Physical Education and Sport in Independent Schools: a Sociological Perspective By

Physical Education and Sport in Independent Schools: A Sociological Perspective by

Adam Tobias Morton

A Doctoral Thesis

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy of Loughborough University

(September 2019)

CONTENTS

List of Figures and Tables ...... 8

Glossary ...... 9

Acknowledgements ...... 10

Abstract ...... 11

Chapter I: Introduction ...... 12 1.1 One of the worst statistics in british sport? ...... 12

1.2 A reflection of society ...... 13

1.3 Autobiographical positioning ...... 16

1.4 A gap in the literature: why study independent schools? ...... 17

1.5 The importance of a sociological perspective ...... 18

1.6 Problematising ‘one of the worst statistics in British Sport’ ...... 19

1.7 Towards a meaningful research question ...... 20

1.8 Articulating an aim ...... 21

1.9 What do these questions mean for the Structure of this thesis? ...... 23

Chapter II: Literature Review ...... 25 2.1 An historical perspective ...... 25

2.1.1 Public, private, independent: aren’t they all the same thing? ...... 25 2.1.2 The beginnings of the games cult ...... 26 2.1.3 A turning point in education ...... 29 2.1.4 The emergence of physical education ...... 30 2.1.5 Sport and physical education in the late 20th century ...... 31 2.1.6 Conclusion ...... 32 2.2 Contemporary debates ...... 33

2.2.1 What do we know about PE and sport in independent schools?...... 33 2.2.2 The role of the family ...... 35 2.2.3 Unintended consequences: A critical perspective on sport in independent schools 36 2.2.4 The relationship between PE, school sport and elite performance ...... 38 2.2.5 Talent identification ...... 40 2.2.6 Talent development ...... 42 2.2.7 Variation between sports ...... 44

2.2.8 Physical Education futures ...... 45 2.2.9 Conclusion ...... 46 Chapter III: A Theoretical Perspective ...... 47 3.1 Introduction ...... 47

3.2 Foregrounding social class ...... 47

3.2.1 Defining Social class ...... 48 3.2.2 A cultural perspective on social class ...... 50 3.2.3 Employing a nuanced view of class ...... 52 3.2.4 Social class, education and sport ...... 53 3.2.5 A rationale for foregrounding social class ...... 54 3.2.6 Schooling as a proxy for social class? ...... 55 3.2.7 Reflecting society: does it pay to be posh?...... 56 3.2.8 Reproducing advantage: structure and/or agency ...... 58 3.3 Forms of capital ...... 60

3.3.1 Sporting capital ...... 61 3.3.2 Capital and the body ...... 62 3.4 Elias and figurational sociology ...... 63

3.4.1 A relational, processual perspective ...... 63 3.4.2 The Civilizing Process and established-outsider relations ...... 65 3.4.3 Criticism of Elias ...... 67 3.5 Bourdieu and distinction ...... 68

3.5.1 Distinction and sport ...... 69 3.5.2 Bourdieu on education, lifestyle and symbolic violence ...... 70 3.5.3 Updating Bourdieu: Omnivorousness and Voraciousness ...... 72 3.5.4 Criticism of Bourdieu ...... 74 3.6 Elias and Bourdieu – a dual theory approach ...... 75

3.7 Conclusion ...... 77

Chapter IV: Methodology and Methods ...... 78 4.1 Introduction ...... 78

4.2 Articulating a philosophical framework ...... 79

4.2.1 Ontological positioning ...... 79 4.2.2 Epistemological positioning ...... 82 4.2.3 Summary ...... 84 4.3 Methodology ...... 85

4.3.1 Appreciative Inquiry (AI) ...... 86 4.3.2 Retaining a critical capacity ...... 88 4.3.3 Towards a Multiple-Case Study ...... 90 4.3.4 Which Cases to Study? ...... 92 4.3.5 Towards a Methodologically Explicit Method ...... 94 4.3.6 On Involvement and Detachment ...... 97 4.3.7 Summary ...... 98 4.4 Methods ...... 99

4.4.1 A Rationalised Sampling of Context ...... 99 4.4.2 A Rationalised Sampling of Participants ...... 105 4.4.3 Data collection: interviews ...... 110 4.5.4 Interview questions ...... 112 4.5 Method of analysis ...... 113

4.6 Ethical considerations ...... 114

4.7 Judgement criteria and representation ...... 116

4.8 Summary ...... 119

5.1 Introduction ...... 121

5.2 The performer ...... 121

5.2.1 Pupil intake ...... 121 5.2.2 Scholarships and bursaries...... 124 5.2.3 Families and clubs ...... 126 5.3 The Environment ...... 128

5.3.1 Ethos ...... 129 5.3.2 Measuring success ...... 132 5.3.3 Tradition and competition ...... 135 5.3.4 Staffing, facilities and time ...... 136 5.4 Practice and training ...... 141

5.4.1 Training ...... 141 5.4.2 Additional support ...... 145 5.4.3 Specialisation and diversification ...... 150 5.5 Unintended consequences ...... 152

5.5.1 Academic considerations ...... 152 5.5.2 Pastoral considerations ...... 158

5.5.3 Mass participation...... 166 5.6 PE, Sport and the future ...... 171

5.6.1 Physical education ...... 172 5.6.2 PE and its relationship with sport ...... 174 5.6.3 The future ...... 176 5.7 Summary ...... 178

Chapter VI: Conceptual Consideration – A Second-Order Analysis and Discussion ...... 179 6.1 Framing the discussion ...... 179

6.2 A figurational perspective ...... 179

6.2.1 Part of a process ...... 180 6.2.2 The wider figuration ...... 182 6.2.3 Status rivalry ...... 185 6.3 A Bourdieuian perspective ...... 187

6.3.1 Distinction and the reproduction of privilege ...... 187 6.3.2 Staffing as a form of distinction ...... 190 6.3.3 A distinctive level of support ...... 191 6.3.4 Updating Bourdieu: Omnivourousness ...... 192 6.3.5 Distinction through sporting success ...... 194 6.4 A Critical Perspective: rhetoric or reality? ...... 196

6.4.1 Reality congruence or a dominant discourse? ...... 196 6.4.2 Silences in the text: gender, ethnicity and ability ...... 199 6.4.3 The aims and purposes of PE and sport ...... 200 6.4.4 The future of PE and sport in independent schools ...... 202 6.6 Summary ...... 205

Chapter VII: Conclusion ...... 206 7.1 Reinterpreting ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ ...... 206

7.2 Original contribution to knowledge ...... 209

7.2.1 An original, empirical contribution ...... 209 7.2.2 An original, theoretical contribution ...... 212 7.3 Reflections ...... 214

7.3.1 On appreciative inquiry ...... 214 7.3.2 On detachment ...... 216 7.3.3 On methods and methodology ...... 217

7.3.4 On analysis ...... 218 7.3.5 On the theoretical framework ...... 218 7.3.6 On foregrounding social class ...... 219 7.3.7 On limitations ...... 219 7.3.8 On judgement criteria and representation ...... 220 7.4 Suggestions for further research ...... 221

7.5 Conclusion ...... 222

References ...... 226

Appendix A: Playing for your country ...... 256

Appendix B: Cover letter to potential case study schools ...... 258

Appendix C: Interview guide sheet ...... 259

Appendix E: Data analysis ...... 263

Appendix F: Participant information Sheet ...... 264

Appendix G: Informed consent form ...... 266

Appendix H: Exemplar Interview Transcipt (Acting Head - Northcote) ...... 267

Appendix I: Exemplar Interview Transcipt (Director of Sport - Liffield) ...... 274

Appendix J: Exemplar Interview Transcipt (Head of PE - Gregham) ...... 284

Appendix K: Exemplar Interview Transcipt (Pupils - Colbeck) ...... 292

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Figures 1.1 Percentage of Team GB Privately Educated 14 2.1 Alternative Models of Sports Participation 40 3.1 Weird Athletes got Weirder 41 3.2 The Class Ceiling: New Statesman cover 2014 56 3.3 Rowe's theoretical model of sporting capital 61 4.1 An explanatory sequential design 84 4.2 A Model of Involvement and Detachment 98 6.1 Delineating a Young Athlete’s Figuration 184

Tables 2.1 Characteristics of Supportive Environments 43 3.1 NS-SEC Analytic classes 49 3.2 Seven New Classes 51 3.3 Means-tested bursaries and scholarships 55 3.4 Percentages of leading people at different types of schools 57 4.1 A summary of the philosophical framework 85 4.2 Typology of schools according to the number of international athletes 102 4.3 A summary of the key features of the case study schools 102 4.4 A comparison of interview data collected for doctoral theses 105 4.5 A summary of interviews used for data collection 107 4.6 A summary of the strengths and weaknesses of semi-structured interviews 110 5.1 A summary of the information provided on school websites pertaining to PE 171 5.2 A summary of the information provided on school websites pertaining to Sport 174

GLOSSARY

AI Appreciative Inquiry

BSA British Sociological Association

DoG Director of Golf

DoS Director of Sport

GB Great Britain

GBCS Great British Class Survey

HMC The Headmasters’ and Headmistresses’ Conference

HoPE Head of Physical Education

ISC Independent Schools Council

ISSA International Sociology of Sport Association

NGB National Governing Body

PE Physical Education

PESP Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy

PISA Programme for International Student Assessment

S and C Strength and Conditioning

SSP School Sports Partnership

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

One does not need to be a sociologist to realize that a book is not only an individual but also a social product … our task would have been impossible without the help of numerous other people. (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: xvii)

A special thank you to my supervisors, Professors John Evans and Alan Bairner, with whom I have enjoyed working enormously. As well as being wonderful company, I always came away from our meetings with a renewed sense of purpose, and their encouragement, wisdom, and gentle direction were invaluable.

I would like to thank Malcolm Tozer for his ongoing interest in this research and his help at a vital point in the process. A thank you also to the staff and pupils at Lyttelton, Northcote, Cambourne, Gregham, Liffield and Colbeck, who so generously gave their time and engaged so thoughtfully in the process. Without their participation, there would simply be no thesis.

My thanks also go to ‘Jacks’ Bequest’ for providing significant support throughout this study, it is much appreciated. As too is the support of my employers and colleagues in this endeavour.

Finally, and above all, to my family past and present, thank you for your support, encouragement and understanding. To Inyang and Cameron, this is for you, and ‘the pleasure of finding things out’.

ABSTRACT

This thesis takes as its starting point what has been described as ‘one of the worst statistics in British Sport’: that independently educated athletes (those educated in UK fee-paying schools) were significantly overrepresented in Team GB at the 2012 Olympics. Beginning by demonstrating the heterogeneity of the independent sector, it seeks an empirically based, sociological understanding of how and why a small number of schools consistently see their pupils compete at senior international level. The central contention being that sporting success cannot be reduced solely to social class. Drawing on literature from the sociologies of Physical Education (PE), sport and education, the thesis interrogates the assumption that privilege leads to sporting advantage for pupils across the independent sector.

Methodologically, a critical, appreciative approach is taken. In a multiple-case study, six independent schools (given the pseudonyms Lyttelton, Cambourne, Northcote, Liffield, Gregham and Colbeck) provided a purposive, opportunistic and stratified sample which facilitated comparison between three highly successful, one moderately and two less successful schools, in terms of developing young athletes. Semi-structured interviews with key staff and pupils involved in international representative sport provided data pertaining to the support and development of young athletes. The subsequent analysis illuminates the field of PE and sport in independent schools and, for the first time, reveals how these schools, through a range of intra and inter institutional practices, support the development of young athletes.

In seeking a better sociological understanding of PE and sport in independent schools, this thesis employs a dual theory approach based on aspects of the work of Elias and Bourdieu and provides a sustained analysis of why some independent schools consistently develop successful athletes. In concluding, it argues that ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ reflects an ongoing process in which the distinctive function of sport serves a purpose in status rivalries both within the independent sector and the wider figuration. Whilst implicated in the reproduction of social and economic advantage in the UK, a more nuanced view exists in which a small number of independent schools are choosing to do something different and do so particularly successfully. Nevertheless, sport is not a fair and level playing field in which merit always rises above privilege - class still matters here. Furthermore, in updating Bourdieu’s notion of ‘distinction’ within this context, and describing the privileging of sport over PE, it makes an original, empirical contribution to knowledge.

Chapter I: Introduction

This introductory chapter outlines the development of the overarching aim of this thesis and describes, through a brief autobiographical narrative, my personal interest in pursuing this avenue of research. Subsequently, the rationale for a sociological perspective on the largely unstudied field of physical education (PE) and sport in independent schools is presented, followed by an overview of the structure and content of the emergent thesis.

1.1 ONE OF THE WORST STATISTICS IN BRITISH SPORT?

‘Research begins with curiosity about the world’ (Auerbach & Silverstein,2003: 3), and this thesis started with a desire to examine what was described as ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’. Whilst Great Britain (GB) revelled in the success of the London 2012 Olympics, the Sutton Trust (2012) published figures highlighting the disproportionate number of independently educated athletes in Team GB and their significant over representation amongst British medal winners. Though only seven percent of British school children attend fee-paying schools, at the 2012 games 24% of Team GB and 36% of British medal winners had been independently educated. Four years later, the figures for the Rio 2016 Olympic games were 28% and 32% respectively (Sutton Trust, 2016). It is these figures which Lord Moynihan, then Chairman of the British Olympic Association, later described as ‘one of the worst statistics in British Sport’ (BBC, 2012).

Whilst the ensuing debate referred to independent schools en masse – as a homogenous sector - the reality is very different. Behind the headlines lay an equally striking statistic. Initial ‘ground clearing work’ (Horne et al. 2011: 61) for this thesis revealed that, of the 762 independently educated international athletes to have represented their country between 2000 and 2013, 427 (56%) came from just 30 (11%) of the 279 independent schools belonging to the Headmasters and Mistresses Conference1 (HMC). More remarkably still, 33% (254) of these athletes were educated in just 11 schools (all figures derived from Tozer, 2013)2. That

1 The HMC (2017) describe themselves as ‘a professional association of heads of the world's leading independent schools’. 2 To put these statistics in some sort of context, Rees et al. (2016: 7) cite a number of studies showing ‘no differences in medal success [at the Summer 2004 & Winter 2006 Olympics] between athletes who attended ‘‘elite sport schools’’ and those who did not’. 12 the majority of independently educated athletes attended a very small number of schools indicates that the link between sporting success and social class may be far more nuanced than Moynihan’s comments suggest.

An apparently seductive (and reductive) take on the matter, was Moynihan’s claim simply a canard, a fabrication akin to a Platonic ‘noble lie’, a well-meaning but largely unsubstantiated, heuristic device? Perhaps Moynihan’s pronouncement was so appealing because, as Goldacre (2009: 17) puts it, ‘we all have a rather Victorian fetish for reductionist explanations about the world. They just feel neat somehow’. Certainly, the story garnered much attention in the press at the time (e.g. Gibson, 2012 (Guardian); BBC, 2012; Fenton, 2012 (Financial Times); Ormsby, 2012 (Reuters); Ritchie, 2012 (Channel 4)), and again following the 2016 Rio Olympics. I was curious to explore Moynihan’s assertion further.

The figures, it seemed, had been read in two ways: firstly, as a pejorative statement by Moynihan on the condition of PE and sport in the state education sector and, secondly, as a comment on the relationship between social class and sport in the UK. Moreover, beyond sport, Moynihan’s claim tapped into the problematic association between social class and success more generally. Given that sport reflects and reproduces ‘dominant social and cultural relations in society as a whole’ (Donnelly, 2010: 23-24), perhaps ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ ought not to have been a surprise. Indeed, that the figures more closely reflected society than many other spheres of life seemed a moot point and some context in this regard is valuable.

1.2 A REFLECTION OF SOCIETY

Part of a rising trend (see Figure 1.1), the predominance of independently educated athletes is neither a novel (Rowley, 1992; English Sports Council, 1998), nor isolated occurrence. Moreover, beyond the Olympic sphere, former independent school pupils are over-represented, to varying degrees, at elite level in several sports, including cricket and rugby union - although not football or rugby league (Kuper 2012; Smith 2012) - and even amongst Olympic officials (Kidd, 1995). As Kay puts it, ‘children are simply much more likely to achieve success [in elite sport] if they come from a certain type of family’ (2000: 151). It is a trend which exists regardless of age, gender, ethnicity or ability (Laberge et al., 1988).

Percentage of Team GB Privately Educated 30

0 2000 (Sydney) 2004 (Athens) 2008 (Beijing) 2012 (London) 2016 (Rio)

FIGURE 1.1 PERCENTAGE OF TEAM GB PRIVATELY EDUCATED (ADAPTED FROM TOZER, 2013; SUTTON TRUST 2016)

A similar correlation exists at leading universities (Beck, 2007; Sutton Trust, 2012) and in a number of professions, including Members of Cabinet (i.e., of the UK government parliamentary Conservative Party) (50%), leading journalists (51%) and judges (74%) (Sutton Trust, 2016a; Rowley, 1992; Bailey & Morley, 2006). Seen in this fuller context, it becomes apparent that sport is not an isolated example of the advantage and privilege an independent school education (re)produces (Shilling 2007). Rather, it is part of what has been dubbed the ‘Seven Percent Problem’ (Cowley, 2014: no page).

Moynihan’s use of the Olympic spotlight to lobby for greater equality of sporting opportunity is understandable. Nevertheless, we might wonder why he isn’t questioning similar inequalities in politics, declaring the independent school dominance of Oxbridge ‘one of the worst statistics in education’, or highlighting other sport related issues such the bias of print media towards male sport (Packer et al., 2015), attitudes toward disability sport (Brittain & Beacom, 2016), below average participation rates for women, ethnic minorities, the disabled and the less socio- economically advantaged (Sport England, 2016), or an unabated obesity epidemic (Clarke et al. 2013: 975).

What does it ‘matter[s] where elite athletes are educated’ (Chappell, 2013: 37)? Not only does it make for an extremely inefficient system of developing athletic talent (Holt, 1990) but, more importantly, is indicative of a society which denies young people opportunity to succeed. One

14 might argue that a more democratic, egalitarian approach would not only provide equality of opportunity for success but also a more efficient and meritocratic society (Lauder, 1990). Michael Gove (2012: no page), MP, and then Conservative education secretary, has articulated the wider impact of this inequity:

More than almost any developed nation ours is a country in which your parentage dictates your progress … it is a pointless squandering of our greatest asset - our children - to have so many from poorer backgrounds manifestly not achieving their potential … we are indulging in a form of national self-harm so profound as to be disabling.

More broadly, class continues to influence ‘income, access to consumption goods, health and, perhaps most sadly of all, the chances of living beyond infancy’ (Atkinson, 2007: 355). Is it any wonder that some schools in the independent sector provide ‘a disproportionately high percentage of Olympians, medallists and international sportsmen and women’ (Galligan, 2014: 126)? That notwithstanding, can privilege and elite sporting success be reduced simply, or solely, to class? What contribution do the sporting practices of independent schools make to the success of their young athletes? Indeed, we must ask, as Evans and Bairner (2012: 141) have done elsewhere, if ‘class still matters’? Dunning and Hughes (2013: 158) refer to reality congruence as making the ‘findings correspond as far as possible to the structure and qualities of the research objects themselves rather than their own (the researchers’) personal fantasies and feelings, or to … myths of various kinds’. In this sense, is a class/practice binary false, and does a more reality congruent and therefore ‘more practically reliable’ (ibid) explanation lie somewhere in between?

Whilst recognising Moynhian’s claim as what Durkheim might call a ‘social fact’ (1938/1895: 13), and thereby the role of sport in the reproduction of class privilege (Walford, 1986/2012) today, I was interested in the possibility of reconfiguring what is essentially a ‘criticism’ - in ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ – ‘into a positive precept’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 227) by asking what can be learned about the development of talented young athletes through the study of PE and sport in independent schools? However, before developing this theme further and establishing the principle aim of this thesis, it is important to position myself in relation to this study.

1.3 AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL POSITIONING

Recognising ‘the potential pitfalls and biases of … the sociology of sport’ Malcolm (2012: 13) acknowledges the valuing of saying ‘something about [one’s] biography and perspective. And, with the social contexts in which sociologists both train and work hugely influential in shaping sociological perspectives (Kilminster, 2004), it is essential to begin with a clear statement of autobiographical positioning. Given that this study relates to schools, it is notable that as a pupil I attended a non-selective, independent, Ministry of Defence funded, boarding school in Scotland. Following a year as a tutor in a boarding school in New Zealand, I studied physiology at Edinburgh University with an Honours specialism in Exercise Physiology. I subsequently gained a Post-Graduate Certificate in Education, at the Institute of Education, London, where, having begun teaching science and PE, I later completed, on a part-time basis, a Masters degree in Education. At the time of writing I am in my fifteenth year of teaching, having spent seven of those in two single sex (boys) state schools. I am currently employed in an independent, coeducational, day and boarding school, formerly as the Head of Physical Education and now as a Housemaster and teacher of PE and biology.

Elias (1978: 13) tells us that ‘the person who studies and thinks about society is himself a member of it’ and in both this and a more specific sense, I am involved in the aspect of society studied here. My experience of PE and sport in the independent and state sectors potentially adds something to this research, hopefully going some way towards overcoming ‘the division of scientific labor’ that Bourdieu describes. There are, he writes, ‘on the one hand, those who know sport very well on a practical level but do not know how to talk about it and, on the other hand, those who know sport very poorly on a practical level and who could talk about it, but disdain doing so, or do so without rhyme or reason’ (1988: 153). I hope to locate a productive balance between the two rather binary cases that Bourdieu describes and, likewise, to be able to blend together ideas from the sociologies of PE, education and sport.

As a male from a white, British background, I represent what Ball (2004: 2) describes as ‘European and Anglo-Saxon philosophical traditions’, which, ‘to all intents and purposes, define the sociology of education’. As for my age, it does place both myself and this research within a specific temporal context, with the research being completed and written up over a five-year period, from 2013 to 2018. Houlihan describes sport today as ‘a social, economic and political phenomenon’ (2010: 2) and contemporaneous socio-political events in the U.K are

16 important here, too. It is possible to argue that events such as the London 2012 Olympics, the first Conservative/Liberal coalition government (2010-2015) in office since the end of the Second World War, Brexit and on-going government austerity measures are likely to have influenced decision making related to sport and education, at school (Peel, 2015) and government level.

For the best part of a decade, since completing my undergraduate degree, I had been looking for a suitably engaging research question as a starting point for doctoral study. And, in accordance with Ingham and Dewar’s belief that ‘sociologists intellectual and socio-political biographies are intrinsically involved in choosing and framing the research questions that stir their passions’ (1999: 18), the publication of the Sutton Trust report and Moynihan’s subsequent comments suggested an exciting avenue of inquiry. In the remainder of this introduction I establish the rationale for the primary research aim, explain the importance of a sociological perspective and outline the implications in terms of the structure of this thesis.

1.4 A GAP IN THE LITERATURE: WHY STUDY INDEPENDENT SCHOOLS?

When I began this research (late 2013) there was, and at the time of writing (2018) still is, a considerable gap in the literature relating to sport, PE and independent schools. Despite Blanchard’s identification of education and PE specifically, as ‘major issues addressed within the … study of sport’ (2000: 150), there is very little research pertaining to PE and sport in independent schools. It is one aspect of a sector so unexamined that Harvey refers to it as ‘the elephant in the room’ (2007) of educational research. What studies there are focus largely on class (e.g. Fejgin et al., 2001) and identity (e.g. Light & Kirk, 2000). Aside from literature on independent schools more generally, such as Walford’s Life in Public Schools (1986/2012) and historical studies such as Mangan’s (1981/2008) Athleticism in Victorian and Edwardian Public Schools, the only real exception is Tozer’s (2012) Physical Education and Sport in Independent Schools. Whilst these three works form a fine triptych upon which this study leans heavily, Mangan’s assertion that, the topic ‘has been considered, but only briefly and in very general terms’ (1981/2008: 269), remains true today. It is, he declares ‘a regrettable omission’ which ought to be addressed.

More broadly, Kenway and Koh call for ‘a new sociology of elite education [to] explore previously unexamined issues and sites’ (2015: 5). Elsewhere, despite a ‘voluminous literature devoted to understanding the development of sporting talent’ (Rees et al., 2016: 2), there exists little to no research on young athletes in independent schools. The subject of PE and sport in independent schools is ‘as blank a space on the map of human knowledge as the poles of the earth or the face of the moon’ (Elias, 1978: 32) and certainly merits further investigation. Tozer’s (2013) appeal, ‘for a re-examination of physical education and sport in British independent schools’, is a call this thesis sets out to answer. However, whilst an open-ended call for further research suggests this might be a fruitful field of study, a focused and meaningful research question is needed. What then does a sociological perspective have to offer on this subject?

1.5 THE IMPORTANCE OF A SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE

The value of seeing sport in its social context is perhaps best achieved by recalling C.L.R. James, who, in Beyond a Boundary (1963), asks ‘what do they know of cricket who only cricket know?’. Malcolm (2012: 51-52) describes this desire to understand sport as a ‘subdisciplinary mission’ of the sociology of sport. James’ achievement, he notes, ‘was to illustrate how an understanding of the social impact and importance of a sport is necessarily predicated on an understanding of the broader social context in which the sport is played’ (ibid). This emphasis on context serves as a reminder that ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’, to whatever extent it is a valid description, is not simply the product of either state and/or independent schooling; the athletes themselves are each part of a much wider figuration. A figuration which includes, but is not limited to, schools (independent and state), teachers, coaches, other athletes, parents, clubs, academies and various National Governing Bodies (NGBs). Without this broader perspective - ‘a specific unit of reference’ (Elias, 1978: 99) - ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ ‘has no meaning … [it is] not a phenomenon which can occur in a vacuum’ (ibid).

Describing the potential of a figurational approach to furthering our understanding of PE and school sport as ‘largely undiscovered’, Green calls for ‘a more properly sociological perspective on an area – physical education and sport in schools generally – which is shot through with ideology and pseudo-sociology’ (2006: 650). The idea that sociology, whether

18 figurational or otherwise, is seen as ‘a window on culture’ (Blanchard, 2000: 149) suggests its potential in helping us to better understand PE and sport in independent schools. In emphasising the value of a sociological perspective, we might paraphrase James (1963) and ask, what can we know of PE and sport in independent schools, if only PE and sport in independent schools we know?

1.6 PROBLEMATISING ‘ONE OF THE WORST STATISTICS IN BRITISH SPORT’

To formulate a specific research question, we return to Moynihan’s comment, and with the intention of challenging it, we begin by problematizing (Alvesson & Sandberg, 2011) it. As Crotty (1998) suggests, the value of the process of problematization lies in asking who is making a statement, for whom, why they are doing so at the chosen time and who stands to be harmed and to benefit from this. ‘One of the worst statistics in British sport’ may have acted as trigger for this research but what of the aphorism itself?

Firstly, we should acknowledge that the Sutton Trust, as ‘a do tank [who] commission regular research to influence policy and … improve social mobility through education’ (Sutton Trust, undated) are, ‘like all others, neither politically and ideologically pure nor value free’ (Evans, 2013: 81). Lord Moynihan meanwhile, was privately educated at Monmouth School and then University College, Oxford, before winning a silver medal in rowing at the 1980 Moscow Olympics and subsequently becoming a Conservative MP and latterly a peer. Ostensibly a criticism of sports policy, Moynihan argues that ‘there is so much talent out there in the 93% that should be identified and developed. That has got to be a priority for future sports policy’ (in Gibson, 2012). Well intentioned it may be, but what symbolic violence is being committed here? Contrasting PE and sport in the state sector with the independent sector is after all, not a like for like comparison. As Chappell puts it, ‘we are essentially discussing two different models’ (2013: 38).

However, with the Sutton Trust figures being published at a time when the educational backgrounds of the then British Prime Minister (David Cameron, Eton College) and Deputy Prime Minister (Nick Clegg, Westminster School) were seen as indicative of a narrow social elite (BBC, 2011), and ‘elitism, particularly academic elitism … invites hatred’ (Carman, 2013: 13), perhaps Moynihan’s comments tell us something else? Perhaps they tell us something

19 about a prevalent social belief that sport should be a fair and level playing field in which merit rises above privilege. That, unlike ‘real’ society, ‘in the ‘unreal’ world of sport’ people compete on equal terms (Dunning et al., 2004: 194). The emotive nature of the topic is understandable, after all, school, PE, sport and the Olympics are all putatively ‘objects of common identification’ to which people are bound by ‘predominating emotional bounds’ (Elias, 1978: 138). Alongside a reductive association with social class, is it this which guaranteed the considerable attention afforded to the debate? A debate implicit in which is a focus on schooling that means ‘provisionally suspending the distinction between the school’s role in the correlation observed and that of the other socializing agencies, in particular the family’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 20). It is a rather limited view which highlights the potential value of an empirically based sociological perspective.

1.7 TOWARDS A MEANINGFUL RESEARCH QUESTION

Pondering possible research questions, I recalled Gilson et al.’s (2001) Peak Performance: Business lessons from the world’s top sports organizations - a book I had read some years earlier - which suggested an intriguing perspective on the Sutton Trust report and PE and sport in independent schools. This investigation into twelve of ‘the world’s consistently most successful sports organizations’ (p19-20) sparked a desire to explore the practices of those schools consistently producing elite athletes. Rather than focusing on the reflection of an inegalitarian society, or the criticism of independent schools evident in works such as Lambert’s (1968) Hothouse Society and Wakeford’s (1969) Cloistered Elite, might a point of difference be found in asking what we can learn from repeated - albeit rather narrowly defined - success?

From a sociological perspective both Elias and Bourdieu sought, to ‘destroy myths’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 194) and in challenging various ‘taken-for-granted assumptions’ (Hunter, 2004: 183) or doxa associated with the sociology of PE and sport this thesis aims to ‘make visible’ (Thompson, 1999: 119), the reasons why (including exploring the ‘self-evident’ wisdom of abounding facilities and specialized coaching (Bairner, 2012 quoted in Tozer 2012)), some independent schools consistently produce elite athletes. In short, through an appreciative approach (see Chapter Four), in shining a spotlight on best practice and asking what can be learned and applied elsewhere. These may appear to be what Bourdieu and

Wacquant (1992: 222) call ‘very trivial remarks and elemental questions’ but, as they remind us, some questions are ‘so elemental indeed that we too often forget entirely to raise them’.

Whilst acknowledging that the over representation of independently educated athletes is about class and privilege, this thesis considers whether this is so readily attributable to social class alone, and seeks a more nuanced, sociological explanation. Rather than viewing the independent sector homogenously, it explores how and why some schools focus on high performance sport. In professional terms, by shedding light on the hitherto little studied field of PE and sport in independent schools, we might discover more about the practices that potentially contribute to the sporting success of independently educated athletes. As Chappell argues, ‘If it [where elite athletes are educated] is of some significance, and GB wishes to be successful, then it might be necessary to examine how and where talent is identified and developed’ (2013: 37).

Dillon and Read (2004: 34) argue that problems ought to be seen ‘fundamentally, as an opportunity for ongoing learning, not a fixed, or finalized utterance to end all utterances about the case’, and to restate Gilson et al. (2001), what might we learn by asking if, given that people – even star pupils and coaches – come and go, we can discover why certain independent schools keep on producing international sportspeople, and, more critically, at what cost? Rather than simply seeing ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ as a sobering Olympic postscript, this thesis redraws the debate and, by asking a different set of questions, seeks a better sociological understanding of PE and sport in independent schools.

1.8 ARTICULATING AN AIM

Having acknowledged an absence of research on the subject, established the value of a sociological perspective and outlined the focus of this research, what then is the overarching aim of this thesis and what key themes will be addressed in seeking to achieve it?

Ultimately, this thesis rests on the premise that there is value in gaining a deeper sociological understanding of the nature of PE and sport in independent schools. However, by way of caution, Elias draws our attention to the tendency for people to ‘pose their questions in ways which conform to their hypothesis as to what constitutes a satisfactory answer’ (1978: 148) and

21 implicit in the below aim is the suggestion that there is something to be learned here. Nevertheless, statistics are often ‘indicators’ (ibid, p. 98) and arguably the over-representation of independently educated athletes is all the remarkable given the small number of schools the majority come from. It strongly suggests that there is something worth exploring and recognition of this shapes the paradigm stance underpinning this thesis which, as set out in Chapter IV, subsequently drives the methodology and methods of research employed to address the primary aim of this thesis:

To seek, through a sociological perspective, a better understanding of PE and sport in independent schools.

In addressing this aim, the intention is to produce a more reality congruent account of the development of elite sporting talent in some independent schools which, through a comparison of schools with differing levels of success in producing international athletes, better explains the heterogenous nature of the independent sector. Dunning’s (1996: 203) words summarise the sociological aspirations of this study:

Our concern is via research to develop more ‘object adequate’ or more ‘reality congruent’ representations, i.e. representations which are more ‘adequate’ regarding their empirically observable ‘objects’ than existing representations or more ‘congruent’ with some aspect or aspects of ‘reality’. Again, the comparative is significant: we do not equate greater ‘object adequacy’ or ‘reality congruence’ with ‘truth’… Rather, we put our work into the sociological ‘crucible’ in the hope that others will not only debate it but also test it by means of further research.

Two principle themes have also emerged, each (when reframed as research objectives) an expression of the investigation of this one, principal aim:

1. To explore the sporting experiences of a selection of pupils performing at international level in six case study independent schools and to consider some of the key aspects involved in the support and development of talented young athletes in these schools.

2. To consider the impact of a focus on high performance sport on selected pupils’ - defined as elite performers - experiences of their independent school, and on the future of the physical education profession within the independent sector.

Walford’s (1986/2012: 11) contention that the very ‘smallness’ of the independent sector gives it significant research value is, given the success of a small number of independent schools in developing international athletes, certainly valid here and raises the exciting possibility of what could be learned about the development of elite young athletes that might benefit others, wherever they may be educated. On this note it is important to stress that, rather than being focussed on discovering how the state sector might emulate the independent, this thesis is as concerned with what the independent sector might learn about itself and the cost and benefits of a focus on the production of sporting talent (amongst the relative few) to the sector, pupils and parents.

Despite Carman’s (2013: 14) questionable claim that ‘politicians across the spectrum … [are] too embarrassed to praise the excellence of independent schools’, what follows is, whilst appreciative, not intended to be an uncritical, hagiographic paean to independent schools. In delving into PE and sport in independent schools, the aim is to critically generate knowledge (see Chapter IV for a discussion of the ontological and epistemological positioning of this thesis) of both sociological and professional value. Having established and rationalised the overarching aim of this research, we must consider the implications of this in terms of the overall structure of the thesis. In what follows, this section outlines the content of subsequent chapters and how each in turn addresses the principle research aim.

1.9 WHAT DO THESE QUESTIONS MEAN FOR THE STRUCTURE OF THIS THESIS?

To borrow from Holt (2013: 20), this study seeks to combine ‘a detailed account’ of PE and sport in some independent schools ‘with an assured grasp of the wider social context’ and Chapter Two, a literature review, provides an historical and contemporary setting vital for a sociological perspective.

Chapter Three introduces the key theoretical concepts employed in this thesis and justifies the use, in tandem, of selected aspects of the work of Norbert Elias and Pierre Bourdieu. The

23 ontological and epistemological positioning of this thesis and how this paradigm stance shapes the methodology and methods used in the collection and analysis of data are then rationalised in Chapter Four. This includes an engagement with the literature relating to AI, a multiple case study approach, interviews, sampling, ethical considerations and judgement criteria.

Chapters Five and Six deal with the findings and analysis and discussion discretely. A range of intra and inter school practices are focussed on, including the performer, the environment, a consideration of unintended consequences and the future of PE and sport in independent schools. Together these chapters provide, through the voices of the participants, an empirical illustration and conceptual consideration of critical findings such as the role of status rivalry, the importance of the wider figuration and how the schools studied here go about seeking distinction within this setting. Chapter Seven presents the conclusion to this thesis, highlighting both its ‘originality and significance’ (Sparkes & Smith, 2014: 61), before reflecting on my own experience of conducting this research, the limitations of the study and making suggestions for further research. A series of supportive appendices and references follow. Firstly however, we turn to the literature review and an historical and contemporary contextualisation of PE and sport in independent schools.

Chapter II: Literature Review

Bourdieu observes that ‘sport still bears the marks of its origins’ (1978: 827) and the purpose of this chapter, and its historical and contemporary focus, is to explore the ‘contextualized [and] contested’ (Hunter, 2004: 176) nature of PE and sport in independent schools. Firstly, in recognition of the value of a figurational perspective (see Chapter 3.5), ‘we trace its sociogenesis’ (Van Krieken, 1998: 67) - with an overview of the history of PE and sport in the independent and state sectors is provided. Secondly, literature examining the characteristics of success in elite sport relevant to the aims of this thesis provides a contemporary context.

2.1 AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

Holt (2013: 22) insists that ‘sport must be fully contextualized, i.e. set in the widest possible relationship to the society in which it takes place’ and what follows is an attempt – ‘just a history of the area, not the history’ (Malcolm, 2012: 13) - to understand and explain, as the result of an historical process, the vast differences that exist between the experiences of pupils in state and independent schools in Britain today (Seldon & Shortland, 2012). From the origins of athleticism in public schools through to the introduction of compulsory secondary education, London 2012 and beyond, we see that ‘the social world is accumulated history’ (Bourdieu, 1986: 16).

It is however, important to note that whilst ‘referring to various texts or data’ in the course of this literature review, ‘I am not’, as Ball (2001: 143) expresses it, ‘attempting in any simple sense to mobilize proof of my arguments [but] I am trying to establish’ a contemporary and historical context for issues at the heart of this study. This chapter contends that the sporting privilege of some independent school pupils today is the consequence of far more than ‘the result of tradition’ (Murdoch & Whitehead 2013: 59).

2.1.1 Public, private, independent: aren’t they all the same thing? To begin we must define the term independent school and consider the semantic and etymological differences between the often interchangeably used adjectives ‘independent’, ‘public’ and ‘private’. Independent schools exist in ‘particular locales at specific times’ (Kirk, 2010: 11), and this farrago of terms emphasises the importance of historicizing and

25 spatializing3 the various forms of schooling (Kenway & Koh 2015: 1). In a British context, that ‘there has never emerged an exact and universally acceptable definition’ (Mangan 1981/2008: 1) of the term ‘public school’ presents an enduring dilemma (Horne et al., 2011). Today, the (British) Department for Education (DfE), whilst acknowledging the term independent schools, refers to private schools (DfE, undated).

Originally ‘public’ denoted fee-paying schools open to pupils from the general, paying public, anywhere in the country (Shrosbree, 1988). In reality, denominational and/or geographical restrictions were lifted to leave financial constraint. These schools, ‘since the 1970s better known as independent schools’, whilst sharing common features of independence ‘in terms of finance and governance … are in other respects surprisingly diverse’ (Peel, 2015: 7). Diverse ‘in origin, history and type’ (Mangan, 1981/2008: 2), and mutable in the face of competition; ‘schools rise and fall, new types emerge and make status claims, older types stand firm or falter’ (ibid). Similarly, ‘what we once more or less unambiguously called the ‘state sector’’ (Evans & Davies, 2015: 16) is also increasingly differentiated4. That neither sector is either homogenous, or reducible to archetypal binary caricature, is an important point here.

‘Definitions should reflect the purposes of the writer’ (Brownell & Hagman, 1951: 17 in Kirk, 2010: 12) and here I refer to ‘independent schools’, employing the terms ‘private’ or ‘public’ only where a specific historical context or the work of a particular author necessitates it. There is both precedent and validity in this, with both Walford (1986/2012) and Tozer (2012) employing the term and the Independent Schools Council (ISC) being the body which ‘brings seven independent school associations together’ (ISC, undated). To clarify further, this thesis, completed between 2013 and 2017, is focussed on British – although the schools studied are English - independent senior schools.

2.1.2 The beginnings of the games cult A consequence of the industrial revolution, the 19th century saw the emergence of a burgeoning middle class. Mangan (1981/2008: 128) writes that the ‘public schools drew them as filings to

3 The phrase ‘public school’, for instance, has opposing definitions either side of the Atlantic. Synonymous with independent schools in the UK, in the US it refers to publicly funded, government run institutions: the equivalent of UK state schools. 4 In England, state schools – known collectively as the maintained sector - offer places for all, without a requirement to pay fees or to meet academic entry criteria. The UK government identifies five different types: Faith schools; Free schools; Academies; City technology colleges and State boarding schools. (Gov.uk, undated). 26 a magnet’ and notes the founding of a significant number of independent schools at this time. Membership of this group of schools revolved largely around sporting competition (Walford, 1986/2014; Horne et al. 2011) and, conforming to Putnam’s (1995) description of ‘bonding’ within networks5, provided access to the collective, social capital - ‘credit, in the various senses of the word’ (Bourdieu, 1986: 21) - inherent within this network of relationships.

These schools ‘sought first and foremost the security of an upper-class identity... mainly for reasons of insurance. It was a case of emulation for acceptance and survival’ (Mangan, 1981/2008: 42). In this quest for status and reputation, sport had value and was embraced as such (Hickey, 2013: 1401). Although Walford’s assertion that ‘public schools still largely only play sports with other public schools considered to be their social equals’ (1986/2012: 110-11) remains true today (Horne et al., 2011), as we shall see, some schools now look elsewhere for sufficiently challenging and distinctive sporting competition. Sport in independent schools was, and still is, used for ‘reputation building and promotion’ (Horne et al. 2011: 873).

PE and sport began in independent schools in the middle of the 19th century (Capel & Whitehead, 2013: 11). Prior to this, pupils’ free time – unsupervised by academic staff - was predominantly spent engaged in bucolic activities such as hunting rabbits6 and local adaptions of traditional forms of folk football. Arguing that the significance of games in public schools preceded Thomas Arnold, Dunning and Sheard (2005: 40) note that before being appropriated by staff (in the 1840s), games were ‘adopted and run by the boys themselves, sometimes in defiance of the masters’. The value ascribed to sport as a way of ensuring that time was ‘usefully spent’ (Walford, 1986/2012: 71) meant that games became, ‘by a process of observation, borrowing and assimilation’ (Mangan, 1981/2008: 22), a sometimes-daily part of the public school curriculum. We see the legacy of this in many independent schools today, with several games afternoons during the week and Saturday fixtures. It is a central point in an historical explanation of the differences in sporting provision between state and independent sectors.

5 This contrasts with a distinct and almost complete absence of fixtures with state schools. In Putnam’s terms, a lack of ‘bridging’ across social divides (1995). Writing of the growing divide between amateur and professional sport at the time, Elias and Dunning (1986: 216-7), note that the ‘the public school elite withdrew into their own exclusive circles, revealing by their fear of being beaten … not only class prejudice, but that they took part in sport seriously and in order to win’. 6 In an evocative passage Mangan (1981/2008: 18-19) describes a brutal frog hunt at Marlborough, with bodies piled high and, at Harrow, the stoning of passing donkeys and the school groundsman. 27

If disciplinary concerns prompted the adoption of traditional games and the advent of school sport, the ensuing ideological rationale gave rise to the cult of athleticism as the belief that team games instilled desirable values7, such as leadership and discipline, saw their increasing popularity in independent schools (Mangan, 1981/2008). Driven by a ‘motivational melange ... made up of a curious confectionary of Platonism, piety and practicality (Mangan, 2012: 10), the growth of sport was about more than a desire for social control and the forging of character.

The economic power of the British Empire and the upper class of the time saw pupils, staff, old boys and parents all providing financial support as schools sought prestige through the development of sporting facilities. Whilst games featured in the educational philosophy of some schools, the primary concern for many was a desire to attract prospective pupils through an enhanced reputation as they sought to ‘ensure their continued existence by giving what their consumers and customers wanted: status, wealth and power’ (Hickey, 2013: 1412). These early stages of a ‘sporting arms race’ (Oakley & Green, 2001; Rollings, 2012) – ‘Schools of the time stood or fell in public esteem by the quality of their wickets and the extensiveness of their games acres’ (Mangan 1981/2008: 103) - emphasize the value of a figurational perspective.

As Dunning and Sheard (2005: 43) argue, parents of public school pupils valued sports ‘more highly than Latin or Greek’. Indeed, ‘so important did athletic distinction become that skill at games rather than brilliance at classics counted for more when headships became available’ (Mangan, 1981/2008: 114) and staff were often appointed for their games playing ability. Reflecting ‘their dominance of the game in general at this time’ (Light, 2010: 16), professional cricket coaches however, had been employed in schools for some time8 and were to become ‘synonymous with’ the growth of cricket and sport more generally in public schools. Whilst this coaching might now be considered of very limited quality indeed, competitive advantage is relative. In anticipation of the discussion that is to follow, we should note that there was evidence, even then, of the growing seriousness of sport that continues to this day in the professionalization of school sport (Elias & Dunning, 1986).

7 Similar values are often used to justify the place of sport today (Rees and Miracle, 2000: 277). London’s bid to host the 2012 Olympics, for instance, ‘combined classical games-ethic themes such as youth moral development, urban renewal and class peace’ (McAloon, 2006: 690). 8 William Caldecourt first coached cricketers at Harrow in 1822, the year the annual Eton and Harrow cricket match became established. Later, John Wisden (founder of the Wisden Cricketers’ Almanack) coached at Harrow from 1852-55 (ODNB, 2013). 28

Nevertheless, reservations about the practice of employing working class professionals as cricket coaches to young, middle-class, gentleman amateurs existed (Holt, 2013). Light cites Edward Lyttelton (Lyttelton, 1890, in Light, 2010: 9-10) - headmaster at Eton College (1905- 1916), a Cambridge and Middlesex Cricketer who also played football for England – whose misgivings he deems reflective of the time: ‘Not only cricket, but matters, some of them tinged with the associations of low life, will the boys look at through the professional’s eyes’. Resistance to the games ethic was embodied in the actions of pupils and staff alike (Mangan, 1981/2008). Punch, the satirical British magazine, frequently mocked the cult of athleticism in public schools at the time, whilst the author of Tom Brown’s School Days, Thomas Hughes, protested against ‘the idolatry of athletic success’ (Hughes cited in McAloon, 2006: 687).

