twenty years of added tax, including medical services, age. Population growth since the last education, cultural activities, financial census eight years earlier has been at a services, water, and goods sold by rate of 16.3 percent, or 1.9 percent per farmers and fishermen. Key categories year. This represents a decrease com- to be subject to the tax include the sale pared to the previous census period of of new products, port and airport 1983–1988, which registered a growth services, telecommunications and of 2.6 percent per year. computers, energy distribution, and Fiscal reform to reduce the territo- transport. The standard rate of tax will rial government’s dependence on be 3 percent, while some goods and import duties, which account for 70 services, including food, nonalcoholic percent of collected revenue, has been beverages, publications, hotel services, a long-standing source of contention in and interisland transport, will be sub- territorial politics and also in the terri- ject to a lower tax of 1–2 percent. The tory’s relations with the French state. government’s plan is not to add to the The territory has to date had no form total tax burden, but to substitute the of income tax. After years of to-ing value added tax for existing duties on and fro-ing over constitutional issues, imports, which will be phased out over the French National Assembly finally five years. However, given that the political reviews • polynesia 205 value added tax will still weigh heavily goals of ending the tests and expand- on new products imported from ing autonomy meant that for many abroad, it is unlikely to make a huge years the French state would not budge difference to the current reliance on on either. At one point he became so import duties. frustrated in his quest that he threat- With sadness I report the passing of ened to push for independence, but Francis Ariioehau Sanford, who died eventually settled for a limited statute at his home in Faaa on 21 December at of autonomy in 1977. Sanford retired 84 years of age. I had the good fortune from politics in 1985, yet, as a to interview this key player in Tahitian respected elder statesman, he remained politics during my last visit to the terri- in great demand as an adviser to the tory. His career spanned a diverse new generation of politicians. range of roles in the public service and karin von strokirch politics. He worked first as an admin- istrator in the Tuamotus, and later in Bora Bora throughout the Second World War. After a period of teaching, Hawaiian Issues he became secretary to the French gov- A heated debate erupted in Honolulu ernor in 1963. His foray into politics in the summer of 1996 regarding the began with his election as the first State of Hawai‘i–sponsored plebiscite mayor of Faaa in 1965, a position he on the question of Hawaiian sover- held until 1983. He was elected to the eignty. The plebiscite was the state’s National Assembly in 1967 and held response to the “taro roots” march of this office until 1978. Sanford was the seventeen thousand Hawaiians on driving force behind the Ai‘a Api party, ‘Iolani Palace (former governmental which he cofounded in 1965. He led seat of the Hawaiian Kingdom) in the territorial government in coalition January 1993 demanding sovereignty, with the Here Ai‘a party from 1967 to or political control over Hawaiian 1972, and again from 1977 to 1982. Trust Lands, and denouncing the He fell from power after his party was hundred-year-old illegal American decimated in the 1983 elections. presence in Hawai‘i. From 1967 onward, Sanford In November of the same year, the became known for his relentless oppo- United States Congress serendipi- sition to the French nuclear testing tously passed what has become known program, a campaign he took to the as the Apology Bill (US Public Law French National Assembly and even to 103–150) that gave additional the United Nations. His strategy of support to the return of lands to collaborating with the French and Hawaiians. The 1993 Apology Bill, global antitesting movement certainly signed by President Clinton, admitted hastened France’s decision to cease that in 1893 America illegally invaded atmospheric testing in 1975. He also Hawai‘i and illegally overthrew the fought long and hard for an expansion democratically elected Hawaiian of the territory’s autonomy in relation government. The Apology Bill further to France. Sanford’s linkage of the two stated that “the indigenous Hawaiian 206 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 people never directly relinquished their Oha has decided it is better to invest claims to their inherent sovereignty as the money in various portfolios rather a people over their national lands to than dispense it to Hawaiians in need. the United States, either through their However, until the “inherent sover- monarchy or through a plebiscite or eignty” issue, raised by the Apology referendum.” The bill ended with a Bill, is resolved, there continues to be a vague call for a process of reconcilia- cloud on title to a portion of the trust tion. Hawaiians responded with a lands, making it impossible for the proposal for Hawaiian control over state to sell such lands. To resolve the Hawaiian Trust Lands as the central situation, the State of Hawai‘i orga- part of any reconciliation. nized a plebiscite vote. The state-spon- At stake is the control of two sored plebiscite, which was held from million acres of Hawaiian Trust Lands, 1 July to 15 August 1996 by means of so designated by American law, and a mail-in ballot, was the sort of ple- presently controlled by the State of biscite mentioned in the Apology Bill, Hawai‘i. Hawaiian Trust Lands are intended to compromise Hawaiian demarcated by two trusts: 200,000 sovereign rights to land and resources. acres of Hawaiian Home Lands, estab- It would be that “plebiscite” by which lished in 1921 to provide homesteads Hawaiians would relinquish “their for Hawaiians, and 1.8 million acres of claims to their inherent sovereignty as Ceded Lands Trust, set up in the 1959 a people over their national lands to Statehood Admissions Act, to benefit the United States.” The plebiscite social conditions of Hawaiians. would thus undermine the Hawaiian Since 1959, Hawaiians have been sovereignty movement’s legal legally defined as wards of the State of challenges for control of Hawaiian Hawai‘i, along with children and men- Trust Lands. tally incompetent adults. As a result of The 1996 plebiscite asked the ques- wardship, the state has a legal right to tion, “Shall the Hawaiian people elect control Hawaiian Trust Lands, which delegates to propose a Native Hawai- make up 90 percent of the lands held ian government?” Since the Hawaiian by the state. Clearly, the State of sovereignty group Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i Hawai‘i has a conflict of interest with had written a constitution in 1987, regard to Hawaiian Trust Lands. held democratic elections, seated a The State of Hawai‘i uses Hawaiian government-in-exile, and presented Trust Lands for airports, harbors, uni- interventions at the United Nations, versities, elementary schools, hospitals, citizens of Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i saw the and public housing projects, as well as state-sponsored constitutional conven- leasing large tracts to non-Hawaiian tion as an obvious attempt to co-opt settlers for sugar and pineapple plan- Hawaiian self-determination. tations and for industrial uses. Hawai- Moreover, in the state legislature’s ians receive not a penny of revenue bill that established the plebiscite, from these lands, although 20 percent specific language cautioned that is given to another state agency, the “Nothing arising out of the Hawaiian Office of Hawaiian Affairs (oha). convention provide[d] for in this Act political reviews • polynesia 207

...shall be applied to supersede, the Pro-Hawaiian Sovereignty Work- conflict, waive, alter, or affect” the ing Group. The coalition was opposed government structures and land to the plebiscite because they saw it as management of the state. Hawaiians a state attempt to deny self-determina- asked why they should vote at all if tion to Hawaiians and to undermine there was no land to be gained from gains made in the Apology Bill. such a vote. The plebiscite debate was further Under international law, whether embittered by the governor of the State Hawaiians voted yes, or whether they of Hawai‘i who appointed a nineteen- voted no, so long as they voted in the member commission of Hawaiians to state-sponsored plebiscite, their vote conduct the mechanics of the vote and would mean that they had accepted the supposedly oversee the subsequent State of Hawai‘i’s jurisdiction over “Hawaiian” constitutional conven- such an election, and by extension, tion. State officials insisted that that Hawaiians condoned the status of Hawaiians were too divided among state wardship. Under international themselves to proceed on the question law, the United Nations should oversee of Hawaiian sovereignty without the such a plebiscite, but only after Native aid and direction of the legislature, or Hawaiians had been availed of the a council beholden to the state legisla- right to consider and choose among ture. The commission was named many different forms of government as the Hawaiian Sovereignty Elections their favored option. Council (hsec) and was given $2.2 In actuality, the state-sponsored million to pay for the plebiscite and plebiscite was a demonstration elec- conduct an advertising campaign to tion, akin to those sponsored by induce the public to vote. These France in Kanaky and in French- Hawaiians, often referred to as “Vichy occupied Polynesia, or American- Hawaiians,” recalling the French who backed regimes in Nicaragua and El collaborated with German invaders Salvador. Demonstration elections during World War II, were not elected have been held by colonial govern- by any Hawaiian body and thus were ments to give the appearance of native not representatives of the Hawaiian agreement to a colonialist-controlled people. Many were affiliated with vari- political process. ous state agencies; many were also In opposition to the state-sponsored related by blood to those who vehe- plebiscite, Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i was mently opposed the plebiscite. joined by a coalition of Hawaiian The anti-plebiscite campaign was groups, including the Ahupua‘a Action conducted by Hawaiians who had very Alliance, the Hawai‘i Coalition little money; perhaps five thousand Against Nuclear Testing, the Hawai‘i dollars was spent in total. Most efforts Ecumenical Council, the Kanaka were made without funding, except Maoli Tribunal Komike, Ka Pâkaukau, what people took from their own Kûikalâhiki, Nâ Mamo o Hawai‘i, pockets. Their rallying cry was for all Noa, Nuclear Free and Independent Hawaiians to “Boycott the Ballot,” Pacific, Pacific Women’s Network, and and their campaign included door-to- 208 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 door leaflet distribution, sign holding, Bill); and to learn about the events protests, press conferences, community leading up to and the implementation workshops, and free spots on public and the possible impact of the State of television channels. Hawai‘i’s initiative to hold a Native From January to May 1996, a team Hawaiian ‘Plebiscite’ or ‘Vote’.” They from Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i lobbied and had been invited by Mililani Trask, the presented testimony at the state legisla- kia‘âina (governor) of Ka Lâhui ture against the plebiscite bill. They Hawai‘i. managed to kill the bill in April, only The unpo delegation was headed by to have it resurrected in May as an Mr Lodi Gyari, from Tibet, who is attachment to another unrelated bill. chairman of the Peace Action Council. Fearing the results of a grassroots Other members were Dr Michael van campaign, at the last minute the Walt, general secretary of unpo, Mr Hawaiian Sovereignty Elections Coun- Menelaos Tzelios, representative of the cil changed the name of the plebiscite Greek Minority in Albania and assis- to “Native Hawaiian vote” and revised tant general secretary for United how ballots would be counted. In the Nations Affairs, and Mr Robin Sluyk, original bill, the plebiscite’s determina- head of the Pacific and North America tion would be made by a “majority of Desk of the unpo Secretariat. qualified voters,” but in the final After hearing several days of testi- wording it became a “majority of mony by the community, as well as ballots cast”; technically six out of ten interviews with the Hawaiian Sover- votes could decide the outcome. eignty Elections Council, the unpo The opposition coalition then held a delegation concluded that the plebi- one-week vigil with daily demonstra- scite or “vote, as it is currently being tions in front of the governor’s man- conducted, does not satisfy interna- sion, urging him to veto the bill. tional standards for a ‘free and Overwhelming public support, by way informed choice,’ which are also of cars honking in rush-hour traffic, adhered to by the United States” carried a direct message to the gover- (unpo Preliminary Report). nor. However, on 19 June 1996, the As a result the unpo mission urged last day possible and only two weeks “the Government of the State of before the mail-out of ballots was to Hawai‘i and the hsec (Hawaiian begin, Governor Cayetano signed the Sovereignty Elections Council) to bill. cancel the vote, even at this late stage. On 1 July 1996, as ballots were The delegation believes that before the being mailed out, a delegation from people are presented with an opportu- the Unrepresented Nations and nity to vote on a process leading to Peoples Organization (unpo) arrived sovereignty, Native Hawaiian organi- in Hawai‘i “to look at the current zations should be encouraged and political, social and economic status of independently funded to conduct edu- the Kanaka Maoli in Hawai‘i; to cation programs on all options for understand the possible effects of the sovereignty. They should also be US Public Law 103–150 (the Apology afforded the opportunity to develop political reviews • polynesia 209 consensus among the Native Hawai- airwaves, giving guest interviews on ians on a process to exercise their right radio talk shows and on free public to self-determination.” television venues like O‘ahu Speaks. On 15 July 1996, Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i Haunani-Kay Trask (sister of Mililani sent their delegation (Keali‘i Gora and Trask) used her monthly political Kealoha Pisciotti) to Geneva, Switzer- analysis television show First Friday, land, to the United Nations Working with a viewing audience of fifty thou- Group on the Rights of Indigenous sand, to interview international law Peoples, and subsequently the Sub- experts like Jose Morin. Morin Commission on Human Rights. Gora explained how plebiscites were used in and Pisciotti presented interventions Puerto Rico and other places by colo- protesting the state-sponsored plebi- nizers to undermine native self-deter- scite, and distributed copies of the US mination. Apology Bill. Dozens of countries’ The hsec video used the Hawaiian representatives flocked to their table to phrase nau no e koho, meaning “the get copies of their interventions and US choice is yours.” Since koho also Public Law 103–150. means to vote, Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i citi- The Pro-Hawaiian Sovereignty zens used the slogan Koho Hewa, or Working Group also