In summary, the public-school games cult had five distinct features (Elias and Dunning, 1986: 215); the appointment and promotion of staff on the basis of sporting expertise; similarly, the appointment of pupil prefects; the promotion of sport within the curriculum; the justification of sport as educationally valuable; and the involvement of pupils and staff in games. Reproduced through a ‘process of circular causality’ (Mangan, 1981/2008: 126) the games cult perpetuated as games playing public schoolboys continued their athletic interests at university before taking up teaching posts in public schools, passing on the games ethic to subsequent generations. As Jary and Jary put it, ‘Society forms the individuals who create society’ (1995: 664). However, the turn of the century saw a distinct shift of focus away from games towards academia, revealing the influence of the wider figuration of schooling.

2.1.3 A turning point in education The Balfour Education Act of 1902 triggered reform and a growth in state secondary education (Searle, 2005). Prior to this, education for the working class - ‘popular education’ (Grace, 1990: 108) - had taken place through local networks. In response, ‘unpopular education’ saw the state and church take over, almost exclusively, the education of working class children, with schools ‘portrayed and accepted as the agency which educates’ (Lankshear, 1990: 184). This form of education was seen as instrumental; ‘a palliative designed to contain and pacify rather than to educate and liberate’ (Reay, 2001: 30).

Nonetheless, the development of mass schooling threatened the existence of fee-paying schools. In Eliasian terms, this ‘increase in the power chances of one side [was] perceived by the other side as a weakening and a setback in its own position’ (1978: 170). The independent 29 sector responded collectively with ‘countermoves’ (ibid), introducing the common entrance examination in 1903 as a means of raising and highlighting academic standards. In 1917 the school certificate was introduced and, in an increasingly academic climate, the hegemony of athleticism began to decline (Mangan, 1981/2008).

2.1.4 The emergence of physical education Despite an emphasis on physical fitness and drill following the Boer War (Bailey & Vamplew, 1999), in state funded schools, Swedish gymnastics were ‘the basis for physical training … between 1909 and 1933’ (Kirk, 2010: 67). An increasingly individualistic educational philosophy (cf. Pestalozzi and Montessori), was reflected in a wider academic curriculum and the rise in alternatives to games. The concept of PE began to expand and, variously for boys and girls across the state sector, activities such as ‘swimming, dancing and athletics’ were introduced (Major, 1966: 5 quoted in Kirk, 2010: 75).

The end of the Second World War heralded further reform and, having previously been referred to as ‘physical training’ and ‘drill’ (Ministry of Education 1952: 83-84, quoted in Kirk, 2010: 66), the term physical education came into general use. Soon recognised as a subject in its own right, ‘a sports-based, multi-activity form’ (Kirk, 2013: 222) of PE emerged. The Education Act of 1944 (The Butler Act) and the introduction, by the post-war Labour government, of compulsory secondary schooling up to the age of 15 presented a further challenge to independent schools. As Peel (2015: 8) describes it, ‘free secondary education enabled grammar schools catering for the intellectual elite to forge ahead of the public schools leaving the latter to contemplate an uncertain future’.

Despite the opening of physical training colleges during the interwar period, the raising of the school leaving age led to a further increase in demand for PE teachers. An influx of men into the teaching profession, many with military experience, saw an emphasis on physical fitness, the games ethic and team sports. ‘Their own curriculum’ as Kirk (2010: 79) calls it, in contrast to the idea that PE had ‘from the 1880s to the 1940s … been defined by female practitioners’ (Bailey & Vamplew, 1999: 87). As men subsequently came to the fore of the profession, sport, outdoor activities and ‘training for strength’ (ibid) soon began to dominate PE (Kirk, 1992). The introduction of comprehensive schools in 1965 all but ended the tripartite education system – in existence since the 1944 Education Act - in which state secondary schools were either grammar, secondary modern or technical. According to Carman, this ‘produced even sharper

30 divisions between the state and private sectors ... the independent sector raised its academic game’ (2013: 11). For some this meant a belated focus on academia (Peel, 2015).

From the 1950s to the 1970s, PE evolved into its current form - the practice of PE-as-sport- techniques (Kirk 1992). Alongside this ‘sportification’ of PE, Kirk contends that at the same time, the training of PE teachers went through a process of ‘academicisation’ as the profession sought to become ‘academically respectable’ (Bailey & Vamplew, 1999: 87) and establish its place in the school curriculum (Kirk, 1992). Whilst this reductive account somewhat elevates the agency of the PE profession and underplays the structural influence of the politics of education, at a time of significant division within the profession (Bailey & Vamplew, 1999), the Public Schools Physical Education Congress sought, along with other groups, a form of unification through which the profession might ‘speak with a [sic] one voice’ (p.104). These changes to the profession meant different things for different schools (through the training of PE teachers for example, and mandatory teaching qualifications in the state sector), and the nature of the relationship between PE and sport in particular, in the schools studied here, is addressed in Chapters Five and Six.

2.1.5 Sport and physical education in the late 20th century For many independent schools, Britain’s positive economic climate of the 1980s saw further ‘expansion and development of sporting facilities’ (Peel, 2015: 12) as they sought to distinguish themselves. Meanwhile, the introduction (in England) of the first National Curriculum for Physical Education (NCPE) in 1988 made games compulsory in the state sector (House of Commons: Children, Schools and Families Committee, 2009: 10). The schism between competing and polarized conceptions of PE and school sport was very much a reality at this time, with PE being repeatedly misrepresented in some academic and political circles either as ‘at best well-meaning but essentially muddled’ (Houlihan 2000: 173) or characteristic of ‘all else that was wrong with state education’ (Evans, 1992: 234). Sport on the other hand, ‘was lauded as promoting positive personal and social values and outcomes’ (Houlihan, 2000: 173). Much to the delight of the then Conservative Prime Minister, John Major, the first NCPE endorsed the established focus on traditional team games in the PE curriculum, an emphasis maintained by the subsequent Labour government (Houlihan, 2000). A perceived ‘crisis’ around national sport at this time - ostensibly prompted by a single British gold medal in the 1996 Atlanta Olympics - succeeded in establishing high level ‘‘performance’ (in sport activities) as the measure of excellence in PE’ (Evans, 2013: 82). The putative inability of state

31 school PE to provide ‘sufficient opportunities for competition’ effectively becoming ‘a theme now … recycled in the UK Lib-Con coalition Government discourse with reference to preparation for Olympic success’ (ibid). It is a discourse in which the over representation of independently educated athletes is deeply implicated.

At the turn of the millennium Penney and Chandler (2000: 81) note an emphasis on ‘competition and excellence … in easily recognisable ‘traditional’ sports [that has contributed to] … a culture of ‘performativity’ throughout the education system’. This has subsequently been ‘endorsed by consecutive governments’ (Evans, 2013: 81) and is ‘already well- established and endemic’ (Evans & Davies 2015: 19). Indeed, recent alternative pedagogical approaches such as Sport Education and Teaching Games for Understanding still capitalise on the persistent dominance of games in the PE curricula of many state schools (Kirk, 2013; Capel & Whitehead, 2013; Rimmer, 2013).

Independent schools on the other hand are afforded control over issues such as the curriculum, and Peel (2015) argues that the recent rise of academy schools, granted independence from local authorities, in the state sector (BBC, 2015a) is a model of reform largely based on the independent sector. However, with current political discourse around charitable status (Watt & Paton, 2014), independent schools are encouraged to ‘share facilities with local state schools’ as one way of meeting ‘their public benefit duty by making provision for the poor to benefit … in sports, drama, music and other arts’ (GOV.UK, 2015: no page). Underlying much of this is the politics of knowledge and the question of ‘whose knowledge matters?’ (Weiler, 2009; Rata, 2012). The notion that the state sector needs addressing and independent schools have something to offer clearly sees the privileging of an independent sector perspective. Carman describes the ‘educational apartheid and social segregation embodied by the historic separation of independent and state sectors’ (2013: 6) and, in viewing this separation in terms of PE and sport, this section has provided an historical perspective on physical activity in schools, without which it is ‘simply not possible to understand the pattern of sports opportunities in schools’ today (Houlihan, 2010: 3).

2.1.6 Conclusion In view of Holt’s (2013: 23) ‘concern with context’, this chapter has thus far demonstrated that sporting privilege is rooted in the history of education in this country. Despite being open to Holt’s criticism of sociological sports history as having a tendency ‘to take general history as 32 a ‘given’’ (2013: 15-16), this chapter has nevertheless provided an important backdrop for the thesis. As we have seen, PE and sport in independent schools today is not only the result of a lasting historical process but, much like ‘art and cultural consumption’, is ‘predisposed, consciously and deliberately or not, to fulfil a social function of legitimating social differences’ (Bourdieu, 1984: xxx). Having considered an historical perspective, this section continues by examining a range of contemporary issues.

2.2 CONTEMPORARY DEBATES

Building on the notion of process, we now consider critically what we know about PE and sport in independent schools today. Current literature on talent identification and development is taken into account, alongside the possible impact of a focus on elite sport on the future of the PE profession in independent schools.

2.2.1 What do we know about PE and sport in independent schools? To begin, it is worth reiterating that the independent sector is not a homogenous group of schools. Rather, a small number of schools produce a significant proportion of independently educated international athletes. Tozer (21013) offers a slightly different perspective on the seven percent problem, arguing that instead of comparing the figures to the 7% of the population, across all school ages, who attend independent schools, they ought to be considered relative to the 17% of the pupils who remain in school until the age of 18 and are privately educated. It is an argument which further obfuscates the issue of sporting privilege and which potentially downplays the influence of social class and the practices of some independent schools in the development of young athletes (English Sports Council, 1998). Nevertheless, Moynihan’s extrapolation, that a minority of the best is indicative of the independent sector as a whole, is evidently misleading. As a socially constructed notion, the ‘phenomenal relationship’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 14) described as ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ is indubitably susceptible to ‘the possibility of relativism’ (Kirk, 2010: 10).

That so few schools are consistently ‘producing’ elite athletes does not necessarily mean that other schools (independent or state), are failing. Are state schools being deemed unsuccessful as a result of being placed in opposition to an ‘other’, in this case the success of some independent schools in developing elite athletes? Conversely, that the proportion of British

33 professional footballers attending state schools (93%) reflects the percentage of state educated pupils (93%) does not necessarily mean these schools are succeeding in developing footballers. We must consider the possibility that schools aren’t so influential in producing elite sports people, and nor, arguably, should they be.

In seeking to explain the preponderance of independently educated British athletes at London 2012, the Sutton Trust (2012: no page) summarised the key factors thought to contribute to the sporting advantage of an independent school education, including ‘ample time set aside for sport, excellent sporting facilities and highly qualified coaches’. Given the paucity of research on the subject, this precis acts as a point of departure for exploring PE and sport in independent schools. In terms of time, Chappell (2013: 37) suggests that it is not possible for schools, in either sector, to produce future Olympians ‘given the time constraints of two hours allocated pe (sic) per week’. In doing so, he evokes the disputed (MacNamara et al., 2014) ‘10, 000-hour rule’ of deliberate practice (Ericsson et al., 1993), raising the question of how much more practice some independent school pupils experience relative to others and reminding us that any comparison between state and independent sectors is not a like for like one.

Staff are also perceived to be central to success (Maw, Watling & Considine, 2012). In the state sector, a ‘national crisis’ (Burns, 2016: no page) in the recruitment and retention of teachers, workload and pay related issues, and the erosion of goodwill (Heinz, 1990: 149), have all impacted negatively – depending on what one thinks the primary concern of teachers should be - upon the involvement of teachers in extra-curricular activities (Rimmer, 2013, Kirk, 2010). Meanwhile, in the independent sector ‘even those staff with little sporting achievement are thus pressed into duty’ (Walford, 1986/2012: 101). Although this somewhat undermines the notion that quality coaching is influential, as we shall see, it also tells us something about the difference in provision made for pupils of differing levels of sporting ability that Fernandez- Balboa (2003: 146) refers to as ‘poisonous pedagogies’.

Given that the development of physical literacy at an early age has a marked impact upon young peoples’ subsequent disposition and ability to engage in physical activity (Goodway et al., 2010), we ought to ask if the early experiences of high level coaching (Gilbert & Côté, 2013) that some pupils in some independent schools enjoy (and their parents expect) (Chappell, 2013) better prepares them to excel in the future? That the ‘most intense period of performance development’ (Harsányi et al., 1991: 153) is thought to occur between the ages of 14 and 16 34 suggests that pupils joining a school at 13 years of age stand to benefit from a supportive environment during crucial childhood windows of optimal trainability (Balyi & Hamilton, 2004). Does the link Bernstein (2004) makes between social class and the ability to meet set educational requirements extend to physical literacy?

We ought also to consider other lines of questioning in relation to the practices of some schools. Is sporting success is just a parallel of educational success more broadly? Do some independent schools produce so many international athletes because they recruit society’s most talented sports people, both pupils (their formative experiences of physical activity having taken place outside the school) and coaches? Do parents who believe their children to be athletically gifted chose to send them to certain independent schools? If so, what do these schools do with the pupils once they have them and is the recruitment and development of talented sporting pupils - or indeed, one might ask, academic or musical ones - driven by (Dunning & Curry 2004: 40) ‘status rivalries’ between schools? These questions lie at the heart of this study and are addressed in Chapters Six and Seven.

2.2.2 The role of the family Kay argues that the family is both ‘a crucial facilitating agent for children’s involvement in elite sport … [and] a signiﬁcant source of discrimination’ (2000: 153). Any account of sporting success therefore, which neglects relations between the family, capital and investment associated with schooling (e.g. Lareau, 1987; Weininger & Lareau, 2003), runs the risk of providing a reductive and incomplete account. Whilst sociology often embraces the dynamic between family, school and the state, differentiating between the ‘relative weight of home background and of formal education’ (Bourdieu, 1984: xxv) is difficult. Nevertheless, Forbes and Lingard (2013: 50) argue that the ‘socio-material conditions of possibility that flow from schooling circumstances … [are] underpinned by prior home conditions of economic and social surety’. As Aaltonen and Karvonen (2015: 1) tell us, ‘the ingredients with which young people concoct their futures are in many ways grounded in their families’ attempts to provide the most favourable support they can manage’. In addition to the ‘attrition and natural selection which occur as part of the success paradigm’ of youth sport (Capranica & Millard-Stafford, 2011: 3), there exists a more artificial and less productive form of selection by financial fitness. It is a point compellingly illustrated by a young, elite British rower:

There’s a few in the squad who are pretty good rowers and aren’t going to Germany [to train] because they can’t afford it. They’re the ones that also have to select which regattas they do because they can’t afford to go all the time across the summer, and then they miss out on getting races under their belts and the experience they need. Like if you don’t put in enough effort on the river then you’re not going to get to go to the big regattas, but if you can’t afford it then you can’t go so you would probably not train as hard, not put in as much effort cause you know that you’re not going to get as far if you can’t do your races and regattas, and there’s no way out unless someone else can help you pay for it all. (Rower, quoted in Kay, 2000: 156)

As well as providing financial resource, ‘the ability of the family to accommodate the activity patterns required by sport [is] critical to children’s participation’ (Kay, 2000: 151). At higher levels of performance, the impact of participation on family life (Yang et al., 1996), means ‘enormous family sacrifice’ is necessary (Benn & Benn, 2004: 183). As sporting commitments escalate, for those families with the economic capital to access it, an independent school education may prove to be increasingly beneficial. Wheeler and Green (2014: 268) advocate further research into the ‘social reproduction processes’ in which middle-class families are implicated through investment in their children’s’ sport and this thesis, albeit indirectly, addresses this line of enquiry.

2.2.3 Unintended consequences: A critical perspective on sport in independent schools Largely dependent upon ideological standpoint and frequently subject to casuistry, the weighing up of the costs and benefits of sport is not an entirely objective process. What values, we must ask, lie at the heart of those independent schools where elite sport is a focus? Van Krieken (1998: 6) considers the idea of unintended consequences a key principle ‘underlying Elias’s approach to sociology’ and Elias and Dunning (1986: 206) describe unintended consequences9 as ‘not the result of the intended acts of any single individual or group but, rather, the unintended outcome of the interweaving of the purposive actions of members of several interdependent groups over several generations’.

9 The notion of unintended consequences is not solely attributable to Elias. For Van Krieken (1998: 23) he had encountered it in Hegel’s ‘cunning of reason’, and in Marx’. Elsewhere, Giddens (1984) borrowed and popularized the term in structuration theory. 36

Mennell (1977: 99) has argued that there exists ‘too narrow an interpretation of’ of the idea of unanticipated consequences and here I appropriate the term ‘unintended consequences’ to reflect the fact that ‘strategies of action … more often than not have consequences’ (ibid) which are unintended. Whilst this marks a shift in emphasis - from Elias’s use of the term in relation to a broader, unplanned, ‘overall process of development of a society’ (Elias, 1978: 146) resulting from an inadequate understanding of the figurations in which we exist - the potential ‘unintended consequences’ of a focus on high performance sport ought to be considered, asking if it leaves pupils physically illiterate and sport averse at best, or, in the worst case, permanently damaged, either socially, intellectually or physically. In pursuing a pastoral line of inquiry, this study considers the extent to which a focus on high performance sport impacts on other aspects of schooling and how this is managed.

Given that only a fraction of young athletes reach senior international level (Van Rens, Elling, & Reijgersberg, 2015: 67), that careers are relatively short and parallel occupations are often necessary for many athletes, how do schools ensure an appropriate balance between sport and other aspects of schooling? Whilst evidence suggests that any ‘negative effects of intensive training at a young age [are] outweighed by the many social, psychological and health benefits that a serious commitment to sport’ brings (Baxter-Jones & Helms, 1996: 310), more pastorally, what mechanisms are in place to monitor this and to balance pupils’ various commitments and demands? Amongst other criticisms (e.g. Tindall & Enright, 2013: 112), PE (in state schools at least) is often, and has historically (Hamilton, 1941 in Kirk and Gorely, 2000) been, censured for serving a minority of the most able pupils. Is this true of the schools studied here?

In essence, Houlihan (2000: 172) notes, there is a tension ‘between PE on the one hand and competitive team sports on the other’. This polarised perspective, with mass participation and elite sport objectives tending to be seen as mutually exclusive, is referred to as a ‘versus model’ of the PE/sport interface (Murdoch, 1990). However, Murdoch also describes a ‘Sequence Model’ – ‘arguably the option most subscribed to’ (Pope, 2011: 276) - in which PE is seen as preparation for sporting performance. It is to the contested and context specific relationship between PE, school sport and elite performance that we now turn.

2.2.4 The relationship between PE, school sport and elite performance Whilst the Office for Standards in Education (OfSTED, 2004) provides a reductive description of PE as ‘taking place during curriculum time and sport taking place after school’, Croston takes a more pragmatic approach. Hinting at the socially constructed nature of PE and sport, he writes that school subjects ‘can be defined more by their practices than policies’. However, his comment that it ‘may in fact be hypocritical of physical educators to insist that sport and PE are distinct entities when PE has consisted of little else but sport in teachers’ practices since the 1950s’ (2012: 62) is perhaps wide of the mark. Whilst games may continue to dominate curriculum time in some or even many schools - in the UK and globally (Penney, 2006; Green, 2007) - what of gymnastics, trampolining, swimming, health related fitness, dance or more recent introductions such as Zumba or yoga? As Evans puts it, physical education occurs ‘wherever there is enacted an intention on the part of one person to bring about change, amelioration and enhancement in the way in which another thinks about, uses and understands their body in relation to physical culture in all its prevailing forms’ (2013: 86). Games are neither the only way of physically educating young people, nor the preference of all (Flintoff & Scraton, 2006).

Whilst schools of all types may contribute to the development of elite athletes, the aims of PE go beyond this. As Chappell (2013: 38) argues, ‘It is not the role of PE teachers to produce the next Olympic gold medallists in the same way as it is not the role of music teachers to produce the next winner of the X-Factor’. Similarly, whilst Whitehead (2013a: 30) cautions against a ‘focus on the identification and promotion of talent in physical education, at the expense of the majority of learners’, Kirk and Gorely (2000: 120) question whether the two are ‘mutually exclusive’. Conversely, the argument that PE teachers do not sufficiently prepare young athletes for elite performance level is not a new one (Evans 1990; Kirk 1992). Rimmer (2013: 99) argues that PE’s ‘biggest mistake’ has been to ‘advocate a goal that is demonstrably out of reach of many and yet, not only do we still have those who underperform but many would see this as inevitable … in a skill-focused, sport programme which takes the product of sport performance as the dominant success criteria’. Of an increasingly privatised state school sector, Youdell (2008 quoted in Evans & Davies, 2015: 21) asks if, ‘the talented and the teachable, and the hopeless, [will] be differentiated and unevenly treated’? In the context of this study, we ought to consider the provision for those whose interests and abilities lie elsewhere, are they free to aspire and imagine a different future (Altonen & Karvonen, 2015)?

Does a focus on elite success impact on mass participation in independent schools, as Grix (2008) describes it doing at national level, or is it what Elias (1978) calls a ‘pseudo- dichotomy’? Does compulsory participation in competitive sport improve the chance of talented individuals being identified in comparison to the voluntary nature of extra-curricular sport elsewhere? As Bailey and Morley (2006: 218) observe, ‘interested students represent a self-selected group, whilst talented students do not’. It is a pertinent point that nonetheless fails to recognise that for some athletes, ‘talent’ or ability may come in part from this self-selection, subsequent effort and commitment to practice, rather than the nebulous notion of innate talent.

Moreover, is it possible that the aim of differentiated PE – to make the most of each individual’s potential – might allow some young people to become elite performers whilst others go on to enjoy physical activity recreationally? We must ask if ‘the actuality matches the rhetoric … whether the curriculum might be less than ideal for those pupils who do not progress to the elite level of sport’ (Walford, 1986/2012: 33). Whether encouraging lifelong participation in physical activity (Whitehead, 2013) or the pursuit of excellence (increasingly, in health as well as sport) counts, is, as Penney and Evans (2013) note, a question dependent upon one’s epistemological view of what pupils should be learning in PE. Bailey, Tan and Morley (2004: 134) suggest that the apparently dichotomous nature – the development of individuals and a foundation for elite performance - of PE is unusual amongst curriculum subjects. However, given the increasing governmental focus on Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA)10 targets and comparative data (Sellar & Lingard, 2014), similar claims might also be made by other subjects about the expectations and demands placed upon them.

More particular to PE and sport is the influence of organisations beyond the school, with clubs and NGBs viewing young people as either targets for sports development goals (by local authorities) or as a source of profit (by the commercial sector) (Houlihan, 2000). To what extent does compromise or collusion exist between independent schools and the ‘elite development community’ (Houlihan, 2000: 179) and are a pupil’s best interests always at the heart of decision making?

10 ‘The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) is a triennial international survey which aims to evaluate education systems worldwide by testing the skills and knowledge of 15-year-old students’ (OECD, 2017). 39

Whilst PE is seen by some as the base of the participation pyramid on which elite sport rests (Evans, 1990), (see Figure 2.1), ‘there is no guarantee that a broad base of participation … will necessarily produce a higher standard of achievement’ (Kirk & Gorely, 2000: 122). Instead, high levels of performance are deemed reliant upon good teaching at lower levels and often result in the ‘systematic exclusion of young people, no matter how good they are’ (p123).

Traditional Pyramid Double Pyramid The Virtuous Cycle

Particpation Mass Larger Elite Increased Talent Pool Particpation & Healthier Competiton Nation

Elite

Particpation Competition

Particpation Foundation Elite Success Foundation

Figure 2.1 Alternative models of sports participation. Adapted from Grix and Carmichael (2012)

Beyond PE lessons, that ‘fewer than half’11 (Murdoch & Whitehead, 2013: 65) of secondary school pupils participate in extra-curricular activities contrasts sharply, as we shall see (Chapter Five), with the expectation of participation in the independent sector. Whether all pupils enjoy PE and sport or not is a moot point; some form of compulsion often exists under a rationale that Little (2015: 144) terms, the ‘leading a horse to water principle’. Do such structural practices, binary caricature or not, mean that pupils who develop sporting ability late, including those who physically mature later are more likely to be identified and supported in the independent sector? What then do we know about the identification and development of sporting talent?

2.2.5 Talent identification As much as developing talented young athletes, to what extent do the best sporting schools rely on their ability to recruit those who, as Epstein (2014) might argue (see Figure 3.1), are genetically predisposed towards success in particular sports? Is it possible to succeed in elite sport without individuals capable of performing at such a rarefied level? Do we see, as a result, incidences of body trading similar to those found, not only in a professional sporting context

11 Oftsed (2014) report a similar figure whilst Rimmer (2013) notes participation levels of 25%. 40

(Littlewood et al., 2011; Simiyu & Njororai, 2012) but also in school sport12 elsewhere (Paul, 2013)? If schools are willing to import ‘talent’ to achieve success, it suggests that the financial implications are carefully considered, not least in terms of the perceived marketing benefits associated with sporting success.

Although pertaining to academic matters, Youdell’s (2008: 17 cited in Evans & Davies 2015: 22) argument that some ‘institutions secure a desired student population and strong position in the market, [whilst] others become residualised’ can be transposed to school sport and the practice of identifying and recruiting talented pupils. Although both difficult to define and identify (Mohamed et al. 2009), talented pupils (in British schools), according to the Department for Children, Schools and Families (DCSF, 2008), are deemed to demonstrate a significantly greater potential than their peers (Bailey, Tan, & Morley, 2004). Talent identification is predicated on the belief that a longer period of development in an appropriate environment is more likely to lead to elite success.

Figure 3.1 Weird athletes got weirder: Epstein examines the contribution of genetics to sporting success focusing on the physical advantages of long arms for swimmers and long, light legs for distance runners (image take from Epstein, 2014).

12 Paul (2013) describes the situation in New Zealand where the ‘poaching’ of rugby playing pupils by schools, from neighbouring schools and the Pacific islands, has reached ‘epidemic’ proportions. 41

This approach is disputed (Morris, 2000; Mohamed et al. 2009) however, and early specialisation13 is not deemed essential for success at elite, senior level (Gulbin, 2008; Baxter- Jones & Hel, 1996: 323). Whilst seen as vital for success in sports such as gymnastics, the notion of early specialisation has been linked to an increased likelihood of physical and mental burnout as well as drop-out. Instead, it is argued, delayed specialisation often allows young athletes to experience a wider range of sports, increasing the likelihood of individuals finding a sport which suits them (Vaeyens et al., 2009). Whether schools and individual athletes choose ‘to sample or specialize’ (Côté, Lidor & Hackfort, 2009), does the expectation that many independent school pupils take part in a range of sports, up to the age of 16 and beyond, see them benefit from this diversification and sampling (Baker & Cote, 2006)? Moreover, if ‘internationally outstanding athletes’ are distinguishable from ‘less successful competitors’ (Harsányi et al. 1991: 151) between the ages of 15 to 18, do independent schools who take in pupils at 13 or 16, in some cases have a population with a significantly greater potential for sporting success? Whilst recognition of the distinction between pupils who have been educated exclusively in the independent sector and those who join, on sports scholarships or otherwise, at the age of 16 is necessary, we must consider the possibility that in some independent schools there is a greater concentration of sporting talent. To what extent this talent is identified and subsequently developed is addressed, using empirical evidence, in Chapter Five.

2.2.6 Talent development A ‘connected, but conceptually distinct’ practice (Bailey, Tan & Morley, 2004: 134), Martindale et al. (2010: 1209) argue for the primacy of development over ‘an attempt to find that needle in a haystack … particularly at younger ages’. In much the same way that Rees et al., (2016: 2) seek to ‘highlight key accelerants and retardants in the development of elite performers’, at the heart of this thesis is the question of how some schools develop talented young athletes. Houlihan (2000) stresses the importance of schools in sporting development where access and opportunity are crucial; as Bailey and Morley (2006: 223) argue, ‘the reported difference in patterns of identification of gifted children among social economic groups’ may in part be accounted for by a lack of ‘the necessary equipment and support to participate at even a rudimentary level’.

13 Capranica and Millard-Stafford (2011: 2) define this as ‘the age or point in time in an athlete’s development where sports training and competition is restricted to and focused upon a single sport in the pursuit of elite performance’. 42

A number of authors have characterised environments supporting athletic development (see Table 2.1) and Vaeyens et al. categorise these features as providing either ‘extension’ or ‘intensification’ (2009: 1369). An athlete’s environment can also include various social pressures (e.g. the role of ‘supportive school peers’ (Lamb & Lane, 2013: 157)) which may impact upon performance, adherence to training and what is referred to as a performance lifestyle (Csikszentmihalyi et al. 1993; van Rossum 2001). Is the success of some independent schools in developing talented young athletes attributable to the support they provide and, if so, what does this look like? Much as the relative age affect and precocious physical development advantages some young athletes, does a highly supportive environment see better prepared independent school pupils advance at the expense of others? And what does this provision look like in practice, is it only available to a group of what the school defines as elite athletes (Baxter-Jones & Helms, 1996)? In an extensive review of literature on the development of ‘super elite’ athletes, Rees et al. conclude that ‘the subtleties of the provision of support are not well understood’. Despite pointing to ‘the role of the family’s socioeconomic status’ (2016: 9-10), that they make no mention of schooling is perhaps reflective of the paucity of research in the area: a lacuna which this thesis seeks to address.

Authors Supporting Characteristics Bailey and Morley (2006: 212) Teachers and coaches, peer socialization, family support and social values. Bailey, Tan & Morley (2004: 134) Equipment, resources and relationships with external providers such as sports clubs and universities. Reilly et al. (2000: 695) Opportunities to practice, quality mentorship and coaching during development years and personal – e.g. being injury free - social and cultural factors. Martindale et al. (2010: 1214): Long-Term Development Focus, Quality Preparation, Communication, Understanding the Athlete, Support Network, Challenging and Supportive Environment, Long Term Development Fundamentals. Vaeyens et al., 2009: 1367 Additional competition and training opportunities, effective time management, high-profile coaching, scientific and medical intervention, individual funding, and counselling and welfare.

TABLE 2.1 CHARACTERISTICS OF SUPPORTIVE ENVIRONMENTS

2.2.7 Variation between sports Much like independent schools, sport is not a homogenous ‘bloc’ but a ‘diverse range of activities’ (Holt, 2013: 18). With the proportion of privately educated London 2012 medal winners rising to half (Holroyd, 2012: 223) in specific Olympic disciplines - equestrianism (62%), rowing (52%), tennis (50%), hockey (44%) (Tozer, 2012) – there is clearly a correlation between schooling and success in ‘allegedly “posh” disciplines’ (Bairner, 2012 quoted in Tozer 2012: 310). The relationship between social class and participation is well documented (Bourdieu, 1986; Laberge & Sankoff, 1988) and Bourdieu refers to sports such as tennis, skiing, sailing and equestrianism as ‘bourgeois par excellence’ (1984: 11). Are there ‘talent gaps’14 (Vaeyens et al. 2009: 1375-6) or simply less competition in such sports and what ‘distinctive function’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 214) do they serve in some independent schools?

Much as particular sports are often appropriated and favoured along political or religious lines (Bairner, 2000; Holt, 2013), we see the differing notions of sport held by different classes (Laberge & Albert, 1999; Bairner, 2008) in schools today. Furthermore, is there evidence of Walford’s description of ‘a move away from the dominance of team games towards more individual and socially exploitable sports’ (1986/2012: 241-2) – ‘entailing particular forms of embodied capital schools view of benefit to ‘their’ young people’ (Horne et al., 2011: 874)? Two sports however, stand out as being reflective of wider society in terms of the educational background of the top players: football15 and rugby league. One contributing factor, Kuper (2012) argues, being the practice of young players leaving school at 16 to undertake footballing apprenticeships. To what extent then do some independent schools replicate the provision of elite sporting academies?

If we have thus far established that there is merit in studying high performance sport in independent schools, what of a broader perspective, what impact does this have on the wider pupil body and, given the diverse and contested nature of the relationship between PE and sport, what are the future prospects for PE in the independent sector?

14 Vaeyens et al. (2009: 1376) provide the following comment on talent gaps: ‘the probability of rapidly outperforming existing talent may be expected to be higher in such sports than in more popular ones, this programme’s success might (partially) be understood as an enlargement of the talent pool introducing ‘‘better’’ talent in sports with relatively little strength in depth’. 15 Although there is some evidence that this figure is changing with more privately educated players in the football leagues in 2012 than at any point in the 20th Century (Goodbody, 2012: 168). 44

2.2.8 Physical Education futures With the future of PE a concern for many (Pope 2012; Kirk, 2010; Evans, 2014), this may be a defining time for PE (and school sport). Whilst a focus on competition and excellence in independent schools is seen as exacerbating social inequity (Ball, 2009; Evans & Davies, 2010), creating a relational deficit is essential in the consumer market of independent schools (Ball, 2004) and financial imperative is likely, in part, to shape the future of PE. In much the same way that academic league table position and successful Oxbridge applications are privileged, sport is often considered distinctive. Thus, in some schools the appointment of high profile former professional sports people (Rollings, 2012) is no different to the desire to recruit highly qualified academic teaching staff.

In terms of staffing, where does the balance lie between those with experience of elite sport and PE pedagogues? Are PE training and professional qualifications of less value, PE teachers marginalised in favour of highly marketable sports professionals who are, according to Blair and Capel (2013: 176-81), ‘at least equally well, if not better placed’ than PE teachers in terms of developing the most able? Or, in much the same way that highly academically qualified teachers are not necessarily the most effective classroom practitioners, are coaches often insufficiently prepared, in terms of pedagogy, reflective practice and pastoral awareness? Putatively at least, coaches and teachers also act as role models. Do those with experience of elite sport remove any ‘mystique’ (Lauder, 1990: 45) associated with elite sport, thus helping pupils to ‘envisage’ (Hughes & Lauder, 1990: 165) and achieve success?

With schools in both sectors increasingly becoming commodity producing enterprises focused on 'performance and particular corporeal forms’ (Evans, 2013: 77), the capitalisation of PE is not restricted to independent schools and, in state primary and secondary schools, PE and sport are increasingly taught by ‘people other than the class or specialist teacher’ (Blair & Capel, 2013: 171). Likewise, Rollings (2012: 218-20) provides an insightful critique of the well- established but increasingly outdated (not least its terminology) model of staffing games in the independent sector:

The traditional model of all-round schoolmaster does not stand up well to critical inspection. Well qualified and experienced teachers of academic subjects, who are under considerable pressure to deliver high quality public examination results … are asked to spend up to a fifth of their highly paid working week coaching games. If the

standard of this coaching is moderate or worse, then the justification for this model in terms of both economics and efficiency is highly questionable ... The application of either logic or economics would suggest that schools will incline increasingly towards a team of sports specialist, some of whom are PE teachers.

Is PE in some independent schools endangered and at risk of dying out at the expense of sport, its current position in decline, or its lowly status merely further consolidated? In discussing the future of sport in independent schools Rollings (2015) suggests that the ‘the days of compulsory team games are numbered, especially in sports with a significant degree of danger of injury such as rugby, football or hockey’. But what do the schools involved in this research imagine the future of PE and sport in the independent sector to look like? What the future might hold for PE in the schools studied here, is addressed empirically in Chapter Five.

PE potentially fulfils a range of instrumental roles (Bailey et al., 2009), including the identification and development of sporting talent, tackling obesity and promoting ‘diverse individual and social educational ‘goods’’ (Kirk, 2013: 973). To what extent then is Evan’s (2014: 547) description of a binary version of PE - ‘A healthy waistline or performance in top- level sport’ – applicable to the schools studied here? Ultimately, Evans writes, ‘if the obesity crisis (or performance in sport competition) is contingent and transient it is hardly grounds for thinking that addressing it is a way of securing the long-term future of PE in schools’ (2014: 549). As we will see, PE and sport in some independent schools appear to be neither contingent nor transient. Kirk’s suspicion that ‘change resistant-physical education-as-sport-techniques may already be, and seems increasingly likely to become, culturally obsolete’ (Kirk, 2010: 8) may well be true, although, perhaps not in the sense he meant it.

2.2.9 Conclusion This contemporary perspective has focused on critically reviewing some of the existing debates associated with PE and sport in independent schools. A number of key questions arise including: the impact of high-performance sport on other aspects of school life; the support in place to help pupils balance these demands; the pupil intake; and the approach taken to athlete development. Having established the historical and contemporary contexts in which independent school PE and sport is embedded, the sociological concepts underpinning this thesis are now considered.

Chapter III: A Theoretical Perspective

3.1 INTRODUCTION

In some ways, theories resemble Maps. If one stands at point A, where three roads meet, one cannot ‘see’ directly where these roads lead … So one uses a map … Like maps, theoretical models show the connections between events which are already known. Like maps of unknown regions, they show blank spaces where the connections are not yet known. Like maps, they can be shown by further investigation to be false, and they can be corrected … in contrast to maps, sociological models must be visualised in time as well as in space, and thus as four dimensional models. (Elias, 1978: 160)

Sociology, writes Blanchard (2000: 150), ‘is not done in a theoretical vacuum … it works from within paradigms, models and theories to attempt to understand better its primary subjects, in this case, sport’. Elias’ evocative analogy highlights the value of sociological theory and this chapter justifies the foregrounding of class and outlines, in the context of this thesis, the concepts of social class and capital. It subsequently explores features of the work of Norbert Elias and Pierre Bourdieu, viewing them as a ‘storehouse of ideas worth developing and refining, as well as criticizing’ (Lukes, 1973: 482 in Goodger & Goodger, 1989: 266). The emphasis here is on combining, as Paulle et al. (2012) and Dunning and Hughes (2013) propose, aspects of both theorists’ work, with the notions of figuration and process employed in conjunction with distinction to form a theoretical framework that underpins the subsequent discussion. In viewing the empirical findings through this theoretical lens, the intention is to gain a greater sociological understanding of PE and sport in independent schools.

3.2 FOREGROUNDING SOCIAL CLASS

The notion of class is a complex one, and broad categorisation (working/middle/upper) is as problematic as it is reductive, representing as it does an anachronistic, rather Victorian version of society which, itself is not ‘straightforward or uncontested’ (Savage, 2015: 26). As Jakopovich (2014: 18) puts it, even Marx, despite his reductive model of class, was ‘too astute an analyst of social reality not to identify various other strata’. Of course, the existence of independent schools is itself problematic for many (see for example Engines of Privilege: Britain's Private School Problem (Kynaston & Green, 2019); Posh Boys: How English Public Schools Ruin Britain (Verkaik, 2018)) but rather than entering into a debate over the merits or

47 otherwise of independent schools, I wish to signal explicitly (Tufford & Newman, 2012) from the outset my intention to employ a form of ‘bracketing’ here. A strategy supported by Stones (2005) - himself an advocate of structuration theory much like Elias and Bourdieu and thus this step is in alignment with the paradigm stance set out later on (see 4.2) - bracketing can ‘direct the researcher to some dimensions of a social object rather than others’ and in order to ‘focus more sharply’ on the questions at the heart of this thesis, I have ‘purposefully’ chosen to set this wider discussion of social class ‘in the shadows’ (p120), thereby suspending judgement (Tufford & Newman, 2012) on the matter in order to focus, both appreciatively and critically, on why some independent schools are successful in sporting terms. Whilst independent schools clearly are influenced by class dynamics and would not exist without them, this is not the reason why only some independent schools are successful in elite sport. Nevertheless, the following discussion of class is necessary for a better understanding of the existence and function of class in relation to independent schools. I return to this relationship and the theme of class when, in Chapters VI and VII, considering the findings in this wider context. Moving forward then, what do we mean by social class and what does an exploration of class tell us about education and the reproduction of privilege?

3.2.1 Defining Social class Class is a ‘confusing, contradictory and slippery concept’ (Reay, 2017: 2) and, in arguing that we ought to avoid seeing class as a ‘throwback’, Savage (2015: 4) contends that today classes are ‘being fundamentally remade’. Reay (2017: 154) simultaneously recognizes both the complexity and enduring hierarchical nature of class when she writes:

Of course there are fractions within the upper, middle and working classes, and flickerings and fluctuations at the boundaries of class divisions. But underlying these myriad internal class fractions, and movement at the edges, is a stark hierarchical divide between the upper, middle and working classes that has persisted throughout the history of English education.

As well as the disputed nature of social class, it is also important to acknowledge, as Ball (2003: 3-6) does, both the ‘the situatedness (sic) of class, within an economic and social structure and its realization in practices, in specific locations and at particular, critical moments’ and the ‘conceptual and methodological quagmires in which class is embedded’. Savage (2015: 35- 36), for example, asks if it is ‘a coincidence that a class schema which placed professional

48 classes at the top was actually devised by professional civil servants and academics’. As he puts it, ‘the origins of class classification … cannot be removed from … [an] elitist concern to demarcate and map the boundary of respectability’.

Social group classification aside, a diverse spectrum of class analyses exists. Whilst some argue that, within education at least, the issue of social class (in the UK) is a ‘central concern’ (Reay, 2006: 288), others refute its very existence, with Pakluski and Walters (1996) proclaiming ‘the death of class’, and Beck describing an individualized, ‘cosmopolitan’ society (2007: 701). With changes to social class in ‘composition and quantity over time’ (Reay, 2014, no page), there is also a spatio-temporal dimension, and notions of class are very much wedded to specific locations and periods of time, the importance of such context highlighted by the international pupil population of many independent schools today. Robson calls class a ‘quintessential element of British life’ (2016: no page) and whilst some see it as having a peculiarly British quality, hierarchical social structures feature in other cultures and countries. In India, for example, caste disparities persist in ‘education, income and social networks’ (Desai & Dubey, 2012: 40), whilst on a worldwide scale, the ‘world-historic phenomenon’ of globalisation, Sklair argues (2000: 68), has given rise to a transnational capitalist class.

Social class can be considered dependent (to differing degrees) upon economic, cultural and social capital (Savage, 2015). However, this view is not universally shared (Mills, 2014) and the Goldthorpe class schema – ‘arguably the most influential conceptualization … of social class in European sociology’ (Evans, 1992: 211) – focusses on occupation, stressing the distinction between employers, the self-employed and employees. In doing so it identifies eleven separate classes, albeit each belonging to one of three larger groupings. A ‘good predictor of health, educational and many other outcomes’ (ONS, 2010: no page), it forms the basis of the National Statistics Socio-economic Classification (see Table 3.1) employed by the UK Government in ‘all official statistics and surveys’ (ibid).

1. Higher managerial, administrative and professional occupations 1.1 Large employers and higher managerial and administrative occupations 1.2 Higher professional occupations 2. Lower managerial, administrative and professional occupations 3. Intermediate occupations 4. Small employers and own account workers 5. Lower supervisory and technical occupations 6. Semi-routine occupations 7. Routine occupations 8. Never worked and long-term unemployed

Table 3.1 NS-SEC Analytic classes (ONS, 2010: no page)

Nevertheless, Jenkins (2002: 88-89), acknowledging ‘Marx’s distinction between the class-in- itself (objectively defined) and the class-for-itself (subjective class consciousness)’, describes the use of occupation to define class identity as offering ‘a somewhat impoverished understanding of class identity … at odds with … attempts to understand social life in all its complexity’. More specifically, it fails to take account of the cultural dimension of class (Bennett et al., 2009). Class is increasingly viewed as more than a reflection of occupation and a number of additional indicators, including property ownership and cultural engagement are all utilised. As both Savage (2015) and Reay (2017) argue, it is here that Bourdieu’s cultural perspective offers a powerful explanation of social class.

3.2.2 A cultural perspective on social class Stressing a historical perspective on class through the accumulation of capital (and privilege) across generations, Bourdieu (1986: 16), in an argument he elsewhere extends to education (see section 3.6.2), highlights the folly of believing that the social world is ‘Without inertia, without accumulation, without heredity … [that] every moment is perfectly independent of the previous one, every soldier has a marshal’s baton in his knapsack, and every prize can be attained ... by everyone’. At the heart of Bourdieu’s perspective is the relationship between class, lifestyle – ‘a system of classified and classifying practices i.e. distinctive signs (tastes)’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 167) - and education. Class for Bourdieu, is not simply a matter of occupation and income, but influences our social relationships (social capital) and suffuses our minds (cultural capital)16.

16 In Distinction Bourdieu (1984) presents a series of vignettes, derived from interviews, in which he outlines the ‘most significant features’ of the interviewees lifestyle. In these he documents a wide range of classifying practices, from the individual’s home (and furnishings), culinary, artistic and literary tastes, to their education and that of their children. 50

Placing a similar emphasis on ‘forms of capital and their capacity to allow accumulation and inheritance’ (Savage, 2015: 53) and, drawing on GfK (a market researcher) national survey data and the Great British Class Survey (GBCS) - ‘the largest survey of social class ever conducted in the UK’, (Savage et al., 2013: 219) – Savage et al. (2013) identify ‘Seven New Classes’ (see Table 3.2). Challenging divisions along the ‘collar line’ (Savage et al. 2015: 1021) it employs the term precariat to describe those living ‘precariously at the bottom of the social structure’ (p1022). At the other end of the structure, to avoid associations with the ‘traditional landed gentlemen’ often inferred by the term upper class, they define a small, very wealthy, social ‘elite’.

Such is ‘the imprint of class’ (Savage (2015: 14) however, that it is ‘marked in the very conduct of the research tool designed to reveal its significance’ (ibid); geographical, ethnic, educational and occupational factors all revealed themselves to be implicated both in class and the likelihood of an individual responding to the survey. Others offer substantive criticism of their work, with Mills (2014) describing it as ‘fiasco’, suggesting that it reveals groupings of individuals based on geography and ‘age-cohort and life-cycle stage’ (p444) instead of social classes. Rather less scathingly, Bradley (2014: 431), whilst acknowledging the importance of Savage et al.’s (2013) work, questions its ‘gradational’ nature (more or less of certain capitals), rather than a more ‘relational’ approach espoused by Marx, for example. In doing so, she cautions against an overemphasis on the importance of cultural and social capital in defining (rather than reproducing) social class. As she concludes: ‘the relations of the economy are still the basic shapers’ (p435). In their rejoinder, Savage et al. (2015: 1014) welcome such debate as evidence of the vitality and ongoing, contested nature of social class and its potential ‘to facilitate a genuinely public sociology’.