sent a delegation “illegal vote,” as hewa carries a double consisting of Jose Morin and Nalani meaning of bad luck or disaster. Citi- Minton. Both delegations met with zens got a grant of $1,000 to make a American government representatives video explaining the State of Hawai‘i’s to formally protest the state-sponsored conflict of interest and urging Hawai- plebiscite, and every important ians to “Boycott the Vote.” The Koho nation’s representative was informed Hewa video was shown extensively on of the situation. public television on O‘ahu, and it was At the same time, back in Hawai‘i, sent to Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i outposts on the Hawaiian Sovereignty Elections the neighbor islands to be aired on Council was running an expensive tele- their own public television stations. vision and radio campaign in Hawai- The tape was also sent to Ka Lâhui ian and English, urging Hawaiians to Hawai‘i outposts on the North Ameri- vote in the plebiscite, or what they can continent, including Anchorage, renamed the “Native Hawaiian Vote.” Seattle, Portland, San Francisco, Los The hsec video used oha interview Angeles, San Diego, Salt Lake City, clips with respected Hawaiian elders and Las Vegas. on the topic of sovereignty, but not on Ballots were due to be returned by the topic of the plebiscite, to promote mail on 15 August 1996. Before they their cause. When elders who opposed could be unsealed and announced, the plebiscite discovered that they were Clara Kakalia, a Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i being used in this manner, many kupuna (elder) and her cohorts, filed a actively joined the anti-plebiscite cam- suit against the state-sponsored paign and directed their families to plebiscite as a misuse of state funds. “Boycott the Ballot.” Ultimately, Judge David Ezra ruled The opposition coalition also hit the against them, declaring that the State 210 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 of Hawai‘i had the right to run an status of Ha Hawai‘i. The Office of opinion poll, but announcement of the Hawaiian Affairs offered to pay for vote results was delayed until mid- Hawaiians on the outer islands to fly September. in to the meeting, especially if they About 82,000 ballots were mailed represented a larger group. Ka Lâhui to Hawaiians in the state and wherever Hawai‘i directed its neighbor island known throughout the world; of these people to apply for the ticket as repre- only 30,423 ballots were returned, sentatives of their own ‘ohana, or proving that the boycott campaign was family. overwhelmingly successful. A vast On 14 December 1996, hundreds majority of Hawaiians, 52,000, boy- Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i representatives and cotted the state-sponsored plebiscite. their coalition allies flooded the hsec Of the 30,432 ballots returned, 8,129 convention. Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i voted no in response to the question, Kia‘âina Mililani Trask had been and many said they voted no because denied permission to speak, and partic- they didn’t want the State of Hawai‘i ipants were warned that unruly behav- to control the process. ior would be met with eviction from Meanwhile hsec members, assisted the hall. However, chanters represent- by the local anti-Hawaiian news- ing Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i were allowed to papers, insisted that the 22,294 make a ho‘okupu (ceremonial presen- Hawaiians who voted yes represented tation) to the house, whereupon all of 72 percent of Hawaiians, or at least of their supporters stood at their seats the “majority of ballots cast,” as called chanting en masse in Hawaiian as their for in the last version of the plebiscite representatives delivered copies of the bill. They thereby declared a mandate Ka Lâhui constitution to the Hawaiian to continue with a state-sponsored Sovereignty Elections Council. Hawaiian Constitutional Convention As each hsec member rose to speak that would form a “Hawaiian Nation” in favor of a state-funded Hawaiian under state auspices. As the state was Constitutional Convention, the oppo- experiencing a severe economic reces- sition silently flipped up bright char- sion and could provide only a portion treuse placards that read “ ‘a‘ole! no! of the funds required, the Hawaiian ha hawai‘i = state control.” Not Sovereignty Elections Council formed only did this become increasingly a nonprofit corporation called Ha disconcerting to hsec speakers, but the Hawai‘i (Hawaiian Breath) to receive brightly colored placards made clear funds from private sources. that the audience was quite divided on Since many state legislators were the issue and no consensus would be unimpressed with the results of the reached that day. plebiscite, the Hawaiian Sovereignty Finally, Mililani Trask was allowed Elections Council decided to call for a to speak, and she pledged Ka Lâhui Hawaiian convention to be held in Hawai‘i to seek unity and self-deter- Honolulu on 14 December 1996 to mination among all Hawaiians, out- gain additional public support for their side the state process, in order to convention proposal and the nonprofit strengthen the struggle for control of political reviews • polynesia 211

Hawaiian Trust Lands. After much (Peace and Sanctity at Kualoa) Unity behind-the-scenes lobbying during the Conference was held on the camp- lunch break, former oha trustee and ground of Kualoa for the three days of hsec member Kina‘u Kamali‘i 7, 8, and 9 February 1997. Ho‘omalu acknowledged that consensus could was attended by many Hawaiians from not be obtained, and instead brokered all walks of life, some members of a deal between various factions to hold larger groups, some individuals, and a unity conference in February at the many small family representatives. All sacred land of Kualoa, O‘ahu. agreed to seek agreement where it was What caused bitter enemies to agree possible, and to delay debate on areas to a unity conference? The deciding of disagreement for another time. factor was movement on another front Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i citizens and many of federal legislation in Washington, members of the coalition attended, as dc, that would redefine Hawaiians as did the usually conservative groups an Indian Tribe, and make Hawaiians like the Association of Hawaiian Civic subject to the restrictive laws that Clubs and the State Hawaiian Home- govern Native American Indians. steaders Association. Bumpy Kana- Under a frequently discussed plan, hele’s Nation of Hawai‘i came, as did America would recognize a puppet some hsec appointees. Those calling state agency, the Office of Hawaiian for complete independence from Affairs, as the new Hawaiian govern- America, such as Ka Pâkaukau, and ment, as it has done in similar in- Kaona came. It was perhaps the first stances with Native Americans. It is time that many middle-class Hawai- likely the American government will ians listened to what “taro roots” further diminish the Hawaiian land Hawaiians had to say. base to two hundred thousand acres of It was a historic moment, for third and fourth class lands (one part although there were many debates, of the Hawaiian Land Trust known as arguments, signs of mistrust, and Hawaiian Home Lands), and create a threats of withdrawal, on the final day new oha nation. all who remained (the State Hawaiian The other 1.8 million acres of well- Homesteaders Association left in watered land would be reclassified and protest the day before) agreed on given to the State of Hawai‘i. As is several important principles. The fore- consistent with American policy on most of these was that Hawaiians Natives, only those 7,000 Hawaiians wanted all two million acres of Hawai- currently living on Hawaiian Home ian Trust Lands returned to their con- Lands would be recognized as the citi- trol and not a single acre less. There zens of the new nation, thus disenfran- would be no deal made to diminish the chising the other 200,000 Hawaiians trust lands by any Hawaiian present; who want access to land. The time had even hsec representatives agreed. come for Hawaiian political leaders to A second Ho‘omalu ma Kualoa was unify against the common threat of held in April 1997 and agreed that a loss of lands. series of educational workshops must The first Ho‘omalu ma Kualoa be presented to the people before fur- 212 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 ther agreement could be reached at a land. The state is precluded from such third Ho‘omalu ma Kualoa to be held action by its own self-interest, insofar in October 1997. Issues such as cul- as most “state” land is actually Hawai- tural rights, land trusts, and different ian Trust Land, and when Hawaiians forms of sovereignty needed to be regain that land base it will be the addressed at their own conferences. State of Hawai‘i that must beg permis- After a base of understanding of legal sion from Hawaiians to use the land. terms and arguments has been created, LILIKALÂ kame‘eleihiwa then the various groups will reconvene to decide how best to proceed toward political unification in order to fight MÂORI for control over the Hawaiian Trust Issues Lands. The year 1996 saw major and historic Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i has proposed a changes for Mâori on the political confederation of all groups, perhaps scene. The mixed-member-propor- similar to that formed by the Alaska tional-representation election system Natives in their struggle with the was used in New Zealand for the first American government over their lands. time in the October general elections The Mâori Congress is another model and delivered 15 Mâori members of that could be considered. The Hawai- parliament out of a total of 120. It ian Sovereignty Elections Council more than doubled the number of prefers a Hawaiian constitutional Mâori that have ever been in the convention, which they estimate will House, but is still less than the 15 cost $8 million to be paid from three percent of the population that Mâori sources: the Hawai‘i State Legislature, make up. oha, and private fund-raising. Other The reaction from Mâori was one Hawaiians prefer some measure of of unrestrained delight and outpour- autonomy and no state interference. ings of hope for a better future. But Ka Lâhui Hawai‘i is reluctant in the there was little comment in the main- extreme to relinquish its own constitu- stream media, although one of the tion, and is wary of the state plan for more perceptive commentators noted selecting delegates for an hsec consti- that it was a “major Maori political tutional convention. assertion which left this supposed Without a doubt, Hawaiians would colonised community holding the come to agreement faster if the State of balance of power, something which Hawai‘i would withdraw from the had remained beyond their grasp since issue and leave it for the Natives to the mid-1850s despite both armed and decide. The state contends that it is passive resistance. . . . Now there are only trying to help the Hawaiian 15 rather than the traditional four people. However, if the state truly Maori MPs [and] they are spread wanted to support Hawaiian self- across all parties in Parliament. This determination it would abolish ward- represents a shift of revolutionary ship and let the Hawaiian people proportions” (Brooking 1996). retake control of their ancestral home- Mâori success in the polls further political reviews • polynesia 213 exposed the fear of some of the non- strongly in favor of a coalition with Mâori population of Mâori having any Labour, for although they had deserted say in the affairs of the country. Public that party during the elections, it was attacks on Mâori have increased in still far preferred over the conservative frequency and vehemence, fueled by an National party, whose Mâori policies often hostile, unsympathetic, and had caused much upheaval in recent uninformed mainstream non-Mâori times. Given that 6 of the 17 New news media. Mâori were not unmoved Zealand First members, including the by the attacks, and in March the prized leader, are Mâori, there was some yachting trophy, the America’s Cup, confidence that the Mâori wish would was badly damaged when a young prevail. Mâori protester attacked it. He was In the event, Mâori were stunned highlighting the ongoing injustices when New Zealand First chose to form borne by Mâori, including increasing a coalition government with the Mâori poverty and deprivation. In National party. However the coalition June 1997 the reality of Mâori poverty agreement appeared to address at least was brought starkly into focus when some major Mâori concerns with three Mâori children were killed in a National party policies, and in particu- fire that destroyed their home in a lar included an undertaking to aban- remote Mâori settlement. Their home don the loathed “fiscal envelope” was a temporary shelter, and the fire policy for settling Mâori land clams. was caused by a candle used for As such, there was no angry outburst, lighting. but rather a philosophical wait-and-see The elections resulted in all five reaction. After all, there were now five Mâori electorate seats being taken by Mâori electorate representatives on the the New Zealand First party. This was government benches, with an unprece- a major swing away from the Labour dented three Mâori in cabinet, one of party, which Mâori had supported for them the deputy prime minister and over sixty years. The only other Mâori treasurer. Furthermore the Mâori to gain an electorate seat was the New cabinet members included a Mâori Zealand First party leader and later minister of Mâori Affairs who would deputy prime minister and treasurer, be much more inclined to dedicate the Honourable Winston Peters. The himself to making that portfolio work remaining nine Mâori members of for Mâori rather than against them as Parliament all gained their seats as a had been the case with the previous result of the number of seats their minister. party won in the House. Once the government was No party received a clear majority. announced, and new members started With National and Labour holding the making their maiden speeches, the great majority of seats between them, mainstream news media embarked on it fell to the third-ranking New a campaign of discrediting each Mâori Zealand First party to determine which member of the House, both new and party it would enter a coalition with to old. They were baying for Mâori form a government. Mâori were blood, and every whiff of it sent them 214 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 into a frenzy. For 12 of the 15 Mâori coverage that only served to display members of Parliament it was their her own lack of understanding of first time in the House, and many of Mâori protocol and politics. them fell easy prey to the hypercritical To date, the one Mâori member of and strongly eurocentric press gallery. Parliament to be spared public ridicule It also ensured that they were diverted by the media has been the only Mâori from learning and carrying out their in the National party caucus, Georgina jobs as members of Parliament. Te Heuheu, a naturally unassuming It started with the very experienced and quietly hardworking person. A leader of New Zealand First, Winston lawyer by training, Mrs Te Heuheu Peters, soon after the elections in was a member of the Waitangi Trib- October 1996, for a disturbance in a unal until she entered Parliament. nightclub. In November, it was the The nature of the attacks became deputy