% of Social Class Description Population Very high economic capital (especially savings), Elite high social capital, very high highbrow cultural 6 capital High economic capital, high status of mean Established contacts, high highbrow and emerging cultural 25 middle class capital High economic capital, very high mean social Technical contacts, but relatively few contacts reported, 6 middle class moderate cultural capital

Moderately good economic capital, moderately New affluent poor mean score of social contacts, though high 15 workers range, moderate highbrow but good emerging cultural capital Moderately poor economic capital, though with Traditional reasonable house price, few social contacts, low 14 working class highbrow and emerging cultural capital Moderately poor economic capital, though with Emergent reasonable household income, moderate social service 19 contacts, high emerging (but low highbrow) workers cultural capital Poor economic capital, and the lowest scores on Precariat 15 every other criterion

Table 3.2 Seven New Classes (Adapted from Savage et al. (2013) & Savage (2015))

3.2.3 Employing a nuanced view of class Rather than employing a misleadingly simple, ‘gross concept of class’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 113) (e.g. lower/middle/upper) which is not only static – ‘ignoring a class landscape which is changed and changing enormously’ (Reay, 2017: 6) - but overlooks intra-class differentiation, we must recognise the complexity of social class and abandon ‘the naïve concept’ of classes as ‘undifferentiated, internally homogenous’ (p169) groups.

According to Reay (2017: 147), it is the ‘upper and upper middle classes’ who send their children to private schools’ and, in this thesis, I use this terminology, on the understanding that it correlates with Class 1. (Higher managerial, administrative and professional occupations) of the NS-SEC schema classes (ONS, 2010: no page) and the ‘Elite’ and ‘Established middle class’ of the GBCS’s New Social Classes (Savage et al., 2013). Given that 7% of children are independently educated, that the ‘Elite’ constitute 6% of the British population (see Figure 3.2) suggests that those sending their children to independent schools may largely been drawn from the uppermost, elite social strata. Further class fractions have been identified within this ‘super rich’ (Bradley, 2014: 434). !!!!! Conversely, to term those not attending independent schools, as the working classes is misleading and, more accurately, we are referring to classes two to seven on NS-SEC schema and from the Precariat to the Established Middle Class (there is necessarily some overlap) in the GBCS class. In so doing, we must also recognise that we are working with ‘probabilities and tendencies’ (Savage, 2015: 69) and that a small number of independent school pupils will come from such backgrounds.

Having recognized the ‘bitterly contested’ (Savage, 2015: 19) notion of class, what of the relationship between class, education and sport? As Van Tuyckom and Scheerder (2010: 19) contend, within Europe ‘the field of sport remains a ‘site of symbolic struggle’ between the social classes’. This brings us on to the role of education and sport in the reproduction of social class and the reproduction of privilege.

3.2.4 Social class, education and sport Lankshear (1990: 176-7) describes ‘the cultural dominance of bourgeois and middle class 'habitus' over that of the working class within school … [as] grounded in the very structure of our society’. Referring to independent schools, Walford (1986/2012: 15) highlights the relationship between social class and education, describing it as a ‘theme that has dominated and structured the sociology of education in Britain since the war’. It is an emphasis echoed by Kenway and Koh (2015: 6) who argue that it is ‘unimaginable to undertake research on elite schools without foregrounding class’. Independent schools, for Reay (2017: 44), ‘have been one of the principal means by which elitism and social divisions are produced and perpetuated in England’. In influencing future household income and the likelihood of joining the elite social class, independent schools are a ‘particularly effective form of social reproduction’ (Savage, 2015: 247). Mirroring wider changes in social class, Reay (2017: 8) argues that ‘the way class works in education shifts and changes over time, but what do not change are the gross inequalities that are generated through its workings’. As Bernstein (1970) puts it, ‘education cannot compensate for society’.

The relationship between social class and ‘peoples’ wealth, health and education’ (Roberts, 2001: 6) is well established. But so too the correlation with peoples’ experiences of sport and PE (Green, Smith & Roberts, 2004: 182) and of their ‘success and failure (whether defined in levels of participation or achievement)’ (Evans & Davies, 2008: 210). Here, according to Evans and Davies (2010: 780), ‘the middle classes … [have] a pedagogic edge and advantage’. As Sugden and Tomlinson (2000: 309) note, ‘we should not be startled by the fact that in the modern world sport participation can be read as rough shorthand for social differentiation. Sport and social hierarchy have always been close relatives’. As Reay (2017: 45) explains, ‘this seamless social reproduction is facilitated by family wealth, but also by the much better resource levels in the private compared to the state school sector’.

In describing such investment, Thompson (1999: 115) touches on one of the areas in which independent schools facilitate sporting participation: ‘the opportunity to participate and excel in competitive tennis is available only to those children with a parent who has unrestricted access to care and is free from the necessity to be in paid labor at times demanded by the sporting administration’. The practice, in some (if not all), independent schools, of frequent training times, high levels of coaching, excellent facilities, regular competition, the provision of transport, catering and even the laundering of sports clothing, relieves parents of these tasks. It is in stark contrast to the ‘‘double burden’ or ‘second shift’ of waged and unwaged work faced by wives and mothers’17 (Shilling, 2012: 138).

Lankshear (1990) paints a vivid picture of the impact of such inequalities on the literacy of two different populations of children. In one (largely from working class homes) he describes long- term unemployment, low levels of income, children caring for their siblings or working outside of school, concerns over health and nutrition, significant disruptions to schooling and little belief in the value of education. In the other (largely from middle class homes), we find well educated parents with higher levels of regular income, healthier children, a more positive experience of schooling and a greater belief in the value of education. Ultimately, Lankshear concludes, ‘Other things being equal ... the two populations of children just described MUST stand different chances of ending up illiterate’ (1990: 185). Can we extend this line of reasoning to say that the children described above MUST stand different chances of achieving their sporting potential? Implicit in such structural arguments is a refutation of ‘discourses of individualization which attribute material [and sporting] success or failure to either individual effort, individual talent or a mixture of the two’ (Reay, 2001: 32). It is the level of sporting provision in independent schools, and differences within the sector, which this thesis explores.

3.2.5 A rationale for foregrounding social class With the issue of social class at the heart of sporting privilege, class is the primary focus here. Bairner (2007: 20), in arguing for the revival of a Marxist emphasis on ‘the importance of social class’, writes that, whilst we ought not to ‘ignore the importance of factors other than those that are purely economic … the economic realm remains of primary importance’ (p22). Class however, does not necessarily act in isolation, and the complex interaction with gender

17 As well as affecting the participation of children in sport, Shilling notes that this means that ‘working class women tend to have little time for sporting/leisure activities’ themselves (2012: 138). 54 and ethnicity, for example, is acknowledged elsewhere (Azzarito & Soloman, 2005; Gillborn & Mirza, 2000; Egerton & Savage, 2000). That class has been marginalised in the sociology of PE (Evans & Bairner, 2013) and sport, if not education (Donnelly, 2010), is compounded by the dearth of research on PE and sport in independent schools. And, rather than ignoring the issues of race and gender, the foregrounding of social class not only ensures a more specific research focus but addresses a significant gap in the literature. However, the consideration of social class often leads to probabilistic generalisations (Evans, 2004; Penney & Evans, 2013). Whilst the prevalence of independently educated athletes in certain sports might be termed a ‘collective pattern’ (Reay, 2001: 31), this ought not to obscure the emphasis in this thesis on the success of a small number of independent schools in developing elite athletes.

3.2.6 Schooling as a proxy for social class? The use of schooling (either state or independent) as a proxy for social class exemplifies the utility and shortcomings of such collective patterns. Schooling cannot always be taken as an indicator of social class and state schools, as well as independent schools, house middle class pupils too. Recognition that the state sector is not homogenous strengthens the argument that class matters, with a BBC (2017) investigation into the background of publicly funded Scottish athletes revealing that ‘almost nine in 10 went to either fee-paying schools or a state school in a wealthy area’. The sporting privilege associated with social class transcends educational background as categorised by a state/independent binary. As Reay (2017: 46) puts it, independent schools are ‘the tip of an iceberg of educational privilege’.

Size of Bursary/Scholarship Number of pupils % of means-tested pupils 1-25% 12372 28.5 26-50% 13492 31.1 51-75% 6697 15.4 76%-100% 10875 25.0 100% 5629 13.0 Total number of pupils 43436

TABLE 3.3 MEANS-TESTED BURSARY AND SCHOLARSHIPS (ISC, 2016: 20)

The reciprocal of this, that not all independent school pupils are of an elite (upper or upper middle) class background, is put into perspective by figures published by the ISC (2016a: 20). 55

Of the 518,432 pupils in ISC independent schools, just 5,629 pupils (1.1%) paid no fees at all. Whilst significantly more pupils are in receipt of financial assistance through means-tested scholarships or bursaries, almost 60% of them pay half, or more than half of the school fees (see Table 3.3). With average annual fees of £16, 119 (ibid) this is still a prohibitive sum for many. Peels argues that ‘to use the term independent school ‘as a proxy to privilege’ [is] a mistake’ (2015: 33-34); there are, as it were, always exceptions that prove the rule. Despite criticism of class labels as ‘too simplistic’ (Holt, 2013: 18), statistical correspondence analysis (e.g. Valassi, 2009) supports conventional wisdom that independent schools are largely restricted to those of the upper and upper middle classes.

Nevertheless, a number of considerations act to ensure that class is not the sole determinant of the type of school a pupil attends: Parents moving home to enter the catchment area for ‘good’ state and grammar schools (Demopoulos, 2006); parents opting for their children to attend state schools on the basis of financial, political or ideological principle; or those from ‘lower’ class backgrounds who attend independent schools on scholarships or bursaries on the basis of their academic, musical or sporting potential (ISC, 2017). Indeed, Ofsted (2014) found that 15% of independently educated athletes they surveyed had some form of sport scholarship at school. Reay refers to such strategies as being designed to cope with the middle class ‘terror about failure’ (2001: 39) and in affording access to the sporting opportunities available in some schools, or indeed outside schools, class clearly has a part to play. Evans and Bairner query the role of PE in this, asking if it ‘simply build[s] upon or interrupt[s]’ (2013: 150) the processes leading to the reproduction of social advantage which, according to Horne et al. (2011), lies at the heart of an independent school education. Such questions, about the influence and nature of these opportunities and the provision and practices in some independent schools, are as yet unanswered.

3.2.7 Reflecting society: does it pay to be posh?

FIGURE 3.2 THE CLASS CEILING (NEW STATESMAN, 2014)

Elite sport aside, independently educated pupils are represented, ‘out of all proportion’ (Smithers & Robinson, 2008: 30), in a range of professions (see Table 3.4). It is a long-standing trend (Boyd, 1973; Grace 1990) and music, television and film (BBC, 2015) are no less affected (see Figure 3.2). As Smithers and Robinson (2010: 3) note, the ‘secondary school you attend can have a profound impact on your future life prospects’. Beyond schools, sporting participation is ‘almost always positively correlated with income and education’ (Guttman, 2000: 256) and inequity is evident in ‘participation in sport and active leisure’ (Penney & Evans, 2013: 157). According to Lauder et al., ‘in this respect physical education is no different to any other subject in the rest of curriculum’ (1990: 10). With sport being ‘one of many cultural means through which the different social classes distinguish themselves from one another’ (Giulianotti, 2005: 165), is it a surprise that elite sportspeople also emerge from such a mould?

Profession Year % Independent % State Judges 2007 70 30 1989 74 26 Politicians 2010 35 65

1974 46 54 Journalists 2006 54 46 1986 49 51 Medics 2007 51 49 1987 51 49 CEOs 2007 54 46 1987 70 30 Olympic winners 2012 36 64 Average percentage 54% 46% % of pupils nationally 93% 7%

TABLE 3.4 PERCENTAGES OF LEADING PEOPLE AT DIFFERENT TYPES OF SCHOOLS FROM SUTTON TRUST STUDIES (SUTTON TRUST, 2012)

Success, according to (Reay, 2001: 37), exists in a ‘difficult uncomfortable configuration’ with class, and, as Smith (2015: no page) argues - in a piece on ‘Social Luck’ - ‘nurturing and encouraging your children, giving them an emotional and social inheritance – and, perhaps, a financial one – are among the most innately human instincts’. Tawney (1943, quoted in Reay, 2014), on the other hand, considers such motivation ‘antisocial egotism’; instead describing a socially just educational system as ensuring for all children, ‘what a wise parent would desire for his own children’. It is a dichotomy Evans (2014a: 47) describes as a ‘frailty of the human condition’ and, Reay (2014) argues, an ideal that is significantly undermined by the existence of independent schools. Class and its reproduction still very much matter.

3.2.8 Reproducing advantage: structure and/or agency Whilst the idea of social reproduction is not uncontested - Connell, (1983) for example, argues that there is evidence of change as well as continuity in the course of history - according to Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992), the reproduction of social class is such a strong and enduring theme in sociology, largely because there is a far greater tendency for social structures to remain the same, than to change. What Elias and Bourdieu both attempted through their work is a reconciliation of the structure and agency dichotomy18 through a shared understanding of the notions of habitus and capital. Whilst more commonly linked with Bourdieu (Dunning & Mennell, 1996), Elias (1994: 454-5) also employed the notion of habitus ‘extensively’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 189). As Dunning and Hughes (2013: 200) put it, both Elias and Bourdieu sought, through a ‘‘co-deterministic’ halfway house’, to avoid the polarisation of ‘determinism’ and ‘voluntarism’ (p190).

18 This attempt shares some similarities with a critical realist perspective(Archer, 2016) (see Chapter 4.2.1 for further discussion) which ‘views structures and agents as factors that in combination determine the outcomes of social phenomena. That is, a phenomenon such as control cannot be understood by examining structures alone. Nor can an understanding be obtained through reliance solely on agents’ (Byers, 2013: 11). 58

In Bourdieu’s sociology, it is habitus that locks ‘agency’ into explanations’ whilst ‘field injects structure’ (Roberts, 2016: 135). In opposition to ‘rational actor theories of any kind’ Bourdieu instead argued for ‘a thoroughly socialised understanding’ (Jenkins, 2002: xii), making a ‘major contribution’ (p10) to the structure/agency debate in so doing. Likewise, Elias’s (1994: 214) use of the notion of figuration was intended to ‘eliminate the antithesis … the use of the words “individual” and society”’. In referring to habitus as ‘second nature’ (Paulle et al. (2012: 113) Elias’s stressed the ongoing process of its formation, which, whilst continuing throughout a lifetime, is particularly notable in the earlier years. Jenkins (2002) differentiates between individual and collective habitus and, as Paulle et al. (2012: 85) contest – they describe the conversion of ‘economic, cultural, and social capital (money for membership, knowledge of the ‘right’ sport and the ‘appropriate’ clubs, and connections with people who can help attain access to the club) into empowering socialization processes for their children’ - it is perhaps through the latter that the reproduction of privilege takes place.

It is through the idea of collective habitus and the importance of the ‘web of social relations in which the individual lives during his more impressionable phase, during childhood and youth’, (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 189) in the formation of habitus that we see the potential role of schooling and school sport in the reproduction of privilege. As Donnelly (2010: 30) puts it, ‘rather than passively mirroring society, sport actively helps ‘maintain a particular set of power relations in an inequitable society’. The nature of sports (White, 2004: 67) and the social backgrounds of elite athletes (Foy, 2014: no page; Heyden & McConnell, 2013: no page) do have the potential to change over time however, and Walford, acknowledging agency, critiques reproduction theories as being ‘too deterministic ... [leaving] little room for autonomy of action on the part of the individual involved’ (1986/2012: 17).

Bourdieu is certainly vulnerable to this criticism of determinism and, referring to his attempt to straddle agency and structure through a Heglian synthesis of the two, Jenkins (2002: 91) describes his efforts ‘an impressive and interesting failure’. Similarly, Breen and Goldthorpe (1997) critique Bourdieu’s emphasis on class, focusing instead on the idea that agency manifests itself in the decisions people make based on an analysis of cost and benefit: the rational calculation of homo economicus. It is a move ‘away from strong socio-cultural explanations’, Power et al. (1998: 158-9) note, that ‘may reflect the current Zeitgeist of individualism’. In arguing that ‘class still matters’ however, Evans and Bairner (2013: 145) ask if the ‘‘middle classes’ [are] simply better equipped, by virtue of upbringing in relatively richly 59 resourced families and schools … to display, or perform, the ‘ability’ or ‘talent’ which bring recognition and ‘success’ in education, sport, health (sic) in and outside schools?’.

It is a view which perhaps explains the limited capacity for PE to alter ‘social patterns and inequalities and the predispositions for sport amongst individuals and populations once they leave school’ (Evans & Davies, 2010: 769). Elias (1978: 113) however, rejects a binary view of structure and agency (Van Krieken (1998: 48) refers to a ‘Hobbesian – and Parsonian – opposition between ‘the individual’ and ‘society’), referring to it as ‘a quite senseless conceptual distinction’. Societies, he writes, ‘are composed of individuals … individuals can only possess specifically human characteristics … through their relationships with other people – ‘in society’’. Implicit in these relationships are the delicate issues of power and resource (for which, according to Bourdieu (1984), we ought to read capital, in its various forms), that influence lifestyle and opportunity in education, sport and beyond (Donnelly, 2010). It is to the idea of capital which we now turn.

3.3 FORMS OF CAPITAL

Grenfell (2014: 20), argues that it is ‘possible to see something of [Marx] … in Bourdieu’s own work’ and, in looking beyond economic determinism, Bourdieu (1986:16) stresses the importance of the ‘accumulation’ or inheritance of capital, ‘in all its forms’, and cultural capital (in the form of educational qualifications and privileged or legitimised tastes) in particular, in the reproduction of advantage. For Bourdieu capital ‘is any resource which, like economic capital, possesses exchange value and can be added to or lost’ (Roberts, 2016: 136), and sporting tastes are a form of “position taking’ in a field of possibilities, a market in which symbolic capital or cultural distinction are product, reward and resource: both means and end’ (Jenkins, 2002: xii-iii). Stressing that it ‘takes time to accumulate and … contains a tendency to persist’, Bourdieu (1986: 16-17) refers to capital as ‘accumulated labor (in its materialized or its ‘incorporated,’ embodied form)’, describing it taking three forms: - Economic Capital: ‘immediately and directly convertible into money and may be institutionalized in the form of property rights’

- Cultural Capital: ‘convertible, on certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the form educational qualifications’19 - Social Capital: ‘social obligations (‘connections’) … convertible, in certain conditions, into economic capital and may be institutionalized in the form of a title of nobility’

Elsewhere, defining cultural capital as the ‘non-financial social assets that promote social mobility beyond economic means’, Horne et al. (2011: 870-1) suggest that it exists in three states in independent schools: - Embodied: ‘curricular and extra-curricular activities ... [and] the habits and disposition developed therein’. - Objectified: in a school’s ‘architecture, playing fields and buildings’. - Institutionalized: an ‘emphasis on academic attainment as well as wider achievement’.

3.3.1 Sporting capital Beyond education, sport through physical capital (an embodied form of cultural capital) (Shilling, 1991: 654), expresses ‘a class location’, is ‘accorded symbolic value’ and plays a role in the reproduction of class relations (Shilling 2012). In a somewhat dated (given what we have seen of contemporary notions of class in Chapter Two), overgeneralised and undifferentiated view of class, Bourdieu (1978) describes the working classes, due to a lack of economic capital, as tending to seek financial reward whilst the dominant classes may pursue social and cultural forms of capital. There are however, arguably far fewer opportunities for working class people to ‘convert physical capital into other resources’ through sport (Shilling, 2004: 478). As Miracle and Rees (2000: 281) put it, somewhat undermining Bourdieu’s (1978: 832-3) assertion that ‘A sporting career … represents one of the few paths of upward mobility open to the children of the dominated classes, the idea that sporting ability (as an embodied form of cultural capital) can be translated, through education, into cultural and subsequently economic capital, is one of our ‘greatest cultural myths’.

Developing this idea, Rowe (2015) presents the derivative notion of sporting capital (see Figure 3.3). Encompassing ‘‘dispositional resources’ such as the ‘motivations/attitudes/willingness/desire … of pupils for performance or participation in sport’ (Evans & Davies, 2010: 768), the concept of sporting capital ‘support[s] and motivate[s] an

19 It is worth noting that for Bourdieu (1973) the value of academic qualifications may vary according to the economic and social capital of the individual and the context in which they are employed. 61 individual to participate in sport and to sustain that participation over time’ (Rowe, 2015: 45) and, I would argue, influences the likelihood of achieving success at an elite level.

FIGURE 3.3 ROWE'S THEORETICAL MODEL OF SPORTING CAPITAL (ROWE, 2015: 45)

3.3.2 Capital and the body Shilling (2012: 21, xi) describes the body (an ‘absent presence’ in sociology) as shaping ‘as well as being shaped by, its social environment’ and thus ‘central to our ability to … exercise agency and it can be said that schools perform inter-corporeal work on the bodies of pupils (Twigg et al., 2011). Miah (2004) describes bodies as ‘raw material’ upon which science and technology are employed to maximise potential sporting output. Thus we might consider whether sporting success is largely achieved by those with the greatest financial resources (De Bosscher et al., 2009). In a sporting sense this can lead to the generation of physical capital in much the same way that education develops cultural capital and schools promote particular forms of social capital (Bourdieu, 1978, 1986).

Referring to Victorian public schools, Shilling suggests that the ‘bodily orientations produced were recognised … as markers of distinction ... [as] prerequisites for entry into elite occupations’ (1992: 14). Little has perhaps changed, the body remains implicated in ‘the transmission of capitals and the process of domination by groups and classes … and so education in school is concerned with the production of competitive and healthy bodies’ (Horne et al., 2011: 865). The growing concern of people for their body – especially middle-class, western bodies (Bourdieu, 1984) - and its condition both in the context of PE (for girls and

62 boys e.g. Hill, 2015; Garrett, 2004) and society more broadly, sees versions of corporeal perfection normalised and, in a quest for social status, people attending ‘to their body in an instrumental manner’ (Featherstone, 2010: 193).

Beyond the independent sector, Collins and Buller describe young people from disadvantaged backgrounds as ‘not being provided with sufficient support to enable them equal opportunities to perform at the highest level’ (2003: 438). In short, education, lifestyle, sport and economic, physical, social and cultural forms of capital are entwined (Shilling, 2012). As Shilling contends (1992: 11), the inculcation of physical capital in independent schools is all the more powerful for being a hidden form of privilege, albeit manifest in physical habits, including participation in sport. Such physical capital, writes Featherstone (1987: 125), often remains distinctive and beneficial throughout one’s lifetime and into old age. Whilst attending an independent school does not guarantee the acquisition of the desired capital or the achievement of high level academic qualifications, such investments are intended to ‘maximize the potential production and conversion of physical capital’ (Shilling, 2012: 153) into economic capital; quite literally, the old school tie. Shilling (1993) proposes that the role of PE and sport in the reproduction of such advantage merits greater research and in seeking to explain this we now consider a figurational perspective.

3.4 ELIAS AND FIGURATIONAL SOCIOLOGY

In the context of this thesis, I, much like Green (2006: 651), see the ideas of figuration and process as being ‘of direct relevance’ in seeking a more comprehensive understanding of PE and sport in independent schools. In Chapter Two we found a process sociological approach useful in considering a historical perspective on PE and sport in independent schools; it warrants further consideration and here we consider the ideas of figuration and process.

3.4.1 A relational, processual perspective For Elias the notions of figuration and process are synonymous with sociology. As Van Krieken (1998: 44) notes, Elias did not take ‘a pluralist approach, arguing for one approach among many but for how all sociology should be approached, and in this sense even ‘process sociology’ is inadequate to the extent that it suggests that it is possible to pursue a non-process

63 sociology’. A process-sociological approach20 - that ‘any given state of affairs can be understood as having arisen from an earlier stage’ (Van Krieken, 1998: 14) - ‘represents a sociological realism’ (Elias & Dunning, 1986: 199) and is ‘designed to help in the exploration of the unique type of structure which results from this interlocking of individual actions and experiences’ (ibid). Rather than focussing on the aggregated actions of ‘isolated human individuals’, Elias and Dunning (1986: 52-53) emphasise intertwining, interweaving, interdependent sides, locked ‘in a clinch’. According to Elias, ‘we must always think of … people in figurations … There is no one who is not and has never been interwoven into a network of people’ (1978: 127). A figuration can be defined as ‘a web of interdependent people who are bonded to each other on several levels and in diverse ways’ (Elias & Dunning, 1986: 10), and explained through sporting analogy:

The game-process is … a social process in miniature. One of the most instructive aspects of the fast-changing pattern of a football game is the fact that this pattern is formed by the moving players of both sides. If one concentrated one’s attention only on the activities of the players of one team and turned a blind eye to the activities of the other, one could not follow the game … the two opposing sides form a single figuration. (Elias & Dunning, 1986: 52-3)

In emphasising the processual nature of social life, Elias (1978: 112) opposed the idea of ‘reduction of processes to static conditions’ and, rather than perceiving PE and sport in independent schools as a static, isolated entity, we ought to view them as dynamic and relational, that is to say intertwined in a network of relations; in a figuration. As Roberts (2016: 88) contends, ‘all sociology is figurational in the limited sense of setting the events and practices on which it focuses in some wider context’. In an educational context we must look beyond schools ‘if we want to understand and explain persistent inequalities in education and do something about them’ (Evans & Davies, 2010: 765). As Penney and Evans (2013: 157-8) put it, ‘many factors21 … are influential in shaping learning opportunities, experiences and outcomes in physical education’.

20 Van Krieken (1998: 44) notes that Elias ‘grew to dislike the term ‘figurational sociology’ and ended up preferring ‘process sociology’ as a label’. 21 Penney and Evans (ibid) identify ‘political ideologies, institutional histories and traditions, physical resources and many people (policy-makers, teachers, coaches, parents and pupils themselves)’. 64

In the context of British schooling, it is evident that neither independent nor state schools have ‘developed solely according to their own endogenous dynamics’ (Elias & Dunning, 1986: 12); they do not exist in a vacuum. Independent schools are, quite literally, defined by what they are not. The two spheres of education are deeply intertwined and functionally interdependent (Elias & Dunning 1986), each with ‘implications for other segments of schooling, of the populations they serve and for their post-school options. Sociology must never be complicit in setting them apart’ (Kenway & Koh, 2015: 7). Such figurations change over time and, as we have seen, the ever-shifting relationship between state and independent sectors is both a driver and the outcome of change processes. Elias (1978: 77) describes this reciprocal influence as the ‘compelling forces the groups exert upon each other’. Figurational sociology is a ‘relational theory’ (Giulianotti, 2004: 147) and this thesis explores the practices of the different schools relative to each other.

Furthermore, Elias acknowledged ‘the existence of a plurality of processes, all of which interweave with each other’ (Van Krieken, 1998: 68) and this thesis considers the figurations involved in education and schooling and the impact, as a consequence of the commodification of school sport, of the professionalization of sport more broadly (alongside the academicization of PE), on PE and sport in independent schools. Elias’s work also includes provides several other key concepts which are useful in exploring the findings of this thesis and to which we now turn. 3.4.2 The Civilizing Process and established-outsider relations In The Civilizing Process, his ‘most important work and well known text’ (Malcolm, 2012: 45), Elias (1994) argues - ‘very clearly’ according to Bourdieu (1984: 66) - that the ‘master trend in modern European history … since the Middle Ages has been the strengthening of nation states within which citizens were more able to lead civilized lives’ (Roberts, 2016: 83). Given the focus of this thesis, we will briefly explore the civilizing process through Quest for Excitement (Elias & Dunning, 1986)) and Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players (Dunning and Sheard, 1979/2005), both of which are explicitly sport related works, ‘representative of the distinctive figurational and developmental approach to sociology that Elias has developed’ (Elias & Dunning, 1986: 1). It is with Eric Dunning that Elias developed his ideas in a sporting context and, in Quest for Excitement, their contention is that sport provides an outlet for people increasingly restrained by the expectations of a more civilised society. In doing so, they demonstrate a correlation between ‘the emergence of sport in England in the eighteenth century and a simultaneous … general ‘calming down’ of ‘cycles of violence’ (Goudsblow & Mennell, 65

1998: 97). Whilst offering ‘excitement that … people are required to forgo in the rest of their lives’ (Roberts, 2016: 86), sports themselves have become increasingly civilised. For Elias and Dunning (1986: 150-1) the processes of industrialization and sportization occurred in parallel, resulting in a ‘rule-set that ensures a balance between the possible attainment of a high combat- tension and a reasonable protection against injury’.

In Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players Dunning and Sheard (2005: 6) take the idea that the development of sport reflects a wider process of civilization further, contending that their examination of the modernization22 of rugby sheds ‘light on the early development of the public schools’. Central to their thesis is that, as the state established ‘an effective monopoly on the use of physical force’ (ibid) and levels of violence in British (and West European) society decreased, there was a concomitant reduction in violence in public schools. As a consequence, whilst games (forms of football in this case) remained ‘a channel for arousing leisure- excitement’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 71), practices such as ‘hacking’ (off the ball at least) were outlawed. That said, it must noted that the civilizing process is a complex one which ‘does not occur in a simple linear or ‘progressive’ manner’ (p111) and that ‘civility goes far beyond the fact that the players almost never fight’ (Paulle et al. 2012: 85). The changing nature of class relations, and embourgeoisement23 in particular, ‘wrought by industrialization’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 57), were preconditions not only for public school reform but for the modernization of Rugby and football games more generally. In this sense, both the development of sport in independent schools and the use of sport in the status rivalries between these schools was a reflection of wider social trends, both in terms of a civilizing process and the status competition amongst and within the classes. Elias and Dunning (1986: 206) contend that ‘this process is not simply a thing of the past’ and today, the increasing professionalization of sport in some independent schools mirrors what they refer to as ‘the dominant trend in modern sport’ (p. 205); the ‘gradual but seemingly inexorable erosion of ‘amateur’ attitudes, values and structures, and their correlative replacement by attitudes, values and structures which are ‘professional’ in one sense or another of that term’(Dunning and Sheard, 2005: 8). As they demonstrate, the rivalry between Eton football and Rugby football, which presaged the bifurcation of Association and Rugby Union football, was borne out of

22 As Dunning and Sheard (2005: xvi) point out, the use of the suffix ‘ization’ indicates ‘the processual aspect of these configurations … that they, or aspects of them, change over time’. 23 Dunning and Sheard (2005: 58) define this as an ‘increase in power of the bourgeoisie – the urban industrial middle classes – relative to the aristocracy and gentry’. 66 tension between the older establish public schools (e.g. Eton) and newer, aspirational schools (e.g. Rugby) and efforts to distinguish themselves from each other. The theme of status rivalry, which we return to in Chapter Six, is central to this thesis.

Elsewhere, in The Established and the Outsiders (Elias & Scotson, 1965/1994) Elias explored the relations between three different groups within the Leicestershire town of ‘Winston Parva’24. Here they found varying behaviours and status exhibited by, and accorded to, the groups as a result of their duration of time in the town; the established (middle class and working-class communities) and the outsiders, (the recently arrived working-class community). Alongside ‘the refinement of manners’ (Elias 1994), this might be seen as analogous with Bourdieu’s concept of distinction, indeed the two concepts help us to consider the difference the between distinctive practices (such as table manners) and the distinction associated with such practices determined (by the dominant classes) to be in ‘good taste’ rather than ‘bad taste’; to be ‘noble’ rather than ‘vulgar’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 224). Nevertheless, I am in agreement with Bloyce and Murphy (2007) and Mennell (1989) who argue that ‘the established and the outsiders’ is one of Elias’s less dynamic ideas. Much like Paulle et al., (2012) I see a combination of Elias and Bourdieu as offering a greater explanatory potential.

3.4.3 Criticism of Elias Dunning (1996: 185) makes no claim for figurational sociology as ‘a panacea for all of sociology’s current problems’, instead describing their work as ‘hugely underdeveloped’ and referring to Elias’ description of the ‘work of Marx as just ‘one symptom of a beginning’ (Elias, 1994)’ (1996: 197) as putting their efforts into perspective. Whilst Van Krieken (1998: 131) argues that ‘Elias’s analysis of civilizing processes is by no means a settled affair, and that there is considerable room for its further development and refinement’, Giulianotti is more exacting, asserting that the ‘theoretical and empirical case [for the civilizing process] remains highly dubious’ (2005: 149). However, whilst ‘optimistic about the progress of humanity’ (Van Krieken, 1998: 71), given that Elias’s mother died in Auschwitz, any suggestion that he was ‘unaware of the dark side of western civilization’ (ibid) must be refuted.

24 Elias and Scotson used this as a pseudonym for the Leicestershire town of Wigston Magna, where the research was conducted. 67

For Jary and Horne (1987: 178) figurational sociology offers ‘an "oversocialised" and "one- dimensional" conception of the person and society’ (p. 184) which overplays structural influence at the expense of agency. More generally, for Roberts (2016: 84), ‘many sociologists remain unconvinced that this is different from a great deal of non-figurational sociology which explores networks and interactive relationships’. Figurational sociology, in other words, is seen as simply good sociology and, for me, therein lies the power of Elias’ ideas as explanatory tools. As Elias (1978: 111), in referring to ‘ways of speaking and thinking’, argues of sociological theories, ‘In order to fulfil their purpose they must be communicable’.

Whilst a focus on figuration and process provides a ‘strong sociological frame of reference’ (Jary & Horne, 1987: 179) here, it is, as Dunning (1996) himself recognises, only a step in the right direction. Both Dunning and Hughes (2013) and Paulle et al. (2015) describe the explanatory potential of a dual theory approach combining Elias and Bourdieu, and to further understand PE and sport in independent schools, we turn to the work of Bourdieu and the ideas of distinction and cultural capital.

3.5 BOURDIEU AND DISTINCTION

In arguing that the sociology of sport is an often trivialised and underappreciated area of study, Warde (2006: 108) points to the work of Bourdieu as a recognising ‘the importance of sport and body management practices with respect to the accumulation and display of cultural capital’. ‘Nothing more clearly affirms one's ‘class’, nothing more infallibly classifies, than tastes’ writes Bourdieu (1984: 10) and, as he argues elsewhere, sporting taste (a preference for, and participation in, certain sports) ‘doubtless owes part of its ‘interest’ … to its distinguishing function and, more precisely, to the gains in distinction which it brings’ (Bourdieu, 1978: 828).

Choices relating to sporting participation can often be ‘strategic acts of social positioning’. (Roberts, 2016: 132) and, referring to ‘smart’ and ‘vulgar’ sports, Bourdieu attributes greater distinction to activities such as tennis, horse riding and sailing. Whilst couching it in relative terms, Bourdieu (1984: 209) contends that, in terms of taste and sporting activities, ‘everything takes place as if the probability of taking up the different sports depended, within the limits defined by economic and cultural capital and spare time on perception and assessment of the intrinsic and extrinsic profits of each sport’. Giulianotti (2004: 166), writing of Bourdieu’s

68 work, argues that ‘it demonstrates the deeply entrenched relation between social class and sport’.

3.5.1 Distinction and sport For Bourdieu (1990: 22), distinction and ‘struggles for recognition are a fundamental dimension of social life and that what is at stake in them is an accumulation of a particular form of capital, honour in the sense of reputation and prestige’. Used elsewhere (e.g. Light & Kirk, 2001) as a theoretical framework for research into sport, education, class and the reproduction of social advantage, the notion of distinction, in short, that culture ‘unites and separates’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 56), acting as ‘a marker of social identity’ (Jenkins, 2002: 124), is applicable to symbolic sporting practices ‘closely tied to a class, by tradition like (tea in France) or price (like caviar)’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 13). According to Bourdieu, the reproduction of advantage can be explained by the imprinting of social class upon the developing body, with different social classes being inclined to produce different bodily forms (1984, 2000). He attributes this to three related concepts, namely habitus, location and taste:

- Taste Referring to choice, or preference, Bourdieu (1984: 190) defines taste as the ‘principle of classification which governs all forms of incorporation, choosing and modifying everything that the body ingests and digests and assimilates, physiologically and psychologically'. - Location Bourdieu (1985: 724) refers to in terms of geographical position and relative proximity to economic, social and cultural need and consequently to the value of an individual’s capital assets. - Habitus is regarded as the most abstract and difficult to define of these notions (Shilling, 2012: 161). Perhaps most clearly, habitus refers to ‘a set of dispositions which motivate individuals to behave in predetermined ways according to social class’ (Brubaker, 1985: 758). Bourdieu calls it ‘the basis from which life-styles are generated’ (1978: 833-4), noting that it can act as form of embodied cultural capital (1986).

To contextualise these three concepts, we might imagine a pupil who, along with their parents, has demonstrated a specific taste in choosing to attend an independent school which partakes in what Bourdieu, (1984) refers to as highly distinctive activities, such as rowing. Consequently, the pupil benefits from the school’s location, its own boathouse, the training facilities, coach (a former Olympian), strength and conditioning, the timetable structured to 69 facilitate a significant volume of training. Further to this, the pupil’s habitus may be expressed in dispositions such as commitment to training, relationships with fellow rowers and the nature of interactions with staff. It is little surprise that such sporting bodies are more likely to develop into Olympic rowers than one who never sets foot in a boat.

That independent schools play a role in the reproduction of social advantage is well established (e.g. Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977). Indeed, attending an independent school and one’s taste in sporting activities is suggestive of a certain habitus and, as Bourdieu (1984: xxv) notes, ‘the influence of social origin is strongest - other things being equal - in ‘extra-curricular’ … culture’ such as sport. However, perhaps the key question Bourdieu helps us to answer is why there is such an emphasis on sporting excellence in some independent schools, how this phenomenon has arisen and moreover, why there appears to be a relationship with particular sporting practices. The notion cultural capital and its connection (for Bourdieu at least) with social class is useful here.

According to Wacquant, Bourdieu ‘coined the notion of cultural capital and inserted it into a generalized conception of capital as congealed and convertible ‘social energy’ (2002: 553). As we shall see, for both pupils and staff, sport in independent schools can play a role in the conversion of ‘cultural capital into economic capital, and back again’ (Bennett, 2010: xviii). In addition to the economic capital of parents, cultural capital offers a powerful tool for explaining why some independent schools have such a focus on high performance sport and Bourdieu (1978: 834) explains the association between sporting practices (‘realizations … of an aesthetic and an ethic’) and cultural capital.

Sport not only offers potential distinction and advantage to individuals (Light & Kirk, 2001) but also, as we have seen in the status ‘hypothesis’ (Curry, Dunning & Sheard, 2006: 114), to schools as institutions in their quest to ‘distinguish themselves’ (Light & Kirk, 2001: 85). The potential benefits of doing so, whatever form they take, help to explain the general relationship (Bourdieu, 1984) between social class and various sporting activities and thus, the preponderance (or not) of independently educated athletes in certain sports.

3.5.2 Bourdieu on education, lifestyle and symbolic violence For Roberts (2016: 133), Bourdieu is ‘interested in social differences in cultural tastes, in how advantages were transmitted from parents to children, largely via education despite nominally 70 equal opportunities, and the role of cultural tastes in the relevant processes’. Bourdieu describes a number of different practices both in and out of schools, through which this takes place and habitus is produced (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977), with examples ranging from the ‘educational value of toys and play’ ascribed by ‘intellectual fractions’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 221) to the reading of ‘legitimate’ newspapers which is ‘one way among others … of showing one’s sense of belonging … of being a full citizen, entitled’ (p444). The cultural capital which children accumulate, by virtue of their familial lifestyle, and which extends to taste in music, cinema, art and food, is translated into educational capital by schools where teachers often read such ‘legitimate’ forms of capital as ‘an indicator of educability’ (Roberts, 2016: 139). Thus, it appears that ‘lower-class children fail not because they are held back by socio-economic barriers, but through their lack of the academic aptitude … In this way, the reproduction of inequalities, and the inequalities themselves, are legitimised, meaning they are made to appear fair to all’ (ibid).

Halsey et al. (1980: 77) point out independent schools are less likely than (selective) state schools to create cultural capital and more likely to reproduce it. Social class, in their view, is the most significant factor in determining success in secondary education. As Warde (2006: 119) puts it, ‘Education … is, of course, correlated with class position’. Bourdieu (1973) argues that the significant, but nevertheless incomplete, overlap between those with most economic capital and those with most cultural capital is evidence of the possibility of social mobility and the meritocracy of education; a notion Reay (2017) strongly refutes.

Given this emphasis on the role of the family in the inculcation of habitus and the importance of the early years, the usefulness of the concept of habitus, as durable and transmissible, in social reproduction becomes apparent. Inherent in this is the notion of symbolic violence: ‘the imposition of systems of symbolism and meaning (i.e. culture) upon groups or classes in such a way that they are experienced is legitimate’ (Jenkins, 2002: 104). It is, for Bourdieu and Passeron (1977: xiii), a process ‘whereby power relations are perceived not for what they objectively are but in a form which renders them legitimate in the eyes of the beholder’.

The tendency of ‘pedagogic action’ (the work performed by schools, as pedagogic agencies, for example) to reproduce class differences in cultural capital (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977), can be seen in the context of PE and sport in independent schools through the practice of certain more exclusive sporting activities, such as rowing, which are unlikely to be in an option (in 71 school at least) for many children. Here we see the strength of the argument that ‘exclusion or censorship may in fact be the most effective mode of pedagogic action’ (Jenkins, 2002: 105). That this exclusion works most powerfully as self-exclusion’ (p. 107) further inhibits those who may have the resources to access such activities but lack the inclination (for which read habitus or disposition) to become involved with activities which are seen as ‘not for the likes of us’ (p. 113). It is, in short, a process of self-elimination, and prevention; of ‘refusal’ and ‘privation’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 24).

In the context of this thesis, it can be argued that the success of independently educated athletes is indeed a form of symbolic violence in that it can be seen to reproduce the notion that participation and accomplishment in certain sports is not for everyone. That to partake and excel in sports such as rowing, cricket, hockey or rugby not only requires the necessary resources but a certain type of person, for which is surely read a person of a certain social- class. This in itself is a damaging stereotype that ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ serves to perpetuate, and which, if we can suspend judgement in the role of independent schools in the reproduction of privilege - here in the embodied form of sporting ability as cultural capital - by bracketing out the broader theme of social class and relationship with independent schools we might be better able, through a critical appreciation of practices of some schools, to see for what it is. A form of transmission of capital through a series of distinctive educational and lifestyle practices designed to offer distinction to both individuals and institutions alike. 3.5.3 Updating Bourdieu: Omnivorousness and Voraciousness Widdop et al. (2016: 598) note that, ‘by the last decade of the 20th century, scholars had begun to question whether Bourdieu’s theory still reflected contemporary social reality’. And, with Bourdieu’s work being written of French culture 50 years ago, it is important to consider whether his ideas are germane in the context of PE and sport in British independent schools today. Whilst we return to this question in Chapter Six, we first consider how others have developed his ideas.

In questioning the relationship between sport and social class in the 21st century some argue that sport is becoming increasingly democratised; that there has been a ‘blurring’ (Roberts, 1997: 2) of differences in sports participation and that ‘the main social class differences are no longer whether young people play any sport but how much, how many and how often’ (Green,

Smith & Roberts, 2004: 191). Updating Bourdieu’s view of sport25 as a form of distinction, Warde (2006: 110-114) highlights that, whilst social class differences persist (that sporting taste may reflect one’s habitus and remain ‘symbolically significant … to some degree’ (p108)) their influence in terms of frequency of participation and range of activities participated in - ‘the higher the class, the greater the participation’ and the ‘wider range of experience’ - is most notable. For Roberts (2016: 142), this is ‘at odds with Bourdieu’s treatment of exclusively ‘legitimate’ (high-culture) tastes and disdain for anything lowbrow as distinguishing the middle classes’, implying, as it does, an ‘omnivorousness’ (Peterson, 1992) of taste.

Rather than observing a Bourdieuian contrast between ‘exclusive highbrow snob and the undiscriminating lowbrow slob’, Peterson (2005: 260) describes ‘eclectic tastes among high status individuals’; that ‘high status respondents seemed more nearly ‘‘omnivorous’’ in their tastes, while those near the bottom of the status hierarchy were more nearly “univorous.”’. Further to this, differences exist in the volume or frequency of participation (that may or may not correlate with the range of activities (Peterson, 2005)), which Sullivan and Katz-Gerro (2006) refer to as ‘‘voraciousness’’26. In applying ‘ominvourousness’ to participation in sporting activities, Widdop et al. (2016: 608) further develop the idea, differentiating between highbrow and lowbrow omnivores who, whilst both being notable for their ‘extremely active participation and sheer insatiable appetite for all the sporting items’, can be distinguished by their interest in more highbrow activities (e.g. water sports and outdoor pursuits) or lowbrow activities (e.g. football). Bourdieu’s fundamental point thus remains true; that the ‘value of cultural tastes depends partly on the economic and social capital of those who possess the tastes in question … capitals combine to distinguish different classes, and to make each class distinctive’ (Roberts, 2016: 136-7). In the context of this thesis, we consider what the data tells us about a contemporary iteration of Bourdieu’s notion of distinction. And in Chapter Six, I reflect on the relevance of distinction and the usefulness of the idea of ‘omnivorousness’ in the context of the findings.

25 Warde (2006: 121) also draws our attention to other bodily practises ‘implicated … in the production and reproduction of economic and cultural capital … also through diet and body management, modification and maintenance, do people introduce and represent themselves and their social strategies and values to others. All these practices reveal significant social differences which are laden with symbolic significance’. 26 It is proposed - ‘assuming that change really has occurred’ (Roberts, 2016: 143) - that these changes are influenced by a number of factors, including; social class mobility, changes in ethnic composition of the populations, the increasing difficulties of exclusion, mass media, the internet, and the aestheticization of popular culture (Peterson, 2005; Widdop et al., 2016). 73

3.5.4 Criticism of Bourdieu Whilst lauded (posthumously) as ‘the world’s most cited living social scientist’ (Wacquant, 2002: 549) and as having, in Distinction, written ‘a-if, indeed, not the-classic sociological text of the twentieth century’ (Bennett, 2010: xxiii), Bourdieu’s work is not without criticism. Brown (2005: 16), for example, highlights the ‘charge of an implicit social determinism’ which, for Jenkins (2002: 177), ‘only recognises a limited degree social mobility’. Inherent in this determinism is an ‘inability to understand resistance’ (p123) and others comment on an over-socialized view diminishing the possibility of agency (Shilling, 1997) and an overemphasis on social class (Giulianotti, 2004: 171) and reproduction. Consequently, Roberts (2016: 145) argues, ‘It is best to treat Bourdieu’s work, like other macro-theories, as highlighting tendencies rather than trying to account for everything. Treated in this way, Bourdieu’s tendencies look powerful.