leader, Tau Henare, for speak- quite ridiculous, with one particular ing out of turn during the coalition Mâori member, Tuku Morgan, him- negotiations. From January to April self a journalist, steadfastly refusing to 1997 it was Tuku Morgan for his role compromise the Mâori right to be in the establishment of a new Mâori Mâori both in and outside Parliament. television station. In February, His perceived arrogance toward the Winston Peters again, this time for Pâkehâ domination of the House and bumping into another member of Par- the country turned his former liament a little harder than necessary, colleagues into a virtual lynch mob and Tau Henare for wearing wrap- against him. They identified his role in around sunglasses in public. In March, a new and struggling Mâori television it was Tuariki Delamare for problems station, and successfully hounded the with his children, and Donna Awatere station out of existence. For weeks for unpaid parking fines from several they created headlines out of the fact years ago. Tariana Turia came in for a that Morgan had paid nz$89 for an sustained blasting for daring to articu- item of underwear while working for late Mâori aspirations of self-determi- the station. The government asked the nation in her maiden speech and Serious Fraud Office to investigate, referring to non-Mâori as tauiwi or and the media frenzy finally fell silent foreigners. The backgrounds of both when they returned a decision that Alamein Kopu and Ron Marks were Morgan had done nothing illegal. In too humble, and Dover Samuels had May he auctioned off the item of problems with his people at home. In underwear to help raise money to May, it was Tutekawa Wyllie for not assist a young cancer sufferer. declaring nz$1,350 in election expen- By comparison, events such as the diture (while others under investiga- auditor-general being jailed for fraud, tion were not named). By breaking an a judge pleading guilty to fraud, unwritten rule between Mâori mem- another being charged with the bers of Parliament about not publicly offense, and a third being charged with attacking each other, Sandra Lee child molestation, a multimillion- managed to attract prominent media dollar bungle by a government depart- political reviews • polynesia 215 ment trying unsuccessfully to eradicate early land transactions between Mâori a moth threatening ornamental trees in on the one hand, and English mission- a wealthy Auckland suburb, the aries and Crown agents on the other. dismissal of the heads of the Serious The Crown had always assumed and Fraud Office and the Department of argued vehemently before the tribunal Conservation, and a member of Parlia- that the transactions were English ment spending nz$29,000 on taxi custom land sales that extinguished the fares were all relegated to the inner Mâori title to them. The claimants pages of the major daily newspapers, argued equally vehemently that the while Mâori members of Parliament notion of “land sale” did not exist in were attacked on the front page. Tele- Mâori culture at the time and that the vision and radio were little better. transactions were Mâori custom tuku While the news media were openly whenua, which gave usufructuary but antagonistic toward Mâori, the Wai- not proprietary rights to the land. The tangi Tribunal and the courts contin- weight of evidence produced by both ued to deliver decisions and findings in parties strongly favored the claimants, support of them. In December the and the tribunal found accordingly, Privy Council ruled that the courts concluding that Mâori title to their could not decide on matters of Mâori lands had never been extinguished. social structure, and overturned a However, the tribunal went further Court of Appeal decision that had and examined the social and economic declared recently formed urban Mâori circumstances of the Muriwhenua corporate bodies to have the same tribes that resulted from this landless- status as traditional iwi (tribes). In ness. They reported that the tribes March the District Court upheld the were reduced to “penury, powerless- customary rights of Mâori to fish their ness and eventually state dependence” ancestral fishing grounds in rivers and that “Muriwhenua Maori became without having to obtain a license to and still are, a people at risk.” It also do so. Soon after, the long-awaited said that the transactions “point to report on the Muriwhenua land claims clear breaches by the Crown of treaty was released by the Waitangi Tribunal. principles, including those of protec- It signaled a whole new approach to tion, honourable conduct, fair process the consideration of land transactions and recognition” and that profound between Mâori and Pâkehâ last social and economic consequences century and has major implications for resulted, with hapu suffering physical land claims throughout the rest of the deprivation, poverty, social disloca- country. tion, and loss of status. The tribunal The Muriwhenua Land Report reported that recommendations should found that through a myriad of dis- be made as soon as possible to give the honorable and illegal acts, the Crown tribes relief, and that for the first time had deprived Muriwhenua Mâori of since they were empowered to do so in the Far North of nearly all their lands 1988, they would use their powers to before 1865. The report was the first order the return of Crown forest and to consider the Mâori interpretation of state-owned enterprise lands. 216 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998

The government’s only reaction was were returning to the tribunal and to strongly condemn the tribunal for would be demanding that urgent steps daring to say it might use its only be taken to alleviate the poverty in power to make order and to warn Muriwhenua. Muriwhenua Mâori that they should margaret mutu put aside any hope of being delivered justice as a result of their successful claims. That apart, its reaction was Reference very similar to that for the 1996 Brooking, Tom. 1996. Article in New Taranaki Report: muted, urging every- Zealand Herald, 31 December. one to read the report but not subsi- dizing its publication so that the nz$100 price tag would ensure that only a few people would read it. In the Niue meantime the government was desper- Following its victory in the 1996 elec- ate to get Muriwhenua claimants to tions, the government of Premier settle without getting orders from the Frank Lui had little difficulty main- tribunal. This had less to do with the taining its majority in the Niue Assem- nz$60 million dollars in compensation bly. This stability contrasted with the and approximately 50,000 acres of previous term’s internal bickering, land the tribunal could order to be which led in turn to dismissals of returned to the Muriwhenua tribes, cabinet ministers, challenges to the and more to do with the precedent it premier, the formation of the opposi- would set for other much larger tion Niue People’s Party (npp), and the Crown forests, where the compensa- lengthy deadlock in the Assembly tion alone is worth between nz$7-and- (Levine 1996, 191–193). With only a 8 billion. That would completely blow small majority in the Assembly, how- apart the ridiculously low nz$1 billion ever, the government’s position budgeted to settle all Mâori claims, remained precarious. even though it is less than two years of The death in October 1996 of the budget for the Social Welfare Toeono Tongatule, one of the six Department. Assembly members elected on the The government refused to provide islandwide “common roll,” gave the either funding or resources to assist the Lui government an opportunity to tribes to prepare for entering into enlarge its majority. Tongatule had negotiations. Then in June the three been an npp supporter, and the party children died in the fire in Muri- initially indicated that it would be whenua, and the conditions of poverty supporting his widow, Mrs Tiva in the area were put on display for the Tongatule, in its bid to retain the seat. whole country to see. The government If she had been successful, she would was severely criticized for allowing have been the second woman in the such conditions to continue to exist, twenty-seat Assembly and the first but remained unmoved. The Muri- woman npp member. whenua tribes announced that they As Niue’s only political party, the political reviews • polynesia 217

Niue People’s Party pinned its hopes in ing to increase phone charges. At the by-election on its ability to remain present, however, a mobile phone costs united. Unfortunately for the party, more than nz$500, and the telephone Terry Chapman—its former president, company already has its difficulties who had been an unsuccessful candi- with outstanding accounts. date in the general election—also con- The program for sealing the cross- tested the seat. In all, the 15 February island road also continued, arguably of 1997 by-election attracted ten candi- some relevance in the by-election, dates (as well as most of the island’s since the late Mr Tongatule had lived voters) and was won by Billy Talagi, a at Hakupu. The government was former npp candidate who had able to complete the paving of roads defected to the government weeks from the capital, Alofi, to Lakepa, before the by-election. His majority Liku, and Hakupu (about 30 kilome- over Mrs Tongatule was only 81 (275 ters), making for a considerable votes, against her 194), and 9 votes improvement from the potholed coral less than Chapman’s 90-vote total. it was replacing. The Niue People’s Party’s numbers Perhaps the most important— in the Assembly slipped further follow- certainly the most expensive—eco- ing the by-election. Common roll nomic development during the 1996– member Fisa Pihigia also left the party, 97 year was the opening of the new and by mid-1997 its numbers in the 24-room Matavai Resort. Built with Assembly had been reduced to 6 New Zealand financial assistance, the (Robert Rex, Jr, and five supporters), nz$3 million project (including cost against the government’s 14 seats. overruns) was completed in September Although the government’s victory 1996. However, Niue’s tourist industry in the by-election was influenced by remains weak; the week that Matavai various factors, including family and opened, there were only six tourists on personality considerations, its perfor- the island and the government-owned mance at the polls also reflected its 32-room Niue Hotel stood completely activities since retaining office in the empty. With both the Niue Hotel and 1996 election. The government pro- the Matavai Resort, the Niue govern- ceeded with efforts to upgrade Niue’s ment could be said to be competing telephone system, installing a cell- with itself: it holds 51 percent of the phone system around the island (paid shares in Matavai. The resort was for in part by drawing on the govern- officially opened by the governor- ment’s reserves). The cellphone general of New Zealand and of Niue, network provides a better commu- Sir Michael Hardie Boys, in April. nications system, particularly for those Within two months, directors were living in villages on the eastern side of describing the resort as facing finan- Niue. The cellphone system required cial problems, which they attributed the erection of two 60-meter-high cell- to the high airfares charged by Royal phone towers, one at Makefu and the Tongan Airlines (which has now other at Avatele. To help pay for the been appointed Niue’s national project, Niue Telecoms had been hop- carrier). 218 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998

For its part, Royal Tongan Airlines public service have been challenged. made possible the resumption of direct The president of the Niue Public service between Niue and New Service Association, Maru Talagi (the Zealand, inaugurating Auckland–Niue director of Public Works), was sus- flights in October, with air links to pended by the Public Service Commis- Niue through Tonga also being contin- sion after suggesting that members ued. An additional air service to Niue would discuss direct action if there is being provided by Samoa Air, with were reductions in either staff numbers flights from Pago Pago, American or salaries. Sâmoa. Niue’s population has apparently With completion in recent years of continued to shrink—according to two major special projects (the airport unofficial estimates—dropping to resurfacing and extension, to accom- around 2,000 (from more than 2,300 modate 767 and fully-loaded 737 in the last census, a drop of about 5 aircraft, and the Matavai Resort) percent per year; Guest 1997, 3). large-scale funding from New Zealand Several families from Tuvalu have was bound to be reduced. Budgetary moved to Niue following an agreement aid to Niue was cut in mid-1996 by between both governments. The fami- nz$250,000, to nz$4.5 million, with lies have been settled in Vaiea, follow- further funding available for special ing government refurbishing of homes projects. At the same time, the govern- left abandoned after the mass exodus ment’s budget predicted a deficit in of villagers in the 1970s. It is not 1997 of nz$329,000, despite major expected that an intake of Tuvaluans reductions in government spending will resolve Niue’s chronic population (from nz$25.8 million in 1995–96 to problems. nz$19.9 million in 1996–97). Most of While further improvements have the shortfall can be attributed to fund- been made at the airport—extensions ing the cellphone system (requiring to the international terminal, new loan finance), a nz$250,000 subsidy check-in and baggage-handling areas, to Royal Tongan Airlines, and supple- a more spacious and comfortable exit mentary funding for the Matavai and entry to Niue—these are of little Resort. The budget for 1997–98 antici- value if the tourists are not coming to pated spending of nz$20.5 million the island. This failure to come is and revenue of nz$20.3 million. despite a considerable investment The prospect of another deficit being made to attract them: comparing (nz$200,000) comes at the same time the amount spent by the tourist as New Zealand continues to slice authority with the number of tourists, roughly the same amount from its it appears that Niue is spending about annual aid package, which is expected nz$300 per visitor (Guest 1996, 4). In to fall further, from nz$4.5 million a typical week there are more consult- to nz$4.25 million (with special- ants and volunteer workers on Niue project funding remaining at nz$2.57 than tourists. Between January and million). Attempts to trim the govern- April 1997, only 137 tourists visited ment’s deficit at the expense of the Niue (according to Niue’s Department political reviews • polynesia 219 of Statistics): enough to fill the govern- in the number of bags of taro being ment’s two hotels for about a week. In exported (and the total revenue being an effort to place Niue more conspicu- received). ously on the map, the Niue Tourist A more promising and innovative Authority decided to change the venture centers around the alpaca island’s slogan, “Discover Tranquil- quarantine station, which was com- lity,” to the more dynamic “Discover pleted by Australian construction Adventure.” Somewhat ironically, but workers. The quarantine station is a in a show of integrity, the island’s tour- privately funded nz$1 million project ist operators objected, arguing that —apparently the first private quaran- Niue’s activities (apart perhaps from tine station in the South Pacific— the dive shop) were not accurately por- which will earn Niue around trayed