For his tendency towards relativisation, whilst also arguing that his view is the authoritative one, Jenkins (2002: xviii) criticises Bourdieu for a form of duplicitousness in which ‘positivism sneaks in through the back door’. Such ‘residual positivism … which may be unavoidable’, suggests, for Jenkins, that Bourdieu ‘has yet, perhaps, to transcend the ‘rock-bottom’ antimony of objectivism and positivism’ (p60-1). Elsewhere, Hargreaves, (1994) and Laberge (1995) argue that Bourdieu’s foregrounding of class marginalises gender (a criticism Dunning (1992: 255) acknowledges to be true of his work with Elias, too), and Bennett (2010: xxiii) notes the ‘neglect of ethnicity’ and, as a possible consequence of his methodology, ‘a tendency to over- polarize the tastes of different classes’. Nevertheless, writing if the spatial limitations of his work, Bourdieu acknowledges that ‘it is quite possible that such relationships may not be observed in other national spaces of sports’ (1988: 154).

As for habitus, Jenkins (2002), describes the act of inferring ‘the nature of habitus from the consequences of action’ (p82), as ‘at best, tautological, and, at worst’ as allowing ‘no scope for failed, unsuccessful or otherwise thwarted dispositions’ (p76). Arguing that the explanatory potential of habitus is undermined by an inherent deception, Roberts (2016: 140) makes a similar point, argueing that ‘there is a circularity in using habitus as an explanatory concept, but its strength lies in signalling dispositions that make individuals feel instantly ‘at home’ in a sporting field’.

Furthermore, Bourdieu is criticised for his style of writing, with Jenkins (2002: 26) accusing him of ‘throwaway sophistry’ and describing an ‘illusory profundity which can make Bourdieu’s work so irritating to read’. It is, in Jenkins’ words, ‘unnecessarily long-winded, obscure, complex and intimidatory … he does not have to write in this fashion to say what he wants to say’ (p9-10). For Jenkins, this ‘strategy to enhance his own distinction, reputation and status’ (p163), which has patently proved successful, may in part be explained by Bourdieu’s location within French academic tradition. Whilst Bourdieu’s work is now seen as somewhat dated, as Jenkins (2002: x) puts it, there is ‘enormous profit’ to be had from it. For the purposes of better explaining PE and sport in independent schools, Bourdieu’s ideas, in conjunction with those of Elias, prove to be ‘good to think with’ (Brown, 2005: 4). For me (as for Paulle et al., 2012: 69) combining the idea of distinction with a process, figurational perspective provides a more powerful and readily accessible framework through which to analyse the findings ‘than either of their sociological perspectives considered separately’. It is this dual theory approach which we now consider.

3.6 ELIAS AND BOURDIEU – A DUAL THEORY APPROACH

Significant overlaps exist between the work of Bourdieu and Elias, not least that both chose to examine sport (Dunning & Hughes, 2013), and Paulle et al. (2012: 69-70), referring to ‘deep- seated conceptual affinities’, note that ‘the similarities between their visions of society are striking’. Bourdieu’s ‘sense of history as the longue durée’ (Jenkins, 2002: 149) echoes the idea of process27,28, whilst the notion of distinction as serving to discriminate between various class fractions is comparable with Elias’ refinement of manners and established and outsider relations. The idea of field, ‘a network, or a configuration, of objective relations between positions objectively defined’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 97), ‘a rough equivalent’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 199) of figurations.

Whilst the attraction of using one or the other theorist in isolation (in the way they were intended to be read) was considerable, as this research progressed, based on the data and my

27 Bourdieu himself, as well as making several references to Elias in Distinction, acknowledges their differing processual perspectives, noting that ‘Elias is more sensitive than I am to continuity. Historical analysis of long-term trends is always liable to hide critical breaks’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 93). 28 Maguire writes of the impact that Barbarians, Gentlemen and Players and ‘the work of Norbert Elias more generally’ had on Bourdieu (in Dunning & Sheard, 2005: xii). 75 reading of the theory, it became apparent that a combination of ideas from the two thinkers would provide ‘greater analytical purchase’ (Malcolm, 2004: 73). As much as the similarities, it is, for me, the differences and therefore the potential of the two in combination, that are interesting. As Paulle et al. (2012: 70) put it, ‘when taken together, the two authors’ perspectives yield a vision more far-reaching and powerful than either considered separately’. Nevertheless, the decision to use two theorists implicitly implies that each has a limitation. To appropriate Bourdieu (1988a: 780), ‘each thinker offers then means to transcend the limitation of the others’. Beyond an acknowledgement that no theory is without shortcomings (Coakley & Dunning, 2000), what in the context of this thesis are the relevant limitations of each and how does the use of the other remedy this?

Despite Bourdieu’s acknowledgement of the ‘longue duree’, he is criticised for an ahistorical approach (Connell, 1983), something a process orientated approach compensates for. Whilst Kilminster (2007: ix) warns of the danger that ‘conceptual borrowings – however well-meaning and even fruitful – may draw the teeth of Elias’, Giulianotti (2005) advocates the selective use of Elias’ work and, Bourdieu himself recognizes a similarly pragmatic approach to the work of others (Jenkins, 2002: 11). I am in agreement with Jenkins’ (p149) view that a figurational approach tells us 'too little ... [about the] structured power relations and the reproduction of social inequalities' evident in this context. Savage (2015: 19) describes Bourdieu as ‘offering the most perceptive approach to unravelling the complexities of class today’, and, for me, Bourdieu offers greater explanatory power in terms of class based view of sporting tastes. It must be noted however, that his focus on class, is seen by some as an overemphasis (Tomlinson, 2004). For others, Bourdieu's more cultural take on class (Giulianotti, 2005) diminishes a necessary emphasis on economic capital as the ultimate determinant.

Whilst both Elias and Bourdieu (who also acknowledged his ‘admiration for and intellectual sympathy with Elias’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 188-9)) drew upon the work of Marx (Giulianotti, 2004; Hargreaves, 1994), his are ideas rooted in the 19th Century and I thought it better to view the findings through the work of the two more recent theorists. That said, the different spatio-temporal contexts of Bourdieu's work and this research must also be kept in mind. As Grenfell (2014: 12) reminds us, Bourdieu’s ‘ideas were shaped by the salient social and intellectual trends of the times within which they were produced’.

Coakley and Dunning (2000: xxxii-xxxiv) propose that ‘the challenge for sociology and the sociology of sport is to utilize that which is of value ... and to abandon the rest’. Similarly, Maguire argues that ‘the craft of sociological enquiry involves a set of tools for the production of knowledge’ (in Dunning & Sheard, 2005: xii). It is in this spirit that this thesis employs, in conjunction, aspects of the work of Elias and Bourdieu as ‘a set of thinking tools’ (Wacquant, 1989: 50) to explore and explain the complex set of relationships evident in the findings on PE and sport in independent schools presented here.

3.7 CONCLUSION

Whilst Gruneau (1976) challenges the suggestion that the sociology of sport differs significantly from sociology through sport, it is my intention in this research to attempt what Malcolm (2012: 9) characterizes as ‘an analysis of the social aspects of sport using sociological frameworks’. As Holt puts it, there is ‘a big difference between those who are committed to validating a particular theory and those who simply use ‘theory’ as a starting point’ (2013: 18). In doing so, I hope to address both aspects of Kenyon’s (1986: 17) differentiation between research which utilises theory and that which seeks to develop it. In this sense I am not, in Holt’s (2013: 18) words, setting ‘out to prove or disprove’ but rather see sociological theory as ‘useful for understanding a certain process’ and the findings here as an opportunity to test and potentially refine certain aspects of theory within the context of PE and sport in independent schools.

Malcolm (2012: 42) notes that Elias and Bourdieu are identified, by sociologists of sport, as theorists who have ‘contributed most significantly to the field’ of the sociology of sport. Drawing simultaneously and selectively upon the work of both authors offers a ‘more fertile’ (Paulle et al., 2012) approach to understanding and explaining how social advantage is reproduced in this context. In bringing these sociological concepts ‘explicitly to bear on the task of explanation’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 1) of the findings, my intention is to combine ‘microscopic interpretation with macroscopic explanation’ (Wacquant, 2002: 551). Ultimately, good theory, writes Pfeffer (1982), is that which is testable and logically coherent and the following chapter outlines the methodology and methods employed to achieve this and the paradigm stance which drives these.

Chapter IV: Methodology and Methods

4.1 INTRODUCTION

What should we think of someone who maintains that an axe must always be used to shape any material, be it wood, marble or wax? (Elias, 1978: 60)

Building on the historical, contemporary and theoretical considerations detailed in the preceding chapters, we turn to the methodology and methods (research techniques) employed to address the primary aim of this study. However, before describing the methods, the underlying philosophical framework and methodology - ‘the general principles or axioms of the generation of new knowledge’ (McGregor & Murname, 2010: 2) – is considered with the aim of presenting an internally coherent thread running through this thesis and serving to increase the quality of this research. Whilst developing a workable, rationalised method at times meant striking a pragmatic balance - as Bourdieu and Wacquant put it, ‘making a virtue out of a necessity’ (1992: 226) – as we shall see, the research design is shaped directly by the research aim and the epistemological and ontological assumptions aligned with this. Elias highlights the need for sociologists to ‘work out clearly what they are doing, to become fully aware of it, and so to justify it’ (1978: 98) and what follows is a rationalisation of the decisions made in this process and the implications in terms of data collection and analysis. Discussing Kuhn’s notion of paradigm, Loftus and Rothwell (2010: 23) argue that reality is always seen through the theoretical lens provided by the paradigm:

There is no question of the facts speaking for themselves. The facts always need to be interpreted … more than this, there is an implication that what counts as a fact in the first place is also determined by the paradigm. Therefore, inquiry is always value- bound; there are no neutral interpretations.

We begin, therefore, by setting out the philosophical framework or paradigm – the ‘set of assumptions, beliefs and practices that form the foundation of inquiry’ (Loftus & Rothwell, 2010: 22) – upon which this research is based. In the explicit threading of a philosophical narrative through this chapter it is intended that the paradigm stance adopted here ‘becomes apparent through its strong interdependence with decisions about research questions, ontological and epistemological stances, the goals as well as the values and interests that shape

78 the research project’ (Dillon & Read, 2004: 35). And, moreover that these are aligned, inform each other and have been ‘crafted to fit together coherently’ (ibid).

4.2 ARTICULATING A PHILOSOPHICAL FRAMEWORK

In arguing the importance of qualitative researchers articulating their chosen philosophical framework clearly, Higgs and Trede (2010: 35) emphasise the consideration of ‘what reality is, what counts as evidence, and how it is to be gathered’, alongside ‘the researcher’s interest in bringing to bear a particular focus of inquiry … as a guide to the optimal paradigm’. Similarly, for Titchen and Ajjawi (2010: 46), ‘the type of research question (along with the desired product) is central to choosing an appropriate research paradigm and designing and implementing a research methodology that is congruent philosophically, theoretically and methodologically’. Distinct from research topics and theoretical frameworks, the term paradigm includes ontological and epistemological perspectives as well as ‘methodological norms, expectations and ethical practices’ (Higgs and Trede, 2010: 33). Indeed, congruence between these features contributes to the internal coherence which, Carter (2010) argues, is central to ensuring quality in qualitative research. However, an explicit position on what I take to be ‘reality’ to be (ontology) is required before discussing how we might know that reality (epistemology) and therefore, in terms of developing and articulating a philosophical framework we must address ontology and epistemology in turn.

4.2.1 Ontological positioning For Byers (2013: 9-10), there exists an ontological spectrum she describes as a ‘continuum of research perspectives’ with realism (objectivism) at one extreme and relativism (constructionism) at the other. Whilst realism can be described as an ontological position in which ‘‘we perceive objects whose existence and nature are independent of our perceptions’’ (Oxford Companion to Philosophy, 1995, p. 746), relativism posits that there is no universal version of truth to be found, that everything is subject to interpretation and thus ‘the existence of objects is … simply confined to perception’ (Downward, 2005: 306). Moreover, there exist nuances within both of these positions (Schwandt, 2000). Perhaps the most recognised of which is critical realism which, ‘[L]ocated in the centre’, takes ‘elements from the positivistic school of thought and elements from the interpretivist school to offer a more balanced research perspective’ (Byers 2013: 9-10).

That this thesis begins with the fact that some independent schools produce far higher numbers of elite athletes than other independent and state schools, implicitly acknowledges the value of objective, measurable data. However, I am conscious of the limitations of such objective knowledge in terms of helping us to better understand independent school sport. Limitations which the potential of participants’ voices, with their ‘different and equally valid views’ (Loftus & Rothwell, 2010: 24) can go some way to addressing. In making explicit the level of internal coherence here it is worth restating the aim of this thesis – To seek, through a sociological perspective, a better understanding of PE and sport in independent schools – to demonstrate that the philosophical framework, methodology and methods are all driven by this goal. With this in mind, I acknowledge the place of what are, in this instance and my view, complementary (in terms of helping us address this aim) realist and relativist ontological stances and reject this form of exclusive dualism. In taking ‘elements from both positivism [realism] and interpretivism [relativism]’ (Byers, 2013: 5), and not rejecting ‘either interpretivism or statistical modelling wholesale’ (Archer, 2016: no page), my own ontological stance might well be described as a critical realist ontology. However, without wishing to disappear down a philosophical rabbit hole (attempting to marry the overlapping paradigms of Elias and Bourdieu) beyond the scope of this thesis, generally align my own position, and a refusal to lapse (or consistently commit) to either realism or relativism, with the positions of Bourdieu and in particular Elias and the notion of reality congruence.

My ontological stance that a reductive, binary view of the two, ‘antithetical’ extremes of objectivism and constructivism (Bryman, 2016: 689) is less helpful here is in agreement with Swain, who sees little merit in positivistic attempts ‘to collapse human experience into numbers and categories’ (1999: 233), and also with Dunning’s particularly scathing view of extreme relativism. Referring to the ‘absurdities of solipsism’ (2004: 20), he cites Hobsbawm’s denunciation of the interpretive implication that ‘all ‘facts’ claiming objective existence are simply intellectual constructions. In short, that there is no clear difference between fact and fiction’ (1993 in Dunning, 2004: 20). In taking this ontological view of what constitutes knowledge I am eschewing an exclusively postmodern, constructivist perspective, whilst simultaneously rejecting the Cartesian notion that ‘rigorous scientific method … [is] guaranteed to produce something called the truth’ (Loftus & Rothwell, 2010: 23)29. In this I

29 Here the authors note an acceptance, even within the field of physics – ‘that most reductionist of sciences’ – that the role of the observer can ‘profoundly affect the outcome of an observation’ (Loftus & Rothwell, 2010: 21). 80 am aligned with Bourdieu, for whom ‘the idea of a neutral science is a fiction’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 51).

This stance also fits closely with Elias’ (1971: 358) fine, figurative depiction of ‘steering the sociological vessel … [between the] Scylla of philosophical absolutism and the Charybdis of sociological relativism’. It is an approach, shared by Bourdieu (Dunning & Hughes, 2013), which is intended to avoid the pitfalls of a ‘social constructionist perspective in which individuals create their own social realties, and the inevitability of complete determinism implied by positivism’ (Nichols & Raulston, 2014: 201). Van Krieken (1998: 137) writes that Elias’ work features a ‘rejection of both the concept of ‘truth’ as absolutely distinct from falsity and a relativistic conception of knowledge, in favour of the concept of a greater or lesser ‘object adequacy’ in human knowledge, lying somewhere between ‘involvement’ and ‘detachment’. Describing the ‘concept of ‘truth’ [as] an anachronism’, Elias (1971: 158) instead emphasises ‘an advance in relation to the existing fund of knowledge’, and it is an aspiration I hold for this research.

Here we are encountering Elias’ notion of ‘reality congruence’, a perspective sharing much with Bourdieu’s (1977: 29) ‘model of reality’30 which Jenkins (2002: 51) refers to as an ‘attempt to thread a dialectical middle way or third path between the thesis and antithesis of objectivism and subjectivism’. In that the synthesis itself, in Bourdieu’s view, constitutes truth or reality, this too is vulnerable to criticism as ‘a subjective expectation of objective probability’ (ibid). Whilst Van Krieken (1998: 162) argues that an apparent lack of specificity regarding what constitutes object adequacy/reality congruence is due to a lack of ‘general agreement on that question’. Rather than subscribing to either of the two ontological extremes, it is the aim of this thesis is to provide a more object adequate, reality congruent view of PE and sport in independent schools. Having established my position on what “social” reality is, and is not, we move on to an aligned epistemology which elevates the level of internal coherence and underpins the quality of this research.

30 Here Bourdieu (1977: 29) emphasises the difference between a ‘model of reality’ and the ‘reality of the model’. 81

4.2.2 Epistemological positioning If ontology is ‘the constitution of the social world as an object of study’, epistemology is the ‘the way in which we know or explain’ an object of study, (Jenkins, 2002: 91). As with ontology, there exists a continuum of ways of knowing, from positivism - ‘the application of the methods of the natural sciences to the study of social reality and beyond’ (Bryman, 2016: 24) - to interpretivism - ‘the goal of which is to understand, interpret, seek meaning, describe, illuminate, theorise’ (Higgs & Trede, 2010: 34). These are generally aligned with realist and relativist ontologies respectively. In accordance with my own ontological position, which sits between the two, my epistemological position is to recognise the value of both positivism and interpretivism (this implicitly recognises the limitations of each, addressing the one with the other) in seeking to better understand PE and sport in independent schools. This epistemological stance underpins the methodology and methods employed here, with a positivist approach, as we have seen in Chapter I, revealing the heterogenous nature of the independent sector and interpretivism intended to facilitate a better understanding of the success of some schools through the participants’ voices. As such we can describe this thesis as employing a mixed methods approach ‘combining methods associated with both quantitative and qualitative research’ (Bryman, 2016: 34).

Describing epistemology as ‘a critical concern with how and if it is possible to know the world and how one can justify any particular claim to knowledge’, Jenkins (2002: 20) notes Bourdieu’s emphasis on the importance of the (social) researcher avoiding ‘a misleading reification or objectification of the social reality under study’. In positioning both this study it is helpful to address these points Coakley and Dunning (2000: xxx) outline as being the three main epistemological (and by implication methodological) areas of contention between the various paradigms of the sociology of sport:

1. Where sociology [is] located on the continuum between the humanities and the sciences. 2. [If] sociology is a science, whether [it is seen] as a science in a ‘soft’, for example … participant observational orientated, sense or in a ‘hard’ … sense based on … equivalents to experimentation. 3. Whether … the purpose of sociological knowledge [is] as an ‘end in itself’ … as a tool for improving human performance (in our case in the field of sport), or as a means to identify and achieve political goals. 82

Taking the first two in conjunction, for me the location of sociology as a subject depends largely on the nature of the work being undertaken and the methods employed. Epistemologically, this is exemplified by the polarisation of qualitative and quantitative approaches and whilst this research, in its use of interviews, is largely qualitative and interpretive, the initial work revealing the heterogenous nature of independent schools is clearly quantitative in nature31. Returning to Coakley and Dunning’s questioning of the purpose of sociology, it is possible that an individual piece of research can be intended to achieve all three of the rationale they describe.

In the first instance, I aim to demonstrate the sociological merit of this research. Coakley and Dunning describe research as being ‘for the advancement of knowledge’ and/or ‘securing socio-political or ‘practical’ sport related goals’ (2002: xxxi) and similarly this thesis has both professional/pedagogical (empirical) and sociological (theoretical) aspects to it. Secondly, it is conceivable that this study might find use through the sharing of best practice regarding the development of young athletes. Lastly, the findings might add weight, however consequential, to the debate surrounding school sport and PE policy.

For Higgs and Trede (2010: 32), epistemology (‘how we can know something’) in qualitative research is ‘based on the position that we can know and understand phenomena through experiences and dialogues with others that lead to meaning making’ and here the predominant method of data collection via interviews is driven by a desire to explore PE and sport in independent schools through the voices of the participants and a consideration of the figuration and structures within which these voices are embedded. Whilst the stimulus for this research was quantitative, I subsequently and predominantly employ a qualitative, interpretivist approach to explore PE and sport in independent schools. In seeking the ‘the experiences’ (Haysbrook, 1999: 8) of those involved I am approaching the topic from the ‘‘inside’ through … those who constitute it’ (Dunning and Hughes, 2013: 192). Ultimately however, there can be ‘no God’s eye view’ (Putnam, 1987 cited in Sparkes, 1992: 27) and this thesis provides an

31 In this sense it could be argued that this research takes a mixed methods approach in which quantitative data is used to ‘uncover the overall aspects of the phenomenon’ and qualitative data to ‘uncover the complexity of the phenomenon under examination’ (Grbich, 2010: 135). However, given that I methods of data collection involved interviews and that I analysed the quantitative data presented by Tozer (2013), rather than collecting it, this research is qualitative in nature. 83 interpretive account of PE and sport in independent schools which is intended to be more reality congruent than that which presently exists.

4.2.3 Summary To summarise the philosophical framework for this thesis, we return to the idea of a mixed method design which, in seeking to address the aim of this thesis, utilises both quantitative and, principally, qualitative data. Fitting with this, Bryman (2016: 640) describes an explanatory sequential design (see Figure 4.1) as useful when the researcher ‘feels that the broad patterns of relationships uncovered through quantitative research require an explanation which the quantitative data on their own are unable to supply or when further insight … is required’, and this design is entirely appropriate for the aim of seeking to better understand PE and sport in independent schools.

QUALITATIVE DATA quantitative data Case studies (interviews & Findings (number of elite website athletes per information e.g. school) policy documents)

FIGURE 4.1 AN EXPLANATORY SEQUENTIAL DESIGN (ADAPTED FROM BRYMAN, 2016: 639)32

Congruent with this aim, and also with Elias and Bourdieu’s desire to avoid paradigmatic extremes (Dunning & Hughes, 2013), this thesis ontologically embraces aspects of realism and relativism through a critical realist approach which recognises the existence of ‘a reality external to individuals’ (Byers, 2013: 10) but also that ‘research is inherently subjective’ (Downward, 2005: 308). I make no claim to having discovered ‘a single, stable, accessible truth’ and instead my wish is to develop a ‘more complex picture’ (Carter, 2010: 148)33 of PE and sport in independent schools; a more informed and therefore, in Eliasian terms, more reality congruent picture which contributes to ‘the existing fund of knowledge’ (Elias, 1971: 158). Epistemologically, whilst there is a similar refusal of the traditional dichotomy of objectivism and subjectivism, at the heart of this research is the collection of data via interviews that is the

32 The use of capitals and lower case for the quantitative and qualitative stages indicate that the priority of this thesis is on the collection and analysis of qualitative data through interviews. 33 In this sense the overall philosophical position might also be viewed as an instrumentalist position which combines ‘methods on typically pragmatic grounds … for practical purposes’ (Downward, 2005: 3008). 84 result of a commitment to the value of participants’ voices and, in recognizing that ‘the interviewer, interview context and the interviewee mutually create research objects’ (Downward, 2005: 308), the epistemology is predominantly interpretivist. Moreover, the use of quantitative data as a starting point for this research also acknowledges both the merits and limitations of positivism.

Position Quantitative aspect Qualitative aspect Ontological Realist/objective approach Critical realism, employing statistical data. Epistemological Positivism Interpretivism

TABLE 4.1 A SUMMARY OF THE PHILOSOPHICAL FRAMEWORK (ADAPTED FROM BRYMAN, 2016: 32)

This mixed methods approach (see Table 4.1) shares much with a critical realist stance which ‘combines ontological realism with epistemological fallibility’34, that is to say that, ‘no beliefs (or opinions or views or theses, and so on) are so well justified or supported by good evidence or apt circumstances that they could not be false’ (Hetherington, 2005: no page). Likewise, it reflects Denzin and Lincoln’s (2000: 47) description of a move away from ‘single, over arcing ontological, epistemological and methodological paradigms’. This ontological and epistemological perspective forms a philosophical framework which, as we shall now see, shapes the methodology and methods employed in this research.

4.3 METHODOLOGY

Contemporary sociology, according to Holt (2013: 18), ‘has retired from grand theory’ and, as Scott (2000: 70) contends, ‘there is no single practice or correct methodology’. In this regard, I share one of the characteristics Malcolm (2012) attributes, rather generally, to more recent generations of sociologists: namely an openness that Giulianotti (2004: 2) refers to as ‘a ‘postmodern’ commitment to engaging with other theoretical traditions’. Given an academic background that began in the biological rather than social sciences, this is, for me, as much due to a willingness to consider other standpoints as a belief that no one framework holds universal validity. Whilst my hope is that an amalgam of approaches might lead to some form of hybrid

34 I would however describe my own position, in Hetherington’s (2005: no page) terms (here he cites mathematical reasoning as potentially conclusive and infallible, as a restricted fallibilist, ‘accepting a fallibilism only about some narrower class of beliefs’. 85 sociological vigour, this position too is open to criticism. As Coakley and Dunning (2000: xxxii-xxxiv) put it, ‘The ‘impossibility’ of ‘grand narratives’ or ‘universal theories’’ [is] itself ‘a kind of ‘grand narrative’ or universal law-like statement’.

Malcolm (2012: 12) describes academic careers as potentially entailing ‘a number of new directions and emphases’; a change of perspective Erixon (2011: 236) refers to as ‘a kind of epistemological boundary crossing’. Or, in Gill’s words, akin to ‘turn[ing] around and wander[ing] off into the woods’ (2011: 309). I am not alone in doing so however, and as Green (2006: 650) notes: ‘like others before me I have … moved from being a physical education teacher to becoming a self-styled sociologist of sport and physical education’. Bryman (2016: 6) argues that ‘social research and the choice of research methods are not hermetically sealed off from wider influences’ and Sparkes and Smith (2014: 9) recognise both that ‘People are attracted to and shape research 'problems' that match their personal way of seeing and understanding the world’, and the influence, ‘either implicitly or explicitly, [of] our assumptions and theoretical orientations’.

With this in mind, it is important to recognise that my interest in PE and sport in independent schools, whilst acting as a starting point for this thesis, brings a number of preconceptions based upon my own experiences of the field. In a commitment to full disclosure and ‘methodological reflexivity’ (Bryman, 2016: 388) – rather than ‘aspiring to be a neutral data collector’ (Mason, 2018: 115) - I must acknowledge an a priori view that the practices of some independent schools, in contrast to others, contribute to the sporting success of their pupils. Indeed, questions about the possible nature and wider implications of these practices lie at the heart of this thesis and, the result is a study which utilises both deductive and inductive reasoning (see 4.2.6) to explore why some independent schools are more successful than others. Having outlined the epistemological and ontological positioning of this study we now consider further the various aspects of methodology which is inevitably informed by and here aligned with the paradigm stance (Cohen et al. 2011) that shapes this research.

4.3.1 Appreciative Inquiry (AI) Enright et al. (2014) argue that the pervading perspective of the field of sport and PE tends to focus upon aspects of the profession perceived to be problematic. It is a perspective in which ‘teachers who produce the negatives, poor A level results, inactive fat children, poor performance at sport, are unsuccessful and to blame’ (Evans, 2013: 82). Instead an alternative 86 approach is to look ‘beyond what’s broken’ (Enright et al., 2014) and to identify ‘the best of what is’ (Cooperrider & Srivastva, 1987). In contrast to Hammond’s observation that ‘by paying attention to problems we emphasize and amplify them’ (2013: 5), Grant and Humphries (2006: 402) define AI as ‘a research method with a focus on positive organizational attributes that may fuel change’. For Rogers and Fraser (2003: 77), AI is ‘likely to be most useful when the purpose of the evaluation is … to identify and make explicit areas of good performance … so that it gets continued or replicated’. As Enright et al. (2014: 912) suggest, ‘AI invites researchers to prioritise the positive in the research contexts they study with a view to discovering and generating stories about success that research participants and scholars alike might build on’.

Whilst there is little critique of AI as a method (Grant & Humphries, 2006), Bushe (2007: 1) stresses that ‘simply getting people to tell their “best of” stories may not accomplish much’ and instead focuses on generativity. That is to say, towards the discovery of ‘new things’ that can ‘positively alter’ the future (ibid). In particular, he recognises the ‘ability of a well-crafted appreciative question to build rapport and energy’ (p3). Enright et al. (2014: 921) refer to this as the heliotropic principle of AI; ‘that the growth of organisms occurs towards the source of light’. Yet, as Pill (2014) points out, AI has not, up until his research at least, been employed to study sport in schools and, in aiming to explore the reasons why some independent schools consistently develop elite performers in certain sports, this thesis takes an appreciative approach. However, to avoid an inadvertent slip towards consensual collective advertising, or overlooking the potential costs (symbolic, material, social and educational) of a focus on sporting excellence and reproducing the stereotypes and caricatures that are perpetrated in political and popular discourse, it is vital to take a cautious and critical attitude towards the voices of those involved in this research.

Employing an appreciative, yet critical approach is aligned with the paradigm stance and it is worth reiterating the central role this stance plays in shaping the methodology and methods here. The wish to consider the merits of PE and sport in independent school, whilst also retaining the right to critique it is in line with an ontological position situated between realism and relativism. In particular, recognition of the objective success of some independent schools and not others is to acknowledge ‘a reality external to individuals’ (Byers, 2013: 10). Whilst seeking, through the interpretive paradigm (Higgs & Trede, 2010) to better understand through the voices of the participants, this ‘particular phenomenon in greater depth so that it becomes

87 more meaningful’ and thereby to ‘produce insights that would be missed by a purely quantitative approach’ (Loftus & Rothwell, 2010: 22). In so doing, the intention is to develop a more reality congruent understanding that Elias advocates. Here, an epistemological belief in the value of qualitative data shapes this study and its use of interviews as a ‘legitimate … meaningful way to generate data’ (Mason, 2018: 111) whilst ontologically, my position is that the views of the participants ‘are meaningful properties of the social reality [this thesis] … is designed to explore’ (ibid). Nevertheless, in accordance with Bourdieu’s ‘objection to the notion of a ‘watertight separation between fact and value’ and Elias’ similar stance that ‘the notion of absolute ‘detachment’ or absolute ‘value freedom’ is a chimera’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 196) such views demand a critical approach if an appreciative inquiry is to be meaningful. Inevitably this has implications for the analysis and discussion, and I reflect on this in Chapter Seven, but firstly we consider what an appreciative but critical approach entails.

4.3.2 Retaining a critical capacity Whilst Rogers and Fraser (2003) warn of the risk of distortion inherent in an overly positive, appreciative account, as Enright et al. (2014: 918) note, ‘one might argue that all research distorts’. Nevertheless, AI is not ‘only about finding nice things to say’ (Rogers & Fraser, 2003: 75) and, if we are to avoid ‘self-serving’ accounts which avoid a discussion of ‘difficulties and limitations’ (p79-80), it is necessary to take a critical approach to AI. Similarly, Grant and Humphries (2006: 412-3) remind us that ‘what gets left out is just as important as what is included! … Through the evocation of ‘the positives’ that which might have been perceived as negative may have been ‘dismissed’, ‘overlooked’, or ‘suppressed’ in the discussion’. To borrow from Jenkins (2002: 31), there is a vulnerability to ‘accusations that ‘it only finds what it is looks for’ … as with beauty … [appreciation may] lie in the eye of the beholder’. The idea of AI casting a ‘shadow’ is useful here. As Fitzgerald, et al. (2010: 225) put it, ‘AI generates Shadow either through the “light” that it brings to the focal topics, and/or through the censoring impact of polarized norms … that many have come to equate with AI’.

Enright et al. (2014: 921) argue that AI ought to be a balanced process, that whilst ‘biased towards fleshing out images of success in terms articulated by research participants … this does not mean that less positive data are silenced and unwelcome’. In arguing for a more rounded definition of appreciation, Grant and Humphries (2006: 403), note that it ‘may also mean to know, to be conscious of, to take full or sufficient account of’. Just as a critical approach may involve appreciation, AI can embrace criticism. As Grant and Humphries (2006: 402) note, it

88 is possible to find a ‘fruitful synergy’ between the two. Adopting a more balanced and nuanced view of the literature and data collected ought not to prohibit an appreciation of what some independent schools do well by way of producing elite athletes. Ridley-Duff and Duncan (2015), proposing a hybrid they term Critical Appreciative Processes, argue that AI has taken a critical turn in recent years and likewise, we must consider the data collected here critically. Drawbacks aside, with the aim of better understanding PE and sport in independent schools, the methodological choice of an appreciative, yet critical, approach is intended to help discover why some schools are so successful. Ridley-Duff and Duncan’s (2015: 2) description of AI as ‘a generative learning process that uncovers narratives of success and builds upon them’ encapsulates the rationale for this approach.

It must be clearly stated, however, that this study, to paraphrase Murdoch and Whitehead (2013: 55), is in no way intended to belittle the good work being carried out in other schools. An emphasis on the voices of those involved in independent schools runs the risk of what Bernstein describes as an arrogant ‘claim to moral high ground and to the superiority of its culture, its indifference to its own stratification consequences, its conceit in its lack of relation to anything other than itself’ (2003: 213). Clearly a concern for research of this nature, it is hopefully addressed by retaining a critical capacity within the premise of AI.

That said, it might be argued that given the small proportion of society involved, and in being inherently ‘bound up with ‘privilege’ … and inescapably elitist’ (Roderick, 2014: 80), that the study of independent schools is considered as ‘marginal’ (ibid: 88). Whilst not fitting Messner’s (1999) claim that sociologists have a tendency to interest themselves in the disadvantaged, it is possible to apply Blanchard’s (2000: 144) term ‘small-scale societies’ here. As Lingard et al. (2008: 181) put it, ‘this research was predicated on the assumption that understanding the production of advantage would also provide insights into the production of disadvantage and the policies and practices required to address it’. A greater understanding of athletic development in independent schools, it is hoped, might contribute to the wider body of knowledge on the development of young athletes and PE.

When considering the possibility of extrapolating trends or themes ‘beyond the focus of the work in hand’ (Holloway, 1997: 8), the need for caution is vital. Particularly so, given the limited number of case studies involved and the lack of homogeneity within the field of schooling. Generalisation, it might be argued, is not possible here - in any non-Comtean,

89 statistically valid sense at least - and this focus on the schools involved is not a form of conceit (Bernstein, 2004), but an exposition of an unstudied sociological phenomenon. As Enright et al., (2014: 921-2) put it, AI is not ‘a means for generating complete or definitive truths [but] … supports … the production of stories about PESP [PE and Sport Pedagogy] at its best: stories that have the potential to enrich the body of knowledge in the field’. Part of the power of qualitative research, and the written product of it, is its ability to evoke what Delmar (2010) calls ‘recognisability’. In essence, description has the potential to lead readers to make their own generalisations, according to their own situations and experiences (Sparkes & Smith, 2014). For Dillon and Read (2004: 30) this means that ‘different readers of research will take different things from research depending on their intrinsic interest, their ability to read research and the situations that they know and understand (or wish to know and understand)’. Thus, the generalisability of this study, based on an exploration of ‘similarities and differences amongst cases’ (ibid), is intended to take a naturalistic form (Stake, 1995).

4.3.3 Towards a Multiple-Case Study Aligned with the paradigm stance described above (Baxter & Jack, 2008), a multiple case study - also referred to as collective case study35 (Yin, 2003) - approach was chosen here. Both the process and product of researching cases (Stake, 2000), case studies are defined ‘by interest in individual cases, not by the methods of inquiry used’ (p. 236). For Dillon and Reid (2004: 23), they often focus on ‘an event, a situation, a setting, a problem, an issue, a theory, a model, a unit, an entity … i.e. some ‘thing’ in a bounded context that represents the case in question ... [they are a] strongly analytical, data-selective choice’. Given a ‘growing awareness that … multiple-case study in particular may play a crucial role in relation to the understanding of causality’ (Bryman, 2016: 67), I deemed a multiple-case study design most appropriate for its potential in exploring similarities and differences between cases (Baxter & Jack, 2008) - schools in this instance - and thus to shed light on the success of some independent schools in producing senior international athletes. Moreover, a comparative approach – ‘one of the most powerful tools used in intellectual inquiry, since an observation made repeatedly is given more credence than is a single observation’ (Peterson, 2005: 257) - involving the purposive and opportunistic sampling of schools was intended to allow me to draw out the ‘distinctive and

35 Stake (2000: 237) defines collective case study involving ‘a number of cases jointly in order to inquire into the phenomenon, population, or general condition … [they] are chosen because it is believed that understanding them will lead to better understanding, perhaps better theorizing, about a still larger collection of cases’. 90 common features’ (ibid) of the schools studied. According to Yin’s (2009) typology of case studies, this comparative design might be described as involving ‘revelatory’, ‘exemplifying’ cases. That is to say the cases provided insight into a previously little studied phenomenon (revelatory) and that, at the same time, they were also potentially representative (typologically) of highly successful (Colbeck, Cambourne, Northcote), moderately successful (Liffield) and less successful (Gregham and Lyttelton) independent schools (see 4.2.5 & 4.3.1 for a rationalisation of the purposive sampling of schools). In enabling me to directly address the aims of this study, the intention was to draw out any ‘distinctive and common features of the cases’ (Bryman, 2016: 67) through an idiographic approach.

In terms of internal coherence, it is important to make explicit how the use of a case studies is aligned with the paradigm stance set out previously. Ontologically, the choice of case study schools (see 4.2.5 Which cases to study) recognises a ‘reality’ external to the participants in the quantifiable and varying success of different in independent schools, whilst also valuing the relativistic knowledge which the participants might offer (Baxter & Jack, 2008; Stake, 1995; Yin, 2003). Moreover, epistemologically there is similar recognition of both positivist and interpretivist approaches in the use of a quantitative approach to over representation of independently educated athletes in elite sport and a qualitative approach to seeking to better understand this phenomenon through the participants’ voices and the knowledge as ‘contextualized meaning’ (Dillon & Read 2004: 35) they offer. Shaped by the epistemological and ontological assumptions underpinning this thesis, a multiple-case study approach involving interviews, school website analysis and limited observation made whilst in situ, was employed for the purposes of this research. A decision with considerable impact on the nature and quality of the data, there are several key considerations justifying this:

- The predominant form of data collection for case studies (interviews) was compatible with the research opportunities here and was expected to increase the likelihood of schools agreeing to participate. - Although not without potential problems, my professional role (see Chapter 1.3) - I am, loosely speaking, ‘both a participant in the culture, but at the same time … an academic observer’ (Atkinson, 2012: 27) - provides a valuable dual perspective on the research, possibly enabling me to identify more closely with ‘the concerns and causes of [the] research subject’ (Blanchard, 2000: 144).

- Case studies - ‘not a methodological choice but a choice of what is to be studied’ (Sparkes & Smith, 2014: 54) - are a potent tool for ‘answering ‘how’ and ‘why’ questions’ (ibid: 55) at the heart of this research. As Corcoran et al. (2004: 4) put it, ‘the case study approach allows the researcher to … learn what works and what does not’. - The comparison of multiple case-studies (Stake, 2005) - in this instance, different schools - is a powerful method of ‘better understanding culture and validating or discrediting generalizations about human behaviour’ (Blanchard, 2000: 144). Here the focus was a comparison between three highly successful schools (Colbeck, Cambourne, Northcote), one moderately successful (Liffield) and two less successful schools (Gregham and Lyttelton).

Although the benefits of an ethnographic approach involving extended immersion are well argued (e.g. Atkinson, 2012; Jones, 2015), the likelihood, given the documented difficulties of gaining access to independent schools (Horne et al. 2011) is that a research method which sought to achieve a form of immersive ethnography, such as that described by Wacquant (2006) for instance, would have proved prohibitive. Bryman (2015: 461) notes, ‘whether a qualitative study is ethnographic is a matter of degree’, and with this study indisputably at the very minimal end of a continuum of immersion, it cannot, however loosely, justifiably be described as ethnographic. The approach employed here entails a similar method of data collection to that successfully employed by Horne et al. (2011) in their study of three Scottish independent schools. Corcoran et al., (2004: 4) argue that case study is ‘an appropriate strategy for answering questions about how or why’ and here a comparative, multiple-case study approach was employed to examine six schools and, through the voices of those involved to produce a detailed written account of the practices contributing to the sporting success of some independent schools along with a sociological explanation of this.

4.3.4 Which Cases to Study? Through what Mason (2018: 72) refers to as ‘generative logic’ (how a particular sample helps to address a specific research question), the purposive (i.e. ‘non-random’ (Bryman, 2015: 408)), opportunistic (i.e. ‘capitalizing on opportunities’ (p. 409) offered by a gatekeeper and personal connections) sampling of schools for multiple-case study (Mangan, 1981/2008) enables one to ‘choose that case from which we feel we can learn the most’ (Stake, 2005: 450-

1), or rather, I would suggest, learn most about that which we want to learn. But how many case studies to include?

Given the heterogeneity of independent schools, one is clearly not sufficient to provide anything other than what Hickey (2013: 1395) calls ‘an incomplete view’. In terms of an upper limit on the number of schools to be studied, Mangan (1981/2008) devotes an entire book to the consideration of six schools. Elsewhere, in what is the closest existing study to this thesis, Horne et al. (2011) consider three schools. Most pertinently, ‘sample size determination should be based on your analysis plans’ (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018: 151) as ‘the two are in fact so closely tied up together that you cannot effectively sample without having some ideas about data analysis’ (Mason, 2018: 64). Yin (2009a: 260) contends that multiple-case studies ‘provide more convincing data’ and recommends including ‘two or three literal replications and two or three deliberately contrasting cases’; a suggestion which fits with Cresswell and Cresswell’s (2018, 186) assertion that case studies typically include ‘about four to five cases’. Therefore, to enable me to better address the aim of this thesis and provide a more comprehensive view of the heterogenous nature of the independent sector, I chose a sample size of six schools, justifying this by a desire (driven by the aims of this thesis) to collect data from schools with varying degrees of sporting success.

Within this sample, I made the decision to focus on three different types of school; highly, moderately and less successful. This typology of schools was intended to facilitate an exploration the more successful independent schools whilst also, through comparison with other less successful schools, to consider the heterogenous nature of the independent sector with regards to sport and I purposively sought three highly successful, one moderately successful and two less successful schools. In examining these particular ‘subspace[s]’ (Bourdieu, 1988: 156) of the independent sector I hoped that ‘the distinguishing characteristics … [of each case would] act as a springboard for theoretical reflections about contrasting findings’ (Bryman, 2016: 68), whilst achieving a productive balance between collecting sufficient data to support a comparative analysis and - ‘with due deference to the exigencies of … space’ (Giulianotti, 2004: 3) - through the voices of the participants providing a descriptive account of the schools involved.

In selecting which cases to study, it is worth reemphasizing that the nature of the sample stems from the research question. Rather one of convenience, it is a purposive sample of six schools 93 intended to a provide ‘sociologically more plausible and more comprehensive’ (Dunning and Sheard, 2005: 85) perspective on PE and independent schools today which is more reality congruent than the extant literature. As such, the method of sampling might be described as a fixed, a priori purposive strategy in that ‘the sample is more or less established at the outset’ (Bryman, 2016: 410) and guided by the research question and criteria, themselves informed by the research question, which ‘do not evolve as the research progresses’ (ibid). Moreover, Bryman acknowledges that ‘sampling often involves more than one’ approach and, given the use of a gatekeeper and personal connections, the method of sampling employed is also opportunistic. That is to say, I combined the deliberate (purposive) identification of specific schools with the opportunistic use of a gatekeeper and personal connections to increase the likelihood of accessing these schools. The identification of schools is discussed further in 4.3.1 and additional contextual data on each of the case study schools is presented in Chapter Five.

4.3.5 Towards a Methodologically Explicit Method Whilst there is inherent value in methodological contemplation, it is the application of these principles to the development of a theoretically sound and feasible research method that is the objective here. In describing what qualitative researchers ‘actually do, or say they do’, Sparkes and Smith (2014: 14) highlight several key characteristics (identified in italics below) of a ‘practical approach’ to qualitative research. Whilst presenting, as a heuristic device, a binary view of research as either quantitative or qualitative, it does serve as a useful framework for a consideration of how various methodological concerns informed the research method used. The following paragraphs explain how the paradigm stance described previously (see 4.2.1 Articulating a philosophical framework) shape an aligned methodology, thereby generating internal coherence and adding to the quality of this research.

As a methodological expression of paradigm stance which refuses to commit exclusively to a positivist or interpretivist account, on a continuum of role involvement (Sparkes & Smith, 2014: 102) from Etic (non-participatory) to Emic (participatory) perspectives this thesis employs both simultaneously. As the researcher I am a non-participant in terms of interviewing participants in the schools whilst unavoidably at the same time (and in the longer term), my own participation, in a professional capacity, as a teacher in an independent school, and influence this has on the process of research itself. Practically this is exemplified by the use of semi-structured interviews to gain a staff and pupil perspective, whilst focussing this somewhat through my choice of questions. 94

Likewise, implicit in the initial quantitative stage, which gives way to qualitative phases of this research is the use of both ideographic and nomothetic approaches. On the one hand, the initial use of data to explore the heterogeneity of independent schools involves a relatively large amount of data considering the independent sector more widely, thus providing a cross sectional view associated with a nomothetic approach. Subsequently, an idiographic approach - for Hammersley (2007: 293), an idiographic orientation means a primary interest in ‘understanding particular social phenomena in their socio-historical contexts, rather than in discovering universal scientific laws’ - is taken in seeking, through a small number of case study schools, to ‘better understand how events, actions and meanings are shaped by the unique circumstances in which they occur’ (Sparkes & Smith, 2014: 102), and in so doing to ‘try to preserve the individuality’ (ibid: 16) of the schools and participants. Whilst both approaches are used the collection and analysis of data is predominantly idiographic as befits an epistemology which is predominantly interpretivist in the prioritising of textual data, that is to say transcriptions of participants’ voices. That this too might be viewed as nomothetic, in that the multiple case study approach offers a cross sectional perspective, albeit limited, of highly, moderately and less successful schools, again reflects a paradigm stance resisting such exclusive dualisms. Nevertheless, as Sparkes and Smith (2014: 24) note, ‘everything and anything can potentially be classed as data’ and, in addition to the use of school websites for contextual data, whilst visiting the schools concerned, I noted various observations. However, data collected during the interviews was prioritized, with the aim of using participant voices to build a picture of the schools involved.

Similarly, reflective of the philosophical framework described earlier in this chapter is an internally congruent position regarding reasoning which employs inductive and deductive reasoning at various stages; a combination of approaches which is not uncommon (Mason, 2018). If we take the main stages of this research sequentially, deductive reasoning is used initially in drawing on a known (the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes) ‘in order to deduce a hypothesis’ (Bryman, 2016: 21) - that some independent schools are doing something different which contributes to their repeated success. Similarly, deduction is also used when taking the relevant concepts of Elias and Bourdieu (see Chapter III) and interpreting the data ‘in the light of them’ (Mason, 2018: 227). Inductive reasoning is subsequently used as emergent themes develop through the processes of ‘data generation and analysis … [when] concepts and explanations which appear to grow from them’ (Mason, 2018: 228). 95

Furthermore, in line with this paradigm stance, I employ naturalism to ensure that the research methods are ‘familiar to people being studied … have similarities with normal social interaction, and leave people undisturbed as far as is possible’ (Avis, 2005: 6). As a result, all participants were interviewed in their schools, during the school day. My own professional experience tells me that this is also likely to increase the likelihood of access and so there are pragmatic, as well as paradigmatic considerations here which again shares something with the instrumentalist approach Downward (2005) describes (see 4.2.3). Additionally, in terms of access, purposeful, opportunistic sampling utilizing personal connections and a gatekeeper (see p83) was used to gain access to schools selected from a shortlist of independent schools with success in developing senior international sports people (see Appendix A). In order to consider both sporting and PE perspectives, a range of participants, including staff and pupils were similarly deliberately identified for interview.

With regards to interpretivism and inherent subjectivity, Elias and Dunning (1986: 53) emphasise the importance of detachment in ‘the knowledge production process’ (Malcolm, 2012: 13). Bourdieu meanwhile, was more concerned with reflexivity as an essential part of the research process (Wacquant, 2002: 551). Consequently, to control for bias (Wacquant, 2002: 549) and to ‘transform [the] ‘problem’ of subjectivity (in the eyes of some) into an opportunity’ (Sparkes & Smith, 2014: 19-21), reflexive notes, in the form of a handwritten journal, were kept throughout. These considered, amongst other things, the dynamic relationship between interviewer and participants, and the processes of data collection and analyses. The time frame over which this research took place went some way to permitting the detachment Elias advocates, encouraging personal reflection that was often stimulated by an engagement with others, such as my research supervisors.

Titchen and Ajjawi (2010: 45) describe qualitative research as an ‘explicit, embodied, choice rich journey of exploration that is grounded in and informed by a deep understanding of appropriate philosophical underpinnings and paradigmatic expectations’. And here I hope to have made transparent how a refusal of the dualisms of realism and relativism, positivism and interpretivism has shaped the methodology and research process and the internal coherence arising from this.

4.3.6 On Involvement and Detachment Carter (2010: 147) describes ‘false objectivity … [and] the myth of the detached researched’ as a ‘delusions of grandeur’, and, for Bourdieu, there is ‘no such thing as ‘disinterested’ academic work’ (Jenkins, 2002: xi). Both Elias and Bourdieu shared an emphasis on the importance of (critical) involvement and detachment (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 198) and my interest in the questions at the heart of this research has implications for achieving the level of detachment Elias (e.g. Elias & Dunning, 1986) advocates. As Rojek (1986: 587) notes, ‘Involvement in Elias's work is a dualistic concept. He recognizes that involvement … is a precondition for interpreting the world; at the same time, he endorses the view that involvement imposes a partial perspective on social life’. A ‘specific dilemma’ (Elias,1956: 238) of social science research, this manifested itself not only in his work but in the encouragement he gave to postgraduate students both ‘to carry out research into areas in which they were directly interested and involved’ and ‘to strive as hard as possible … to distance themselves from the objects of their research, to take a detour via detachment’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013).

Whilst recognising this notion of ‘detour via detachment’, Rojek (1986: 591) argues that those ‘intent upon practising the method of detachment must whistle in the dark. Elias supplies no guidelines, no mechanisms, no drill for attaining detachment’36. Van Krieken (1998), whilst presenting an alternative model of involvement and detachment (see Figure 4.1), similarly criticises Elias for failing to suggest definitive criteria with which to distinguish between involvement and detachment. Rather than seeking ‘a means of circumvented the difficulties which spring from [this] … dilemma’ (Elias, 1956: 240), I sought to acknowledge the problem posed by involvement and the ‘reality of prejudice’ (Van Krieken, 1998: 143-4) through a reflexive approach endorsed by Bourdieu. Bourdieu stresses a double-break (a ‘double distancing’ Jenkins, 2002: 50) that involves the objectification of both the research subject and this process of objectification itself, as Grenfell (2014: 197) puts it, ‘for Bourdieu, reflexivity means that all knowledge producers should strive to recognize their own objective position within the intellectual and academic field’.

36 It is a criticism Dunning (1992) acknowledges in describing the concept of involvement and detachment as an area for further development by figurational sociologists. 97

Here too, we see Bourdieu’s efforts to reject dualistic thinking and, as Dunning and Hughes argue (2013: 194), rather than simply a form of ‘navel-gazing’, reflexivity, for Bourdieu, is an attempt to reconcile ‘modernist certainty’ and ‘postmodernist relativism’. For them, whilst not using the term reflexivity as such, Elias sought a similar goal in his desire to ‘understand the long term development of human figurations and the different ways in which knowledge of the social world is tied to this development’ (ibid).

Bryman (2016: 388) contends that the role of the researcher is ‘part and parcel of the construction of knowledge [and] … the ways in which it is transmitted in the form of a text’, highlighting the need for researchers to be ‘reflective about the implications of their methods, values, biases, and decisions for the knowledge of the social world they generate’. Whilst acknowledging the epistemological privileging (Jenkins, 2002) inherent in this, I revisit the notion of reflexivity in Chapter Seven when reflecting on the thesis and the implications of my own position and practices for this research.

4.3.7 Summary This study began with a desire to learn what lies behind ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ and to discover how some independent schools have been consistently successful in developing international sports performers. To address this, I took an appreciative (but critical), multiple-case study approach which entailed interviews with staff and pupils and observations made whilst visiting six schools which were sampled using a method combining purposive and opportunistic sampling. To borrow from Pink (2001 in Evans & Davies, 2010: 766), this research ‘does not claim to produce an objective or truthful account of reality, but ... aim[s] to

98 offer versions of [my] experiences of reality that are as loyal as possible to the context … through which the knowledge was produced’.

Inevitably such an account is open to participant and researcher bias. However, Wolcott (1995: 165), in differentiating between ‘good bias and prejudice’, describes the former as an essential part of research. Here I sought a reflexive, critical perspective, specifically by comparing case studies and asking questions about the academic and pastoral impact of preparation and performance in high level sport. In so doing, I aimed to provide a more reality congruent portrait of practice in some independent schools. In terms of trustworthiness, this is an account in which the voices of the participants are foregrounded (Sparkes & Smith, 2014: 155) in what is intended to be a credible, confirmable and dependable manner (Guba & Lincoln, 1989). Justified by the methodology set out above, the methods (‘what researchers do to create knowledge’ (Carter, 2010: 143)) of data collection and analysis employed to this end are made explicit in the following section.

4.4 METHODS

Patton (1990:213) describes purpose as ‘the controlling force in research’ and, as we have seen, a multiple-case study approach stems directly from the research question at the heart of this thesis and the epistemological and ontological assumptions underpinning this: that is to say that the above methodology serves as a philosophical justification of method (Carter, 2010). By extension, the research method employed for data collection was based upon a combination of ‘purposive’ choice, driven by the research aims, and opportunistic sampling which capitalised on the introductions of a gatekeeper and personal connections. Here what Jones (2015: 132) refers to as ‘sampling’ involved two levels (Bryman, 2015: 409); the ‘sampling of context’ (i.e. the selection of schools) and the ‘sampling of participants’ (i.e. staff and pupils). With this distinction in mind, we now rationalise the process of sampling and data collection.

4.4.1 A Rationalised Sampling of Context For Mason (2018: 53), sampling is about the ‘principles and procedures used to identify and gain access to relevant data sources that are potentially generative … for the purpose of gaining meaning insights’ into a specific research question. The purposive approach to identifying cases (Eisenhardt, 1989) employed here can be typified as ‘stratified purposive sampling’ (Bryman, 2016: 409) in that the schools selected ‘illustrate characteristics of particular

99 subgroups of interest’ and ‘facilitate comparisons’ (Patton, 1990: 244) between these. To explore the heterogenous nature of the independent sector these subgroups of interest represent the typology (highly, moderately and less successful) of schools sampled, with success of the school acting as the stratifying characteristic. However, the proportion of schools in each stratum is not reflective of the wider ‘population’ of independent schools (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018: 151). As Mason (2018: 58) puts it, in describing such a strategic approach to sampling, the sample of schools is intended to ‘encapsulate a relevant range in relation to wider universe, but not to represent it directly’. To establish the ‘sampling frame’ - those schools (and individuals) most likely to shed light on the research questions – I returned to one of the texts which sparked the idea for this research. Re-contextualising the criteria Gilson et al. (2001) employed to identify the sporting organisations they examined, the following questions were used to identify case study schools:

1. Has the school educated pupils who have achieved sporting success at an elite level? 2. Has the school achieved this success on a number of occasions?

To answer these, I turned to Tozer’s (2013: no page) Playing for Your Country 2000-201337: a list of the ‘names of current and former independent school pupils who have represented their country at full senior international level at any sport in the period’. Using this information, I applied the desired typology of schools to create three separate groups of schools according to the number of international athletes; highly, moderately and less successful schools. To identify the highly successful schools I focussed on the second criterion of repeated success, categorizing those schools with 14 or more – at least one every year - senior sporting internationals from 2000 – 2013. Moderately successful schools I defined as those with more than a single international, but less than 14 and less successful schools as those with one or fewer internationals in the time frame cover by Tozer’s work.

Recognising the difficulty of identifying cases, Walford acknowledges the influence of ‘geographical convenience, prior contacts, willingness of schools to allow access and serendipity … [as] inevitable and, given that we can’t make valid generalization from one case study anyway, not necessarily a disadvantage’ (1986/2012: 26). Geographical convenience was not a factor here and the location of the schools necessitated travelling across the country, with

37 See Appendix A for a list of schools with seven (one every other year on average) or more internationals. 100 overnight stays required. The integrity of purposeful sampling was therefore maintained. With all six schools in England, the ‘total universe’ (Mangan 1981/2008: 5) for this study was English independent schools in existence at the time of data collection (2013-2018). As such this research might be described as ‘nation bound’ (Kenway & Koh, 2015: 4).

Gaining access to schools is often a major limitation in educational research (Walford, 1986/2012; Horne et al, 2011; Sparkes & Smith, 2014) and here data collection depended heavily on the cooperation of identified schools and the willingness of people to share their experiences. Fortunately, during this research I became (with thanks to my supervisors) acquainted with someone who kindly acted as ‘gatekeeper’ (Jones, 2015). Through them I was put in contact with the Acting Head of Northcote and the Headmasters of Colbeck and Cambourne. All three schools were purposefully chosen as meeting the above criteria and as such acted as ‘representatives of their species’ (Elias, 1978: 73) - schools which consistently produce senior international athletes. As a result, the sampling method combined both purposive (the schools were chosen deliberately according to the number of ex-pupils achieving international sporting honours) and opportunistic (I took advantage of the openings offered to me either through introduction via a gatekeeper or personal connections) approaches in order to increase the likelihood of being able to access the schools which enabled me to address the research question’.

The remaining schools were identified as fulfilling the desired typology of school; a moderately successful school (Liffield) and two less successful schools (Gregham and Lyttelton). All three were accessed through personal contacts. With significantly fewer international athletes these provided a comparative perspective, highlighting that in a heterogeneous independent sector, a small number of schools are particularly successful in developing international athletes. The decision to focus on three highly successful schools was motivated by a determination to explore the practices of the most successful schools whilst also providing points of comparison with other moderately and less successful schools. The overall typology of schools, in order of the number of internationals athletes numbering amongst their former pupils is shown in Table 4.2.

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School Pseudonym Typology

1. Colbeck

2. Cambourne Highly successful

3. Northcote

4. Liffield Moderately successful

5. Gregham Less successful 6. Lyttelton

TABLE 4.2 TYPOLOGY OF SCHOOLS ACCORDING TO THE NUMBER OF INTERNATIONAL ATHLETES.

It is also useful to note what I was not looking for when identifying schools. Whilst I felt it important to ensure both genders were represented, no consideration was given to the range of sports in the schools, to the location, fees or whether they were day, boarding or both. Further contextual detail38 on each of the schools is provided in Table 4.3. However, to maintain the anonymity of those involved, no speciﬁc details about sports successes or the identities of former ‘star’ pupils or teaching staff are provided. Whilst, further data, beyond the number of pupils and their gender, pertaining to the social composition of the schools by ethnicity or disability, for example, were not available, all six school websites contained links to policies indicating a commitment to principles of equality and diversity for both pupils and staff. The school websites also provided valuable contextual data as well as accounts of each school’s view of both PE and sport. This information is presented in abbreviated form in Chapter Five (see Tables 5.1 and 5.2).

School Key Features

Lyttelton A co-educational day and boarding school which, having produced no senior internationals since 2000, provides a point of comparison to four of the other Schools. On a site of more than 100 acres, the school has over 600 pupils (approx. 30% girls, 70% boys). A* and A grades account for approximately 40% (A level) and 60% (GCSE) of results. In addition to numerous playing fields, facilities include a 25m swimming pool, Astroturf pitch, fitness suite, weights room, cricket pavilion, three Eton Fives39 courts, six tennis courts and

38 All information is taken from the relevant school website, unless otherwise stated. 39 A traditional independent school handball game. 102

a sports hall. Six staff are listed as members of the PE department, alongside two games staff and four visiting coaches. As well as a choice of around 25 sports, reference is made to strength and conditioning support and various sporting opportunities including guest coaching sessions, sports tours and performances at world class sporting venues. Practical PE is taught in years 9, 10 and 11, whilst GCSE and A level PE are available. Gregham A coeducational day and boarding school with one senior international since 2000. Situated on a site of roughly 50 acres, it has approximately 400 pupils (45% girls, 55% boys). A* and A grades account for 48% of GCSE results whilst 80% of A level results were A* - B grades. In addition to numerous playing fields, facilities include a 25m swimming pool, one Astroturf, fitness and conditioning suite, two indoor and six outdoor tennis courts, three squash courts, and a double sports hall. Eight full time staff are listed as members of the PE department alongside seven specialist games coaches. As well as a choice of around 30 sports, reference is made to strength and conditioning staff and a squash academy. Practical PE is taught in years 9, 10 and 11, whilst GCSE, BTEC and A level PE are available. Liffield A coeducational (girls in the Sixth Form only) day school which features highly on Tozer’s list of schools. Situated on a site of roughly 30 acres, it has almost 1000 pupils (7% girls, 93% boys). A* and A grades account for approximately 64% (A level) and 88% (GCSE) of results. In addition to several playing fields, facilities include a 25m swimming pool, two Astroturf pitches, separate health and fitness and strength and conditioning suites, ten outdoor tennis courts, four squash courts, two sports halls, a climbing wall and a shooting range. Eleven full time staff are listed as members of the PE department. As well as a choice of over 25 sports, reference is made to a Performance Programme, a physiotherapy clinic and links with academies and other sporting bodies. Practical PE is taught in years 7 to 11, whilst GCSE and A level PE are available. Northcote A coeducational day and boarding school which features highly on Tozer’s list of schools. Situated on a site of well over 100 acres, it has around 400 pupils (45% girls, 55% boys). A* and A grades account for approximately 55% (A level) and 60% (GCSE) of results. In addition to numerous playing

103

fields, facilities include a 25m swimming pool, three Astroturf pitches, fitness and conditioning suite, numerous Eton Fives courts, two indoor and twelve outdoor tennis courts, squash courts, a sports hall and gymnasium. Two full time staff are listed as members of the PE department, alongside seven additional games staff. As well as a choice of over 25 sports, reference is made to a Performance Programme, a physiotherapy clinic and links with academies and other sporting bodies. Practical PE is taught in Year 9 whilst GCSE and A level PE are available. Cambourne A boys’ day and boarding school which features highly on Tozer’s list of schools. Situated on a site of more than 50 acres, it has well over a thousand pupils (all boys). A* and A grades account for approximately 60% (A level) and 85% (GCSE) of results. In addition to numerous playing fields, facilities include a 25m swimming pool, two Astroturf pitches, an athletics track, two fitness and conditioning suites, twelve outdoor tennis courts, two squash courts, a double sports hall and boathouse. 14 full time staff are listed as members of the PE department. As well as a choice of over 16 sports, reference is made to a Performance Programme, a physiotherapy clinic and links with academies and other sporting bodies. Practical PE is taught in years 9, 10, 11 whilst GCSE (as of 2018) and A level PE are available. Colbeck A coeducational day and boarding school which features highly on Tozer’s list of schools. Situated on a site of over 200 acres, it has well over a thousand pupils (40% girls, 60% boys). A* and A grades account for approximately 30% (A level) and 25% (GCSE) of results. In addition to numerous playing fields, facilities include a 50m swimming pool, three Astroturf pitches, indoor riding and equestrian centre, fencing salle, 400m athletics track and associated event facilities, clay pigeon shooting ground, 9-hole golf course and driving range, squash courts, three indoor, nine outdoor and two grass tennis courts, a fitness and conditioning suite, weights room, and two dance studios. Twelve staff are listed as being members of the PE department (no note is made of whether they are full or part time), additional sports coaches were not listed. As well as a choice of over 30 sports, reference is made to a Performance Programme, on site physiotherapy, and relationships with Olympic Governing Bodies, professional sports clubs and leading sports universities. Practical PE

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is not taught, having recently been replaced by an ‘activity programme’. GCSE, BTEC and A level PE are available.

TABLE 4.3 A SUMMARY OF THE KEY FEATURES OF THE SIX CASE STUDY SCHOOLS 40

4.4.2 A Rationalised Sampling of Participants To ensure that I obtained sufficient data to support a doctoral thesis, as a form of benchmarking I considered three successful doctoral theses41 which collected data via interview. As Table 4.4 demonstrates, this study compares favourably in terms the number of interviews, interviewees and total interview time. Likewise, Mason (2010) finds a range of around twenty participants as most frequently used in qualitative, interview based research. Whilst more participants does not necessarily equate to a more reality congruent explanation, a stratified purposive approach to sampling ensures more comprehensive coverage of a range of different independent schools than that offered by a smaller sample, thereby facilitating a perspective on the heterogenous nature of the sector.

Author Number of Number of Total interview interviewees interviews time Rich (2002) 10 30 ~ 1,350 mins Brown (2001) 6 12 Not disclosed MacIsaac (2016) 41 14 ~ 560 mins Morton (2018) 40 25 837 mins

TABLE 4.4 A COMPARISON OF INTERVIEW DATA COLLECTED FOR DOCTORAL THESES

Having identified the schools and received a positive response to either personal communications or an introduction from the ‘gatekeeper’, contact was made, via email, with the Headmaster/Acting Head (see Appendix B) of each school. I sought consent to visit the facilities and carry out interviews with ‘key personnel’ (Green & Oakley, 2001) including, after Horne et al. (2011), Headmasters and Acting Head, Directors of Sport (DoS), Heads of PE (HoPE) and pupils with experience of elite sport (see Table 4.5). Definitions of what constitutes

40 To further support anonymity, whilst retaining descriptive detail, some of the data in this table has been disguised (e.g. by the rounding up or down of figures or the use of more generic, less school specific terminology). 41 All three theses concerned Physical Education, with two (Rich, 2002 & Brown, 2001) completed at Loughborough University and one (MacIsaac, 2016) at the University of Edinburgh. 105 an ‘elite’ athlete vary, (Rees et al., 2016) and to identify pupils for group interview I adapted Neil and Mellalieu’s definition of elite as having ‘competed at major national and international Championships’ (2014: 244). Given that many pupils may not have had the opportunity to compete at such events, I extended this to individuals who had been selected to train or compete for a national age group squad. Furthermore, given the potential constraints of ethical permission, I chose to focus on Sixth form pupils, aged 16 or above. These criteria, and the schools’ selection of pupils, led to the representation of a small number of what might be described as traditionally middle-class sports, including hockey, rugby, cricket, tennis, rowing, triathlon and fencing.

The decision to interview pupils in groups was justified by the desire to gain from interaction between the participants and the potential to elicit ‘a variety of views’ (Bryman, 2015: 502). Whilst the optimal size for group interviews is reported to be between four and eight participants (Jones, 2015), the above definition of pupils meant that, whilst five, four and four pupils were interviewed at Cambourne, Northcote and Gregham, three pupils were interviewed at Liffield and Colbeck (an additional pupil was expected in each but absent on the day due to sporting commitments) and only two pupils met these criteria at Lyttelton. This gave an average group size of 3.5 pupils. According to Jones (2015), this discrepancy potentially impacts on the nature of the data collected as participants may be less likely to contribute in smaller groups. Conversely, Bryman (2015: 506) argues for the use of smaller focus groups when the participants are heavily involved in the topic in question, asserting that ‘in many contexts, smaller groups will be preferable. Here he describes ‘greater opportunity for … diversity of opinion’ and, citing Peek and Fothergill (2009: 37), notes that group interviews of three to five participants ‘ran more smoothly than the larger group interviews’. Whilst the average group size was a little lower than Bryman’s (2016: 500) description of focus groups involving ‘usually at least four’ participants, and Cresswell and Cresswell’s (2018: 187) suggestion of ‘six to eight interviewees’ it does follow Peek and Fothergill’s (2009) recommended focus group size of three to five participants. Similarly, the pupil interviews fit with Bryman’s description (2016: 501) of focus groups as being focussed (the interviewees are selected due to involvement in ‘a particular situation’ – high performance sport in this instance) and containing an element of interaction between participants and I therefore refer to these as Pupil Focus Groups.

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School Participants Interviewed Lyttelton November 2015 (single one-day visit) ▪ Headmaster (eight years at Lyttelton, History teacher and former academic) [27:20]42 ▪ Director of Sport (three years at Lyttelton, PE Teacher) [41:09] ▪ Head of PE (HoPE) (four years at Lyttelton, PE teacher and former age group hockey international) [43:44] ▪ Director of Golf (DoG) (eight years at Lyttelton, Advanced PGA coach, formerly employed at Colbeck) [42:49] ▪ Pupils43 [32:07]: - ‘Luke’ (17 – joined Lyttelton at 16) England U18 and Premiership rugby academy player - ‘Isla’ (17 – joined Lyttelton at 13) England Women’s Academy and Women’s County cricketer Gregham April 2018 (single one-day visit) ▪ Head (3 years at Gregham, Languages teacher) [41:53] ▪ Director of Sport (10 years at Gregham, PE teacher) [46:01] ▪ Head of PE (2 years at Gregham, PE teacher) [24:25] ▪ Pupils [28:56]: - ‘Millie’ (16 – joined Gregham at 13) England U18 hockey player - ‘Catherine’ (18 - joined Gregham at 13) National League Netballer - ‘Abi’ (17 - joined Gregham at 13) England Triathlete - ‘Jonny’ (16 - joined Gregham at 16) Premiership Academy rugby and County U18 cricketer Liffield April 2018 (single one-day visit) ▪ Head (2 years at Liffield, Physics teacher) [22:46] ▪ Director of Sport (10 years at Liffield, PE teacher) [32:07] ▪ Head of PE (1 year at Liffield, PE teacher & National Hockey player) [30:01] ▪ Pupils [16:34]: - ‘Ken’ (18 – joined Liffield at 11) GB Triathlete

42 For each interview the duration is placed in square brackets as [mins: secs]. 43 Each pupil’s age at the time of interview is noted here in brackets. 107

- ‘Greg’ (18 - joined Liffield at 11) Premiership Academy and England U18 rugby player - ‘Andy’ (18 - joined Liffield at 11) England U18 rugby player Northcote March 2016 (single one-day visit) ▪ Acting Head (24 years at Northcote, Classics teacher) [22:22] ▪ Director of Sport (eight years at Northcote, PE teacher) [32:08] ▪ Head of PE (25 years at Northcote, PE teacher and former hockey international) [40:10] ▪ Pupils [42:27]: - ‘Samuel’ (18 – joined Northcote at 13) England U21 hockey player - ‘Ava’ (18 - joined Northcote at 13) England U18 hockey player - ‘Amy’ (18 - joined Northcote at 13) England U18 hockey player - ‘Isaac’ (17 - joined Northcote at 16) England U18 hockey player - ‘Heidi’ (18 - joined Northcote at 13) Wales U18 fencing Cambourne May 2018 (single one-day visit) ▪ Head (10 years at Cambourne, English teacher) [29:57] ▪ Director of Sport (8 years at Cambourne, PE teacher & former professional rugby player and coach) [25:18] ▪ Head of PE (10 years at Cambourne, PE teacher) [20:15] ▪ Pupils [27:44]: - ‘David’ (18 – joined Cambourne at 13) GB U18 Rower - ‘Nick’ (18 - joined Cambourne at 13) GB Sevens (U18) & Premiership Academy Rugby player - ‘Hugh’ (18 - joined Cambourne at 13) Premiership Academy rugby player - ‘Josh’ (18 - joined Cambourne at 13) County U18 Cricketer Colbeck May 2016 (single one-day visit) ▪ Headmaster (eight years at Colbeck, an experienced teacher and former Olympic athlete) [40:05] ▪ Director of Sport (four years at Colbeck, former Olympic athlete and coach) [47:13] ▪ Head of PE (two years at Colbeck, PE teacher) [45:52] ▪ Pupils [32:58]:

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- ‘George’ (18 – joined Colbeck at 13) England U18 and Premiership rugby academy player - ‘Hannah’ (18 - joined Colbeck at 13) England U18 hockey player - ‘Leo’ (17 - joined Colbeck at 13) LTA top 10 ranked tennis player, ITF top 200

TABLE 4.5 A SUMMARY OF INTERVIEWS USED FOR DATA COLLECTION

Interviews, in groups or otherwise, are particularly dependent on the willingness of participants to be ‘honest’ and stressing confidentiality can go some way to ameliorating this (Jones, 2015). Nevertheless, Collins and Buller (2003) caution against potential bias in the exaggerated responses of staff and pupils along with the underrepresentation of others. As Lingard et al. note, staff often employ ‘a selection of preferred discourses’ whilst pupil narratives may be ‘utopian and nostalgic’ (2008: 190). In part this may reflect a desire to present a ‘dominant narrative’ conveying ‘particular values, practices and capitals’ (Allan & Catts, 2014: 222). As Krippendorff (1989) notes, what is communicated is as important as who is doing the communicating, why and how they are doing so and the intended and potential effects of this and on whom. There is, of course, the possibility that participants might ‘base their answers to a significant degree on what they think is normatively correct’ (Peterson, 2005: 265). Whilst describing any ensuing discussion as potentially ‘a bit of a tempest in a tea-pot’ (ibid), Peterson does also state that a ‘researcher may legitimately be interested in such responses whether they are true for the individual or only conventional within a group at a particular time’ (p266).

Furthermore, in identifying the various roles of the participants, it is important to note the potential impact of ‘power differentials’ (Roderick, 2014: 93) between interviewer and interviewee. Karnieli-Miller et al. (2009: 279) argue that - unlike quantitative research, where the researcher is viewed as the ‘ultimate authority’ - qualitative research is (‘in general’) intended to reduce the power differences between researcher and participant. However, as Smith (2006: 651) points out ‘power relations within interviews are unpredictable and variable’ and the nature of relationships with different participants, a Headmaster as opposed to a pupil for example, will be inherently different. In summary, with the aim of creating ‘an exemplar... against which [to] compare experiences and gain rich theoretical insights’ (Dyer & Wilkins, 1991: 613), interviews, alongside field notes and contextual information about the school, largely from the respective school websites, were used to build a multiple-case study.

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4.4.3 Data collection: interviews Although beyond criticism (e.g. Hammersley, 2007), interviews can provide a valuable data source (Jones, 2015: 177-8). Here, a semi-structured method, using ‘a standard set of questions, or schedule [where] the researcher adopts a flexible approach to data collection, and can alter the sequence of questions or probe for more information with subsidiary questions’ (ibid: 177) was deemed – in something akin to the Goldilocks principle - ‘just right’ for this research (see Table 4.6). The intention being to avoid both an overly researcher determined agenda, and a potential lack of focus. What structure there was (see Appendix C) allowed, through slightly different questions, for the different roles played by the various participants and permitted the collection of relevant data whilst still affording participants ‘the opportunity to report on their own thoughts and feelings’ (Sparkes & Smith 2014: 84).

Strengths Weaknesses Greater participant control than a structured Risks losing some of the complexity of people’s interview. lives. Potentially allows the participant flexibility to Barriers between the interviewer and participant express their opinions, ideas and feelings. may mean certain experiences are not shared. Participants can offer greater insight through the Certain analyses may prove difficult as structure is meanings they attach to their experiences provided by the researcher, and not the participant. Easier to conduct and a lower ‘dross rate’ than More difficult to analyse than the structured unstructured interviews interview.

TABLE 4.6 A SUMMARY OF THE STRENGHS AND WEAKNESSES OF SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS (ADAPTED FROM SPARKES & SMITH, 2014: 84-5)

To counter the inherent risk of participants offering a form of dominant institutional discourse, Jones (2015: 284) proposes ‘triangulation’ and ‘searching for negative cases’ as methods of appraising the validity of both data and its interpretation. Here, whilst aiming to offset the potential for a dominant, self-serving narrative through reflexivity, I compared data from within and between the six schools and to highlight cases where participants offer more than confirmatory positive opinions.

Heeding Jones’ (2015) caution against efforts to record too much information and the folly of reliance on recollection, all interviews were audio recorded (with the interviewee’s prior consent) and limited written notes taken. Contemporaneous notes were subsequently written up and reflexive entries added to a research diary. School websites were also used to provide a

110 sense of context for the voices of the interviewees and additional information about the schools (Fitzgerald, 2007). A wide range of interview durations exist in the literature, from 30 minutes to two hours (Knowles, 2014; Neil & Mellalieu, 2014). However, Roderick (2014) cautions against anything over 90 minutes given the likely impact on recruitment and conversely, that 20 minutes or less is unlikely to yield much significant data. Consequently, the method chosen was intended to minimise disruption to those involved, meet safeguarding expectations, and allow for the collection of sufficient relevant data. Interviews were designed to last from 30 - 45 minutes with participants being asked to be available for a one-hour period to allow some flexibility and to avoid the interviewer and interviewee feeling hurried (Roderick, 2014). As was to be expected, the daily reality of school life affected the interviews, with prior meetings overrunning and pupils required for other commitments. Consequently, the actual interviews ranged from 16 to 46 minutes, with an average duration of 33 mins. Jones stresses the benefits of studying a ‘group on its ‘own ground’’ (2015: 221) and all interviews took place in schools, in locations arranged by the school. Before the completion of informed consent forms (see Appendix G), each interview began with an explanation of the purposes of the study, the value of the participant’s perspective, reassurance of the confidential nature of the interview and the participant’s right to withdraw from the interview at any point.

The benefits of digitial voice recording are well documented (e.g. Bryman 2016) and all interviews were recorded using an Olympus WS – 831 Digital Voice Recorder. Having transcribed and proofed the interview transcripts, these were then uploaded to QSR NVivo 10 for data analysis as documented in Chapter 4.4. After Bryman (2016) the process of transcription was carried out in several steps: ▪ To facilitate the use of speech recognition software, the interviews were rerecorded, dictated by me, using the Olympus, onto a separate audio file. ▪ Dragon Naturally Speaking speech recognition software (Recorder Edition 12) was used to transcribe this audio file. ▪ The text was exported into a Word document and the original participant recordings listened to again and corrections made to increase the fidelity of transcription from original recording to the final, proofed, copy.

Picking up on some of the main themes contained within the literature review, what follows is a brief justification of the interview questions. Whilst the same questions were essentially asked

111 of all participants across each of the schools, there were some slight variations according to the participant’s role. Not all questions were asked to every participant.

4.5.4 Interview questions Designed to address the primary aims of this thesis, these questions also focussed on specific themes arising from Chapters Two and Three. The major issues addressed included: the relationship between the school and other players in the figuration, for instance the role of the family and other organisations (e.g. other schools, clubs & NGBs); pupil intake and recruitment; staff recruitment and development; pastoral and academic concerns; unintended consequences; the relationship between PE and sport and the future for PE.

To ensure a consistent thematic focus and facilitate comparison between the six case study schools I used the same interview schedule in all six schools (see Appendix C. for interview questions). However, as can be seen from the copies of transcripts presented in Appendices H- K, which are indicative of the kind of data generated in both individual and group interviews, it was the themes, rather than the precise wording of the questions which remained consistent. It needs to be acknowledged that these questions are, of course, not exhaustive but rather selections, from a range of possibilities. When formulating these questions and during the interviews themselves, I was mindful of the importance of avoiding ‘leading or loaded questions’ (Bryman, 2016: 254), and Coakley and White’s (1999: 79) thoughts on semi- structured interviews:

We avoided asking 'why?' questions … These questions usually encourage answers in the form of clichés because people often find it difficult to explain their motives …. So we asked questions about what, when, and how things happened.

Each interview began with a broad open-ended introductory question. With a wide range of responses to this, the interviews took shape organically. Thus, whilst the interview guide served as a semi-structured script, no interview followed this sequence exactly. As participants shared their personal perspectives, I responded with follow up questions following their train of thought, sometimes unscripted, where points of interest arose, but elsewhere addressing relevant scheduled questions where this allowed the interview to flow. Having detailed the method of data collection, we now consider the process of analysing these findings.

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4.5 METHOD OF ANALYSIS

‘Qualitative analysis transforms data into findings’ (Patton, 2002: 432 in Schutt, 2012: 321) and here, shaped by the paradigm stance (see 4.2 Articulating a philosophical framework), the process of analysis began with the ‘raw data’ (interview transcripts) obtained during data collection. The first stage involved the coding of data using NVivo 10 qualitative analysis software. Variously endorsed and discouraged it is nevertheless notable for its ‘power and flexibility’ (Bryman, 2016: 617). Although having never used it before, I found the package to be relatively straightforward to pick up. Bryman (2016: 604-16) offers a helpful introduction to the software and the online help and tutorials were accessible and informative. The flexible nature of semi-structured interviews meant that manual coding was the most appropriate approach to take and negated a number of documented drawbacks (e.g. Sparkes & Smith, 2014: 144-5). Distancing myself from the data, for instance, was less likely to occur as I did not use auto-coding and thus I was able to retain a ‘‘feel’ for the data’ (Jones, 2015: 282). In short, ‘the process is faster and more efficient than hand coding’ (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018: 193), and I used NVivo to help simplify a process of coding that I would have otherwise carried out in a more time consuming and quite possibly less effective fashion which Bryman (2016: 616) describes as ‘the tried and tested cut and paste’. This coding process involved the following steps (see Appendix E for an illustration):

1. Importing and classification of sources: Interview transcripts, in the form of Word documents, were imported as External Data into NVivo. These Sources were then classified according to four different attributes: Interviewee, Role, School, Date. 2. Coding of Data: The transcripts were reread and all text tagged to a particular node, created to reflect common data themes. 3. Arranging of Nodes: Nodes were grouped with some being merged and others ascribed to greater themes. The parent node ‘Environment’, for example, encompassed a number of first level child nodes such as ‘peers’ and ‘appointing staff’. 4. Revisiting of Sources: Each of the sources were then reread and, using the revised node structure, re-coded where necessary. 5. Refinement of Nodes: As the analysis and discussion progressed it became apparent that certain arrangements of nodes created a more coherent and cogently structured analysis. Seeking a clear and simplified structure, I chose to categorise each node into one of the three overarching themes utilised by Rees et al., (2016: 1), namely ‘the performer’, ‘the

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environment’ and ‘practice and training’. To this were added two further themes specific to this thesis: ‘Unintended Consequences’ and ‘PE, Sport and the future’.

Green (2000: 186) describes such analysis as ‘an attempt to identify the central features of, and patterns within, interviewees' responses via a categorisation of content’. And, whilst multiple possibilities existed for this process of categorisation, of organising and analysing the data, with some form of sorting and categorisation needed, the influence of autobiographical bias must again be acknowledged. Little progress would have been made without some subjective analytical choices. Returning to the theme of internal coherence, and influence of the paradigm stance and subsequent methodology, the process of analysis was largely emic and inductive in approach due to my own involvement in making subjective choices regarding the coding process. However, in using the key themes identified by Rees et al., (2016: 1) - see point 5. Refinement of Nodes, above - as labels for three of the nodes, the process of is also, in part, deductive. In short, that, as part of the broader method, the process of analysis was both emic and etic, inductive and deductive is a coherent reflection of my ontological, epistemological and methodological stance.

Having coded the data, each of the key themes, or ‘parent nodes’, were considered in turn. This process of analysis was carried out in parallel with the data collection and, taking a traditional form of display (‘typical or extreme quotes and case studies’ (Grbich, 2010: 156)), the outcome forms the basis of the findings (Chapter Five) and discussion (Chapter Six) which, following Brown (2001), are presented discretely as a first-order analysis of the findings (empirical illustration) and a second-order analysis of the data for ‘themes and issues’ (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018: 198) and discussion (conceptual consideration).

4.6 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS

Arguing that ‘ethics are not housed’ in the ‘bureaucratic process’ (he compares it to ‘renewing your driving license’), Wolcott (2002: 148) instead emphasises the importance of ongoing, individual and in situ judgement on the part of the researcher (Nichols & Raulston, 2014). As Sparkes and Smith (2014: 208) put it, ethical research ‘is done by ethical persons’ in a ‘meaningful, respectful, fair and responsible manner’ (p237). Ethical approval for this study required an application to Loughborough University Ethics Committee. The initial ‘Ethical

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Clearance Checklist’ indicated that, due to the involvement of children under the age of 18, the submission of a full research proposal (including a risk assessment, copies of participant information sheets for children and adults and written consent forms44 (see Appendices F & G) to the Ethical Approvals (Human Participants) sub-committee was required. Key concerns included the possibility that participants, adults and children alike, might talk about experiences causing anxiety or distress (Neil & Mellalieu, 2014). In addition to a concern for participant well-being, there were implications in terms of the data collected in that interviewees might avoid certain topics of discussion out of loyalty to an institution or through a desire for self- preservation, either emotional or otherwise.

In common with much qualitative research, more generic ethical considerations were also recognized. No deception was intended or apparent in reviewing the data and reflecting on the data collection process. Participants were informed of the right to withdraw from the study at any point up until the submission of this thesis. Furthermore, participants were given the information required, and their understanding checked, enabling them to make an informed decision regarding their participation. In accordance with the British Sociological Association’s (BSA) Statement of Ethical Practice (2002) the following measures were taken:

▪ Responsible use of data: In compliance with data protection laws, participant details were not available to anyone other than myself as the principle researcher and the two research supervisors. The data was used solely for the purposes of this research.

▪ Anonymity, Privacy and Confidentiality: Participants were assured that appropriate steps would be taken to ensure anonymity and confidentiality. Pseudonyms were used, access to data limited, audio recordings stored securely and to be deleted following the completion and acceptance of the thesis. Nevertheless, the descriptive nature of the work might make it possible for readers familiar with the settings to recognise individuals.

▪ Relationships with participants: The BSA (2002: no page) emphasize that ‘research relationships should be characterised, whenever possible, by trust and integrity’. The principle of freely given, informed consent, is described by the BSA (ibid) as placing ‘a

44 These were based upon standard templates available on the Loughborough University website http://www.lboro.ac.uk/committees/ethics-approvals-human- participants/additionalinformation/applicationformsandtemplatesfordownload/ [accessed 15/07/15] 115

responsibility on the sociologist’ to provide sufficient detail about the purpose and practicalities of the research for participants to make this decision. With children as participants, in addition to seeking their fully informed consent, the written permission of the Headteacher, acting in loco parentis, was required. The BSA stress an awareness of potential child protection issues and the need ‘to make provision for the potential disclosure of abuse’ (2002: no page). Whilst my own experience and familiarity with school disclosure procedures is useful, these are unique to each school and in each case I was not left alone when visiting the schools.

▪ Relations with and Responsibilities towards Sponsors and/or Funders: Whilst there were no sponsors for this research per se, I did receive on a yearly basis a sum of money from my employers as a contribution towards professional development and the payment of university fees.

According to Nichols and Raulston, ‘a 'bottom line’ ethical test is for the researcher’ to put themselves in the position of the interviewee and think how they would feel in the 'worst case scenario' (2014: 205). My experience of working in education arguably provided greater insight and empathy with participants than may otherwise have been the case. This was particularly so with regards to a realistic appreciation and expectation of what I was able to ask of participants and what Knowles terms ‘efficiency’ (2014: 128), that is to say making the best use of their time. To conclude, it is worth questioning whether the ‘research design is socially and morally acceptable’ (Jones, 2015: 137). Whilst this may in part be decided by an ethics committee, ethical practice requires the ongoing ethical judgement of the researcher in situ. As Sparkes and Smith note, ‘ethics in qualitative research is a complex and dynamic process rather than a static product. No one researcher can solve all the dilemmas’ (2014: 237). Throughout the research process I aimed for a transparent and responsible approach that I hoped would not only help to achieve a better understanding of the questions at hand but also uphold the disciplinary reputation of sociology (BSA, 2002).

4.7 JUDGEMENT CRITERIA AND REPRESENTATION

Having detailed the paradigm position underpinning this research, we must now consider what Hammersley (2007: 287) calls ‘the perennial issue of the criteria by which qualitative research should be evaluated’. That is to say, appropriate judgement criteria to recommend for

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‘establishing and assessing the quality’ (Bryman, 2016: 383) of this work. As Carter (2010: 143) notes, ‘People come to blows over the quality of qualitative research, perhaps because it goes to the question of whether it’s worth doing research at all. Questions about quality are big deal’. However, in the absence of a singular research philosophy, we cannot ‘demand a unified criterion that validates all research’ (Markula et al. 2001: 261); ‘there is currently no accepted overall gold standard for assessing qualitative studies’ (Grbich, 2010: 154). Tong, Sainsbury and Craig (2007), for example, identify more than 22 different checklists used for assessing interview-based research, none of which have gained common acceptance. Moreover, rather than adopting criteria reliant on positivistic assumptions, such as validity and reliability commonly associated with quantitative research, but which do not ‘carry the same connotations in qualitative research’ (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018: 199), we must look elsewhere.

As a piece of qualitative research, shaped by the paradigm stance described earlier in this chapter and several of the ‘commonly articulated assumptions’45 (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018: 204) associated with this, we can begin by distancing ourselves somewhat from the positivistic end of the ontological and epistemological spectrum and thus from quantitative notions of validity and reliability as ‘for matters related essentially to tests and measurement’ (Walcott, 1994: 369). As Sparkes contends, ‘since different epistemological and ontological assumptions inform [different forms of inquiry] … it makes little sense to impose the criteria used to pass judgement on one on the other’ (2002: 199). Describing the ‘absurdity of validity’, Walcott argues for the importance of ‘identifying critical elements and wringing plausible interpretations from them, something one can pursue without becoming obsessed with finding the right or ultimate answer, the correct version, Truth’. (Walcott, 1994: 266).

Firstly, we must consider the notion of internal coherence between ontology, epistemology, methodology and method, that Carter (2010: 143) describes as a ‘difficult but necessary and ultimately more satisfying path to quality’. Likewise, for Titchen and Ajjawi (2010: 46) internal coherence is ‘a marker of quality in qualitative research and is an important requirement if the research is to be judged credible by others’. This internal coherence is important because, as Sparkes (2002: 230) notes, ‘process and product … are intimately related to each other’. Thus, as well as informing this research, the ontological and epistemological assumptions, or

45 These include data collection, undertaken by the researcher, occurring in natural settings, in the form of the participants’ descriptions of their experiences (Cresswell and Cresswell, 2018: 204). 117 paradigm – Cresswell and Cresswell (2018: 5) refer to this a ‘philosophical worldview’ – underpinning this thesis also have implications for the criteria used to judge this work.

Building on this, and despite reservations46, a number of authors (Sparkes, 200247; Hammersley, 2007; Grbich, 2010; Carter, 2010) advocate what amounts to an ‘overall assessment framework’48 (Grbich, 2010: 163) for writing ‘a great methodology’ (Carter, 2010: 149) and assessing the quality of ‘minimally and participatory’ (Grbich, 2010: 163) qualitative research. Indeed, the key features (or criteria) Grbich (2010) identifies (e.g. clarification of research aims and questions, justification of methodology and methods, discussion of representativeness, interpretation, reflexivity and interpretation) form in large part, the structure of thesis whilst those Carter (2010) points to (justification of methodological selection, sampling, ethics, data collection and analysis) underpin the content of this chapter. Chief amongst the criteria which researchers ‘ought to take into account in assessing their own and others’ research’ (Hammersley, 2007: 289) are the overlapping concepts of verisimilitude - ‘the appearance of truth or reality’ (Sparkes, 2002: 206) - and credibility49, (‘in the sense of making a good argument that displays and accounts for samples of group life’ (Agar, 1995: 128-9 in Sparkes, 2002: 230)). These invite us to ask about authenticity and the ‘relationship of a particular text to some agreed on opinions or standards of a particular interpretative community’ (ibid). The substantive contribution made by the research is also necessarily regarded as key feature of quality in qualitative research. Ultimately internal coherence and thus quality is itself a ‘product of reflexivity’ (Carter, 2010) and, this means ‘paying attention to every step of the research process, particularly to the fact that you yourself are doing it … and then making an account of what you actually did’ (p146). I revisit this point in the concluding chapter (7.3) when considering my reflections on the research process.