in the new emphasis. Subse- nz$250,000 annually. The area has the quently the Niue slogan—at least for capacity to house roughly 1,500 tourist purposes—was changed to alpacas, brought in from Peru, to be “Niue—the Rock of Polynesia.” used for breeding purposes in Austra- The major challenge facing Niue lia. The first planeload of 300 animals has to do with expanding employment arrived on Niue in November. By early opportunities for its young people. A 1997, 600 alpacas had settled into survey found that about half of the their new home at Vaiea for at least island’s youth plan to leave, citing low twelve months before being taken to wages and a lack of jobs, recreation, farms in Australia. Cattle and sheep and freedom. The building of the cell- have also been moved to the station to phone towers, the Matavai Resort, and determine whether any diseases will be the new alpaca quarantine station transferred from these animals to the provided some employment opportu- alpacas. At the same time, the number nities, but these were necessarily short- of alpacas continues to grow, with term. around 500 giving birth since arrival, Many recent government-sponsored and a mating program was begun in economic initiatives continue to floun- February. It has been noted that the der. The afforestation scheme (Levine growth of alpacas is far outstripping 1995, 158) has slowed because of the growth in tourist numbers. lack of availability of leased land and The project’s apparent success has reductions in aid funding. Niue’s taro led to plans for Niue to be used as exports face tough competition in New quarantine facilities for equestrian Zealand from products from Fiji and horses in the Sydney Olympics in Western Sâmoa. However, support has 2000. All overseas entrants in the continued for efforts to expand coco- equestrian events would be flown to nut and taro exports, including the Niue, along with their handlers, Moui Faka Niue taro export scheme, providing business for Niue hotels although price reductions have led to and restaurants (and growers). growers receiving less money than pre- Another venture—the leasing of viously. Lower international telephone-code access prices invariably lead to a reduction lines—was less unambiguously suc- 220 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 cessful. Some embarrassment was felt hospitals had been involved in alcohol- when it transpired that at least some of related accidents. Niue’s approxi- the lines were being used for live sex mately 2,000 people have about 600 calls. The codes had been leased by registered vehicles on the road. Unfor- Asia Pacific Telecommunications and tunately requests to foreign govern- sold to companies whose calls were ments for financial assistance to build rerouted through Niue. Niue Tele- a new hospital on Niue have thus far coms contacted companies using lines been unsuccessful, reflecting the for this purpose after callers using emphasis now being given by aid the sex lines misdialed and rang sub- donors to projects likely to generate scribers on Niue (in the middle of the economic growth and capital invest- night). After Niue Telecom’s success in ment. identifying companies breaching their Following the collapse of the gov- contracts by using their lines for this ernment’s prosecution of former purpose, the company’s reported Finance Minister Sani Lakatani income from leasing was expected to (Levine 1997, 240), anticorruption drop substantially, from nz$2 million and bribery laws were enacted by the to nz$1.4 million. Assembly. The new legislation closes a Other government measures have loophole in present legislation, and focused on road safety, a concern of imposes prison sentences of up to four- residents, visitors, and the New teen years for bribery or corruption of Zealand and Niue governments. judicial officers, cabinet ministers, Drunken-driving accidents are respon- members of the Assembly, police offic- sible for a significant proportion of the ers, and government officials. Ulti- accidents requiring emergency flights mately all 26 charges of bribery and to New Zealand for hospital treat- corruption were dropped against ment. While new legislation permits Lakatani, with the case costing the fourteen-year-olds to drive cars, the Niue government more than age limit for those driving trucks has nz$250,000 in legal fees. been raised to eighteen, while bus The government also introduced drivers must now be at least twenty. It legislation of wider interest to the may be argued that even these age Pacific region. One measure was aimed requirements make the abandoned at stopping the transportation and tourist slogan, “Discover Adventure,” dumping of nuclear waste within worth a second look. Further legisla- Niue’s two-hundred-mile exclusive tion providing for breath testing and economic zone. There are concerns increased fines seems inevitable. Com- that foreign vessels, loaded with pulsory seat belts are also likely. These nuclear waste, may be moving through moves are largely a response to com- Niue’s waters. Niue also revised its plaints from New Zealand about the fishing laws in an attempt to stop for- high number of emergency air force eign driftnet-fishing vessels from work- medivacs (at a cost of around nz$1 ing inside its waters. Fines for illegal million in 1996). About 50 percent of fishing were raised to nz$250,000, the patients evacuated to Auckland and there is provision for Niue ob- political reviews • polynesia 221 servers to board licensed vessels to at the reconstructed Alofi wharf, check catches. despite repairs following the damage Niue has been considering a further inflicted by the New Zealand Navy modest expansion of its international (costing nz$700,000 to repair). Fur- organizational links. The prospect of thermore, the entire episode still leaves joining the Food and Agriculture cargo ships in the position of needing Organization does not appear to have to offload their produce onto barges. A elicited the enthusiasm that sur- feasibility study being carried out by rounded earlier applications to who the South Pacific Geophysical Agency and unesco (Levine 1995, 155–156). is now underway to determine whether Given Niue’s precarious economic the wharf can be extended 20–30 position, the high cost of membership meters. The extension would provide is an issue that needs to be considered greater depth in the channel to allow against possible benefits to the island cargo ships to tie up alongside the and its people. wharf. The US Government has given A potpourri of ideas continues to be Niue nz$100,000 to assist with wharf advanced on Niue in an effort to make extensions, which will probably be the island more attractive to residents carried out by a US naval engineering and overseas interests. Consideration unit (the “Seabees”). is being given to establishing an Although US Peace Corps volun- English-language school for Chinese teers contribute needed skills on Niue students. The government is also in several areas—information services, exploring the possibility of changing small business advice, accountancy, the dateline so that it will be in the agriculture, and education—Niueans same time zone as New Zealand. Niue continue to advance in the professions. is presently 23 hours behind New The government’s appointment of Zealand. About eighteen hundred twenty-two-year-old Peleni Talagi as companies have so far signed on to Crown Counsel is particularly note- Niue’s International Business Centre worthy, as she is the first Niuean register. Income from these registra- woman to be admitted to the New tions and offshore banking is predicted Zealand bar. Another Niuean lawyer, to earn about nz$400,000 in 1997— Togia Sioneholo, is registrar of Niue’s less than originally anticipated, but High Court. still a significant contribution. There Some may hope that the filling of may be further privatization of some such positions by well-educated, well- government activities, including corpo- qualified young Niueans may encour- ratization of Telecom, Forestry, the age others. Many young Niueans Power Supply Services, and Water studying overseas choose not to return. Supply. The sale of the Niue Hotel is The overall cost of overseas tertiary also a possibility, assuming that there education for Niuean students will is a suitable purchaser. vary, but those studying in New Problems with Niue’s wharf remain Zealand can expect to spend about unresolved. The channel is still not nz$80,000 per person. While those on deep enough to permit ships to tie up scholarship are “obligated” to return 222 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 for at least three years, this bond is licenses, quarantine station rental, and often broken by graduates attracted by international business registrations. the prospect of higher paid employ- Yet its prospects still seem shaky, if not ment in New Zealand and a more bleak: falling population numbers, a diversified, urban lifestyle. budget deficit, a minuscule tourist Another appointment successfully industry (notwithstanding major avoided controversy. The director of investments in the airport and in hotel education, Atapana Siakimotu, was developments, including funding for appointed Niue’s consul-general in consultants and tourist promotion), Auckland, taking up the post in June and an overall lack of business and 1997 for a three-year term. The investment confidence. appointment of his predecessor had stephen levine attracted criticism, as it was the first appointment of a Niuean New Zealand resident to the position and References the first time such an appointment had Guest, Stafford. 1996. Niue Economic been made outside the Niue Public Review 3 (5): 1–4. Service. ———. 1997. Niue Economic Review 4 Niue’s 22nd Constitution Day cele- (3): 1–4. brations in October were subdued, with emphasis given instead to the Levine, Stephen. 1995. Political Review: 150th anniversary of Niue’s first over- Niue. The Contemporary Pacific 7:155– seas trained missionary, Peniamina, 159. trained in Western Sâmoa by the ———. 1996. Political Review: Niue. The London Missionary Society. The Contemporary Pacific 8:191–197. commemoration took place during a ———. 1997. Political Review: Niue. The period when many Niue residents were Contemporary Pacific 9:236–242. having difficulty meeting ongoing commitments: telephone accounts, broadcasting license fees, payments SÂMOA on mortgages, and other loans. Never- theless there is a “hidden economy” The second half of 1996 to the first escaping statistical measurement and half of 1997 was dominated by issues the taxation system. There is a high relating to the by-elections following volume of imports—nz$4.8 million the general elections in April 1996, the for food and beverages and a further ongoing court cases between the chief nz$680,000 for motor vehicles in auditor and controller of finance and 1996—and nearly a million dollars the government, the dispute between was spent on hair-cutting and ear- Vaiusu village and the government piercing ceremonies. over land previously under the control As noted, Niue has managed to of the Western Sâmoa Trust Estate develop some additional revenue Corporation (wstec), the passport sources in recent years, including inter- scandal, and the country’s change of national phone-access coding, fishing name from Western Sâmoa to Sâmoa. political reviews • polynesia 223

The results of the general elections candidates, which went back several in April 1996 saw the Human Rights generations. The occasion became so Protection Party (hrpp) winning 24 emotional that the petitioner was in seats, the opposition Sâmoa National tears during the recitation of genealo- Development Party (sndp) 11 seats, gies. Presentations of gifts (such as fine the Sâmoa Labour Party (slp) 1, and mats, cash, and food) by the election 13 independents. By the time of the winners always follow such meetings. first session of Parliament to elect a Election-night winners who either new government, at least 5 of the did not initiate customary meetings, or independents had joined the hrpp did instigate meetings but were unable (Faugagana, 14 May 1996). Of the to convince the petitioners and their 49 seats in Parliament, the hrpp now respective supporters to withdraw occupied 29, ensuring it another five their petitions, had to go through the years in office. Independents joined the due process of law. The outgoing hrpp for various reasons, including speaker of the house, Afamasaga Fatu personal reasons: “been enticed by Va‘ili, filed a petition against the elec- possible portfolio and other positions” tion-night winner, To‘alepaiali‘i (Faugagana, 14 May 1996); some had Si‘ueva (a former cabinet minister and stood as independents because of an leader of the newly formed slp). Sev- hrpp policy that the sitting members eral customary attempts by To‘ale- of Parliament were the party’s official paiali‘i to have Afamasaga withdraw nomination. However, considering his petition were unsuccessful (SO, 13 that at least twelve electoral petitions Aug 1996). Claims and counterclaims had been filed by both the opposition of treating, bribery, and undue influ- candidates and the hrpp, the party’s ence by Afamasaga and To‘alepaiali‘i grip on power was by no means respectively were upheld by the secure. Supreme Court in June. Consequently, Four hrpp members retained their not only was the result of the April seats when petitions against them were election declared void, but both candi- later withdrawn (Savali, 7 July 1996). dates, in accordance with the electoral Decisions to withdraw electoral peti- act, would not be eligible to run in the tions followed customary meetings upcoming by-election at Aana Alofi 3 between candidates and their support- constituency (SO, 28 July 1996). ers, and between them and rival candi- Tole‘afoa Fa‘amatala, who had dates and their respective supporters. recently resigned his diplomatic post In one meeting, a high-ranking matai in Belgium where he was Western (Samoan titleholder) who supported Sâmoa’s ambassador to the European the election-night winner convinced a Community, contested the Aana candidate who had filed the petition to Alofi 3 seat as the hrpp’s candidate withdraw it by pointing out in a tradi- and won. tional speech that the petitioner and The Aana Alofi 3 by-election was the election-night winner were blood deferred for two months. The leader of relations. He proved his point by the Samoa All People’s Party (sapp), reciting the genealogies of the two Matatumua Maimoaga, following the 224 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 revelation that sixty-five new names To‘alepaiali‘i Si‘ueva resigning his seat had been added to Aana Alofi 3’s elec- was because of the evidence put before toral roll for the April election, filed an this court in the electoral petition application in the Supreme Court to against him” (so, 4 Aug 1996). The stop the by-election because the addi- decision was later reversed in the tional voters breached article 1, 13A of Court of Appeal. the 1991 Electoral Amendment Act As in Aana Alofi 3, the electoral (SO, 28 July 1996). It stated that “the petitions in the constituencies of main roll and supplementary roll Satupa‘itea and Falealili—where which were used at the election which claims and counterclaims of illegal has been voided shall be used at the electoral practices by the petitioners by-election without any amendment or and defenders respectively were sub- addition.” Matatumua’s application stantiated—resulted not only in