Representation meanwhile, refers to the way in which ‘texts reconstruct, rather than reflect, the original sources they represent’ (Scott, 2014: 644). For Denzin and Lincoln (2000: 17), the

46 Hammersley (2007: 300), for example, suggests that ‘guidelines can be desirable, so long as they are not seen as a substitute for the practical capacity to assess research’. 47 In offering his ‘criteria for goodness’, Sparkes (2002: 207) himself recognises the work of others including Lieblich et al. (1998), Lincoln and Guba (2000), Richardson (2000) and Ellis (2000). 48 Whilst this seems a subtle circumvention of the limitations of a checklist, with the introduction of different criteria for ‘particular groupings of approaches’ (Grbich, 2008: 163) and the caveat that criteria are both contentious and alone insufficient, it does serve to illustrate the point that certain features are necessary in order for research to be deemed of sufficient quality to be credible. 49 Inevitably there is some overlap over the meaning of terms between and even within the work of different authors with, for example, Cresswell and Cresswell (2018: 200) recognising ‘trustworthiness, authenticity, and credibility’. 118

‘concept of the aloof observer has been abandoned’, challenged, as it has been, by a ‘continued questioning of the assumption that qualitative researchers can directly capture lived experience (Sparkes, 2002: 5). As Hammersley (2007:298) argues, researchers are ‘themselves necessarily engaged in constituting the social world, or particular social phenomena, through the writing process; rather than simply describing or displaying how others construct the social world through their discourse or actions’. As Sparkes (2002: 5) puts it ‘Such experience is taken to be created in the social text by the researcher’. In order to create a greater understanding of this process, reflexivity is used to clarify ‘the bias the researcher brings to the study’ (Cresswell & Cresswell, 2018: 200). ‘Good qualitative research contains comments by the researchers about how their interpretation of the findings is shaped by their background’ (ibid) and here we must acknowledge the question of ‘Whose case-study is being reported?’ (Corcoran et al., 2004: 13). In agreeing with Dillon and Read (2004: 29), who argue that ‘it is true to say that no two people would give the same description of any one institution … so it is hard to say definitively exactly what an institution is like’, I recognise that this research is effectively doubly interpretative, with both the participants and I, the researcher, influencing the process of creating this account of PE and sport in independent schools. Having already outline the possible influences of partisanship and the role of power’ (Dillon & Read: 2004: 35) present as a result of my own biography, I return to this matter in my concluding reflections (Chapter 7.3).

4.8 SUMMARY

Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992: 220-1) highlight the importance of showing ‘how research work is actually carried out’ (italics in original) and, in detailing the methodological approach taken here and documenting the various steps of the method (Yin, 2009), I have presented, as is critical to any evaluation of a case study based approach (Dillon & Read, 2004), the epistemological and ontological assumptions underpinning this study. In so doing, I have established a ‘clear and coherent link between research question and research design’ (Jones, 2015: 238), explaining how the philosophical framework is aligned with the methodology and methods and, as such, ‘indicates and justifies data collection and analysis methods’ (Higgs & Trede, 2010: 36). Enacted, rather than merely claimed internal coherence is thereby be illustrated. As Carter (2010: 147) contends, ‘methods make epistemology visible. If you can see the data creation, analysis and writing strategies of a researcher – the methods – you can see the epistemology’. Likewise, for ontology ‘defining reality and what counts as knowledge

119 points to the criteria against which you (and others) will judge the quality of your project’. (Higgs and Trede, 2010: 36).

Driven by a belief in the value of qualitative data and the search for a more reality congruent perspective on PE and sport in independent schools, the approach chosen, I felt, gave the best chance of collecting meaningful data through access to schools, whilst avoiding limited, researcher prescribed findings (Neil & Mellalieu, 2014). This multiple-case study uses stratified, purposive, opportunistic sampling to select six schools representing three different typologies of school; highly (Colbeck, Cambourne and Northcote), moderately (Liffield) and less successful (Gregham and Lyttelton). Semi-structured interviews with pupils and staff were used to collect data pertaining to PE and sport in independent schools. Whilst there are a number of potential limitations including, sustaining a critical capacity (within an appreciative approach), the inevitable silences (questions unasked, voices unheard, both in and out of the schools involved) within the data collected, the impact of personal bias and power relations on the processes of data collection and analysis, this, as Fitzgerald 2007: 280) attests, is largely ‘true of all social science data whereby conclusions are derived from particular interpretations of data’.

Nevertheless, the intention here is to offer a credible representation of what happens in the case study schools to produce, or otherwise, the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes in certain sports. In Chapter Seven I consider the extent to which I have achieved this, and in doing so made ‘a reliable advance’ (Elias, 1956: 241) in our knowledge and understanding of PE and sport in independent schools. The final three chapters of this thesis present and subsequently discuss, from a sociological perspective, the empirical findings of this research before concluding and reflecting on the research process itself.

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Chapter V: Empirical Illustration – A First-Order Analysis of Findings

5.1 INTRODUCTION

In a first-order analysis drawn ‘directly from the data’ (Shkedi & Harel, 2004: 159), this chapter presents, through the participants’ own voices, the empirical findings of this research. Several key themes emerged from the iterative process of analysis, each of which are discussed below in five sections entitled; The Performer; The Environment; Practice and Training; Unintended Consequences; and PE, Sport and the Future.

5.2 THE PERFORMER

In their meta-analysis of research on the development of sporting talent, Rees et al., (2016) consider their findings pertaining to the ‘the performer’ and here I sought the participants’ views on the composition of the pupil intake, scholarships and the role of families and sports clubs in the development of young athletes. Firstly, given the focus on senior schools50, it is worth noting the real possibility of talent having been nurtured elsewhere in state school, family or club settings.

5.2.1 Pupil intake Do these children just come out of the ether and all of a sudden get developed at school? No, you know they've already been pretty reasonable performers. Have they been stars? Not always, but they've always been pretty good and then you’re giving an opportunity to grow and develop and some of them you know, jump markedly. (Headmaster, Colbeck)

‘It’s your intake to start with’, replied the HoPE at Lyttelton when asked why she thought some schools are more successful than others. Meanwhile, the DoG at Lyttelton related his previous experience of working at Colbeck, noting, ‘the most glaringly obvious thing to me was the intake of the pupils … recruitment in the first instance would be a very prominent factor as to why Colbeck are high achievers’. Similarly, the Liffield Headmaster acknowledged the impact of the pupil intake on the sporting success of some independent schools:

50 With the exception of Liffield, where pupils begin at 11 years of age (Year 7), in the other schools there are two main points of pupil entry; 13+ (Year 9) and 16+ (Year 12).

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There is the talent element … they're offering huge scholarships now. … they're drawing talent away … out of state schools … I'm sure that has some impact on the final statistic.

The HoPE at Gregham made a similar comment about what might be described as a drain of talent from the state sector, commenting, ‘Of course, some students who would be in the state sector then get brought across into independent schools’. The idea that success can be self- perpetuating – ‘schools will build reputations and people are drawn to it’ (DoS, Liffield) - was described by the Northcote Acting Head: ‘At the moment our hockey is in particularly good nick … you get a reputation for it, people come ... you go on being good at hockey’ and the DoS (Northcote) emphasised the contribution of this to success:

You can you can turn good players into very good players and average players into good players but … I don't think you can start with a complete beginner and turn them into a leading international performer ... there has to be a level of ability and there has to be an environment and … level of input.

His counterpart (DoS) at Lyttelton echoed this, commenting, ‘In terms of developing sport … recruitment of the right pupils I think is the most significant factor’. Whilst it might be expected that schools accentuate the value they add to pupil performance (sporting or otherwise), the suggestion that pupil recruitment is simply a starting point, albeit an essential one, is similarly evident elsewhere, with the Liffield DoS acknowledging, that ‘there’s got to be a bit of both hasn't there really. You can get the talent in but then it has got to be fostered and developed over the years’. However, the impact of the pupil intake is not limited to an individual’s own ability; the potential of positive peer pressure is significant (Freedman, 2008). An experience the pupils at Northcote described with conviction:

Amy: If you are surrounded by better players it doesn't just help the team but also helps you develop … I think that's one of the reasons why we now have so many young internationals coming … they want to be surrounded by that kind of environment.

Isaac: I came from a state school where I was the only person playing an international level of sport and it was quite tough … [here] there’s four

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or five of us that are playing boys international hockey … it makes you a better player.

The pupils at Colbeck tell a similar story:

Leo: It’s such a good environment to be in because everyone is pushing to be the best, so it kind of pushes you ... You might be really good at tennis but there’s someone over there who is playing rugby for England.

George: You see people you’ve played with go on to do amazing things after school and it just sort of inspires you to try and do the same … there's always people pushing you to look up.

The experience of the pupils at Lyttelton however, where they are amongst the few performing at a national level, is very different, with Luke describing it as ‘harder to be motivated’ without similarly minded pupils to work with. The HoPE at Lyttelton recognises the potential impact of this: ‘I think it’s other pupils valuing what the individuals are doing. So, they almost enjoy their success as well’. At Gregham the pupils describe a similar experience with their peers impacting on the quality of training:

I think the main difference between those elite sporting schools … would be the training and the commitment … we have to train with the people that don't want to try as hard and ... I know for a fact that at ___ for example, they would go do court sprints or whatever at lunchtime … they don't even bat an eyelid … if they tried to do that here it would be ‘oh my god’. (Catherine, Gregham)

The perceived value of able sporting pupils is such that mention is made of waiving, to whatever extent, academic entrance criteria or the running of alternative academic curricula:

Well I know boys that will go to a school like ___ … they’ll come over from the West Indies for a year … do a course which ___ don’t normally do purely for the fact that he’s going to come and play cricket. (Josh, Cambourne)

Whilst there is clearly a belief that sporting success might lead to an improvement in the sporting potential of subsequent pupil intakes, the Lyttelton DoS described the downside, commenting that ‘if people look at first team fixtures and they are only winning 40% perhaps

123 people don't come in at Year 9’. However, a different view was notable at Cambourne, where staff were less sure about the influence of talent:

It can't be true, can it really? I mean again it depends which sports … I think the provision of coaching first, confidence and belief that you might make your way to the top … and then facilities must rate above any sense that there's a gathering of people. I mean sports scholarships must play their part, but a tiny percentage. (Headmaster, Cambourne)

What the Headmaster refers to as his philosophy – ‘I never want to be a finishing school … I'm not interested in Sixth Form scholarships when someone is already the made product and you just actually do the little bit of window dressing and they help you win a few more fixtures’ – reflects the schools approach to scholarships, rather than the potential of athletically talented pupils to contribute to the success of schools. It is to the matter of scholarships and bursaries that we now turn.

5.2.2 Scholarships and bursaries51 The Gregham Headmaster talked about ‘the growth of bursaries in independent schools’, commenting on the impact of this in terms of potentially identifying and developing talented young athletes. Might it be the case that this process will only serve to reinforce the chances of independent school athletes achieving sporting success? Equally, talk of ‘poaching’ pupils, ‘aggressive recruiters’ and ‘vicious competitiveness’ (Carman, 2013: 71) between schools is not uncommon. At Liffield, Greg spoke of importing players and giving them scholarships, whilst the DoS revealed that rugby ‘academies will definitely have conversations with schools, saying I’ve got this boy … can we get him into your school … I know it's not uncommon on the circuit’. Meanwhile, the Lyttelton Headmaster echoed his counterparts at Cambourne, who acknowledged that ‘some schools are looking the world over for the people they can bring in’, and Colbeck, who described being ‘gazumped’:

Our biggest worry is that we will lose talent … because they will be poached by someone else. You know ___ have got lots and lots of money and lots and lots of

51 Moreover, whilst all six schools offer, to differing degrees, scholarships and bursaries, on sporting as well as academic, musical and artistic merit, this information is generally treated sensitively, and I only make reference to it where the pupils volunteered this information. 124

scholarships and if they see a good rugby player here they can make a move on them. They are not supposed to, but they can, and they will. (Headmaster, Lyttelton)

Elsewhere, the Gregham Headmaster described a local competitor school ‘investing hard in boys’ and girls’ hockey so therefore … bringing German boarders in to supplement hockey’. This offering of scholarships to attract pupils is raised by others and brings us to the influence of the size of the school. The Headmaster of Lyttelton notes: ‘Frankly we are not a big enough, rich enough school to be able to import top talent’. A sentiment shared by the DoS at Northcote: ‘we don't offer 100% scholarships which some schools do. We are not big enough to be able to afford to do that’. Likewise, at Gregham the DoS talked of ‘a numbers game’ and the Colbeck HoPE noted: ‘we’re twice as big as every other school we play and so therefore the pool is bigger’. Meanwhile, also at Colbeck, the DoS commented, ‘we give four and a half to five million [pounds] in concessions every year … for me that is a school saying we invest in talent’. The Liffield Headmaster emphasised the context of talented pupils more generally, be that academically, musically or athletically, commenting: ‘Why schools are doing this is a big question, of course we benefit from it … We find ourselves right in the middle of it so I can't criticise it as such’.

When asked about the existence of a sporting arms race between schools, the Headmaster at Cambourne describing a change in emphasis in this regard, from facilities to sports scholarships. Differentiating between scholarships and bursaries, he went on to describe Camburne’s ‘social mission to be a school that has 50% of people on bursaries which are means tested’. At Gregham, the HoPE also views scholarships and bursaries as a site of competition between schools, noting, ‘it's a financial thing with parents and it depends on how much you can offer and there are some competitors out there in the market. ___ seem to be spending a lot of money on sports scholarships and it's hard to compete … Its a vicious circle isn’t it’. The DoS at Cambourne, meanwhile, provided his perspective:

I can see why some schools have to do it but we've got 200 boys in a year group. We don't need to bring boys in to accelerate our sport program … our attraction is the [means tested] bursary rather than … a scholarship based on something that at 13+ you know, it's bloody hard to tell, it's so hard to tell down there … not to say that we wouldn't look at it if the right boy came along.

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The Cambourne pupils interviewed took evident pride in their school’s stance on scholarships with Nick commenting: ‘with schools like ___, they just pump out bursaries and things like that. They get boys in to play and we don’t really do that at Cambourne … but it definitely does go on in a lot of private schools’. Hugh (Cambourne) noted that ‘it's important … to make the distinction between why you go to [a school]’ and Josh (Cambourne) expanded on this:

I think it depends whether they’re … looking for a school who’s going to give them the biggest scholarship or where they think they’re going to do best at sport, whether they want to go somewhere where actually they’re there for the school and sport is a side factor. I think it changes for different people depending on your family context.

Making clear reference to pupil intake, the HoPE at Lyttelton emphasised the role family plays in choosing a school: ‘It's the parents as well, so they are putting them into that school knowing how important their sport already is’ and it is families and clubs that we now consider.

5.2.3 Families and clubs At Gregham, The Headmaster’s opening comment when asked about the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes was to contemplate the role of the family in the sporting success of young athletes:

Some of it is self-fulfilling. I think so much of initial sporting impetus actually comes from home … often parents choose independent schools because they see that that's going to be the best way to continue what they've already started at home. You know, the mum or dad who's got the child hitting a hockey ball or playing some tennis.

He wasn’t the only participant to describe a form of reproduction, the Colbeck Headmaster referred to parental support and aspiration as ‘cyclical’, commenting, ‘until you break that cycle and then provide the resources for other kids then that's going to be a challenge. Many of our children get there because, not just our schools but it’s to do with their families I would argue’. However, it was the DoS at Cambourne who came closest to a sociological explanation when he commented on the ‘support networks and parents; there’s so many things that become part and parcel of that … Is it just independent schools or is it what independent schools represent? It’s a really quite tough question to answer’. Effectively alluding to habitus, he went on to speak of the influence of the family in shaping a young person’s aspirations:

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Boys who access private education are, tend to be more driven towards a goal. Whether that be the goal to be a solicitor, a doctor or an Olympian. … I could be really controversial and say I think they’re a slightly more aspirational peer group .... I went to a state school and then I went to a private school at 16 … and certainly found that I was challenged more in a private school environment to look above and beyond what I thought what I was capable of … If we looked at our Olympian stats, in some ways we’re almost sometimes the other way around … I look at our kids and go you could be an Olympic cyclist … and they go yeah, I’m going to go and earn a million pound a year working in the city.

At Northcote, the Acting Head also provided an insight into influence of economic capital: ‘It's fine to be talented but … you have got to have parents with the time and the money … I think lots do have the inclination, but they don't always have the resources’. Conversely, the Lyttelton DoS finds some parents less supportive because, in his view, they see Lyttelton as ‘second choice’. At Colbeck however, Leo joined despite the opportunity to play tennis full- time: ‘[my parents] sent me here to carry on my tennis and academics’. Likewise, at Northcote, the Acting Head describes parents as ‘very appreciative of the opportunities, not just the sporting opportunities … They come to us because they want the education, they want the sport and they want the whole person as well’. Perhaps unsurprisingly, these are largely generalisations and the HoPE at Northcote outlines the response of some parents when the school suggests that a pupil’s academic work might benefit from a reduction in sporting commitments: ‘A lot of parents ... they don't want their daughter to miss out on selection for a national hockey final with their club. So … they prioritise their hockey over their academics … Essentially, they are paying the money, they are the boss’.

At Lyttelton, Isla also emphasized the importance of family: ‘a lot of it also comes from like, kind of like my mum because of transport and stuff and in like the early times, funding things and then I guess club and county and now, obviously everything gets paid for’. As for the influence of clubs, Luke and Isla cited their respective clubs as a factor in their choice of school due to its proximity to their club provision: Luke: I didn't choose it primarily on school rugby. For me it's because [the Academy] is just down the road … They set me up with this school and

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that's almost like the sole reason why I'm here … Because I've only been here for the past year then it's all, everything leading up to that. Isla: That the [County] Academy is really close to home makes it a lot easier because a lot of the other girls have to travel quite far to play decent cricket.

At Gregham the pupils held a similar view of the standard of their school sport. Jonny described taking his sport ‘outside of school more seriously and inside the school is my fun with my mates … I’m not going to take it as serious as … say when you’re in a [Academy] Rugby environment rugby, [County] cricket environment where everyone wants to thrive to be a professional’. Catherine echoed his thoughts: ‘that's definitely the same with me, at school I’d class as fun’. Conversely, whilst David (Cambourne) felt that his experience as a rower was different - ‘because rowing is not really a skill sport … most of my fitness and strength work has been done here but my technical abilities have improved the most while at GB camps’ - the pupils at Cambourne and Liffield felt strongly that their development was largely due to the training they had undergone whilst at school:

Nick: We develop our core skills here and then … the Academy guys they come and watch our matches … most of the big private schools play the big private schools … we have a massive advantage over state schools definitely because we’re going to get more exposure … the coaches will be looking out for big games with two prestigious schools to go and watch.

Echoing Nick’s final point, at Gregham, the HoPE commented ‘I think sometimes [rugby academy] … aren’t as aware of what else is out there … they are a little bit blinkered’, whilst the Liffield DoS noted the higher profile of some independent schools in the eyes of rugby academies, describing a ‘perception … that independent schools are better … than a state school. … [so] they might just keep looking in that direction’. But how do schools support the sporting development of young athletes whilst they are at school and what does this environment look like?

5.3 THE ENVIRONMENT

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Having considered influences on the performer beyond the school, such as family and clubs, we focus on the participants’ views of the environment for young athletes in school. One aspect which did come through particularly strongly, in interviews in all six schools, was the importance attached to ethos and it is here that we begin.

5.3.1 Ethos The terms ‘Ethos’ and ‘Culture’ recurred throughout the interviews but what do they mean? Donnelly describes ethos – ‘a fashionable but nebulous term’ (2000: 162) - as ‘a negotiated process whereby individuals come to some agreement about what should and should not be prioritised’, and differentiates between ‘aspirational ethos’ and the ‘lived reality of ethos’ (1999: no page). Vague as it may be, ethos is nevertheless seen as a ‘crucial ingredient’ in education (Christodoulou, 2010: 11). Arguing that ‘ethos and high expectations’ are central to the success of independent schools, Peel (2015: 113) writes that ‘those who simply attribute it to resources would do well to remember that for many years privilege bred complacency and mediocrity’. For McMahon (2001: 126) culture is a ‘slippery concept’, both ‘measurable and yet capable of subjective evaluation’ (Glover & Coleman, 2005: 251), with the two terms often used ‘interchangeably’ (p260). With no a priori consensus about the terms, my subjective ‘coding’ of the participants’ thoughts is very much dependent on what I felt to be the spirit of their message. The Gregham Headmaster and Liffield HoPE used the term ethos explicitly when arguing for a balanced, holistic approach to schooling:

It's not the winning … it's about having the right ethos … this is the subtlety in schools … The models I’ve ever seen go wrong are where people want to drive their sport forward to the exclusion of everything else. (Headmaster, Gregham)

Boys are expected to contribute to all areas of the school, be that drama, music, sport, academics. It's all part of the ethos of the school. (HoPE, Liffield)

Whilst the Acting Head at Northcote described ‘a very positive culture around sport’, David explained his perception of the culture at Cambourne: ‘Culture is the biggest part of it. If previous teams have done well then that's what's expected. Plus, also you've got more faith in what your coach is telling you because I guess, if everyone in the years above you has done it, then you have no reason to question it and it clearly works’. Whilst some schools focus on the co-curriculum more broadly, others ‘build their whole philosophy around how good their first

129 team is at rugby … there is a culture within certain schools that they want to be the best at certain sports’ (DoG, Lyttelton). However, Luke describes sporting culture at Lyttelton less positively, attributing the limited sporting success to ‘a lack of ... culture to do well … we've got that winning, winning just as many games as we have lost is a success… I don't think that's ever going to produce anyone that is going to … play international sport at the highest level’. The Lyttelton HoPE makes a similar point, describing an ethos which acts to limit sporting development: ‘I can drive it so far but then you sort of, you come up against a few barriers and you realise … there's been decisions made above me’. Elsewhere the reality is very different; the DoG at Lyttelton, formerly employed at Colbeck, describes the difference between the two schools:

The whole mentality [at Colbeck] was very different … I think a lot of it is the ethos of the schools … the structure is in place and there is a massive expectation that you take part … the high performers are often the ones that go the extra mile.

The contingent nature of ethos is recognised by the pupils: ‘I don't know if, like maybe people at ___ … they would go to the gym together because, like the majority of them are boarders so they can do that stuff together, so it would be easier’ (Isla). This acknowledgment that full- time boarding schools may be in an advantageous position is shared by pupils and staff across schools. As the Northcote DoS attests: ‘a very crucial part of why we are successful is because the full boarding ethos is quite different to a day school and that's definitely a factor … Having worked in both, I feel I can compare them’. At Lyttelton there is a clear distinction between the boarding and day aspects but Northcote is effectively a full boarding school. As the Acting Head put it: ‘we keep our day pupils here until 9 o'clock … they are boarders who have beds elsewhere, that's the way I describe them’. The ethos reported at Northcote is notably different from that described at Lyttelton:

It [sporting success] kind of reflects the ethos of the school. I have never been in the state system… but here it is okay to go down to the Astro and play hockey on a Sunday ... It’s all right to want to be good … I guess maybe at some schools it would be a bit weird to be found playing sport. (Ava)

At Cambourne, a predominately day school with a small number of boarders, the Headmaster, in discussing the difficulty of putting out cricket teams during the summer term due to exam 130 commitments, commented, ‘I have great envy for the boarding schools that have the boys there and that the school makes the decision, not the home’. In terms of objective data to support this, boarding, or day and boarding schools featured more frequently in the 33 independent schools producing the most senior internationals between 2000 and 2013 than they did in the list of schools as a whole, constituting 73% and 62% respectively. Furthermore, the 18 schools producing the fewest internationals were all day schools. An understanding that a school’s ethos and culture do not suit everyone, either pupils or staff, was apparent at Northcote. Here the focus was on people buying into - in both senses - what the school offers:

It has to be the right school for people … people might come here because they don't want a tennis academy, or a football academy where the education is limited. Our niche in the market, if you like, is a strong traditional A-level programme, a coeducational boarding ethos and a high level of quality coaching with a strong fixture programme. (DoS, Northcote)

At Colbeck, the prevailing message was of an ethos focussed on putting individuals first, that their development and improvement in terms of performance is prioritised above results. Viewed critically, this is perhaps an easy philosophy to espouse when you are very successful, but one which came through consistently nevertheless:

George: The emphasis really isn’t on results at all. It is all about performance … the first team motto is ‘maximising an individual's potential within the team’ … whilst it is nice to go unbeaten in a season it can be more beneficial if as a person you can get better rather than win a trophy.

Hannah: [The DoS] is like, I don't care about results just about performance … as well that reflects on fixtures … we could just play a normal team down the road but that would just be pointless.

The Headmaster at Colbeck described an example of this in practice, highlighting one drawback of a focus on individual development, an approach which, as he suggests, possibly detracts from the success of the team:

I remember watching, one day we played somebody in rugby … and we have five boys go and play at ___ Academy and we got beaten by a couple of points and I said to [the

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coach], one too many boys at ___ and he's gone yeah, but five other boys got an opportunity to start and so I’ve gone yeah, fair enough, I get that ... It is our mission, we are about the individual and keeping them at the centre, and that's where you lose games that you probably should win but to be honest our philosophy is well, that's okay … A lot of schools will see it as a marketing exercise whereas we just say okay, well, we’re strong enough to not worry about that because our individual kids are getting something really positive.

Colbeck also stood out for an explicit focus on supporting pupils in making the transition to elite sport, alongside a clear recognition of the reality that, for the majority, this will not happen:

They don’t all make it. We are producing student athletes, that's our role here … you must be sending a message to a young person that I am going to give it a go but if I don't make it, I've got the support to fall back onto something ... I feel quite strongly about it. (DoS, Colbeck)

But is this rhetoric? Surely in a field as objective as sport there is some measure of success in either absolute or relative terms? Who decides what sporting success looks like for a school and is there a difference in the aims that schools set?

5.3.2 Measuring success I suppose the two measures are participation and absolute success aren't they … representative honours are really important to a school and they are sort of easier to come by than winning a national competition … we are not the best cricketing school … but we've got a couple of outstanding cricketers. So, you want to win … and not just matches against other schools … something tangible. (Headmaster, Lyttelton)

Despite articulating a vision, albeit nebulous, of success, the Headmaster of Lyttelton provides no explicit sporting directive to the DoS, who commented, ‘there absolutely has been no sniff of that whatsoever’. This matched the thoughts of the Headmaster who, when asked who determines the school’s sporting priorities, answered ‘I wouldn't say I do. I might decide the value I place on it but I would never say to [the DoS] your priority this year is to make sure we win three trophies’. Similarly, neither participant suggested that, beyond taking an interest,

132 school governors provided any input or direction on this matter. At Lyttelton, the focus is instead on sporting provision:

My biggest thing in front of parents … is sitting down and saying that the provision that we supply is good, if the results are not the results that we want then I'm not going to lose sleep, but if … you are paying 18 grand or more to come to [Lyttelton] and we are giving you really good provision, I am happy with that … All schools have different sets of criteria … different budgets and different restrictions. (DoS, Lyttelton)

For the Gregham Headmaster however, sporting success can be influenced by ‘whether the headmaster or headmistress really wants to push that’. A significantly more successful school in terms of the development of international athletes, results at Cambourne, according to the DoS, are relatively unimportant:

I was asked this question the other week … what our win percentage was and I said I genuinely have no idea … I think that boys experiencing success is important in terms of their growth and their love of it … but success can be measured in so many different ways other than just the win, loss column. … you know, no one’s ever called into to my office because they've not won at the weekend. I'm not ever called in and put under any pressure by the [Headmaster] whatsoever.

Meanwhile, the Northcote DoS, effectively described a measure of sporting ‘value-added’52: ‘How many of them still play when they leave is a real measure, not just at international level … you can measure it by trophies and cups if you want to, or … where they were when they came into the school … against where they are now’. Likewise, the DoS at Colbeck advocates longer-term participation as a measure of success: ‘are they still playing hockey at 20, 21? … That's what it should be all about’. Whilst at Liffield there is a ‘drive in the first year that every boy represents the school at one fixture, rugby and hockey that's the target’ (HoPE, Liffield), and at Cambourne, too, participation is key:

52 Systematically employed to quantify the impact of schools in terms of academic progress, the concept of value-added data was first introduced into UK schools in 2003. This measure enables a comparison of schools ‘in similar circumstances’ and the academic progress their pupils make on average across a particular Key Stage (KS) of education – age 11 to 14 (KS3) for example – relative to their peers across the country who begin with similar results. 133

Success is what you want it to be … Is it winning national cups, is it you know, every boy in your school participating in a sport for your school on a regular basis. … we want to make every single boy as good as they can possibly be … participation I think across the board is something that we have to stay true to as independent schools … we’re all better for having performed some form of exercise. (DoS, Cambourne)

The idea of individual development echoed a view shared at Liffield and Gregham where staff referred to a focus on process, rather than outcomes:

Of course you want to win games but we’re trying to focus more on the process. (HoPE, Liffield)

I think everyone is realistic about results. I can change results immediately by changing the fixture list … everything for me is about development and about the processes that you put in place. (DoS, Gregham)

Evidently a school’s sporting ethos can be about more than winning or representative honours. Whilst these narratives tended to be mutually reinforcing, there were several glimpses of differing opinion. The HoPE at Colbeck for instance, did acknowledge that the DoS and heads of sports ‘might look at their win loss ratio and ask some questions about what's happening but from my point of view … I see emphasis on development’. A further consideration is the standard of opposition. The Headmaster of Colbeck describes the school’s approach to cricket fixtures which, whilst stretching the phrase ‘school sport’, offers challenging and distinctive competition for the most able cricketers:

Have a look at Wisden, they won't even rate us … because we play two schools … we play county academies and universities and so we don't feature … what would be the point of us fronting up to play all these schools … yes it would look good on our sheet and some schools just set themselves up to look good … we don't go in for that and I think that's really good … that's what good sport’s about, it challenges individuals and you lose, fine.

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Whilst caution must be taken to ensure that I do not reproduce a dominant discourse by accepting these accounts uncritically, it is also possible that they appear ‘reality congruent’ (Dunning, 1996: 203). If the ethos of the school goes some way towards explaining success, why do they focus on sport in the first place?

5.3.3 Tradition and competition The idea of long term success evokes notions of tradition and history and, for the Lyttelton HoPE, some schools occupy a sporting ‘niche’ and have the ‘tradition … of sporting success’. At Cambourne, Nick gave a pupil perspective: ‘If there's a history of being good at sport at the school it makes people want to go there … I think lots of people see it as an opportunity almost to go to one of these schools and then an easier pathway almost because they have those connections’. For the Lyttelton Headmaster location and space are factors, alongside historical legacy:

I think with some schools it’s tradition ... if you look at a good school like ___. ___ are very good at rugby, why? Because they have always been good at rugby and it is just what they do. In some cases, it will be informed by what they were able to do a hundred, a hundred and fifty, two hundred years ago.

At Northcote the Acting Head took a pragmatic perspective:

Traditionally sport is the life blood of schools such as this and there is a very important practical dimension to that. If you are a boarding school … [with] 650 teenagers for weeks on end, you have to have things for them to do and sport is something which they love … [it] will always be a huge part of a community like this.

Conversely, state schools are seen as not necessarily having the ‘sporting tradition and heritage that most private schools have’ (DoS, Lyttelton). Whilst rather a generalisation, this is, as we have seen, reflective of a historical process, but what motivates schools to continue to invest in sporting success? Returning to the idea of the independent sector as a heterogeneous group of schools, each seeking distinction from competitor schools, the HoPE at Northcote explained their position relative to other schools: ‘There's nowhere like us that plays hockey in the whole of ... So, anybody who is keen on hockey … they think well, if you love hockey that much, go to [Northcote]’. At Lyttelton, the Headmaster makes a similar point about attracting pupils 135 through sport: ‘Why do they do it? I suspect there are two things, one is the profile of the school … I think as well though … I suspect a lot of schools, like music and drama, see it [sport] as part of a way of drawing in bright children who might not otherwise come’. Likewise, the DoS at Cambourne described sport as forming part of a broad and balanced offer: ‘For us it's about trying to deliver an educational package for students that matches across the board. That our sport’s as good as our music, that's as good our drama, that’s as good as our academics’. That the similarities between sport and music, art or drama, featured in several interviews is perhaps reflective of the ethos and culture of the schools involved, their focus on success, and its marketability more generally.

The Headmaster at Gregham also described the use of sporting success as form of marketing: ‘in recent years schools have tried to use sporting success as a means of saying to the outside world … we’re so good at this, please conclude therefore that the overall education must be good and they’re using it in that way … I think some people fall for that’. Sport is, in the words of the Lyttelton Headmaster, part of the ‘pull’ which attracts pupils, their parents and staff to a school. The HoPE at Northcote, for example, describes how additional support - video analysis being his example - for young athletes not only aids their development but attracts prospective pupils keen to improve their sporting performance. It is a theme also voiced by Isaac who commented, ‘[Northcote’s] reputation is massive … That's why I was interested in even coming in the first place ... yeah, we have the best players but that's because we are the best, we nurture the best players so it's kind of 50-50’. This idea of nurturing athletes leads us to the influence of staff in these schools.

5.3.4 Staffing, facilities and time In all six schools, the findings suggest that staffing is perhaps the most important aspect of sporting provision in terms of pupil development and performance, with the Colbeck Headmaster’s comment reflecting the general tenor:

It's about attracting those people who want to work and give kids the inspiration and expectation that means they are going to achieve. It always comes back to people. There is no other driver and in lots of cases the people are the parents, in others there is somebody external that they believe in, you know, and I can see the programmes here that work well are based on people.

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The Gregham Headmaster said ‘all of it comes down to staff’, whilst his counterpart at Liffield acknowledged that ‘Most of all it’s the coaching, it's the people … they've got the expertise to develop it but also they’ve got the time and the roles …. that's very difficult for state schools to do … independent schools have a huge advantage … it's not really about facilities or even about talent schools’. The pupils took a similar view, with Ava and Hugh’s comments reflective of several made by other pupils:

We've got one of the best coaches in the country. People just come to [Northcote] because they want [The Director of Hockey] to coach them. (Ava, Northcote)

You can't ignore the money … if there's more money in the school then you’re going to have better facilities and you are going to attract better coaches and you are going to attract better boys … that's going to be a major part of why private schools are producing international athletes … I think coaching plays a massive part in developing, you can develop like an individual massively if you work with one-on-one coaching and you can change their outlook completely. (Hugh, Cambourne)

Echoing the idea of ‘attracting better coaches’, several participants referred to the individual characteristics of the staff that they see as being vital:

Really enthusiastic people, like the teachers and staff … it does make a massive difference if you've got somebody who wants to be there and wants to see you get better … The S and C guy, he just wants people to get better and wants people to learn which is great. Rather than someone who is just kind of there because they’re getting paid then it just doesn't really benefit you at all. (George, Colbeck)

The coaches that we have here and the level that they’ve played at, so they know what it's like to be at the top level so they can feedback to us what they’ve learned from playing for their country. (Andy, Liffield)

The Gregham Headmaster made a similar point when explaining their success in what the DoS describes as being the ‘one sport that’s set up here to be elite’:

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It all depends on the individual. The facilities are great and we've got the reputation, so everyone wants to be part of it but largely people want to be part of it because of ___ … When you're training twice a day, most days, to still, for them still to believe in him, not get fed up with him, for him to continue to develop them, for him to retain his interest and passion for it, is amazing and they all will crawl over broken glass for ___

Elsewhere, having both experienced working in the state sector, the HoPEs at both Cambourne and Gregham provided an interesting perspective on the matter:

My first state school … very little competitive sport … bit of football and not much else. And that was down to a, resources in terms of playing areas and b, resources in terms of money and equipment, members of staff in the Department. … … It's impossible to give every child timetabled stuff if you haven't got the staff and the facilities to do it. (HoPE, Cambourne)

It's the time that independent schools can devote to games activities… And then the specialists … the coaching that they can bring in for individual sports, one-on-one or with very small numbers and likewise from a team games point of view you can have two or three coaches with the squad of maybe 25, 30. Whereas in the state system you'd be working individually with the same amount of children. (HoPE, Gregham)

Several themes associated with staffing recurred, including recruitment and the balance between using coaches and teachers. One common concern was the extent to which academic teaching staff are able and willing to contribute to the games programme: ‘ultimately we haven't got enough [staff] … that are involved in sport’ (HoPE, Lyttelton). A point a colleague reinforces ‘I think it's a moan in all schools’ (DoS, Lyttelton). Yet again we see a contrast between schools. At Northcote, the DoS painted a different picture: ‘In terms of the amount of people that contribute to sport it would be well over 50 [out of 70] over the year … we have to … we are not a big enough school’. His equivalent at Liffield noted an ‘expectation that everybody does something’, whilst the DoS at Cambourne described the school as being ‘really, really, really supportive in terms of them looking beyond that and encouraging staff to get involved in co-curricular. That maybe sport, that may be music or drama or debating or whatever it is’.

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However, there is another side to this, as the HoPE at Colbeck notes in describing the difficulty he had recently faced when recruiting a new PE teacher: ‘when we recruit, obviously I'm looking for top quality classroom practitioners almost before their coaching competencies … you've got to find that balance’. Similarly, the Gregham DoS described ‘an expectation [from parents] now in independent schools that there is a specialist coach, or coaches, supporting your program’. For the Liffield Headmaster this is a growing trend: ‘Over the last 20 years there have been more experts coming in … the job of being a classroom teacher has got more demanding … we still get schoolmasters who’ll run C teams or B teams … but the expertise is a much more professionalised expertise’. The Colbeck DoS meanwhile, commented on the steps they have taken to counter the presumed drawbacks of employing coaches rather than teachers: ‘we've worked very hard on understanding their [coaches] role in the school … [their] relationship with the house parent and the group tutor is so important’. Whilst Northcote does employ specialists to lead individual sports and to act as external coaches, a model where the majority of the staff are actively involved in school sport is believed to create a positive culture around sport and physical activity:

I think it really helps in schools where sport isn't just delivered by PE specialists … you know some of us aren't natural athletes and we are not necessarily very much good but it's the normal thing. (Acting Head, Northcote)

Equally, whilst facilities were felt to be helpful, they aren’t a decisive factor, with several participants attesting to this:

You can have the best facilities in the world, or the worst facilities in the world … the right recruitment in terms of staff and pupils … that beats everything. (DoS, Lyttelton)

Having great facilities doesn't necessarily breed success. (DoS, Cambourne)

Facilities are not going to necessarily make you a better rugby player if you haven't got the coaching. So, I think the coaching is the main part. (Josh, Cambourne)

This suggests that whilst the idea a sporting arms race between schools encompasses more than facilities, facilities are nevertheless marketable and the DoS at Cambourne, makes explicit the competition to attract parents: ‘It does feel like a bit of an arms race sometimes, certainly when 139 you are talking to parents on open days’. Four Headmasters expanded on this when asked if they were conscious of an arms race between schools:

There is that sort of arms race but I think that just fits into a broader pattern of schools wanting to have better and better facilities, whether it is state of the art theatres, recording studios or amazing boarding houses. I don't think sport is any different in that respect. (Headmaster, Lyttelton)

In terms of facilities, in terms of outcomes … I think that's true … The problem for a lot of these schools is … they've all got to play each other … they've all got to put themselves above the others from a marketing perspective … there is a bit of an arms race and I’d be fibbing if I'd said not and that's why, my big thing at the moment, we’re developing a big teaching block. (Headmaster, Colbeck)

There's probably quite a lot of truth in it. Obviously not all the facilities are sports, you know there are sixth form centres, there’s everything else, but sports facilities are a big driver. So, a, I think it's true, b, I understand why. I'm mean it's the race for 4G [an artificial pitch] now isn’t it. You feel if I can spend that million, I am knocking ahead of my competitors there and for families who love sport they see that as a very significant sign and it pulls people in. …[and] these institutions, they are competitive. (Headmaster, Liffield)

You know, this arms race of great facilities in certain schools … The facilities get people excited but for me the most important thing … is the quality of staff … so much of it relates to the individual people who end up working in these establishments. (Headmaster, Gregham)

At Northcote, the Acting Head illustrated the advantages of such provision using the example of an elite swimmer: ‘Her boarding house was 200 yards away from the swimming pool. Isn't that wonderful … swimmers’ parents all over the country are getting up at 5 o'clock in the morning to drive them to local pools … we can do it all on site’. However, to make the most of such facilities requires time - the Gregham Headmaster cites ‘longer school days, a preparedness to stay into the early evening and … a boarding school situation where people

140 now understand that you can train before breakfast. I don't think we do enough of that’ - and a high level of coaching expertise, as the DoS at Colbeck surmises:

Is it rocket science that independent school pupils have done so well higher up? No, it's not because they’ve had that contact time that's in there, that’s a big factor that people forget. Then combined with the expertise and the knowledge … It's pretty straightforward … you're going to get return.

The Cambourne Headmaster however, in attesting to the influence of coaching, also proposes it as part of a possible solution in terms of supporting the development of young athletes outwith these schools:

I’m always fascinated when one of the first things that's turned to when you hear about independent-state school partnerships is facilities because in fact facilities make nothing without the coaching and I'm amazed that more isn’t going into the coaching of the children who are not getting this opportunity … certainly in my work with the ___ Schools’ Learning Partnership, which is a partnership of three independent and 12 state schools, [it is] one of the areas we are looking to explore … you could say it's the other way round, it’s doubly brilliant and amazing that, given the difference of provision, that that statistic isn't more stark.

Whilst the relative importance of staff, facilities and time is clear, and so, too, the difference in this provision between schools, how do the participants view the practice and training that the pupils partake in?

5.4 PRACTICE AND TRAINING

Ultimately, the development of young athletes is about opportunity and a supportive environment, but what of the training itself, what contribution does it make to the development of young athletes? In this section we consider the views of the participants on training, additional support and sporting specialisation.

5.4.1 Training The local school, ___ up the road, how may boys there have got outstanding athletic potential, loads of them, absolutely hundreds of them. But they haven’t got access to

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the gym we’ve got, they haven't got access to a full-time strength and conditioning coach our boys have and that's only one of the major differences ... if we were to take in their best 15 kids from the age of seven or eight and brought them through this system, who knows where they’d be. (DoS, Cambourne)

As other participants did, the Cambourne DoS differentiated between sporting potential and its development. At Gregham, a school whose ‘absolute level of achievement is relatively modest on a national scale’ (Headmaster, Gregham), the Headmaster described their approach to training in their successful performance program in one individual sport:

Individual elite sport is quite an interesting subtlety … What we've created, which I think is the real virtue, is people striving to be the best they can be individually but in a social setting. When these guys get out of bed and they’re in doing the circuits at 6:45am, … you’re part of the gang … that's what you want to try and reproduce.

At Liffield, the DoS emphasised a greater level of opportunity in independent schools that results in ‘many more people coming through. The fact that they have that extra one-to-one, independent schools often have high-performance programs as well, which tend to give them a little kick’ whilst Greg, commenting on the relative influence of school noted, ‘even if you are in say an elite side of something, you’re not there all the time’. Two pupils, a triathlete and pentathlete respectively, described how their schools supported their individual training needs:

I don't have very much time … so it’s kind of just fitting in things. So, I have set sessions with clubs I do and if I can't fit in an easy run because of them then I do it at school … that’s how I balance it. Things I can't do outside of school, I do in school … it just means that it’s easier to fit in everything. (Ken, Liffield)

I have my own [laser] gun in school and I’m allowed to use it in the sports hall, so a couple of times a week I set it up … [and] they are quite like willing to let me do the running as well, instead of doing hockey or netball. (Abi, Gregham)

Contrastingly, the pupils at Lyttelton shared their thoughts:

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Isla: At school there is only so much they can offer you like, I mean like in our games sessions it's like, the cricket, a lot, a lot of it is just … Luke: It’s a waste of time isn’t it. Isla: Yeah, it's just a waste of time compared to like, I don't know, my England Academy thing … it's not very helpful. Like, the matches is the, most probably the best thing you can get out of it as opposed to training.

Similarly, the pupils at Gregham also highlighted the limitations of their training in school:

Catherine: I think the difference between [Gregham] and other [more successful] schools is … we don't have that kind of competitive environment because we don't have the numbers. So, you know you’re not going to get dropped because there’s literally no one to fill the place. Jonny: There’s no competitive edge … You can’t really fight for that 10 [flyhalf] spot because there isn’t enough numbers. Catherine: Whereas outside of school you’re always fighting for your position and that’s why you try so much harder. Jonny: Because one week you’re starting and the next week you are not.

By definition, the standard of training and coaching for school teams is unlikely to be of a similar level to national representative sides. Unless that is, your school coach is also a national age group coach and your team contains a number of national age group players. At Northcote the pupils’ experiences contrast starkly with Lyttelton and Gregham:

Amy: The level of coaching we have on a personal level is something that really … has helped me develop. Samuel: Having such a good coach it just, like, raises the level of what you expect so that the standard increases and I think because it's such a good environment you have fun and enjoy yourself and you just really want to go down and train. Ava: [The Director of Hockey] does have a massive influence, so does [the HoPE]. … they are a massive influence on our hockey.

The HoPE at Northcote provides a staff perspective on this:

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Possibly [its] just the sheer amount of effort we put into it … the guy that runs the hockey and myself, that we are just both very ambitious and then we've got good people alongside us who actually really know the game, who’ve played a high level themselves … If you get the right people into any school, regardless of the size … with the right ambition and enthusiasm you can achieve whatever you want to achieve. So, although I say it myself, there's a great deal of our input over the years is why it has been successful.

Such an approach to sporting development invites the question of whether pupils are more likely to achieve sporting success in one school than the other? As the DoG at Lyttelton, himself formerly a professional golfer, suggests, in some schools a professional approach is taken to training:

The misconception is that pupils at [Colbeck] are bought in. Yes, they are to a certain extent but then they back that up … You know, the top independent schools have wonderful facilities. They have fantastically talented staff and coaches that are there for a reason. So, although from the outside the impression is that the scholarships are given to these talented kids and they just sort of drift through school. That’s not true … we, were working like professional golfers.

A more able pupil intake, a greater potential to develop, or a combination of both seems to contribute to why some independent schools are so successful in sporting terms or otherwise. Once again however, we see contrasting findings between the schools in this study. At Lyttelton, for instance, both pupils interviewed felt that the school had added little value, comparing it unfavourably with the support they receive through their clubs:

Isla: Our cricket team isn’t like the best team in the world. Like whether I played for them or not, I don't think it would make much difference to what I do outside of school. Luke: I’d probably say the same for me as well. I think, especially for me coming in at sixth form, I mean most of the development, a lot of it has been done before … if I went to any other school as well it would be similar.

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Isla: [But] If you don’t have any talent then you won't, kind of be an international … in one sense it doesn't really matter what the school offers you … just because you like went to ___ it doesn't mean you're going to play for England.

Whilst the staff take contrasted somewhat, there was perhaps an tacit acknowledgement the school may have added little sporting value:

I think they [Isla and a former pupil, now professional cricketer] were good at cricket when they joined … but I suspect it wasn't possible to say that they were going to go as far as, as they have done or as they might do. (Headmaster, Lyttelton)

Would [Isla] have made it anyway? I don't know … [but] not only has she got the opportunities and the expertise but she has also got the ethos that I can do it … whether they are misguided or not, they think … look there's England shirts on the board; this is not unusual, people do this … I don't think necessarily [Lyttelton] has made [Isla] what she is and most of it goes down to [Isla] and genetics etc. but the fact that she is in the private school sector and we are lucky enough to have her, hopefully refine her skills and give her the opportunities has had a dramatic effect. (DoS, Lyttelton)

However, this portrayal of pupils benefitting from an environment where there are ‘England shirts on the board’ did not quite match my observation that, although there was an England ‘A’ rugby shirt from 2010 on display, the last senior international shirt I saw (a GB Hockey blazer) was from the 1956 Olympics. This differed markedly from Northcote, Cambourne, Colbeck and to a lesser extent Liffield where, in addition to the framed international shirts of former pupils, a number of honours boards recorded the names of pupils who had achieved national selection. Perhaps not coincidentally, in the most successful schools in this study, several coaches worked at representative level in addition to their school commitments. Not only does this raise the quality of training - assuming that this corresponds to greater coaching ability – but it attracts pupils to the school. Beyond coaching however, the schools offer a range of additional support for young athletes.

5.4.2 Additional support In the guise of a sports scholars or high-performance programme, this additional support includes strength and conditioning sessions, physiotherapy, mentoring, as well as educational 145 programs covering topics such as sports psychology, nutrition and, understandably given the documented rise in the use of performance enhancing drugs in what Bloodworth & McNamee (2010: 276) refer to as a small but ‘significant number’ of young athletes (Lockwood & Capstick, 2014), drugs in sport. Lyttelton has recently begun to develop their provision, introducing sports psychology and strength and conditioning sessions. Notably making a comparison to state rather than independent schools, the DoS explains: ‘At the top end I don't think we do very much if I'm honest, apart from give them a bit off their fees and give them [sports scholars] a title. So again, we're looking, we have just employed two strength and conditioning coaches. I can't imagine too many state schools have got that in their locker’. As the DoS describes, Northcote also provides strength and conditioning support:

The same guy … comes to us three days a week … he’d have our international athletes … our elite tennis players … a rehab group … So we are actually able to offer them that support as well which pushes them to the top. If … they are in a school that isn't functioning at that sort of level and all their sport is through club, then they are not going to be able to access that sort of programme ... it has made a difference.

Conversely, at Liffield, whilst strength and conditioning was nominally in place, staff and pupils suggested that this wasn’t as structured or effective as it might be:

We’ve got a full time S & C coach at school but … There is not a designated ___ session … I think that's something that they should be expected to do as part of the programme … but I think that might change. (HoPE, Liffield)

They mainly leave it up to you … but unless it’s in, during a games session which is once a week, or a PE session … you can't go in your free periods to the gym usually but it is open after-school, or even before school. (Greg, Liffield)

In contrast to Lyttelton, the pupils at Northcote have confidence in the support they receive, comparing it favourably with the support they receive through the national age group systems:

Ava: There’s one girl in our [England] squad who is like, kind of, I'm guessing doing the same [strength and conditioning] stuff as we are but some people like…

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Amy: Rock up having never lifted a weight in their life but then we still get prescribed basically the same exercises as them from our performance people … it has just highlighted how … the stuff England gives us really isn't that great just because of the spectrum of people you have. Ava: Some people go to schools who don't have a gym … Some people go to schools like [ours] which is amazing and you can do it all the time. Some people go to schools with a gym but don't have any people to help them with it … when we go to training days and you get tested and you can tell who’s done it and who’s not.

At Northcote, the approach is individualised, with Heidi describing being offered the support of strength and conditioning sessions and, on the advice of the British Fencing, turning it down to continue with her own programme, taking advantage of early morning access to the school gym to complete her prescribed sessions. Gregham pupils also compare the support favourably to that available through NGBs and clubs:

Abi: [GB pentathlon] don’t really talk to your schools or your coaches from outside of that. So what I do with Mr ___ is stuff just specific to what he thinks I need to improve on. Millie: I know what I need to improve on, like speed, which is what England Hockey said but then Mr ___ has given me exercises to help with that. Catherine: I'm quite lucky because my S and C coach at [National netball club] also does S & C at [Gregham] … You have to be at a certain level to have the one to ones ... I think that's what's good about the school … because there's not that many of us [elite athletes], then the school really focuses on you and gives you that attention.

The Gregham DoS defined this ‘level’ as being ‘on a performance pathway’ and talked of ‘looking to add knowledge and value to what they're doing as an individual’. However, the pupils questioned the success of their high-performance program. Catherine noted that ‘they really tried to make … [it] more serious this year’, whilst Jonny added ‘there are some people that just go, oh, I can’t be bothered to go’. The pupils at Colbeck were more positive about the support they receive:

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Hannah: At the camps and stuff they're like oh, this is such a step up from what you’re used to at school and stuff, but I always think, it's not really … it might be for others but it's quite similar … to what we have here. George: I think it's because the environment here almost is like a professional environment. I don't really notice much difference whether I’m at ___ [rugby academy] or I’m here really. There’s not much difference at all … So, there isn’t a massive step between leaving school and then going into professional rugby, I don’t think.

As well as variation in the quality of provision, there are differences in terms of who receives this support. At Lyttelton, it is largely limited to pupils awarded sports scholarships, whilst at Colbeck ‘open access’ means that ‘talent develops that you didn't know about’ (DoS, Colbeck). Notably, Heidi (Northcote) highlighted a disparity in profile and provision between the major sports such as hockey and alternative sports like fencing:

When I was younger … me and my brother were both really, really keen, we really, really struggled, because it wasn’t one of the main sports … but as we’ve got older [the DoS] has become more accommodating and more understanding because I think it was just a little bit alien to him at the beginning. Because obviously like, hockey is a priority and I understand that … It just, it seems that there is a lot of talent in the school that maybe has gone a little bit under the radar … because they're so successful. You can understand it entirely, it is brilliant but … sometimes you can feel a little bit secondary to the hockey team.

A similar hierarchy of sports was potentially implied at Cambourne, where pupils revealed confusion about the availability of physiotherapy treatment:

Nick: We’ve got a physio, in the rugby term the physio is in everyday in the week at lunchtimes so that's really useful because you get that free of charge. David: Is physio free? Nick: Yeah, physio here’s free. David: I don't get it.

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Insights such as this were particularly interesting and the implications of a focus on a particular sport, or sport in particular, are discussed in Chapter Six. Further support is provided in the regular use of video analysis to review games at both Northcote and Colbeck. At Colbeck the pupils valued the additional support:

Leo: Most of my training is here. We do occasionally go to Roehampton for national camps but I think here is pretty similar to the national camps, so there's no real need to go there. Hannah: You obviously have your team practices or individual practices but then there's also like team S and C [strength and conditioning] sessions, but then there's also like personal ones … the balance I think is really good between stuff you do as a team and then your like, individual development.

The Headmaster at Colbeck however, was a little less sanguine when reflecting on the overall impact (on hockey at least) of some aspects of additional support:

I speak to them [coaches] a lot and I keep saying, I see lots of one-to-one hockey coaching going on, why are our hockey results not so good? … the jury is out for me on all that sort of thing and yet a lot of our kids will go on to play for England and yet our teams are not doing that well.

At Gregham, where national success comes in one sport, the focus is nevertheless upon the individual, with the DoS commenting, ‘I think supporting the individual … is what [Gregham] does differently’. That such additional support is reflective of the professionalization of sport more widely is a point made explicitly by the HoPE at Northcote:

You wonder where that's going to go … every school is trying to win stuff … what’ll next be introduced into schools to make it even higher performance … if it's good enough for your premiership football teams, it is good enough for your school.

The potential issues associated with focussing on a particular sport leads us on to the findings related to specialisation and diversification.

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5.4.3 Specialisation and diversification My personal opinion is to not specialise early … unless there is a very good reason … [Swimming is] probably the only example, even our best hockey player will do athletics in the summer … It's really good for your physical development and mentally as well and I think you do need a break from whatever your sport is. (DoS, Northcote)

This message echoes the literature on talent development and the staff across all six schools promoted a similar stance. At Colbeck, the pupils confirmed it to be the lived reality, providing examples of the philosophy in practice:

Leo: I played cricket until year 11 at a pretty high level… they get you to try everything. George: It’s off-season for rugby now, so I play cricket this term, I’ve done some athletics. I think that's important too. Hannah: Some people come here with one sport and then leave with another … I know so many people … who have done both and then excelled at the other one. It's quite good because then you don't get bored of your sport. I'm not saying people who, like at a state school would, but I mean there’s not exactly a lot of opportunities for them to try lots of different things. So, if they didn't like a sport, then they’ll be like I don’t really like sport but if there’s more to try, then I think you get the chance to, of trying more.

The idea of talent transfer Hannah effectively refers to is an explicit part of the strategy at Colbeck, and the DoS gave the example of a former pupil who took up rowing at university and two years later competed in the world championships: ‘he felt that a lot of the grounding he was given physically and mentally … was given to him from here’. Across all six schools there is a consensus that for most pupils, sampling a range of sports is preferable to specialization. The HoPE at Lyttelton describes seeing pupils who specialise too early ‘burnout’, whilst others recognised the dangers of an overemphasis on one sport, citing boredom and injury risk as significant considerations. However, one recurring theme here was the idea that whilst specialisation is generally favoured, there are exceptions:

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We don’t make them specialise at all. It's expected they all play all three sports or at least try to play all three sports unless they get to a certain representative level where they can specialise. (HoPE, Liffield)

We hate kids specialising … they change sports every term … they can access a load of other co-curricular stuff as well. Rowing is an exception, it is a sport where kids in some cases will do two or three terms because it’s so specialist and it's the right thing for them. (HoPE, Cambourne)

If you come here … then you would do all the sports, unless you come for ___ and then you're just on that ___ program throughout. … this school doesn't believe in specialisation too young, unless of course you’re a ___ player … they’ve come here for … an all year-round program. (DoS, Gregham)

At Colbeck, the DoS gives his view:

I'm very clear around long-term athlete development here … We just give wide choice and we promote early diversification … that is starting to really bear fruit for a number of individuals. You know, I think some independent schools … where I would challenge them, is where they're investing in sports in scholarships just in one or two sports at such a young age and that's all they are doing. (DoS, Colbeck)

Contrary to this, the HoPE at Colbeck explained how he felt a recent decision to stop teaching practical PE in year nine had reduced the opportunity for pupils to sample the wide range of sports on offer at the school:

We used to do four, five weeks of fencing [in Year 9 PE] … if you speak to the director of fencing he would have said … that was his nursery … that's unfortunately gone now.

On the idea of encouraging sampling and a diversity of experiences, one recurrent theme was the need to broaden the range of sports or activities offered to cater for the demand and preferences of pupils and parents. At Lyttelton, where girls’ cricket has recently been introduced, the DoS commented: ‘I think that schools will have to open up their ideas and get with the now and say there has got to be a bit more choice for pupils … it will be more attractive 151

[to parents]’. Similarly, the Northcote DoS noted: ‘Girls’ football we offer … so girls not playing netball have all got something new to do ... girls’ cricket is difficult … but that would be something else that we want to broaden’. The cost of this is not only financial, and the Headmaster at Colbeck described one consequence of offering a wide range of sports:

Other schools recruit more heavily in those particular sports ... our kids are always good but I can see that because we’ve got all these sports and we’re trying to attract kids in all of them … Look at ___ ... Well, who is gonna beat them? So that's what they want to do well in and that's what they’ve set out to do.

If this is one potential result of a wider range of provision in schools, what impact does a focus on sporting performance have on other aspects of the pupils’ education? It is to the idea of unintended consequences that we now turn.

5.5 UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES

For all the reputed benefits and enjoyment that many gain from participation in sport and physical activity, we must also consider the possibility of unintended consequences and how schools seek to reduce the potential impact of these on pupils. The participants’ views on this can be categorized into three areas; academic, pastoral, and issues around mass participation; each are considered below.

5.5.1 Academic considerations At Gregham, the HoPE acknowledged that ‘from an academic point of view, being a non- selective school, for some students we’re more suitable than some of the other schools around’ and, whilst the academic demands of each school varied somewhat, significant sporting commitments do ‘create pressures on children's time’ (Headmaster, Lyttelton). The Colbeck Headmaster stressed the need for the school to monitor this closely:

You've got to have the academic work in place and a solid foundation there or else you can't really expect to be giving up lessons and doing the training … They can then do their stuff in PSs [private study periods] and do the extra weight training or strength and conditioning, whatever it is and that all works very well but we do have to [monitor this].

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Describing the benefits of a boarding school in this context the Gregham Headmaster commented: ‘the one thing I would say is they do live here … there is no travel time … if you make it residential you make it all consuming, but you also don't lose time around the edges’. Nevertheless, for the Gregham DoS ‘You can’t have it both ways … Something's got to give somewhere if you’re going to do everything … ultimately if you’re going to perform as an elite junior sportsman or an aspiring elite sportsman then there’s gonna have to be some sort of compromises’. The pupils presented their perspective:

I think you’ve got to make that decision whether, are you going to push the boundaries in sport … or are you going to focus on academics. … next year I don't think I’ll play in the National League because it's just very time-consuming like travelling all around the country and I want to do medicine. So from personal experience I don't think I will be able to do medicine and play netball at a high level. (Katherine)

I think there has to be a point where you like choose ... I don't think sport affects my schoolwork too much but I see where [Katherine] is coming from. It can be hard, especially when you have school sport, outside of school sport … it just becomes like hard to balance everything. (Abi)

For the Lyttelton Headmaster there is a loose correlation between those pupils ‘most actively engaged in sport and those who struggle to find the time for their work’ and he described his experience with a former pupil, now county cricketer:

Its undeniable that … he performed less well in his A levels than he would have done had he not had cricket but … currently he makes his money out of playing cricket so that was the right choice to make … I suspect that those who don't play sport, in a large number of cases, aren't spending the time reading books they are spending the time playing computer games or doing not much.

Anecdotal or not, this suggestion does lead us to question the impact sport has on a pupil’s academic progress and any approach taken to helping pupils manage this. The impact on academic results was mentioned by several other participants, with the Cambourne Headmaster describing national sporting success as ‘all-consuming’ and his pupils ‘willing to take a hit of

153 a grade that I didn't think they had to take’. The Colbeck Headmaster similarly quantified the impact:

I probably think that our kids achieve half a grade less than they might elsewhere, simply based on how much time they put into their sport … you have to be careful … maybe we’re not asking a strong enough question over the academic development of the child.

Conversely, the Lyttelton HoPE made reference to the academic ability of the pupils and the potential impact of this on sport, the ability to manage their time effectively and learn readily both in the classroom and in a sporting context all being seen as benefits: ‘Driven pupils like that find it a lot easier to balance everything so they don't think anything of you know, sport commitments, drama commitments, music commitments … they can juggle it all’. When asked about pupils combining academic study with what are effectively the training commitments of full time athletes, the Colbeck Headmaster commented:

I think that's what we've done well since [the DoS has] been here. I think we sort of tried to do that previously but it was much more a one size fits all … now it's very coordinated and very organised … we need to do things as well as the governing body would elsewhere or else you've got to go and let kids go and do it and in some things you can't compete with that … swimming is the best example, the combination of getting the academic whilst still getting the first class sport without having to have your mum drive you 40 minutes to the pool … is something that really is quite different.

At Cambourne, the Headmaster spoke of ‘the primacy of the classroom’, explaining that ‘Academics have got to be right for you to engage fully in the sporting programme and we can pretty well hold to that … you are a schoolboy, you know, unless we really know that your future lies with releasing you to that Academy … let's get the balance right’. The importance placed on academic study was a feature of all schools, with Andy (Liffield) summing this up: 'I think academics comes first … we definitely focus on work first’. However, the extent to which academia and sport are prioritised may depend upon the nature of the school, as Nick (Cambourne) described:

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If you do wanna come you have to get the grades … lots of other schools … do BTECS which we don't do here. I think they don't have as many exams … it’s all coursework and they can get that done in the time they do have … and most of them are on BTEC sport, the ones who play sport … and you get half of that for just playing.

In all of the schools studied here however, a balance (to differing degrees) is sought between academic and extra-curricular activities and this is monitored through a system of communication involving academic, sporting, and pastoral staff, pupils and parents. As the Liffield Headmaster explained, the need to ‘balance academic work with sport … [has] put much more of an onus on schools to develop pupils more roundly and actually prepare better for life beyond school because you learn to juggle and manage those commitments’. The Gregham Headmaster echoed this: ‘we've got to stop people doing this whole thing about well if I’ve got academic work to do, we can’t do any sport, I think that's terrible preparation for life’. But what are the pupils’ views on this and how can schools support them in combining what, for many, are effectively full-time training and competitive commitments, with academic study?

Isla: It's to do with not just the sporting aspect but … like later deadlines and, like helping you in that sense … like allowing time off school. Like, kind of the workload and that kind of stuff. Luke: Exactly, some teachers aren’t very understanding. Isla: They don't really understand, like if we’ve been away all weekend and we actually can't do the homework because we don't have time to do it … they don't actually understand what we do sometimes. Luke: But, I think, obviously there is some teachers as well that if they know what situation you are in, they do understand and when they are bit more like clued in to what, to what you've been doing then they are, they are more flexible.

Once again we see a striking contrast between the experiences of the pupils at Lyttelton, where to be performing at national level is unusual and Northcote where a number of pupils do so. Here the pupils cite a greater range of steps taken by the school to support them in balancing their commitments. These range from being excused certain activities that are compulsory for everyone else, such as the Combined Cadet Force, to a range of strategies to enable them to catch up on missed work:

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Heidi: I do have to travel to go fencing ... so I do end up missing quite a lot of prep sessions … the teachers are so accommodating they understand it … they put on extra sessions and they do bits and pieces in and around the place. Amy: They understand and that's just because they have got a vast number of pupils who are missing. So, if I miss a maths lesson my maths teacher will email me all the notes that he made and everything and he will say just drop in. Ava: They are so accessible … even on an evening night, if they are a tutor in a [boarding] house … they are always there … they are used to it. Whereas maybe, like I know at my old school, it was a private school but it wasn't big on sport so they wouldn't really, I don't think they would quite understand it or know how to deal with it.

Elsewhere other pupils described staff as being supportive:

I think we’re quite lucky here … because we've got very good teaching staff it takes some of the pressure off sometimes, like, if sometimes you're not able to do work when you're away you know that what you're doing in the classroom can help to make up for it and the teachers are quite understanding and I guess you are given a lot of help. (Hugh, Cambourne)

If I’m really struggling I can ask my teachers for extensions, or, like ask Mr ___ if he can talk to a teacher about it and that's fine so that helps to keep it all organised to make sure you don't fall behind. (Ken, Liffield)

Clearly the relationships described above require a significant level of investment and are much more workable in a boarding school environment. At Northcote and Colbeck, further steps are taken to support pupils with significant training commitments. The Gregham DoS revealed that some pupils drop ‘one or two GCSE's just to enable some free time during the week’, whilst the Northcote DoS described the case of an international swimmer:

She needed to do a huge amount of pool hours. So, all her hours were here but she still had to be in there at five so … we actually started her on four [A levels] for a month so she could pick the right one and dropped her swimming volume off just for that very first month … that is the sort of thing that we can do.

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The Acting Head at Northcote put this into context when commenting, ‘nobody comes here and does one A-level and spends the rest of the time playing sport’. Whilst At Colbeck the DoS referred to dropping GCSE subjects, the use of private study periods, and ‘rotation cards’ to minimize the academic impact, stressing: ‘it's very clear and they don't do it …. unless the parent has bought into it’. Allowing pupils to access school or external gym facilities at times that suit the pupil clearly make it easier to manage and fulfil their work and training commitments, as Luke (Colbeck) confirms:

When I was at a state school, earlier, before [Colbeck], I was finishing training at like 10 o'clock at night … That doesn't really work for a kid trying to enjoy sport … you don’t really have a social life as well, but here you get everything done by six and then that’s your day done.

At Cambourne, the DoS described a traffic light system in which pupils are ‘allowed out for sporting fixtures if they're on green … if they’re on amber then there's a discussion to be had with the pastoral team. If they’re on red it's we can't take you out for this fixture, you’re behind with the academic work’. The Headmaster commented: ‘It's a shame to be using that … [as] a punitive measure and a punishment and yet I must say in most individual cases it simply works as the deterrent or encouragement to get things done’, whilst the pupils gave their view:

Hugh: If you are not up to scratch during the season then you just won’t play. So if you're really far behind on work the teachers aren’t letting you out of lessons for a cup game in midweek ... It's a school, it’s not an Academy. Josh: They’re all focussed on their academics … because everyone knows that anything can happen. I think you’re still grounded here to know that it's a school.

The restriction of training if a pupil is behind with academic work also occurs at Northcote, where pupils ‘are pulled from various commitments if they are not fulfilling their academic duties or if they are just tired’ (HoPE). A similar approach was mentioned by the HoPE at Colbeck, who gave the example of an England U19 cricketer who had not completed his A level PE coursework:

There was a fixture … and we had to get [his coursework] in and get it marked and I sent an email to i/c cricket, cricket coaching and I said look, I'd rather ___ didn't play

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today because he’s got to get this finished. They were so supportive. So, coach emails him, i/c cricket emails him … they all contact him saying get your work done.

The Headmaster explains that this is something that Colbeck ‘have got much better at’ and the pupils gave their view:

Leo: I’ve turned up not doing my work and the tennis coach has said no, you’re not playing. They sent me upstairs to do my work, but I think that kind of is good because you have to get your work done … they're definitely looking out for the academics as well, not just the sport. George: It happens quite a lot … There's nothing worse than not being able to train because you’re fit and everything but they just won't let you. It's pretty awful, so it does definitely make you do your work it gives you that discipline as well to do both, so then when you leave here you go into a working life, you're able to get stuff done.

These measures to support pupils academically clearly demand a significant investment of time and effort, for staff and pupils alike. As Northcote HoPE commented: ‘You know what schools are like, they are time-consuming. Nothing you ever do is unpleasant but it's very time- consuming … it's full-on a place like this’. As well as academic considerations, we must also consider how these schools fulfill their pastoral responsibilities for pupil wellbeing and the potential personal cost of the pursuit of sporting excellence.

5.5.2 Pastoral considerations Luke: If it's a tossup between a big game that I've got for ___ [Academy Team] and a big game for school, then the school is always going to … try and persuade me as much as possible to have to play for school. Isla: Yeah, that always happens … it's just annoying because I just go to training already tired from the hockey games and there’s no point in going to training because then you’re not going to do it properly … it's just stupid and every time he’ll be like, you can still play, like you don't have anything on at the time.

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Whilst the pupils at Lyttelton felt that their best interests were not always put first, the staff perspective was slightly different:

[When] respected people are saying this could be a significant career, that's when you've got to listen to the professionals on that side and to the parents. [Then] it's time to sit down and have a meeting … saying this will undoubtedly have an effect now on your school career but if you don't invest in it, it will have an effect on your cricket career and then you've got to weigh up of the pros and cons and go with what you think is best for her, or for that person. (DoS, Lyttelton)

Conversely, at Cambourne the DoS described a pupil centred approach which the pupil view didn’t quite match:

We don't ask ridiculous amounts of the boys. We’re asking for, probably one of our first team rugby players, we’re asking for four hours a week in training time and then a Saturday … If then boys are going above and beyond that, … then we sit down and talk with them … We engage with their Academy coaches, we’re not, I don't think we are arrogant enough to think that our sessions are more important than any other sessions … for example if [Nick] was selected for ___ A team on a Monday night, he wouldn't play for us on a Saturday … that gives him a chance to play at that level and that means we've got another kid coming up through the bottom … it’s trying to put the boys at the centre of it. I think that's the real key. (DoS, Cambourne)

Josh: Unless it is a big recognition, like you know if you are going to go away and play for England, obviously you go and play for England, but if you've got a game on the Sunday and you've got a school match on Saturday you are expected to play on a Saturday and that's not just your own personal choice … if you’re selected for a school team you are expected, unless you have a valid reason, to play. Nick: But there was only one where I had a Saturday [school hockey] fixture and I had a rugby match and the school let me off to go play for the Academy … there’s lots of communication between all the sports staff and all the academic staff and my, the coaches with England and [academy] … which makes it easier.

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At Gregham, the Headmaster described putting ‘the athlete at the centre of it … I think the development of the individual is the most important thing in this setting’. Similarly, the Colbeck DoS highlighted the dangers of a narrow focus on high performance sport:

I've experienced here a boy … who in year nine didn't go to school, went around the world with a tennis coach … his lack of social skills and integration with the rest of the group told me everything I needed to know. Why that was wrong, you know. I don't know how good a tennis player he is, he didn't stay very long because he struggled with it and for me that's going to limit him when he gets older. So, this term I call student- athletes … It’s a student athlete approach, it's got to be.

Contemporary pedagogy makes much of personalised learning, differentiation and pupil centred education, but what does this look like beyond the classroom when the needs of the individual do not always match those of the school? Again, from a pupil perspective, Northcote and Colbeck are very different to Lyttelton:

Hannah: Our coaches are always like, we’ll release you for club matches because we know that we don't need our strongest team out … because they know that it’ll benefit you personally … You feel like you’re not just being made to play. Isaac: Our school coach [is] an assistant coach for the England system … he gets both sides so there isn’t a lack of communication or a breakdown of communication ... if we need to miss the school training session because we have had a three- day camp and we need to catch up on work or, if we are tired from that, then he is more than accommodating. Ava: The school kind of said to me you’re a sports scholar, you still have to do netball but in that year [the DoS] said, you are an England standard now, you can specialise … [it] really helps because if I was doing netball the whole time … that's just extra demand on your body, extra demand on you, extra demand on your time.

At Gregham, Catherine has a similar arrangement: ‘This year I was allowed to not do hockey … it's just a bit too much. I mean last year I really did tire myself out …I was worried about GCSEs and trying to play all the sports on top of doing out of school stuff’. The Gregham DoS

160 described managing her playing load: ‘Occasionally in easy games we’d take her off … so we look after her that way’, and explained their stance on the individual:

One thing we can assure you is if you come here we will always prioritise you over us and I think that's really important … that's quite unique to [Gregham]. So, we do prioritise the individual even if it does mean they have to miss a fixture and sit on the side-line because they've got something the next day or a training session or a trial … if results mattered then we would make them play.

In terms of monitoring and limiting the impact of sporting commitments on pupils, Schnell et al. (2014: 172) stress the importance of ‘intensive communication both between the local and national coaches and between the athletes’ coaches and parents’. With the exception of Liffield, all the schools studied have a house system and there was a consistent message that the pupils are ‘under the auspices of a housemaster/ mistress who monitors their all-round well-being and is the point of contact with home’ (Headmaster, Gregham); they ‘monitor it really, really carefully’ (HoPE, Northcote). At Cambourne the HoPE also touched on the matter: ‘We have weekly department meetings where we talk about kids who are accessing too much, kids who are a safeguarding concern, eating disorders, overtraining, things like that and they’re … monitored either through the pastoral team or, at an early level, just through us’. The Acting Head at Northcote highlighted the importance of this care:

In sport and in anything else, it is the housemaster or mistress who has the overview and our elite sports men and women really need that kind of personal handling. So, it would be a partnership between the housemaster and mistress, the Director of Sport ___ plays a key role, of course, as will the head of their particular sport … they have the contacts with the clubs and then the parents and it has to be all three parties really working together … they need careful monitoring … you can be pushed really, really hard at that level.

At Liffield, the pupils have a designated mentor who helps them to organise their time effectively, as Andy described: ‘we go through my timetable every week … so I know what I'm doing and when to do work and when to train and when to rest’. The DoS explained the purpose of this as being to ‘try and take the pressure off the pupils who were being told by a club that they need to be here on a Saturday and they’ve been told by the school that they need 161 to be here’. The Headmaster at Colbeck, meanwhile describes the risks associated with employing specialist coaches and the emphasis they place on trying to avoid this:

I can point at some of our coaches and they are wonderful pastoral carers and the wellbeing of the children is paramount. You know, they are not just flogging them for the sake of results. They've got to keep it in the context of being in the school … the levels of communication back with houses and parents … is critical and you do lose something there because a teacher knows their way around and they'll see people in the corridor and they'll chat … for coaches that's quite difficult although we do reinforce … that that's a really important part of your job.

The nature and management of ‘conflicts of interest’ (DoG, Lytttelton) between different elements of the figuration, the school and club or country, appears to vary between the schools. At Northcote the HoPE was unequivocal: ‘They just go and do their representative stuff straight away’. Meanwhile, the Liffield HoPE’s comment that ‘[if] someone had the opportunity to play national league or school, they’d be able to play national league … that's the best for that individual’ was contradicted somewhat by the DoS:

We have to caveat that with the idea that we've still got responsibilities on a Saturday to fulfil our block fixtures. So, while we aim to put the pupil first, we put all our pupils first. … That's the sort of negotiation we have to have with a parent sometimes, they don't quite understand or see that. They just see their pupil, or their son.

Given the sporting profile of some of their staff (and pupils), it is no surprise that Cambourne, Liffield, Northcote and Colbeck work very closely with local clubs, academies and NGBs, as the Liffield Headmaster described, ‘I think we work well with those bodies whereas I think some schools might not necessarily have that … I think that does give an opportunity for your top, top performers to still be successful’. Nick (Cambourne) provided a pupil perspective on this, noting ‘if there’s strong links with these professional clubs already it gives an easier pathway to the top almost’. Meanwhile, the Northcote DoS stressed the benefits of excusing pupils from school fixtures to play in national premier league matches:

You need a relationship with their Academy, you need to know what they are doing and plan it … With hockey sometimes we will release them to the National League as 162

well. You know, if it is a school fixture we are going to win anyway, it is better for them to go and play in the National Premier league but we will know, we will have agreed that in advance ... at the same time, that gives opportunity for others to come through.

Several schools espoused a longer-term perspective, with Lyttelton DoG commenting: ‘Ultimately the bigger picture is somewhere down the line, [Isla] will be appearing in all our bumf and our catalogues and our prospectus. She won’t allow that to happen if the relationship doesn’t work. So, it has to be give and take’. At Liffield the DoS described this as part of their philosophy:

We decided to lean towards giving a bit more support for individuals and allowing them to go on to have success after they’ve left us and we decided that that was actually very good publicity for us anyway … the individual approach was more suited to our philosophy and it was still very beneficial to us in the long term.

The marketability of sporting success was mentioned by several participants with Isla saying: ‘The school like, I feel use like, me as like, an advert … and I think sometimes they care about that more than actually what I need to do’. The role of sport in the marketing of schools was also mentioned by the Lyttelton DoS when asked about finding a balance between the interests of club or country and the school and pupil:

Sporting wise [we] would have to back off and our attention would be managing academia because you'd better believe that [Isla] will be splashed across the website. That's again a bit cynical but you've got to do it for … the right reasons … if you dig your heels in, then nobody is going to win.

For Isla, this conflict of interest is no longer an issue: ‘Well, it's fine because now I just get my England coach to send an email ... It's stupid … everyone kind of thinks that their thing is most important, so it is quite difficult’. Another aspect of this debate relates to rest time, an issue given real emphasis by the pupils:

Luke: I need to manage myself … a lot of the time even though, yes it might be a big school game, I think in the grand scheme of things for me, it's not as important

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as then going, being fully rested and performing well for [the academy] … that's what sets a benchmark for, for all my England stuff. Isla: Yeah, they’re really bad at rest time … last year because the summer gets so busy … he [Director of Cricket] was like, well if you play for England you have to get used to it. Well that's not like, a valid reason ... he's referring to his career, but it’s a lot different now.

Again, the experience and perception of pupils at Lyttelton, contrasted strikingly with pupils in the more successful schools, with Hugh (Cambourne) saying, ‘A lot of them [coaches] have played sport in the past well, so they understand the demands and … that you need rest … So, the value of good coaching there is crucial as well’. Similarly, the Northcote DoS described giving pupils a ‘day off our school training if they’re training in the evening at a club’; the pupils present their perspective:

Ava: I think it is quite difficult because for me and [Amy], we have been playing for ___ [National Premier League Hockey Club], school, plus all the England stuff … at the beginning I think we both found it quite hard because we didn't want to say no to anybody … as I got a bit older I think I communicated between club and school and … they have got so much better at that. Samuel: I struggle quite a bit with that because … I usually do it all [school and club training and fixtures] but I get very tired, a lot. … Sometimes I just … need to rest and he [Director of Hockey] understands.

The Acting Head (Northcote), who also raised the potential personal cost and how the school works to mitigate this:

We did have a girl a few years ago who was … in the England and the GB setup and she's not playing much now … I think in her case there probably was a little bit of burnout … So we can't forget the personal cost. I think what we are able to do in an institution like this is, we get to know the pupils really well, we get to know the families … We can actually give them that individual care. That's not prospectus talk, that really is how it works and that's what it takes to make it work.

The HoPE at Northcote presents his take on the issue, stating that, ‘they don't seem to suffer that [burnout]. They don't do so much in the summer for example that they get fed up of it …

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It's those that perhaps have no danger of losing motivation or burning out that are the ones that want to do the two terms [of hockey]’. His response hints at Coakley’s (1992) location of the aetiology of burnout within the structural practices of elite sports organisations and his recommendation that addressing the potential causes is the best way of preventing it. One factor which may help is the reduced need, particularly in boarding schools, for pupils to make social sacrifices, as Isaac (Northcote) suggests: ‘I didn't even have a hockey pitch at my old [state] school and like I would miss out on going out at a weekend to go and play … being here … You are not really sacrificing it [socialising] because you are spending time with your friends’. Two Headmasters also referred to the idea of sacrificing things:

Socially … they probably do suffer a bit because they don't get to do all the things that their friends are doing all the time and they choose to spend their lunchtime getting their work done rather than spending it in the sixth form common room. (Headmaster, Liffield)

I think it does have an impact, sacrifices have to be made … I like to say to every new year nine, do CCF, or DoE, or both. … play a whole range of sports … [they] don’t do that, they just play ___. They might be allowed off to play something else every now and again but it’s a risk. (Headmaster, Gregham)

The HoPE at Colbeck takes a slightly different perspective however, as he described the experience of his son, a Colbeck pupil:

Are they going to get the best grades that they possibly could if they were somewhere else? Probably not and then you have to ask the question, right well what are they getting instead? … my lad, who’s in Year 10, has found clay pigeon shooting and he loves it and he's very good at it and they became national champions two weeks ago ... and the key thing from that then is, the spin-off is, okay what's the impact in terms of self-esteem then and how does that then impact on other areas in his school life.

In addition to the support already mentioned, the pupils described the introduction of wellbeing monitoring at Colbeck:

Hannah: Towards the end of like the hockey season we had to start filling in these like well-being raters … Things like body image, food management, stress,

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workload and that was really good and we gave it to the sports psychologist here. Leo: I've got one for school which I fill in every day. It’s on my phone which the coaches can look at which helps quite a lot because if it shows you're tired and they can adapt the programme to try and help that so that you still get the most out of it.

In the case of Leo, a highly-rated tennis player, the Colbeck DoS described an emphasis on the longer-term goal of preparing athletes for the transition from youth to elite sport, with the management of his academic and sporting commitments being the focus. This involved dropping a couple of GCSEs to provide time for additional training but also a ‘targeted approach [to competition] around his academics’. Leo compared his experience with some of his peers who had focussed exclusively on tennis, worryingly, his story suggests that previous cautions about the risk of injury to children in training (e.g. Benn & Benn, 2004; Coakley, 2003; Theberg, 2008; Schnell et al., 2014).) still have currency:

The LTA were trying to get me to go full-time at like 10 or something ridiculous like that. So my parents were like no, it's a bit stupid … there's a few who’ve given up, quite a few of them got injured. Like spine, like broken back, through just doing too much, too early. I think the main thing was they just haven't got like friends as well.

Aside from the needs of the minority of elite performers, what opportunities are available for the wider pupil body and are these compromised by a focus on elite provision?

5.5.3 Mass participation I am hugely aware of parent power … they spend an awful lot of money and I would be hugely uncomfortable if we just went … we are going to be elitist … it would definitely improve our elite teams [but] I don't think I would have a leg to stand on when parents come knocking on my door saying this is not good enough provision … if you chuck all your eggs in the elite basket you … wouldn't be doing the right thing for the majority of pupils. (DoS, Lyttelton)

In all six schools, the need to encourage and facilitate sporting participation across the pupil population – the HoPE at Liffield referred to a target ‘in the first year that every boy represents 166 the school at one fixture, rugby and hockey’ - as well as promoting excellence, is recognized as a necessity. However, as the Headmaster of Colbeck attests, it is not an easy task:

One of the challenges is for us is to keep that experience a positive one for kids below the first level … out of 1200 we’re still gonna have 400 who … don't have an interest but we will try and find something. That's where fencing has been very good, squash is very good, clay target shooting is very good and in recent times we’ve put in rowing … and we are having a conversation for instance around girls at the moment.

At Gregham, the DoS describes the raft of additional support as being ‘basically for your elite’, whilst the Headmaster talked of the ‘democratisation of sport’ and the danger of excluding pupils from provision and parents ‘saying what about my boy … it is now as important to say are we getting a B and a C and D team out as are we winning at national level’. His DoS described the introduction of ‘open sessions’ for their High-Performance program which allow all pupils to access this provision. It is an issue the Cambourne DoS also recognised whilst describing the steps taken to address this: ‘Any criticism that would ever come back from parents on a survey that we put out would be some kids aren’t accessing it. Things like S and C have now got open sessions, so the further down kids can access the same sort of level of stuff as the higher up kids’.

From a pupil perspective, Greg made a similar point about the approach at Liffield: ‘you get guys who take part in the sport but they’re more interested in other things like music or they’re very clever, they prefer academic schoolwork. I think they still do enjoy it’. Whilst the need to ensure provision for all pupils in independent schools is recognized, the extent to which this is achieved is another question. At Colbeck, the participants presented the school as being about the opportunity to participate and develop in a wide range of activities for all and, for those with the potential, to prepare for the transition to elite, senior level. However, there was a message, albeit slightly mixed, that the school offers more than just sporting excellence for the few, as the pupils note:

Leo: There's a lot of opportunities to do things outside of just sport … But I mean if you don't really like sport then [there] is not much point of coming here. But there is still a lot here that we can do.

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Samuel: I think that's the thing they’ve been trying to change recently is the image of [Colbeck] just being a sporting school and with the music department and stuff like that and the academics. There's loads of guys here that I know who focus on academics, wanna go to Oxford, Cambridge and there is provision for that but obviously the sport is a highlight.

The HoPE conveyed a similar message: ‘We need to sell ourselves more … The music is brilliant and also the art is fantastic. … So, there are all these other areas, people automatically think of sport but we've got a lot of kids’. There is however, a blurring between emphasising the importance of mass participation as the ‘right’ thing to do educationally and the recurrent theme of providing value for money for all pupils:

Your B[team]s and your Cs and your Ds and your Es - which we go down to in netball - they are your full fee payers within the independent sector ... our sport scholars they get well looked after but those, they deserve the experience … My mind-set as a Director of Sport is that that kid, and that kid, and everyone in between, not just the top 30% or so. (DoS, Northcote)

That was one of the questions we first asked … for 18 and half thousand pounds they’re paying are we giving every kid the same deal? … anyone who tells you every kid is getting a really good deal across the board is probably not telling the truth. … that's where parents are really important. … I think that we would never ever sit there and defend our program so stoutly and say that everyone gets a great deal. We’re constantly trying to look at it. (DoS, Cambourne)

Two Headmasters made reference to the influence of parents in this:

We have the litmus of parents and increasingly parents tell it as it is, or how they see it … we want to be somewhere where if you’re an elite sportsman we can take you as far as you can go … and that we can offer a sport for all and, in the phrase I used earlier, it must never be just babysitting. From the middle down to the fifths of course it's an ideal and it can sometimes happen but it can sometimes not. (Headmaster, Cambourne)

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I talk about this explicitly with all prospective parents. I say to them the likelihood is that your sons won't be A-team players, most kids aren't. So, the real question you should be asking me is … if he's a C team player or D team player, what's his experience? … as a Head that's massively important. (Headmaster, Liffield)

The balance between performance sport and ensuring provision for all pupils is clearly an important one, as the Headmaster at Colbeck explains:

That's why dance has become a big part of our programme … because it's not about representing the school, it is really about a passion for the girls mostly and what they want to do and it's a healthy level of exercise and it's something they can aspire to be really good at. You know, we get girls go off to ballet schools and that's the same as going off to get a contract at ___ … so we would argue, be much happier with that than, oh well I'm standing on the netball court with my hand up, hating every minute of it, for the sake of representing the school.

Where the balance lies between mass participation and sporting success reflects an individual or a school’s philosophical stance and the HoPE at Lyttelton told of how she enjoyed the mass participation aspect of her work: ‘I get just as much enjoyment seeing the girls coming down now [to the swimming pool] and I'm thinking if this is the only activity they are doing once a week then that's brilliant isn't it because this is what they might go on and do’. At Colbeck the DoS describes staff timetables as structured to facilitate such provision: ‘20 percent of it is three-game sessions a week, everybody … that's not in place in other schools. You are cajoling them, you are having a word with them can you please take this team … here it's part of your contract’. In several schools, references were made to the coaching provision for lower teams:

[As] the director of sport, I'll take the Under 11 F team rugby … So, we haven’t got all of our best, what we consider our elite coaches all working with our elite players … so they’re getting the quality of product across the board, we think. (DoS, Cambourne)

[in some schools] you've got the very best member of staff taking the very best boy and the most clueless member of staff taking the worst boy. So, just like people talk about social mobility, well in terms of sporting mobility it was almost impossible, the die is cast. … We need to guard against that. (Headmaster, Gregham)

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So important is the idea of sporting provision for all at Northcote, that the future development of facilities is predicated upon this, as the DoS explained:

Another indoor space … will actually have the biggest effect across the whole pupil body … I don't have to cancel badminton and when it’s the netball season we can have the under 14 Cs and Ds training indoors and then the 15 Cs training indoors ... So the quality of pupil experience would be significantly better.

The Acting Head reinforces the idea that at Northcote, sport is not just for the very best: ‘it's something that everybody does here’. An approach the DoS describes:

It's not just the high-performance end - that is a bonus - but actually its sport full stop. So we invest across that full range too which is more challenging to do but still very possible … beyond that opportunity for achievement, there is also a physical activity, lifestyle choice that we are trying to instil.

That each of the schools studied seeks to balance mass participation and high performance suggests that, even in a heterogenous independent sector, elite sport is somewhat of an exaggerated epiphenomenon which a minority of schools commit significant resources to. It is analogous to a point both the Colbeck and Gregham Headmasters made about the emphasis on high-end academic aspiration seen in many schools:

We have got to aspire to Oxbridge? Yeah, for most kids it means nothing. So what's the point? What do you think is valuable? … how are you resourcing other areas for young people to feel good about themselves and aspire to achieve in? (Headmaster, Colbeck)

This idea of every single child mattering as much as your gun player who wants to be an international … that’s the basis of our school. Just as every child matters academically, the C that you’re trying to get at A-level geography is just as important as the person trying to get A* and go to Oxford. The same needs to be true with sport, your outcomes will be different, but we need to make sure that the inputs … are as good. (Headmaster, Gregham)

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The same could be said about investment in elite sport, for most pupils it has little relevance. With such a broad range of provision it is perhaps easy to overlook the relationship, in either theoretical or actual terms, between PE and sport. How this relationship is viewed and what this might suggest about the future is the subject of the next section.

5.6 PE, SPORT AND THE FUTURE

Whilst academic PE exists in all six schools at either GCSE, BTEC or A level, the school websites describe a range of practical PE provision (see Table 5.1), from compulsory weekly lessons (Lyttelton & Liffield) to no practical lessons at all (Colbeck). In this section, the voices of the participants, alongside website excerpts, provide an empirical view of PE and sport in these schools and inferences for the future.

School Practical Academic Key phrases (edited to preserve anonymity) PE PE Lyttelton Year 9 – 11 GCSE - Enjoyment of physical activity (weekly A Level - Maintaining a healthy lifestyle lesson) - Experiencing a variety of activities - Develop physical skills, officiating, coaching and analysis. Gregham Year 9 – 11 GCSE - Maintaining a healthy lifestyle (fortnightly BTEC - Life-long participation. lesson) A Level - Confidence Liffield Year 9 – 11 GCSE - Promoting physical health (weekly A Level - Developing leadership and teamwork lesson) - Wide range of activities - Active and challenging Northcote Year 9 only GCSE - Experiencing a variety of activities (weekly A Level - Fitness and athletic development. lesson) - Life-long participation. Cambourne Year 9-11 GCSE - Movement literacy (fortnightly (2018 - Physiological development lesson) onwards) - Mental resilience A Level - Learning to train resilience Colbeck No IGCSE - Relevance of PE (e.g. business and sports (replaced by BTEC science). activity A Level - Talented staff programme) - Excellent facilities - Improve fitness and knowledge

TABLE 5.1 A SUMMARY OF THE INFORMATION PROVIDED ON SCHOOL WEBSITES PERTAINING TO PE.