the was successful, thus preventing the by- results of the April election being election that was meant to have been declared void but in the disqualifica- held on 1 August (SO, 4 Aug 1996). tion of concerned candidates who The electoral office responded by would have contested the constituen- applying to the Supreme Court to have cies’ by-elections. In Satupa‘itea, the the interim injunction, which stopped election of the hrpp candidate, Tavu‘i the Aana Alofi 3 by-election, lifted. Lene, was declared void in the When the electoral office’s applica- Supreme Court on 11 July. The argu- tion was dismissed by Chief Justice ment by the petitioner, Asiata Tiava‘asu‘e Falefatu Sapolu, the gov- Sale‘imoa Va‘ai—an independent ernment then filed an application in candidate—that the twenty tala ($20) the country’s Court of Appeal to have he gave one of his voters on the day of the Supreme Court’s decision reversed. the election was dictated by compas- The government’s appeal was success- sion was not acceptable to the chief ful, thereby allowing the Aana Alofi 3 justice. Furthermore, because Asiata by-election to go ahead. It was held on had not fulfilled the residency require- 4 October. ment for a parliamentary candidate, The electoral office argued that having returned to the country from because To‘alepaiali‘i had resigned his doctoral studies in Australia just four seat before the court decision was months before, he, like Tavu‘i, was handed down, it was within its legal disqualified from contesting the by- prerogatives to declare the date for the election. Aana Alofi 3 by-election and to regis- After the result of the electoral peti- ter additional voters in the constitu- tion was known, Asiata and his sup- ency’s electoral roll. Furthermore, porters nominated one of their number Parliament on 18 June ordered the as their candidate for the by-election. Speaker of the House to fill the Like Asiata, the candidate, Gafa Ioelu, vacancy following To‘alepaiali‘i’s resig- stood as an independent. He won the nation. The chief justice upheld seat by 377 votes to his nearest rival’s Matatumua’s argument because “I am 336 (SO, 29 Sept 1996). On 26 Septem- of the view that the real reason for ber, Gafa was escorted by Asiata to the political reviews • polynesia 225 hrpp, which his older brother (who minister of Post Office and Telecom- also ran as an independent but was an munication, not only lost his seat but sndp member of the last parliament) was disqualified from contesting the had rejoined not long after the April by-election when electoral malprac- elections. Asiata’s father and his hrpp tices against him were proven in court. supporters left the hrpp in early 1985, All electoral charges against the following a disagreement among party minister of Internal and Women’s members over the party leadership. Affairs, veteran politician Polataivao Asiata’s request on the day of the Fosi, were dismissed in court on 19 handing over, that “their candidate” August. The petitioner, Matagi be considered by the prime minister for Tanumaga—an sndp candidate— a ministerial post, was not realized. claimed that a number of customary However, the replacement of the out- resolutions at his village (the same one going minister of Post Office and Tele- of which Polataivao is also a matai) communication (following the adversely affected his chances of being dissolution of his seat by a court order, elected. They included a village council when claims of electoral malpractices understanding that tulafale (talking against him in the April elections were chiefs) should not contest parliamen- proven) by Asiata’s older brother on tary seats when an ali‘i (high chief) was 10 November went some way to recip- standing as a candidate. He also rocating the support of Asiata, his claimed that because he and his family family, and his supporters. had been suspended from the village The election petition against one of at the time of the elections, it was diffi- the two members of Parliament for cult for him and his supporters to Falealili constituency (a cabinet minis- launch an effective campaign. Further- ter in the last parliament) saw the more, his suspension had resulted former minister lose his seat. He and from his refusal to give in to village the petitioner were also disqualified council pressure that he withdraw his from contesting the constituency’s by- candidacy. election when claims and counter- The electoral petition against claims of electoral malpractices against Tofaeono Anufesaina, an hrpp candi- them were proven in court (SO, 24 July date, by Tupuola Sola Siaosi, an sndp 1996). Another hrpp candidate, Leilua candidate and the member for Siumu Punivalu (who had recently resigned constituency in the previous parlia- his post as Western Sâmoa’s consul in ment, resulted in Tofaeono not only Auckland, an hrpp member in an losing her seat but being disqualified earlier parliament, and brother of the from contesting the by-election. Coun- outgoing Speaker), won the by-election terclaims against Tupuola were not on 27 September. On 8 November, proven in court. With Tofaeono’s Leilua’s older brother, Muagututia disqualification, her son-in-law, Tu‘u‘u Samuelu, won another constituency’s Anasi‘i, was nominated by by-election. This victory followed the the hrpp as its candidate for the by- disqualification by the court of Tolo- election. Tu‘u‘u won the by-election on fuaivalelei’s seat. Tolofuaivalelei, the 27 September by 411 votes to his near- 226 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 est rival’s 320. The results of all the justice was upheld. The chief auditor by-elections and the defection to the appealed the Supreme Court’s decision hrpp of one of the sndp members of in the Court of Appeal, which upheld parliament on 26 September brought Sapolu’s judgment on 17 September to 36 the number of hrpp members in 1996 (SO, 6 Oct 1996). the country’s 49-seat parliament In Parliament’s last session of 1996, (Savali, 15 Nov 1996). While this the government tabled a bill to reduce majority ensures the hrpp smooth pas- the tenure of office of future chief sage of any bill it submits before Par- auditors. Article 97(3) of the Constitu- liament, it is feared by some members tion states that the chief auditor “shall of the public, as it would mean that the hold office until he reaches the age of hrpp could do anything they decide in sixty years.” The bill allows future the absence of any effective parliamen- chief auditors to hold that office for a tary opposition. three-year term. The government’s The issues relating to the controller argument, according to the prime min- and chief auditor originated from a ister, is that “[t]hese changes will report by the chief auditor that was ensure that in future, a Chief Auditor submitted to Parliament on 6 July who is a servant of Parliament will not 1994, in which he was critical of many be able to bring a lawsuit against Par- government departments and other liament for doing its job and that if he bodies. In short, the chief auditor does Parliament will be able to deal pointed toward corruption in high with the matter immediately and effec- places. His report was tabled before tively” (quoted in Savali, 13 Dec Parliament six days later. After an 1996). It would also bring the term of extensive debate on it, the prime minis- that office in line with current two- ter successfully moved a motion to the year terms for special posts, which are effect that a commission of inquiry reserved for heads of government would be appointed by cabinet to look departments and organizations. Fur- into the report then submit their find- thermore, it would give future chief ings to cabinet. Unhappy with the way auditors an opportunity to leave the Parliament dealt with his report, as he post if they so decide. On the other believed Parliament should have hand, should they want to seek referred it to Parliament’s Public another three-year term they can Accounts Committee, the chief auditor always reapply. sued the legislative assembly, the attor- Interested members of the public ney-general (on behalf of the prime and opposition members of Parliament minister and government), and individ- disagreed with the government. They ual members of the commission of argued that the amendment bill did not inquiry on 30 June 1995. Chief Justice fool anyone, as it was clear the govern- Sapolu’s judgment, handed down on ment wanted to keep future chief audi- 23 January 1996, dismissed the chief tors under control so that, among auditor’s claims against Parliament other things, they would not again be and the government. However, the an embarrassment to the government. claim relating to the issue of natural Therefore the bill put the chief audi- political reviews • polynesia 227 tor’s “independence under threat” (SO, March 1996 [SO, 6 Oct 1996]) could 5 March 1997). On the issue of bring- reapply if he wished (SO, 13 March ing the office of chief auditor in line 1997). The chief auditor has yet to with special posts, critics argued that make a decision on that issue. He is more concerned about his lawsuit [t]his will bring the holder in line with against the government on issues relat- the rest where he will do as the govern- ment dictates. How can the chief audi- ing to natural justice. tor perform his duties effectively in such Vaiusu is one of the villages in the a situation? With independence taken Faleata West constituency. According from this office, it becomes a shell full to the government, representatives of of nothing lorded over by cronies who Vaiusu had asked the current prime blindly follow the status quo. We might minister some time back for land total- as well just forget about checks and bal- ing 396 acres at Tuana‘imato (a village ances, allow corruption to pile up to the adjacent to and just inland of Vaiusu) sky, and injustice to squeeze life out of to be handed over to them (Savali, 11 this country. (SO, 5 March 1997) Dec 1996), as the government had [This] development seems to ensure that done for other villages where part of the chief auditor will no longer be able their traditional lands—like Vaiusu— to investigate members of cabinet. . . . It had previously been wstec land (SO, follows that government’s accountabil- 18 Oct 1996). Because that was the ity to the public can no longer be only piece of land where the village assured as it would be impossible for people could grow their gardens of any auditor under the new conditions to banana, ta‘amû, and so forth, it was insist on it. (SO, 13 March 1997) important that the government The leader of the opposition, Tupua allowed them the free use of that land. Tamasese Efi, argued that the amend- After all, they argued, Tuana‘imato ment takes away from Parliament the was part of the traditional lands that power to dismiss the auditor and then had been taken away from them dur- vest that power in cabinet (SO, 9 ing the times of the Samoan wars and March 1997). Opposition members unscrupulous grab for land (by for- who spoke on the amendment claimed eigners) in the mid and late 1800s (SO, that “the passage of the bill did not 16 Oct 1996). When New Zealand bode well for democracy.” The chief took over the administration of West- auditor’s reaction was “Extraordinary ern Sâmoa in 1914, lands of which passage but predictable. I would have Tuana‘imato was part came under its thought further debate would be help- control as New Zealand Reparation ful to the people” (SO, 13 March Estates. With the relinquishing by New 1997). The amendment bill was passed Zealand of political control to the into law on 12 March 1997 by thirty- Samoans in 1962, those lands came six votes to eleven (Savali, 14 March under the control of the Western 1997). Thereafter the government Sâmoa Trust Estate. Not long ago, the assured Parliament and the public that hrpp government created the Western the current chief auditor (who has Sâmoa Land Board to be in charge of been suspended without pay since 8 all wstec lands. 228 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998

Although the prime minister was that if they voted for them, one of the sympathetic to Vaiusu’s request, he first things they would do when they was not prepared to give up the were elected would be to have Tuana‘imato land as the government Tuana‘imato lands returned to them already had plans for it. Instead, the (Savali, 16 Oct 1996). The government government gave them, free, govern- blamed these candidates and Vaiusu ment lands at Laloanea and Tanu- villagers for the current stalemate over mapua, which were farther inland the Tuina‘imato issue. It also argued from Tuana‘imato. Lands at these sites that Vaiusu people were unreasonable, were subsequently divided by Vaiusu because not only were the lands public villagers among themselves (Savali, lands that belonged to all people of the 16 Oct 1996). However, because these country (SO, 18 Oct 1996), but the lands were farther inland than government also offered them land Tuana‘imato land, among other rea- elsewhere at no cost. Meanwhile, there sons, Vaiusu villagers gradually drifted is a general fear among the public back to Tuana‘imato land and about possible injuries to innocent replanted it. Early in October 1996, people resulting from the dispute. In the Western Sâmoa Land Board started early August 1997, stone throwing at clearing Tuana‘imato land to build a public vehicles passing by Tuana‘imato recreation park for the use of people road had injured some people. Ironi- near that area. An iron fence was cally, one of the Vaiusu women was erected to seal off the area. At this injured by the latest round of stone- stage, on 13 October, Vaiusu villagers throwing at public vehicles (SO, 1 Aug tore down the fence. Galvanized posts 1997). Furthermore, there is frustra- that had been cemented into the tion among the traveling public at not ground were pulled out and scattered being able to use the public road alongside the road. Police officers were (which is much better and shorter than immediately on the scene. The incident alternative routes) that runs through erupted into gunfire, and six villagers the disputed lands. Though in legal were taken into police custody (SO, 18 terms the government could do what it Oct 1996). As the situation worsened, wished with public lands like those the prime minister ordered the police under dispute, the issue of lands being to leave the area until further negotia- taken away from their traditional tions could take place. When the area owners during colonial times is still was vacated, Vaiusu villagers reoccu- worthy of debate. pied the area and continued planting On 7 April 1997, Jin Jipei, a Chi- their food crops (SO, 16 Oct 1996). nese national, arrived at Faleolo air- The government argued that the port. While processing Jipei’s arrival reoccupation by Vaiusu of Tuana‘i- papers the immigration officer on duty mato and, more important, the revived noticed that Jipei was traveling on a urgency to have Tuana‘imato lands Western Samoan passport with his handed back to them had been encour- own name on it. As Jipei’s passport aged by candidates in the last elections. was signed by a person who was not The candidates promised Vaiusu voters an immigration officer in Apia, the political reviews • polynesia 229 officer on duty detained Jipei. He then opposition leader for starting the informed his boss (Mr B) about it by whole thing when, as prime minister, phone. Mr B’s response made the he granted citizenship to a Chinese immigration officer suspicious that national in early 1982, just before some secrets relating to the issuance of losing the prime ministership to the passports to people who were not current incumbent (SO, 26 June 1997). Samoan citizens had been confined to Meanwhile, Jin Jipei’s trial revealed a small circle of senior immigration that the passport number he had was officers. On the following day, the meant for a Samoan citizen whose immigration officer and Mr B were passport had mysteriously disappeared invited to a meeting with the prime in the past (SO, 26 June 1997), and five minister. The incident sparked allega- immigration officers including the tions in the media linking the govern- chief immigration officer had been ment to what became known as the suspended pending results of an inves- passport scandal (SO, 7 May 1997). tigation by a commission of inquiry Chinese arrivals such as Michael into the passport scandal (SO, 16 May Zhou confirmed that Western 1997). Yet to be made absolutely Samoan passports were being adver- certain, however, are the places (coun- tised in Hong Kong for ws$59,800 try, city, etc) where the passports in (us$26,000). Zhou himself, who question were issued, the identities of arrived in Apia on 23 May 1996, paid those who issued them, the “fees” for ws$20,400 (us$9,000) for his Western which the passports were issued, and Samoan visa (SO, 4 May 1997). The where the money gained from the issue passport scandal revealed a number of of those passports went. matters that up till then were not Prime Minister Tofilau Eti moved a known to the Samoan public. Among motion in Parliament on 5 March to them: that questionable Western change the country’s name from West- Samoan passports had been issued at ern Sâmoa to Sâmoa (SO, 6 March places outside the Apia Immigration 1997). Tofilau argued that “the name Office for large sums of money; that change would take care of an inconsis- some of the Western Samoan passports tency at the United Nations General that had mysteriously disappeared in Assembly in New York, where the the past had found their way into the country is known simply as Samoa” possession of non-Samoan citizens (SO, (SO, 6 March 1997). He blamed the 11 May 1997; 12 June 1997); and that leader of the opposition, Tupua both the present and the past govern- Tamasese Efi, for having made the ments were linked to the granting of name change while he was prime min- Western Samoan citizenships, thereby ister in 1976. Tupua denied the allega- legalizing the issuance of passports. tion, saying “I suspect that the name When the leader of the opposition change is a red herring” (SO, 9 March questioned the prime minister’s 1997), given the current controversy involvement in the passport scandal in associated with the passport scandal. Parliament, the prime minister Arguments against the motion defended his actions by blaming the included that by Tupua, who main- 230 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 tained that the name change could be traditionally offensive. He implied the To k el au possibility that the name Sâmoa could In 1994—the last time a UN mission have originated from another part of visited Tokelau—a statement known as Sâmoa that is not part of Western “The Voice of Tokelau” was presented Sâmoa under the current political divi- to the mission in an effort to articulate sions. In that case, that part of “old” Tokelau’s view of its long-term Sâmoa (that is, Sâmoa before the polit- “dreams and hopes” as it advances ical division of its islands by Germany steadily toward an act of self-determi- and the United States in 1900) could nation (Levine 1996, 200–201). Dur- legitimately object to the change. In ing the year under review further such a situation, what would our gov- strides were made in developing infra- ernment do? he asked. Furthermore, he structure identified in the “Voice of went on, even though Eastern and Tokelau” as a necessary part of the Western Sâmoa have been independent self-government process. Perhaps the of each other since 1900, they share a most dramatic of these was in the area common culture, a set of traditions, of telecommunications. and their peoples are related by blood On 10 April 1997 Tokelau inaugu- (SO, 6 March 1997). Others were of rated its direct-dial telephone and fax the view that a referendum should he linkage with the outside world. In held before any motion of such a nature doing so Tokelau became the last was tabled. Opposition members of country in the world to introduce a Parliament and interested members of telephone service, having relied previ- the public drew attention to the huge ously on shortwave radio links to task that would have to be undertaken Apia. The very first call made using the to remove from official documents, of new system was from Ulu-o-Tokelau which the constitution is one, the name Falima Teao, to New Zealand Prime Western and its Samoan translation. Minister Jim Bolger. Another call made The counterargument by the govern- by the Ulu that same day was to the ment is that no such thing would ever resident representative of the United happen because the eastern islands had Nations Development Program in always been known as American Western Sâmoa. Sâmoa, a territory of the United States The introduction of a modern tele- of America. Western Sâmoa legally communications system presented became Sâmoa when Parliament significant engineering, legal, and passed the prime minister’s motion. financial challenges. The total cost of asofou so‘o the project was nz$3.25 million, of which the New Zealand Government contributed around $1.6 million and References Tokelau over $1 million, with the Faugagana. Apia newspaper. remainder funded by the United Nations Development Program and SO, Samoa Observer. Apia newspaper. the International Telecommunication Savali. Government-owned newspaper. Union. Design and construction of the political reviews • polynesia 231 system took about eighteen months, lau run. The purchase and subsequent under the oversight of a project upgrading (at a cost of over nz$1 manager appointed by the Interna- million) was made using funds addi- tional Telecommunication Union. The tional to those allocated by New Australian telecommunications corpo- Zealand to Tokelau for budgetary sup- ration, Telstra, installed three satellite port (nz$4.3 million) and for project earth stations, while the aumaga assistance (nz$1.4 million). The vessel, (village workforce) in each of Toke- under the management of the Pacific lau’s three villages assisted the project Forum Line, is berthed in Apia and is by laying cable ducts and building being regarded as an interim solution. the antenna foundations. At Fakaofo, As with the telephone service, the new the satellite antenna links include a shipping arrangements raise complex 3-kilometer armored cable laid on the problems of finance and manage- lagoon floor, with a joint just inside ment—whether the service should be the reef pass. All telephone cables have subsidized, for instance—and have led been buried under the road in poly- to the setting up of a further govern- vinyl chloride duct pipes sized to allow ment-owned corporation, Transtok. In for individual service to every house in May 1997 the MV Forum Tokelau Tokelau. made its first voyage to Tokelau, but Appropriately enough, given the the long-term challenge is to find a ves- importance of these links to the out- sel that is fully suited to this service as side world, Tokelau’s General Fono well as to cover freight and passage used the legislative powers conferred costs from the Tokelauan economy. on it by the Tokelau Amendment Act A third infrastructural requirement, 1996 (Levine 1997, 242–244) to estab- Tokelau’s energy needs, has also begun lish a government-owned business to attract further interest. The current entity, Telecommunication Tokelau system relies on diesel generators, but Corporation (also known as Teletok), an essential element of the telecommu- in November 1996. This was the first nications project is the need for reli- exercise of these powers, and it was able power generation. The use of used to establish a basic structure for photovoltaic cells as an additional the operation of telecommunications energy source is being investigated. systems in Tokelau. As Tokelau’s integration into the A second infrastructural develop- international community continues to ment focused on Tokelau’s transporta- unfold, deepening in stages, efforts tion needs. Tokelau does not have an continue to be made by Tokelauans air service, and its shipping service has themselves to interpret and expound been irregular and infrequent. Follow- upon Tokelau’s changing circum- ing considerable investigation, the stances. On 25 July 1996, the then New Zealand Government purchased Ulu, Pio Tuia, the Faipule of Nuku- a Polish-built freighter, now renamed nonu, spoke to the UN Special Com- MV Forum Tokelau, which was then mittee—only the second time that a modified to allow for both passenger Faipule had spoken to the Special and freight service on the Apia–Toke- Committee (this had previously 232 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 occurred in 1987, the year after the tution-in-the-making emphasizes third UN Visiting Mission to Tokelau). “institutional pillars that have with- Speaking of the infrastructural stood the test of time,” but also recog- developments, the Ulu sought to put nizes “the need where appropriate to these into a Tokelauan perspective. cover changing times and circum- “We are part of the world village and stances through the adoption of typi- do not exist in a vacuum. More impor- cally pragmatic Tokelau solutions.” tantly, our fragile environment cannot In describing Tokelauan develop- support a large population, and we ments, the Ulu noted Tokelau’s “his- therefore have no option but to rely on toric aversion to change,” reflecting the goodwill of the Government of “our situation of villages managing New Zealand to allow our citizens free their own affairs with little interference access into that country. That open from the outside world, let alone their doorway, however, becomes the horns kin in the next atoll just over the hori- of a dilemma for us. If the level of ser- zon.” As a result, it was “thus a vices and the quality of life on the notable achievement that our people atolls can no longer attract our people, have shown a willingness to embark the inevitable decline in our numbers on this constitutional journey.” Char- could depopulate Tokelau to the extent acteristically, the speech used mari- that we can no longer provide a viable time imagery: “The reality is that the future for anyone wishing to remain.” Tokelau canoe is in uncharted waters. Such comments emphasized Toke- At all times, the capacity of our pad- lau’s economic dependence, a key ele- dlers to stay the course is being ment as it considers further steps tested.” toward self-government: “The reality Notwithstanding New Zealand’s is...that despite our efforts to be self- administrative powers with respect to reliant to the greatest extent possible, Tokelau and the United Nations’ inter- Tokelau cannot totally sustain itself est in developments there, Tokelauans economically now or post self-determi- not surprisingly seek to maintain con- nation. This is one of the most impor- trol over the pace and direction of tant issues in the minds of our people change. As the Ulu observed, “We are as Tokelau makes this journey. This is taking on new responsibilities that why Tokelau seeks assurances from the require careful and considered think- international community, through the ing. For we wish to find solutions that United Nations, and New Zealand as suit our own circumstances. In other administering power, that it will not be words this must be a Tokelau-driven cast off to fend for itself.” process.” The Ulu’s statement also referred to Tokelau’s administrator, Lindsay the work being done on a Tokelauan Watt, also spoke to the UN Special constitution, noting that (in the words Committee, likewise envisaging a of the General Fono’s Special Constitu- Tokelauan journey as he described its tion Committee) “a first glimpse” of a progress toward self-government. draft document had now been submit- “No journey from Tokelau is under- ted to the General Fono. This consti- taken lightly. Traditional journeys political reviews • polynesia 233 could only be accomplished by canoe. intention of Tokelau to adopt a free- Commonly two hulls were lashed association relationship with New together. . . . Tokelau is embarked on a Zealand in the expectation that New political journey that is as brave as the Zealand would continue to help “in ocean journeys by canoe of old. For promoting the well-being of its the first time ever its three atolls— people.” At the same time, the com- physically separated by vast expanses mittee saw wider importance in the of high seas and each enjoying sub- Tokelau experience, noting that “as a stantial autonomy—seek to come small island Territory, Tokelau exem- together as one family, people and plifies the situation of most remaining nation. This is the realization of what Non-Self-Governing Territories,” so has long been sung and dreamt about. that “as a case-study pointing to suc- Quite literally this is a story of nation cessful decolonization, Tokelau has building. It’s a human drama too in wider significance for the United which a whole people are drawing Nations as it seeks to complete its upon the strengths in their own tra- work in decolonization.” In broadly dition and culture as they shape their endorsing recent developments in new national governing arrange- Tokelau, specifically the provision of ments.” legislative and executive powers to Looking ahead to an eventual act of Tokelau’s national government, the self-determination, note was taken of special committee also acknowledged concerns in Tokelau that it might be “Tokelau’s need for reassurance, given “cut adrift in a post self-determination that local resources cannot adequately future”—an apprehension that has cover the material side of self-determi- consistently served as a cautionary nation.” brake on too-rapid progress toward The January 1997 message to the change. The administrator empha- General Fono from the administrator sized these concerns in his summing characterized 1996 as “a year of con- up: “I underline again Tokelau’s solidation,” reflecting the end of the bottom line: its need for reassurance. term of the first Council of Faipule (in Local resources simply cannot cover 1995) and the complete change in its adequately the material side of self- composition in the January 1996 elec- determination and self-government. tions. The years ahead, 1997 and This will be acknowledged in the free 1998, were seen as “years of accep- association formula which is under tance and implementation,” as the development....for territories as system of government and administra- small and precariously situated as tion, and developments in telecommu- Tokelau, self-determination is not nications and shipping, become more an end in itself. It is a step—and a established. very significant step—in an ongoing The nation-building momentum has process.” also been evident in progress toward a On 25 July 1996, the UN Special written constitution. Significantly, the Committee adopted a resolution on the document taking shape has been “Question of Tokelau,” noting the drafted in Tokelauan, not English. The 234 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998

Special Constitution Committee the size and influence of the Tokelau reported to the January 1997 General public service. A competing power Fono, providing a draft document for center when it was located outside further discussion. It is possible that Tokelau, its future seems to be linked some ideas in the draft document with to the success of the program for “re- broad support in the villages may be empowering the villages.” This implemented, with a full constitution depends on the capacity of villages to being elaborated in a step-by-step undertake tasks currently carried out approach. In language, style, and sub- by the public service, including various stance, Tokelauans appear to be devel- financial and organizational activities: oping an approach to governance running a budget; managing funds; distinct from the experience of other providing jobs; having the skills to entities in which decolonization has provide the necessary services. taken place. It is emphasized that “re-empower- The return to Tokelau of its previ- ing” does not mean simply going back ously Apia-based public service has to the past (although elders will have made possible a strengthening of vil- more power); “re-empowering” now lage leadership and institutions. requires up-to-date skills and the Reductions in the size of the public involvement of all those living in the service at the national level are now villages. At present, village government regarded as part of a process of “re- employs just one official—the secre- empowerment” for local leadership. tary to the village council (the tau- This involves village elders learning pulega); strengthening the villages new management skills, while village represents a major step in the return to work forces acquire new skills and Tokelauans of a capacity to govern knowledge. The intent is to have a themselves. Accordingly, meetings held small number of public servants at the in Tokelau in May 1997 were devoted national level, providing services only to working toward a smaller national where individual villages are unable to public service and an enhanced village do so. Tokelau’s new national govern- service. These meetings were attended ment is to be small, active only where by the three Faipule, village representa- required. tives, the administrator, and the two The idea of public service functions Tokelau public service commissioners. being delivered in and by the village is A new catch-phrase—“capacity build- not without its complexities. Is it ing”—describes the work being done possible for a person to be working for (or needing to be done) to strengthen the village in the morning and for the the human and organizational skills in nation in the afternoon? With schools, the villages, as preparations are made hospitals, and public works run by the to transfer responsibilities to them. villages, themselves subject to national The theme of a distinctive Toke- standards and with some national lauan approach to governance funding, it may be possible to dispense emerged at the Caribbean Regional with such departments at the national Seminar to Review the Political, Eco- level, a further step in the erosion of nomic and Social Conditions in the political reviews • polynesia 235

Small Island Non-Self-Governing vance. This is why we are returning to Territories, held at Antigua and Bar- the village—the center of all things in buda on 21–23 May 1997. Tokelau our culture. To re-empower the vil- was represented by Kelihiano Kalolo, a lages. To make them strong. To give Tokelau teacher recently involved in a them strength in order to support and curriculum review in Tokelau and a give birth to a nation.” doctoral candidate in anthropology at A further opportunity for an elabo- the University of Auckland (he will be ration of the Tokelauan approach took Tokelau’s first PhD when he receives place when, on 12 June 1997, New his degree). His participation at the Zealand’s Deputy Permanent Repre- seminar reflects the importance of sentative Peter Rider spoke before the links between Tokelauans in Tokelau UN Special Committee. He referred to and those living outside the islands. the two “expressions of Tokelau’s In emphasizing that Tokelau was voice” referred to earlier—the Ulu’s “avoiding” independence “as a future appearance before the special commit- option,” Mr Kalolo described Tokelau tee in June 1996, and the address at as striving for “new, unique and inno- the regional seminar by Tokelau’s vative solutions” in its effort to be as special representative. self-reliant as possible (in economic, Mr Kalolo’s “vivid expression” was social, political, and constitutional interpreted as a rejection of the West- terms). Tokelau’s nation-building minster system (“old steel”) for a fresh effort was described in this way: “We approach (“a new canoe from freshly are enjoying a freedom to come up felled logs”) to the problem of govern- with our model of government based ment design. The entire Tokelau on our old and current way of life with approach to the character of its own a view to the needs of generations who institutions of government reflects the will choose to live on these small unique circumstances of the New islands. We are carving a canoe from Zealand–Tokelau relationship. As Mr freshly felled logs, not fashioning from Rider stressed, “the Administering old steel in the dockyards of London.” Power has never been physically resi- Reflecting on his own experience, dent, the style of administration has Mr Kalolo described Tokelau as a been notably light handed, each village “cultural reservoir” for all Tokelauans, has remained largely autonomous, and noting that Tokelau can “continue to there has been no pattern of settlement call on the pool of its qualified and from outside.” By contrast, “had self- educated people who live permanently government in Tokelau been develop- in New Zealand.” He told the confer- ing within a more traditional colonial ence that Tokelau’s agenda for the pattern, Tokelau would not have had future seems clear: as Tokelau changes, its present freedom—the opportunity and forms itself into a nation, it is to set the conditions and the goals. stressing continuity as well. “We must Past decolonisation practice in territo- ensure that these activities in the for- ries such as this has been to export the mation of a nation are firmly based if known governmental model (com- they are to have any meaning and rele- monly Westminster based), assume 236 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 that it could be transplanted, maybe allow a certain local input into its evo- To n ga lution, but never really to start from During the last year, the seemingly vio- scratch.” It is this freedom to start lent abuse of legal power in Tonga anew (notwithstanding a reliance on attracted widespread international Tokelauan values and traditions) that media attention. The most sensational lends fascination to Tokelau’s current event was the Legislative Assembly’s and recent experience. As Mr Rider imprisonment of three men in Septem- observed, “Tokelau necessarily has to ber 1996 for contempt of parliamen- throw this familiar approach on its tary procedure. The negative publicity head. It has to find an alternative— that such events attract tends to mask charting its own course, drawing upon the quiet, steady application of the law its own tradition, developing its ideas by commoners which, upheld by mem- in its own language.” bers of the judiciary, defends their There is a link between all these rights of citizenship. The three men, developments—between Tokelau’s two journalists, Kalafi Moala and Filo capacity to govern itself and the provi- ‘Akau‘ola, the editor and deputy sion of basic infrastructure; between editor of the newspaper Taimi ‘o the ability to run basic services in the Tonga, together with the Number One villages at an acceptable level and the People’s Representative for Tongatapu, ability (for instance) to communicate the controversial ‘Akilisi Pohiva, were quickly and easily with suppliers in sentenced to imprisonment for thirty Apia and administrators in Wellington. days from 20 September 1996, because stephen levine they reported that the Legislative Assembly was to impeach the minister of justice. The information, prema- References turely published in the newspaper, Levine, Stephen. 1996. Political Review: was leaked from privileged parliamen- Tokelau. The Contemporary Pacific 8:197– tary papers before the motion had 202. been tabled in Parliament, let alone discussed. For this, the three were ———. 1997. Political Review: Tokelau. imprisoned. The Contemporary Pacific 9:242–247. Soon afterward, on 24 September, the Legislative Assembly did vote 11– 10 in favor of a writ of impeachment against Minister of Justice and Attor- ney-General the Honourable Tevita Tupou. He had taken leave of absence, without the permission of the Speaker, to travel to Atlanta, Georgia, as the head of Tonga’s Olympic team. It is alleged that he neglected his parlia- mentary duties while in receipt of salary. The newspaper was at fault political reviews • polynesia 237 for publishing the story before the on Clause 90 of the Tongan Constitu- House had reached a decision. tion, which states that “The Supreme The men’s imprisonment created an Court shall have jurisdiction in all uproar. On 7 October, Puisne Judge cases in Law and Equity arising under Jack Lewis, acting in the absence of the Constitution and Laws of the King- the chief justice, confirmed the legality dom” (Lâtûkefu 1975, 135). of the imprisonment, and declined a This case has raised the serious issue second application for habeas corpus. of the independence and jurisdiction By 14 October, Chief Justice Nigel of the judiciary. Minister of Police Hampton had returned. During a the Honourable Clive Edwards is third application for a writ of habeas reported to have said that he feared corpus, filed this time by a New that the overturning of the parliamen- Zealand lawyer sent by the Common- tary decision by the court could have wealth Press Union to investigate the resulted in a breakdown of law and lawfulness of the men’s restraint, order, although it is not immediately Hampton found that the House had clear why this should be so. The not followed its own rules of conduct: Speaker of the House, rather unwisely, it had not carried out preliminary told a journalist that, if the chief justice hearings, nor made recommendations ordered the release of the prisoners, to the men concerning contempt. the Legislative Assembly would take Because the prisoners had been action against him for overturning its deprived of their constitutional protec- decision. His remarks, duly published tion of due process, the judge declared in the Taimi ‘o Tonga, earned him the the procedure adopted by the House charge of contempt of court from the “unfair and unconstitutional,” and puisne judge, and the chief justice ordered the immediate release of the immediately removed himself from the prisoners. They had been in prison for bench on the matter in contention. twenty-six of their thirty-day sentence, The ruling of the chief justice may during which Pohiva reportedly had eventually be examined in the highest suffered repeated asthma attacks. Court of Appeal which, in Tonga, is The chief justice’s quashing of the the Privy Council with the King at its decision shattered the belief that the head. The revelation that certain noble court had no right to interfere in the members of Parliament believe the internal proceedings of Parliament, Legislative Assembly can overrule the and brought the judiciary into direct judiciary will almost certainly have confrontation with the legislature. The serious legal repercussions and gener- judge pointed out that because Tonga ate much-needed debate on issues of has a written constitution, the Legisla- procedure and the proper distribution tive Assembly does not have the privi- of authority. lege of supremacy over the courts, as As it turned out, on 30 September enjoyed in Britain (particularly since the impeachment hearing had to be the Habeas Corpus Act of Charles II in deferred until the 97th Legislative 1679) because Britain does not have a Assembly the following year because, written constitution. He rested his case on 3 October, about a month earlier 238 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 than the usual closing date, the King protracted debate on these rights, and abruptly brought the 1996 session to a also on the rights of the Legislative close. This move prevented discussion Assembly in relation to the judiciary. of annual reports from two ministerial The other notable development is offices, as well as the hearing of the the degree of cohesion evident among impeachment of the minister of justice the nine people’s representatives. Fre- that had been accepted from the quently, in recent years, they have been people’s representatives by the House markedly divided by rifts that have only four days earlier. It is part of the diminished their public credibility and royal prerogative to set the dates of the their effectiveness in Parliament. The opening and closing of parliament. The clash of temperaments has been toned King reportedly made the decision down by the presence among them of because only two or three ministers older, experienced, and respected poli- would be in the House during October ticians, such as the newly elected Mahe and November, the others being away Tupouniua, a former minister of overseas attending meetings. finance. Now, at least, they keep talk- The House had no option but to ing to one another. Their new har- accept the King’s decision, but has put mony undoubtedly will facilitate the the minister’s impeachment as a top presentation, if not the passage, of priority for the next session with the reformist legislation during the current hearing set for 8 July 1997. Masao parliamentary session. Paasi, the Number Two People’s Rep- In addition to the positive attitude resentative for Vava‘u, who in August evident among the people’s representa- had made history by being the first tives, there are signs that some newly representative member of the House to elected nobles’ representatives, for present a Bill (for an Amendment to example, the Honourable Kalaniuvalu the Criminal Law Act), was selected as and the Honourable Tu‘ivakano, who the prosecutor of the motion. were elected in 1996, are not markedly The use of the impeachment provi- opposed to the people’s representa- sions of the constitution by representa- tives, and may support reformist tives of the people against cabinet moves to some extent. In all, the ministers, which occurred first in potential alignments between some 1940, has been much debated in recent nobles’ representatives and people’s years because ministers of the Crown representatives augur well for reform, are chosen by the King. The editor of although perhaps not as much as the Matangi Tonga underlined the impor- more optimistic of the people’s repre- tance of Parliament’s legal rights: “The sentatives would hope for. The debates fact that the House can impeach a in the House, however, are likely to Cabinet Minister proves a point that prove more constructive and less dis- the Parliament can hold Ministers rupted by personal rancor than in accountable for their actions and that previous years. they are also accountable to the parlia- People favoring reform are also ment” (Matangi Tonga, Jan–Mar expecting a great deal from the pres- 1997, 3). The hearing promises to be a ence in cabinet of Dr Giulio Masasso political reviews • polynesia 239

Paunga, who, in 1996, at the age of implemented much more swiftly and thirty-two, was appointed minister of effectively from the top. The King, Labour, Commerce, Industries, and however, is believed to be even less Tourism, immediately upon his com- enchanted with the desires and aims of pletion of a doctoral degree in Japan. the political reformers than he was five Dr Paunga, like his father, the deputy or six years ago, because of the disre- prime minister, is a commoner. At the spectful things that some of them have age of seventy-three, Minister of said about him. The abrasive manner Health Dr Tapa stepped down after in which the Crown Prince has been forty-nine years in public service, but addressed in Parliament has also the ministerial position has not yet eroded the royal support for reform been filled. that was once quite discernible. Whether these new appointments The idea put forward by the reform- and alignments constitute a real cause ers, that all thirty members of Parlia- for optimism among aspiring reform- ment should be elected by the people ers remains to be seen. At the opening and that the monarch should choose of the annual convention of the Pacific his cabinet ministers from among their Islands News Association in August, number, might have been considered the minister of police announced yet favorably by the King in 1991, but will again that Tonga was the most demo- not be now. It would meet also with cratic of nations because the freedoms considerable opposition from the had been granted to its citizens by its nobles, many of whom fear they might first monarch and were enshrined by not be elected and would thereby lose law in the constitution. ‘Akilisi Pohiva more social standing than their own merely replied that this was so, but, behavior has lost them already. Most for social and cultural reasons, many of the nobles remain very conscious of of the common people still felt too their position in the kingdom, which constrained to claim these individual depends largely on royal favor and freedoms. appointment to state-associated posi- The cynical or sage among the tions, and do not want to see it further reformers remain acutely aware of the eroded by popular reforms. numbers still stacked against them, kerry james and the strength of their opponents. Were some of the nobles’ representa- tives to break rank with cabinet mem- References bers in order to support the people’s Lâtûkefu, Sione. 1975. The Tongan Consti- representatives, or some cabinet mem- tution. Nuku‘alofa: Tonga Traditions Com- bers support reformist legislation com- mittee. ing from the Legislative Assembly, the Matangi Tonga. 1997. Jan–March. achievement of the basic reforms that are called for in the Tongan system Tonga Chronicle. 1996–1997. Various would still be a painfully long process, issues. unlikely to achieve its aims without royal assent. The reforms could be 240 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998

members. Elections are held every four Tuvalu years. Cabinet consists of the prime Since this is the first review of Tuvalu minister and four other ministers, and to be published in The Contemporary cabinet meetings are attended by two Pacific, some basic information is pro- ex-officio members: the secretary to vided before the events of 1996–97 are the government and the attorney- discussed. general. The prime minister is elected Independent from Britain in 1978 by Parliament from among its mem- after nearly eight decades of colonial bers, and in turn he appoints the min- rule, Tuvalu, formerly the Ellice isters. There are no political parties in Islands and ruled jointly as part of the the western sense, but those not with Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony, the government form an unofficial consists of eight main small islands. opposition. The current constitution, The total land area of 26 square adopted in 1986, replaced the indepen- kilometers is spread over 900,000 dence constitution of 1978. Tuvalu is square kilometers of the central not a member of the United Nations, Pacific. The highest point in the coun- but it is a member of a number of try is no more than four meters above UN specialized agencies and the Asian sea level, and most areas are lower. Development Bank, and is a signa- The adverse consequences of global tory to many UN treaties and con- warming, sea-level rise, and the threat ventions. It has special status within of natural hazards are matters of con- the Commonwealth and is a full mem- siderable concern. Of the total popula- ber of many of the Pacific regional tion of 10,114, about 2,000 live or organizations. work overseas and over a third are on Because it is small, remote from the capital island of Funafuti, making markets, and lacking exploitable it one of the most densely populated natural resources, Tuvalu’s economy atolls in the Pacific. The skewed popu- suffers from many constraints. These lation distribution, exacerbated by a include limited skilled human high rate of natural increase, puts con- resources; severe problems in adminis- siderable pressure on economic and tration, transportation, and communi- social services. cations; and inadequate social and Britain’s Queen Elizabeth is Tuvalu’s economic infrastructure. Tuvalu head of state, locally represented by a depends highly on development aid Tuvaluan governor-general whose assistance for most of its capital for- functions are mainly ceremonial. Par- mation and technical assistance. Tradi- liament consists of a single chamber of tional donors include Japan, Australia, twelve members elected by universal New Zealand, the Asian Development suffrage. Of the eight main islands, Bank, UN specialized agencies, the four return two candidates each and European Union, and regional organ- the rest one each. Niulakita, the ninth izations. The Tuvalu Trust Fund—the island, is not considered a separate first to be established in a developing electoral district. The legislature is country predominantly through dona- presided over by a Speaker elected by tions from other countries—was set up political reviews • polynesia 241 in 1987 to provide a source of revenue ways of consultation, dialogue, and to the government in order to improve consensus. The matter was amicably and strengthen its finances, improve settled, and relationships between the social services, and help develop the government and the Niutao people economy. With initial contributions were normalized. totalling a$27.1 million, it has grown The agreement allowing Asia Pacific to a$45 million in the first ten years. Telecommunications to rent many of Lavish government and community Tuvalu’s international telephone num- celebrations, together with a five-day bers came under heavy criticism from public holiday commemorating the the opposition in 1996. The main fund’s tenth anniversary in June 1997, reason was that some of these numbers must have made a sizeable dent in the were being used outside Tuvalu for fund’s revenues. “phone sex,” a practice that critics say In the year under review, Tuvalu is unchristian. However, the agreement underwent a most stressful period earns much-needed foreign exchange politically as it grappled with issues of for the country. governance involving traditional As the country geared up for the values and foreign political systems. eighteenth independence anniversary The coalition government led by Prime on 1 October 1996, the government Minister Kamuta Latasi had initiated a and the opposition found themselves process to implement major constitu- in the middle of an unprecedented tional changes. These included chang- political crisis. The opposition ing the national flag, preparing the demanded the resignation or dismissal country for a republican type of gov- of Prime Minister Latasi and his min- ernment, introducing legislative isters. The crisis had started several reforms to effectively support national months before the independence cele- development programs, and making brations. Deputy Prime Minister amendments to the electoral law. The Otinielu Tausi had been at loggerheads impetus of public sector and local gov- with Minister of Finance Koloa Talake ernment reforms was being success- for some time. The latter had a litany fully maintained through the personal of queries probing the former’s failure interest of Latasi as minister responsi- to submit his tax returns over a num- ble for these two areas. ber of years, excessive claims for travel In July 1996, Latasi and his official allowances, disputed payments for entourage paid a visit to Niutao parliamentary privileges, and pur- Island—the home of former Governor- chase of departmental stores from the General Tomu Sione, who was dis- deputy prime minister’s private shop missed in 1994 after being “unwisely” contrary to government purchasing appointed by former Prime Minister procedures. Tausi had failed to submit Bikenibeu Paeniu. The people of satisfactory responses to the Ministry Niutao had been bitter about the dis- of Finance and was demanding that missal, and the purpose of the historic the minister of finance should either be meeting was to try and reconcile any moved away from the ministry or be differences by applying traditional dismissed. Tausi stopped attending 242 the contemporary pacific • spring 1998 caucus meetings. Unable to bring him political situation. The constitution back to the fold, and under mounting provides that the prime minister may pressure from other colleagues, Latasi be removed from office due to a lack dismissed Tausi from public office on of majority supporting him only by 16 September 1996. As this was the way of a motion of no-confidence first time that a cabinet minister was moved in a session in Parliament. But dismissed in such a manner, Tuvaluans a session of Parliament may only be witnessed the exercise of such political called on the advice of the prime powers with a mixture of astonishment minister. and trepidation. Latasi was not to be intimidated Tausi accused other ministers of into resigning and indicated that the similarly abusing parliamentary privi- opposition should await the session of leges. He had also been very discon- Parliament, set for December, at which tented with efforts by Latasi to time it could move a motion of no persuade the opposition leader, Biken- confidence. He advised that it was con- ibeu Paeniu, to join their group with- stitutionally legal for him to remain in out discussing the matter first with all his post until the December session of members of the coalition. Although Parliament. This angered the opposi- strongly denied by Latasi, there may tion, who claimed that Latasi was well be some truth in the assertion, as hungry for power and argued that Paeniu was not only often seen during since they had the majority, it was this period with the prime minister, but incumbent on him to resign immedi- his performance in Parliament against ately. Alternatively, the opposition the government had suddenly become members argued, a session of Parlia- less effective. Tausi joined the opposi- ment should be called at once—and tion, accompanied by Tomasi Puapua, not delayed to December—so that the Speaker of Parliament and former Latasi’s minority government could be prime minister. This left the govern- voted out of power. The opposition ment in the minority. With the change increased its attacks on the govern- in fortune and the possibility of lead- ment and declared a war of scathing ing the new government, Bikenibeu personal remarks against Latasi, Paeniu disassociated himself from including putting considerable pres- Latasi and launched a vicious cam- sure on island communities to rise paign against the government. The against the government. opposition canvassed strongly for the In an unprecedented move, the immediate resignation of Latasi and opposition intervened in the public solicited the interventions of the over- service and advised the public service seas media, the governor-general, commission and the budget committee island communities, island chiefs, and (which was then preparing the 1997 elders, as well as the civil service. The budget) to cease all functions until opposition petitioned the governor- the opposition had installed a new general on 27 September 1996, but the government. governor-general advised that he was In responding to opposition calls for not empowered to address such a support, the four most populous political reviews • polynesia 243 islands (Nanumea, Vaitupu, Nuku- may have acted in a political way that fetau, and Funafuti) said that the polit- was advantageous to a member of its ical crisis would be resolved in accor- team, or whether they are looking only dance with the constitution when for those who may have acted against Parliament met in December 1997. their political interests. Defeated in the historic motion of As prime minister, Paeniu was no confidence on 18 December 1996, better placed to ingratiate himself with the Latasi regime was succeeded by the the Niutao community over his government of Bikenibeu Paeniu, “unwise” appointment of Tomu Sione formerly prime minister from 1989 to as governor-general in 1993. Special 1993. Although it had only to rule for efforts were made to find employment the remaining year before the general for him. Paeniu appointed him as a elections, Paeniu’s new government local government consultant after New started off with a long and ambitious Zealand rejected Tuvalu’s attempts to list of the things it wanted accom- employ him as the Tuvalu liaision plished. Paeniu’s desire to do many officer based in Auckland. Although a things all at once is exemplified by similar exercise had been carried out in his “Vision 2015” policy statement, 1995, the government conducted a delivered to Parliament in April 1997. People’s Congress on the island of Critics argued that the document Niutao in late June 1997, with about a lacked focus and, contrary to its title, hundred delegates from the govern- failed to provide any vision. ment and various island communities Paeniu’s government immediately to look at reforms in local government. withdrew the new flag and returned The second member of Parliament the country’s old flag. It halted all from Niutao Island, Baueri Irata, in efforts to prepare the people for a addition to his parliamentary duties, republican political system, leaving the was appointed on a full-time basis to constitutional lawyer recruited specifi- replace the chairman of the public cally to assist with constitutional sector review committee, thus cement- changes grossly underemployed. It ing further Paeniu’s relations with the sacked the chairman of the Public Niutao community. Service Commission for standing up The political landscape during the for the constitutional rights of the year under review was dominated by commission at the time when the then increasing “obsessive personalism” in opposition demanded that the commis- the various policies and actions of the sioners to cease all their functions until political leaders. Domestic politics has a new government was formed. A increasingly become more and more couple of investigatory inquiries were complex, raising grave doubts about conducted into public servants sus- whether the “peaceful paradise” appel- pected of having been involved in a lation is any longer appropriate for the political way during the period of the country. political crisis. The question remains, tauaasa taafaki however, whether the government would penalize a civil servant who