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5.6.1 Physical education The tension between PE and sport, between an emphasis on physical literacy and competitive activities is, given the history of the subject (see Chapter Two), not unexpected. Some see the PE curriculum as affording pupils additional contact time with major sports whilst others emphasize a more balanced approach. Such conflicting views exist at Lyttelton:

It's a difficult balance because as Director of Sport my life would be made much better if [the HoPE] on her curriculum had rugby and cricket and netball and hockey. (DoS, Lyttelton)

I'm aware how much invasion games pupils get so I realised there was no aesthetic movement and that's why I bought in the gymnastics and trampolining … [but] I'm very aware that [the DoS] is pushing this cricket and, I suppose I see it from quite a lot of the perspectives. (HoPE, Lyttelton)

At Northcote and Liffield, a clear distinction is made between sport and PE in terms of the activities practised:

Never in PE do we touch the major sports [played during ‘games’ lessons] … [PE] should be about a variety of activities and so we make sure that they can all swim. We do some health and fitness kind of theory/practical sort of stuff, badminton, basketball, some water polo, tennis … PE is more about finding an activity that everybody can take through life … sadly [its] not always the case. (HoPE, Northcote)

There is a very distinct difference between the two. You do go to a lot of private schools where PE isn’t valued, so they just see it as an extension of games, where my philosophy for PE is that it is very, very different … the focus isn't on being the best, it's about taking part. (HoPE, Liffield)

Staff at Gregham made similar comments whilst at Colbeck, practical PE is no longer taught, having been replaced by an activity programme which aims to provide access to a wide range of extracurricular activities, as the HoPE describes:

What's really interesting, which you might be quite surprised to hear about is that even 172

in Year nine here we don't any more run a PE programme … and unfortunately that's now gone … every single one of us in the Department … we lament the fact … Basically what they have done is they have taken away core PE. … it's become another games session which has meant that that broad breadth of different activities is lost.

This was one of a few occasions, in any of the schools, where the philosophy and ethos being espoused – the DoS rationalised the absence of PE by its replacement with ‘more outdoor ed., more activity based in Year nine and they then pick up academic PE in Year 10’ – contrasted so clearly with the view of other participants. Instead, the HoPE described his role as being similar to any other head of an academic department with the department ‘so focused on the academic provision there isn't really very much that we do in terms of elite performers’, and PE and sport as ‘very, very separate’. The importance of PE as an examination subject was raised elsewhere, with the Liffield HoPE commenting: ‘when I have to sit in front of the head teacher at the end of each year … the grades are going to be important’. At Gregham, the DoS similarly described an increased emphasis on examination results: ‘[The HoPE], his main priority will be the A-level and GCSE. So, when I first started here I line managed the Head of PE and now he’s line managed by our Deputy Head academic because of the GCSE, A-level’. At Cambourne meanwhile, the HoPE explained the current absence and scheduled introduction of GCSE PE as being driven by academic outcomes:

We are lucky with the nature of the kids that we've got that we could do the A level without that GCSE background. But actually, now that we’ve had a few kids come in that have got the GCSE background we can see just how beneficial it is.

Elsewhere, at Gregham and Cambourne, pupils are timetabled a single practical PE lesson per fortnight. In both cases this is driven by curriculum pressures, with a reduction in PE lessons freeing up time for additional maths, English and citizenship lessons. As the DoS at Gregham put it, ‘of course, it's PE that takes the hit’. In both schools there is a focus on developing fundamental movement skills and, at Cambourne, a very clear emphasis on ‘long-term athletic development … [rather than] the traditional sort of games … to underpin the performance … within our games program’ (HoPE). But what does this tell us about the value placed on PE in relation to sport.

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5.6.2 PE and its relationship with sport As well as presenting different perspectives on PE, each of the schools articulates a different vision of sport through their website (see Table 5.2). Whilst these are fairly generic descriptions of sporting provision, at Colbeck, what is effectively the school’s sporting philosophy is presented in detail.

School Key phrases (edited to preserve anonymity) Lyttelton - Sporting excellence - Age group internationals and academy pupils - Excellent opportunities including performing in elite sporting venues - Overseas sports tours - Exceptional coaching Gregham - Excellent coaching - Developing performance - Achieving individual sporting potential - Positive sporting experiences - Competitive opportunities - Range of sports and activities Liffield - Excellent facilities - Expert coaching - Supporting elite performers - High levels of participation - Range of sports and activities Cambourne - Competitive success - Health and fitness - High levels of participation - Range of sports and activities Northcote - Identification and development of sporting potential in every pupil - Elite performance - Healthy lifestyle - Tradition of sporting excellence - Exceptional facilities and coaching - Team-sports ethos and representing the school

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- Wide choice of sports and activities Colbeck - Central role of sport in the school - Developing wellbeing, confidence, resilience, teamwork and leadership - Sporting excellence - Identification and development of sporting potential in every pupil

TABLE 5.2 A SUMMARY OF THE INFORMATION PROVIDED ON SCHOOL WEBSITES PERTAINING TO SPORT.

At Gregham the HoPE sees PE and sport as complementing each other, noting the ‘cross over’ and an opportunity to develop ‘fundamental movement skills’ as well as enhancing pupils’ practical performance in examination PE. The Colbeck DoS meanwhile asks ‘Should we [PE and sport] be closer? Yes, we should and that may be something we’re now going to go and have a look at’. At the same time however, he outlined what in his view is the most impactful change schools could make to support young athletes: ‘Athletic development investment, that would be the one thing, so you go from your generic PE into very, very focused specific areas around athletic development’. At Cambourne, this proposition is being put into practice through a PE curriculum which, along with the co-curriculum and games programme, is explicitly intended to support sporting performance. From a pupil perspective however, PE appears to play ‘quite a minor role relative to sport’ (Hugh, Cambourne). At Liffield, the idea that the PE programme serves to supplement the sporting programme is similarly articulated by the DoS: ‘Everything that we do in the PE programme is supposed to help … the sports programme. … it's complimentary’.

Another common aspect of the relationship between PE and sport is the practice of sports teams being variously coached by members of teaching staff, PE teachers and specialist coaches. At Colbeck, the HoPE describes ‘the schoolmaster seeing the kids in that different context … [as] really empowering, I think for both us and for them’. It is a view the DoS at Lyttelton shares: ‘Historically private schools have relied on the [staff] common room and that's outdated now. Sport has moved on, PE specialists really should drive most of the elite teams … an unsatisfactory resolution, unless the people are brilliant, is bringing in sports coaches’. As the Headmaster at Colbeck explains, the emphasis is increasingly on staff with experience of coaching or performing at an elite sporting level:

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It’s like anything, ok, I want a PhD to teach my physics class. Well, ok, so why don’t I want a PhD to run my programme over here? So you want the best people who are gonna run those programmes in all areas of school life.

Aside from whether having a PhD or international sporting experience prepares you to be a good educator of children, whether schools, independent or otherwise, and the pupils and staff in them lose something by moving away from what is often referred to, in a long-outmoded manner, as the schoolmaster model, is a question we pick up in Chapter Six.

5.6.3 The future What then of the future for PE and sport in the independent sector? How do the participants foresee it unfolding? The HoPE at Lyttelton described the influence of market forces and consumer preference: ‘I feel, and this isn't just in sport, … increasingly parental, parents will be able to pick and choose and not let their, their children play competitive sport’. The Headmaster at Liffield also identified parents when offering his thoughts on the future of team games: ‘I think lots of our parents would be really disappointed if their sons didn’t get the chance to play a team sport’. Similarly, several staff interviewed predicted more of the same, with the Acting Head of Northcote’s comment reflective of the general view:

[The future of PE and sport] looks really rosy … Sport is just a really good way of developing all kinds of skills and keeping them busy … It's a very natural marriage for us, with our values. So I think it will always be important and I think parents will always want to see that in the school and those who have the resources will always want to buy into that. (Acting Head, Northcote)

In part, the continuation of the current forms of activity may be due an inherent inertia in the system of inter-school fixtures, as the HoPE at Liffield argues: ‘there's a lot of traditional fixture lists and … I think you’d do pretty well to change that ethos that’s been in place for 200 years’. One change already underway is an increasingly broad range of activities available, with the HoPE at Gregham commenting on a ‘demand now for more and more students to want to try different things’. In the view of the Gregham DoS, it is partly due the sporting tastes of oversees pupils. At Northcote, the HoPE’s reflections on the increasingly professional level of preparation he had seen over a 25-year career echoed the Liffield Headmaster’s account of the professionalisation of independent school sport as an evident trend over the course of his career, 176 describing his rugby players as ‘as close to semi-professional sportsmen as they’re ever going to get’. The Northcote DoS identified ‘a different way of delivering now’, with this approach exemplified by others:

We've got the cameras everywhere which is just fantastic and every year we've got the … performance analysis interns and … the link gets videoed to all the performers, so they can look at themselves … It's phenomenal but a lot of schools just aren’t in a position to do that. (HoPE, Colbeck)

You only have to look around the pupils nowadays within the schools and you can tell that they’re much more of an athlete. S and C clearly has become the big beast of schoolboy sport nowadays. It definitely is much more professional, whether that be the quality of the coaching, the time that is allocated to S and C. You can see it all over the place … Video analysis … GPS trackers … 4G pitches. (DoS, Liffield)

At Lyttelton meanwhile, the HoPE is conscious of an ever-increasing emphasis on examination results, envisaging this influencing the future of PE and sport in the independent sector she wondered ‘whether we will lose more time with the pressures academically’. In a similar vein, the DoS at Lyttelton cited the example of an established Scottish independent school which, from 2015 onwards, ceased to play cricket principally due to increasing examination pressures and often unfavourable weather conditions (Harley, 2015). A similar point was made by the Headmaster at Cambourne who described, as a result of A level of GCSE examinations, a ‘cricket crisis … particularly in year 11 and year 13’. The impact of academia also extends to staffing, with the Gregham Headmaster’s comments reflecting the difficulty his counterparts across the six schools identified in balancing the sporting and classroom commitments of their staff:

In recent years, as schools have become more and more focussed on teaching and learning and everybody, wherever you are, is worried about academic outcomes - because that is what parents feel they are paying for - I think we are almost driving out the all-round schoolmaster and mistress and it's a shame because actually in terms of job satisfaction and recruiting people to the profession, [its] one of the things that is really attractive about the profession … it could be sport, drama or music, D of E, or whatever. (Headmaster, Gregham) 177

Likewise, and for various reasons, we have seen a reduction in the number of timetabled practical PE lessons at Colbeck and Gregham. In the following chapter, we return to discuss these points in more detail.

5.7 SUMMARY

Having carried out comprehensive coding on data collected from six schools, this chapter has offered, in the form of a themed account, a representation of the participants’ voices. Whilst the most successful schools (Northcote, Cambourne, Colbeck and, to a lesser extent Liffield) are doing something different in terms of developing young athletes, there are also, as well as some striking contrasts, similarities in provision at Lyttelton, and Gregham. In summary, the most successful schools include a greater number of more able, sporting pupils and an environment which, from their ethos to staffing and additional training, is ‘as in a professional environment’ (George, Colbeck). The similarities across all six schools include the espoused approach to mass participation and diversification of sporting experiences. Such a focus on sporting performance is not without potential drawbacks however, and these schools also provide pastoral and academic support. In the following chapter these issues are discussed, the key themes drawn out in terms of professional learnings and the findings placed within a sociological framework constructed on the Eliasian notion of process-sociology and Bourdieu’s idea of distinction.

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Chapter VI: Conceptual Consideration – A Second-Order Analysis and Discussion

6.1 FRAMING THE DISCUSSION

Whilst a distinction is often made between research of a professional, instructional nature and that which is more sociologically orientated (Green, 2006; Coakley, 2007), the two processes are not easily separated. As Elias (1978:41) puts it, ‘a distinction can be made … but not a division’. Ultimately, they have an irreducibility borne of the fact that, to paraphrase Bernstein (1996), the instructional is always embedded in the regulative; that is to say that there is ‘no such thing as a value free education’ (MacLeod, 1989: 214). Consequently, in addressing the aim of seeking ‘through a sociological perspective, a better understanding of PE and sport in independent schools’, this discussion produces a sustained sociological analysis through a melding of the professional and theoretical.

Elias’ concepts of process and figuration, along with Bourdieu’s notions of distinction and cultural capital, offer a framework for a coherent and reality congruent explanation of the findings. This chapter is arranged accordingly, with separate parts of the discussion focusing largely on Eliasian and Bourdieuian perspectives and subsequently, a critical interpretation of the findings.

6.2 A FIGURATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

To borrow from Elias (1978: 47), the functioning of the education system cannot be understood solely in terms of the characteristics of its individual members (in either sector). Rather, the over representation of independently educated athletes is better understood as having arisen ‘not simply within particular public schools in isolation, but within the wider social field’ (Dunning & Curry, 2004: 43) and a figurational perspective provides a useful theoretical lens for a second order analysis of the findings. Van Krieken (1998: 61) notes Elias’s emphasis on the relational and processual nature of ‘social life’ and in what follows we consider the findings in light of these two central strands of Elias’s sociological approach, alongside the concept of status rivalry. As Roberts (2016: 84) puts it, ‘Leisure and all other practices have to be set within their wider figuration and understood as outcomes of historical development’.

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6.2.1 Part of a process For the best part of two hundred years, sport has played a role (Tozer, 2015) in the status rivalries that have defined independent schools. That independent schools use ‘silhouettes of their potent past … to shape the present’ (Kenway & Koh, 2015: 7), is a point supported by the findings here. Elias proposes that, ‘all relationships - like human games – are processes’ (1978: 93) and, from the outset, independent schools – ‘independent from central government and local authorities’ (ISC, 2016: no page) - have been defined by what they are not. More than a static concept however, they have been shaped by ever-changing relationships with other forms of education. Throughout this process, independent schools have sought to distinguish themselves - from the state sector and each other - through the promise of a distinctive education, be that through various forms of cultural capital such as academic qualifications or, as we are interested in here, the possibility of distinctive sporting experiences.

PE and sport in independent schools today is shaped by the ‘structure and dynamics of the overall social context’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 3) within which it has evolved. This process is ‘not in the least incomprehensible. There are no mysterious social forces behind it. It is a question of the consequences flowing from the intermeshing of the actions of numerous people’ (Elias, 1978: 146). The significant overrepresentation of independently educated pupils in elite sport is a product of this process; a process in which we must acknowledge the ‘implications of historical materialism’ (Bairner, 2007:25) and the ‘strong inherent tendency’ (Elias, 1978: 165) of the figuration to develop to the advantage of independently educated pupils.

One aspect of the findings which can be explained by the idea of process, is the increasing professionalization of sport in some independent schools (Peel, 2015). Driven by ongoing status rivalries between schools, the evident investment in ‘sporting systems and structures to identify and develop exceptionally talented athletes’ (Rees et al., 2016: 2) reflects a ‘growing seriousness’ (Dunning, 1986: 214) which Dunning and Sheard (2005: 8) identify as the ‘dominant trend in modern sport’. In terms of unintended consequences, the potential for a professionalized focus on high performance sport to impact negatively on pupil wellbeing and other areas of schooling is recognised, alongside the steps some schools take to counter this, in the findings and elsewhere (Roskilly 2012; Maw, Watling & Considine 2012). Indicative of the ‘value collectively bestowed on practising sports’ (Bourdieu, 1978: 828), the data shows an increasing ‘scientization’ of sporting preparation (Malcolm et al. 2000: 77), particularly in

180 the more successful schools, that Elias and Dunning (1986: 206) might describe as the ‘deamateurization of sport’53.

This was especially evident at Colbeck where George described the ethos as ‘really professional’. Likewise, the language used by the DoS was significantly more technical than in other schools and he made reference, in the case of athletic development, to achieving ‘technical mastery … robustness … tissue tolerance’ and load management. It became clear that this was indicative, not only of his own understanding, but of the level of work being done across the school. He also described the school’s practice in physiotherapy and athletic development as being based partly on research – they are working closely with a local university - and partly ‘we've learnt as we've gone on’. The school websites reflected similar differences in their use of language in reference to sport. Here too, Colbeck articulated a far more comprehensive vision, including a sporting ‘mission’ and ‘pupil development philosophy’, than was evident elsewhere.

A significant change from the amateur ethos espoused by Victorian public schools (Dunning & Sheard, 2005), this professionalization of independent school sport echoes Green’s (2006: 657) description of PE teachers as ‘caught up in broader unplanned social processes’. Further accentuating the difference in provision between the schools studied, the pupils at the more successful schools referred more favourably to the similarities between the support available at school and that they received through NGB or professional programmes. The findings suggest that greater levels of support and higher standards of coaching are associated with greater success in terms of the number of international athletes produced. Whilst we must be cautious in making such claims, the pupils themselves do suggest a link between the professionalization of the school sporting environment and their own development.

The impact of the wider process of sporting professionalization is but one aspect of the figuration. As the data suggests, we must also explore the influence of various other players in ‘the field of PE’ and sport (Hunter, 2004: 176), including family, government, sports clubs and

53 Elias and Dunning (1986: 206) write - ‘Most conspicuously in top-level sport’ - of the ‘gradual but seemingly inexorable erosion of ‘amateur’ values attitudes, values and structures, and their correlative replacement by attitudes, values and structures that are ‘professional’ in one sense or another of that term’.

181 other schools (both state and independent). Elias (1978) argues that members of a figuration must adapt to their changing environment if they are to continue to exist and here the behaviour, or ‘adjustment to changing situations’ (p109), of independent schools, can be explained in the context of the wider figuration.

6.2.2 The wider figuration According to Rowe’s (2015) concept of sporting capital, children develop physical competency and self-efficacy at an early age. Likewise, Smith et al. (2013: no page) argue that ‘many of the social differences evident in elite athletes' backgrounds have their roots in advantages that first emerge during childhood, often outside education’. Research describing the influence of the family - a ‘hidden entry requirement’ (Shilling, 2012: 142) - on children’s’ participation in sport (Coakley & White, 1999; Wheeler, 2012; Birchwood et al., 2008) and the development of international athletes (Collins & Buller, 2003; Kay, 2000) is supported by the data here. In this instance, the choice of school a pupil attends forms part of this influence.

Commenting on the range and depth (multiple teams per year group) of sporting activities offered by independent schools, the Liffield Headmaster explained that ‘the onus to provide that participation as deep as possible is very important to a lot of parents’. However, the data also suggests that the role of sport in stimulating demand for places in independent schools - and given an increasingly privatised sector, state schools also - is dependent, at least in part, on sporting success, just as demand for places on academic grounds is stimulated by league table position. Porter (1992: 75) might describe it as ‘winning-elastic’; parents ‘demand a winner and express their distaste for losing by staying away’.

Consequently, with places in top schools and the most able pupils both highly sought after, one can see how a culture Ball (2004: 6) terms an ‘economy of student worth’ is fashioned whereby ‘The child becomes a means to an end – a thing, valued for their value added or stigmatised by their costliness’. The ‘rigorous selection’ (Carman, 2013: 11) of pupils and ‘highly selective intakes’ (Kenway & Koh, 2015: 2-3) associated with academic success, evidently also contributes to the sporting success of some independent schools. Based on the evidence gathered, Ball’s (2001: 151) assertion that ‘the most effective long-term strategy for improving GCSE performance is to change the student intake’, might be extended to school sport. Just as ‘GCSE attainment percentages and local league table positions do not in any simple sense represent the outcomes of ‘good’ teaching and ‘effective’ learning’ (ibid), international athletes 182 do not in any simple sense represent the outcomes of ‘good’ coaching and ‘effective’ learning. As the evidence suggests, success may be as much about the recruitment of talented pupils as it is about ethos or talent development practices. Indeed, it is apparent that recruitment both permits and reflects a particular ethos – the two are irreducibly intertwined. Likewise, other features of an athlete’s school environment, such as facilities, coaching and support, may be determined by and facilitate a particular ethos. In each of these aspects, the findings reveal striking distinctions between the most successful schools and the least.

Lauder (1999: 39) describes schools ‘competing against one another for the patronage of parents’ and the findings confirm the marketability of sport. In an observation echoing Dunning and Sheard’s (2005: 28) comment that sporting success for a school is seen, ‘as a matter of course, as proof of its natural superiority’, the Lyttelton DoS said:

There is a huge competition to get pupils and I think sport sells … That's a slightly cynical view but I think it sells schools … If you hear about ___ you hear about all their winning, you just presume that they are a successful school at everything they do.

Although it is not possible to quantify the impact of coaching, either in or out of schools, on athlete development, the evident importance of the pupil intake suggests not only that some of the groundwork has already been done before these pupils join their respective schools but that sports clubs continue to play a significant role in the wider figuration in which these young athletes find themselves. In all six schools, we see the pupils receiving additional external coaching and higher-level competition through club, academy or national age group provision, and the more successful the school, the smaller the gap between the support pupils describe receiving in and out of school. Indeed, aspects of the provision at Northcote and Colbeck exceed that pupils receive through national age group squads. In contrast, at Lyttelton and to a lesser extent Gregham, the pupils described gaining little benefit from their involvement in school sport, instead noting the additional contribution to their physical workload.

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Walford (1986/2012: 241) suggests that ‘parents would be far less willing to pay for their sons’ [and presumably their daughters’] education if the links between school and university and prestigious occupations were weaker’, and a similar point could well be made about sport, that for some schools, sporting success raises ‘institutional attractiveness’ (Evans & Davies, 2015: 21). Just as many parents prioritise academic achievement, some will base their preference on sporting provision. The implication being that greater power resides with parents and pupils as the consumer. These power relations – ‘always present wherever there is functional interdependence between people’ (Elias, 1978: 78) - are not unidirectional however, and schools, sports clubs and NGBs are all ‘functionally interdependent’ (p60), forming a figuration of which the young athlete is part (see Figure 6.1). Nevertheless, it is difficult not to return to the argument that social class and economic capital underpin the over representation of independently educated athletes.

Young Athlete

Peers School

Coach Club/Academy

Parent NGB

FIGURE 6.1 DELINEATING A YOUNG ATHLETE’S FIGURATION

The role of central government, and the ongoing discussion of the charitable status of independent schools in particular, also featured in the data. Given the financial threat (as charities, many independent schools do not currently pay tax) this poses to independent schools, public benefit requirements (through bursaries and the sharing of facilities with state schools for example) are likely to increasingly become part of PE and sport in the independent sector.

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6.2.3 Status rivalry Competitor schools (both state and independent) form a structural ‘clinch’’, in which each ‘sees in every opposing state a threat ... [and] each side constantly tries to improve its power potential and strategic chances’ (Elias (1978: 169-170). Whilst forming what Elias describes as ‘survival units’ (1978: 138), such as the ISC and HMC, independent schools also compete with each other for pupils and staff. Similarly, such clinches, of ‘both cooperation and conflict’ (Jary & Horne, 1987: 179) exist within schools in the form, for example, of the tensions and agreements between PE and sport and also other subjects and extra-curricular areas such as drama or music. Much as independent schools are seen by parents as ‘a means of … ensuring status for their children’ (Mangan (1981/2008: 128), sporting success for schools might be seen as a symbolic struggle in which the ‘whole identity of contending groups … [is] at stake and not simply their ability as players’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 28). Status-exclusiveness - ‘rife among nineteenth-century public schools’ (p73) - remains in evidence today and the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes is an outcome of this.

However, in Colbeck’s scheduling of fixtures which provide a greater challenge than that offered by the majority of their competitor schools, we might reconsider Dunning and Sheard’s (2005) ideas about status security. Instead of risking ‘the possibility of defeat by ‘social inferiors’’ (p34), Colbeck – in a distinctive act of (sporting) status-exclusivity - expose themselves to a greater, and thus more distinctive, challenge. Moreover, with high performance sport developing from a ‘relatively inchoate form’ to an ‘elaborate and articulate ideology’, here we find common ground with the idea of the established and outsiders. Employed as a form of ‘collective representation’ (Elias & Dunning, 1986: 216), independent school sport today reflects, on the part of schools and parents, a ‘desire to separate and distance themselves’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 74) from others.

Dunning and Sheard, 2005: 177) write that early professional sports clubs were ‘caught in a vicious circle: they needed good players in order to maintain gates but, at the same time, good gates in order to have the wherewithal to hire the best players’. It is a description we might apply to the situation we see in some independent schools today. Several participants effectively described young athletes, via fee remission, selling ‘their skill to the highest bidder’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 177) and schools using sporting success to attract pupils whilst, at the same time, needing full schools in order to have the financial means to attract the best young athletes, be that through sporting provision or fee remission. However, a range of views exist

185 regarding the use of financial incentive to attract talented athletes to schools, with Cambourne in particular, ostensibly eschewing this practice.

The Colbeck Headmaster acknowledged, ‘we've still got to keep our schools full and I think that's a challenge for more and more independent schools’, and ultimately they are ‘highly competitive businesses’ with parents wanting ‘to see hard evidence of their anticipated ROI (return on investment): excellent exam results; top drawer university entry numbers; and first- class sport, music and drama’ (Carman, 2013: 57-8). With sporting success seen as ‘reflecting the standing of the school’ (Rimmer, 2013:90-8), sport evidently plays a role in the status rivalry between schools seeking a market advantage over their competitors. Dunning and Sheard (2005: 72) write of sport (and various forms of football in particular) serving to raise a ‘school’s standing in the rank hierarchy of public schools’ and of schools seeking to ‘to draw attention to the school by developing a distinctive variant of an activity’ (p73). Today this is evident in an emphasis on performance and opportunities for all pupils to participate in wide a variety of activities.

Whilst sporting facilities are symbolic54 of the status-rivalry between schools, the provision in the case study schools bears little relation to the state sector where some schools must transport their pupils to local sports grounds for PE lessons due to a lack of playing fields (Roberts, 1996; Phillpots & Grix, 2014). The contrast between ‘a sea of well-kept playing fields’ (Mangan, 1981/2008: 99) and Sport England’s Protecting Playing Fields strategy (Sport England, undated) is stark indeed. To paraphrase Peterson (2005: 265), ‘the differential opportunities associated with each of the demographic variables’ mean that participation is not always reflective of a desire to participate. Bourdieu writes of ‘Refusal or privation?’ (1984: 24) and, in doing so, reminds us that many children are less able to access certain sports and the necessary support, than pupils in some independent schools. Moreover, where improvements in sporting provision in the community and state schools do occur, they offer a challenge to the independent sector, as the Headmaster at Colbeck notes: ‘things are done very well in the community these days, or done better, and previously it was oh no, you've got to do it at school because of, it’s rubbish out there. But that's not true anymore … schools have really been

54 Other examples of sporting symbolism were evident in schools, in the language and biographies of staff, the sports offered and the facilities in which they are practised, sporting honours boards and framed representative shirts of former pupils.

186 challenged by that’. As we have seen historically, ‘the shrewd mutability of the dominant classes’ (Kenway & Koh, 2015: 6) may mean that this challenge drives independent schools, motivated by a desire to re-establish the balance (or differential) of power, to further improve their own provision. The predominance of independently educated athletes in certain sports is not so much an unintended consequence of the long-term process of pursuing of sporting distinction, but the very point of it.

Paulle et al. (2012: 87), write of the ‘promise’ of combining the sociologies of Elias and Bourdieu, arguing that ‘when taken together the two authors’ highly compatible approaches yield a vision more fertile than either of their sociological perspectives considered separately’ (p69). In agreement with this we now turn to the work of Bourdieu. More specifically, we consider what the ideas of ‘distinction’ and ‘cultural capital’ might offer in terms of a greater understanding of PE and sport in independent schools.

6.3 A BOURDIEUIAN PERSPECTIVE

Whilst the conflicts, tensions and agreements within the wider figuration - Bourdieu (1978: 821) refers to a ‘field of competition’ - act as shaping influences, in what follows we explore how the ideas of distinction and cultural capital further illuminate the findings and what the findings might tell us anew about Bourdieu’s work.

6.3.1 Distinction and the reproduction of privilege As ‘evidence of the distinctive quality or class of opportunities’ in independent schools, sport’s potential as a form of ‘distinctive representation’, (Horne et al., 2011: 873), must be considered within the context of an associated supply (‘a space of possible practices’) and demand (‘a space of dispositions to practice’) which Bourdieu (1988: 157) describes as shaping the ‘differential distribution of sporting practices’. As Brown (2005: 12) argues, this is driven by ‘market forces’ that ‘dominate the broader field of education, with Head teachers and governors looking to give the ‘customers’ (parents) what they want’. Bourdieu (1984: 222) urges us to ‘escape from the abstraction of economic theories, which only recognise a consumer reduced to his purchasing power (itself reduced to his income)’. And, whilst the findings may not be driven ‘solely’ (ibid) by economic considerations, the nature of independent schools means that this is likely to be a determining factor and that other influences, such as the ethos and values of a school, may be secondary to financial imperative.

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Sport, Bourdieu (1984: xxx) argues, is ‘predisposed, consciously and deliberately or not, to fulfil a social function of legitimating social differences’ and sporting taste, like many other cultural preferences, is seen to be reflective of one’s social origin. Placing the emphasis firmly on schooling, Bourdieu describes cultural practices and preferences, such as sport, as the ‘product of upbringing and education’ (1984: xxiv). For Bourdieu, this relationship between class, lifestyle and education is crucial; class is not simply a matter of occupation and income, but, through cultural and social capital respectively, pervades our thoughts and relationships. It is habitus – a form of embodied cultural capital (Bourdieu, 1986) – from which one’s lifestyle is ‘generated’ (Bourdieu, 1978: 834) and sport can play a role in developing a habitus that provides a ‘significant advantage in applying for preferred employment and establishing networks in many professional fields’ (Light & Kirk 2001: 88) and thus in the potential conversion of cultural, or physical capital into economic capital (Shilling, 2012), through the ‘acquisition of social and cultural capital’ (Bourdieu, 1978: 832) in the desired elite forms. The findings thereby support Forbes and Lingard’s (2013: 57) claim that independent schools are involved in providing distinction and thus ‘producing future advantage for … [those] schooled there’.

The notion of habitus is also useful here in that it suggests the development of a disposition through which some pupils are inclined to make the most of such provision. The Acting Head at Northcote alluded to this when commenting on the perceived ‘outlook’ of Northcote pupils and parents: ‘they are people who look for the opportunities in life because they are used to seeing opportunities and so they expect them to be there. They look for them and they take them’. Similarly, the Cambourne DoS gave his view of the general disposition of independent school pupils:

I just think that they tend to be, en masse, slightly more driven. I could be really controversial and say I think they’re a slightly more aspirational peer group … the support networks and parents, there’s so many things that become part and parcel of that … is it just independent schools or is it what independent schools represent?

Whilst class privilege is putatively enacted across the independent sector, this does not (in the schools studied here at least) always manifest itself in the form of sporting privilege. Moreover, in addition to the barrier of social class, the findings demonstrate that access to additional support is largely determined by ability (i.e. the most able athletes receive the most support in

188 the form of additional athletic development sessions for example). As Ken (Liffield) emphasizes, it is high-performance athletes who are ‘offered extra help’. That said, the introduction of ‘open’ strength and conditioning sessions, for example, to pupils of all abilities does widen access. With social class serving as the predominant influence in shaping the sporting futures of talented young athletes, and ability further limiting access to high performance provision, it is little wonder that some young athletes have a significant advantage and are subsequently over represented amongst international sporting performers.

We ought also to address the recurrent criticism of both Elias and Bourdieu as overly structural – Giulianotti notes a ‘sense of over-determination’ (2005: 166) - and diminishing the role of individual agency. Van Krieken (1998: 54) describes agency as consisting of ‘the strategic seizure of opportunities which arise for individuals … but not in the actual creation of those opportunities’ and the findings reveal that whilst class does not create these opportunities alone, habitus is important in seizing them. In considering ‘the cumulative inculcation of habitus’ Jenkins, (2002: 107) emphasises the longer duration of education experienced by children of higher classes, arguing that ‘pedagogic action takes time’. Perhaps most tellingly, three pupils made indirect reference to the notion of agency, of choosing to take advantage of the opportunities available them. At the same time, however, they also reveal the structural determination inherent in this decision - George (Colbeck) uses the term structure literally:

All the structures are in place … [but its] quite independent. Like, if you don't want to take advantage of the structures then you don't have to. So, it's quite like it, as in a professional environment, that is how it would be. That everything is there for you but you need to go do it.

Continuing with the idea of reproduction and distinction, Bourdieu differentiates between ‘‘intrinsic’ profits … expected from sport for the body itself’ (1978: 835) and ‘social profits, those accruing from any distinctive practice, which are very unequally perceived and appreciated by the different classes (for whom they are, of course, very unequally accessible)’ (ibid). Thus, ‘social capital - the types of people one associates with - as an outcome of possessing particular cultural tastes’ (Roberts, 2016: 14), confers possible ‘economic and social advantages’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 208). However, a focus on sporting excellence is also about providing distinction for independent schools, about distancing themselves from competitor schools in the state and independent sectors. It suggests that we can apply Bourdieu’s ideas to 189 institutions as well as individuals. Returning to the notion of habitus, (used by both Bourdieu and Elias), we might also ask how the habitus of staff might impact upon pupil development. What effect do their ‘dispositions, inclinations’ (Light & Kirk, 2001: 83) and ‘conscious or unconscious expectations’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 17-18) have?

6.3.2 Staffing as a form of distinction Mangan’s (1981/2008: 115) description of sporting staff as a form of marketing – bringing ‘prestige through the favourable publicity that attended them … [and] attracting a constant supply of boys from admiring parents’ - is evidently no anachronism and, aside from any coaching ability, offers an explanation of the value placed on staff with experience of elite sport. However, the findings reveal a clear difference between the approach, or success in achieving it, to staffing in the schools with a record of producing international athletes where an amalgam of specialist coaches - ‘‘professionals’ who can ‘deliver’’ (Evans & Davies, 2015:22) - cater for elite performance. Nevertheless, staff, as ‘key agents in the production of practice’ (Brown, 2005: 9), are deemed to be one of the most important factors contributing to success. As the Headmaster at Colbeck put it, ‘It always comes back to people … the programmes here that work well are based on people’. Evidently, some pupils in some independent schools are more likely to receive high quality coaching and it is little wonder these pupils, whilst possibly less well rounded and physically educated, are often better prepared and trained and thus more successful in certain sports.

That teachers or coaches (as well as pupils) with experience of elite sport are able to transfer this physical capital into cultural capital, which thereby facilitates their employment in some of the schools studied here and then ultimately leads to economic capital is evidence of the notion of conversion of capital from one form to another. In this sense the value of cultural capital (in sporting or academic forms) and the recruitment of staff based on their potential sporting contribution is no different to the academic qualifications of staff more generally; a Sutton Trust (2015) report revealing that independent school teachers are three times more likely to have been Oxbridge educated than their state school counterparts. This brings to mind a conversation with a university friend, now working as the head of science in a highly academic independent school who once commented ‘it’s a good thing I’ve got my PhD, I don’t think I would have got the job otherwise, everyone else has been to Oxford or Cambridge’. Whilst neither academic nor sporting ‘qualifications’ are a guarantee of pedagogical excellence, it perhaps does say something about how some schools represent themselves and 190 what some parents are looking for in schools. Moreover, given the relatively small number of pupils in each school involved in high level sport, the emphasis on this might suggest that sport is something of an exaggerated epiphenomenon, vital in terms of marketing the school but fundamentally disconnected from daily life. An irrelevant noise for the majority of the pupils, yet essential to their overall wellbeing and that of the school. However, if sporting success is used as a way of ‘selling’ a school, so too, and evidently more so, is academic success in the form of examination results. As Evans (2013) argues, PE (and here school sport) may be as much about market principles as educational aims.

6.3.3 A distinctive level of support Whilst the findings show that both the pupil intake and the wider figuration contribute to sporting success, it is also evident that preparation for athletic performance and the holistic support that goes with it is done more systematically in some schools, where such support forms a part of the distinctive, ‘complete educational package’ (Horne et al., 2011: 872) that prospective parents purportedly seek. In agreement with the findings of Lamb and Lane (2013), this study indicates that pupils have a real need for support in managing their academic and sporting commitments and confirms the benefit of strategies to support athletes in schools including mentoring, the awareness of teachers of sporting demands and support in combining these with academic study.

At Colbeck, the DoS’s description of a minimum of five hours of games a week fits Rollings’ (2015, cited in Espinoza, 2015) claim that in many independent schools ‘the time allocated to sports is greater than that devoted to maths; in boarding schools it can be greater than that allocated to maths and English put together’. A similar situation is apparent even at Lyttelton where for 6th Form pupils, what are effectively timetabled games sessions - not including the additional training some pupils undertake - approximately match total the weekly classroom time allotted to an A level subject. Whilst this need for support applies to all pupils, for those with significant sporting commitments, academic support is all the more necessary given their absences from school for training and competition and the impact of this on the time available outside the classroom for additional study.

In the most successful schools here, the holistic provision put in place (in the form of physiotherapy, strength and conditioning and pastoral and academic support systems) is manifestly designed to assist those pupils with significant sporting commitments in combining

191 this with their, often tailored, academic curriculum. For the high performing athletic pupil at least, several strategies are employed to address Evans’ concern for an ‘emphasis … on skill and talent identification, not the education of the person as a whole’ (2013: 81). However, the evidence is clear that this support does not completely remove the potential for a negative impact on either personal or academic fronts.

Evans’ (ibid) assertion that ‘schools have little choice but to compete with each other to recruit those students most likely to contribute to ‘improvements’ and ‘performances’, the easiest and cheapest to teach’ is, in sporting terms, supported by the data. However, what makes the provision at Lyttelton in particular, and to a lesser extent Gregham, notably different is that, whilst such ‘high value’ (Ball, 2004: 6) pupils raise a school’s institutional attractiveness, for the pupils here there is less sense of mutual benefit. Contrastingly, in some schools, the most able sporting pupils benefit both in terms of sporting preparation and the academic and pastoral support available through a ‘student-athlete’ approach (DoS, Colbeck). More critically, this additional support serves, intentionally or otherwise, to secure a return on investment in ‘valuable assets’, much as Dunning and Sheard (2005: 188) describe the reduction in sporting violence in the development of rugby benefitting clubs through an ability to more regularly field their best players.

6.3.4 Updating Bourdieu: Omnivourousness It is, asserts Bourdieu, ‘the work of the sociologist … [to identify] the socially pertinent properties that make for an affinity between a given sport and the interests, tastes, and preferences of a definite social category’ (1988: 154). How does Bourdieu’s take on the ‘distributional significance’ (1978: 835) of sports fare in light of the data here and what does Peterson’s (2005) idea of ‘omnivourousness’ add to our ability to explain the findings?

In Distinction, Bourdieu draws parallels between ‘smart’ sports such as fencing and rowing, and foods which are rich in both taste and cost. Like foie gras and caviar, part of the value of certain sporting activities comes ‘by virtue of the distinctive rarity they derive from their class distribution’ (1978: 835). For Roberts (2016: 134), Bourdieu’s emphasis on the ‘elevated significance’ of sport tastes and related behaviours ‘remains part of what it means to belong to a particular class’. As Dunning and Sheard (2005: 168) demonstrate, the ‘status hierarchy’ of sports is a dynamic one and, that all six schools pursue both smart and ’vulgar’ sports, - including football and ‘to a lesser extent’ rugby (Bourdieu, 1978: 828) – supports the view that

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Bourdieu’s work is somewhat spatio-temporally limited, based as it is on French culture some 50 years ago. How then do findings suggest we might update Bourdieu?

For Collins and Buller (2003: 423), Bourdieu presented ‘compelling evidence for the saliency of social class in structuring, if not determining, a person’s choice and preferences in sport’. That the pupils put forward for interview by the schools were all involved in what might be seen as middle-class sports55 does suggest that a certain amount depends on the sport being played. This potentially supports Widdop et al.’s (2016) differentiation between high and low brow sports, qualifying Warde’s (2006: 114) assertion that education determines ‘whether people do sport’ but ‘makes very little difference to choice among sports’. According to Horne et al. (2011: 866), ‘some educational institutions foster a taste for games, and for particular types of games which are locally accorded prestige’. Whilst sport is significant symbolically, in these independent schools today, it appears less strongly marked by class than Bourdieu (1978; 1984) suggested.

With both team (16 pupils) and individual sports (6 pupils) represented here, the idea that team sports, because of ‘their very accessibility and all that this entails, such as undesirable contacts’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 212) tend to be less attractive to the dominant class, is called into question. Similarly, the findings refute Bourdieu’s proposal that certain characteristics of sport – ‘strength, endurance … sacrifice … submission to collective discipline … and the exaltation of competition’ – act to ‘repel the dominant class’ (ibid). As the data suggest, distinction – at a school level at least - is instead provided through sporting excellence and a distinctive fixture list rather the nature of the activity. Here then we can explicitly reconcile the ideas of status rivalry and distinction through the significance attributed to differentially distinctive forms of sport associated with status rivalries and competition between schools.

Roberts (2016: 143) contends that ‘the present day middle classes are said to be distinguished by their wide range of cultural tastes, and, with an average of 25 different sports and physical activities available in each school, there is certainly evidence of what Peterson (2005: 273) describes as a ‘move from highbrow snobbery to cosmopolitan omnivorousness’. For Warde (2006: 119) it is this ‘propensity to participate actively’ which is – gender differences excepted - more symbolic than the nature of the sports themselves. In this broadening of sporting

55 The sports played by the pupils were cricket (3), rugby (7), hockey (5), triathlon (2), tennis (1), netball (1), rowing (1) and fencing (1). 193 provision, we see again the overlap between distinction and status rivalry between schools alongside the cultural capital afforded (in both senses of the word) to pupils through participation in this sporting offer. Concomitantly, amongst those with sufficient economic capital there is the reflection and reproduction of a habitus which values omnivorousness and therefore seeks to develop in their children the cultural capital gained in this way and thus we see the reproduction of privilege through independent school sport today.

6.3.5 Distinction through sporting success For Dunning and Sheard (2005:88), sport is not simply an athletic endeavour but symptomatic of a deeper struggle within the upper classes for distinction which, in the case of independent schools, Reay (2017: 148) might describe as a ‘defence of status and distinction’. As ‘socially desirable accomplishments’ (Dunning & Sheard, 2005: 93), high performance sport, through its inherent rarity, and the opportunity for omnivorous participation help ensure the ‘social advantage’ (Reay, 2017: 147) of independent school pupils. Rather than seeking to distinguish themselves in the ongoing status rivalries between schools by the form of football they play, as Dunning and Sheard (2005) describe mid-Victorian schools doing, today some independent schools differentiate themselves by their success, and the success of their former pupils, in the sporting arena. The overrepresentation of independently educated athletes is an outcome of this process and the resultant investment in high performance sport.

Bourdieu (1984: 209) describes ‘variations in perception and the appreciation of the immediate or deferred profits they [sports] are supposed to bring’ and, given the drive towards high performance (albeit in certain schools), the findings suggest that it is the sporting excellence (by definition a ‘distinctive rarity’ (Bourdieu, 1978: 835)), as much as the sports themselves, that is considered distinctive. This perception is as important as the ‘economic and cultural and, indeed, bodily’ (ibid) cost in determining sporting participation. Whilst there is little evidence, of what Bourdieu (1984: 27) describes - with reference to certain social groups in effect rejecting particular sports - as the refusal of ‘ordinary objects of popular admiration’, a couple of exceptions do standout in the data. At Northcote, Hannah described the prioritisation of hockey over other sports and others noted the relatively limited opportunities (for girls and boys) to participate in football and rugby at Lyttelton and Northcote respectively which might well be explained by a historical desire to pursue the respective football codes (e.g. Dunning

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& Curry, 2004; White, 2004). That said, Colbeck’s distinctive approach to cricket fixtures56 noted previously might well be seen as a demonstration of the ‘aesthetic distancing … [and] detachment’ Bourdieu (1986: 26) describes. In Bourdieuian terms, ‘the symbolic gratifications associated with practising a highly distinctive activity’ (1978: 839) and an emphasis on the way sports are practiced - he notes the ‘opposition between the most expensive and smartest sports … or the most expensive and smartest ways of doing them … and the cheapest sports … or the cheapest ways of doing the smart sports’ (1984: 216) - would certainly apply to competing against such distinctive opposition, rather than competitor schools. More than different sports achieving ‘cultural consecration’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 19) - although there is some suggestion of this too - it seems that status rivalries amongst independent schools lead to a shunning of mediocrity. Above all it appears to be success which provides distinction. As Giulianotti (2005: 169) puts it, 'sporting tastes and practices are not so conveniently class-connected, suggesting that we need to increase categorical flexibility to deploy Bourdieu's thinking within sport'.

Whilst Bourdieu describes the attraction of sports to different social groups, he does not argue for exclusivity in anyway. In describing ‘a great elasticity’ (1978: 836), Bourdieu contends that the same sport can mean different things to different people at the same time. Not only does this provide scope to accommodate the findings here, but it runs counter to a criticism, raised about Bourdieu’s work, that he fails to ‘confront the possibility of a persisting multi-class recruitment … the possibility that common characteristics shared by many sports may make them potentially … attractive to a differentiated audience’ (Goodger & Goodger, 1989: 264).

Hargreaves (1986: 6) describes sport as ‘a factor in the composition and decomposition of class relations in Britain’ and, notwithstanding the differing spatio-temporal contexts of this research and Bourdieu’s work, the discord between the findings and theory might be explained by the changing nature of class structure, or a change in the meaning and function of sports in recent years, quite possibly concomitant with the increasing professionalization and commodification of sport in independent schools. In this sense it might be argued that those parents able and inclined to choose an independent school education for their children see distinction in the frequency, range and level of sports played, with the findings supporting the idea that ‘the main social class differences are no longer whether young people play any sport’ (Green, Smith &

56 Colbeck’s senior cricket team predominately play University and county academy sides, with just two matches against other schools. 195

Roberts, 2004: 191). Instead an increasingly wide range of activities on offer and an emphasis on high levels of performance (for a minority of talented athletes at least) is how some schools seek distinction. This sporting provision, in some schools, both reflects and reproduces wider social trends of participation and professionalisation.

Dunning and Sheard (2005: 152) write of sport acting as a form of ‘war-game’ in which participants ‘were able to act out personal and prestige rivalries with other members of their class’. It requires no great logical leap to see that this applies to schools today and in the context of this research we see this in the distinctive value of sporting success, a wide offer of sporting opportunity and the many steps schools take towards achieving these. As Roberts (2016: 130) puts it, ‘Even if his empirical evidence has proved time- and place-specific, Bourdieu’s concepts have travelled well’.

6.4 A CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE: RHETORIC OR REALITY?

The final part of this discussion presents a critical re-reading of the data intended to improve the validity of the empirical analysis and thus the conclusions of this thesis. In doing so, light is shed on the ‘shadow’ Fitzgerald, et al. (2010) describe as being cast by appreciative inquiry. Rather than taking an adversarial or deliberately negative approach, the intention is to question the assumptions and motivations that the participants, explicitly or otherwise, revealed during interview.

6.4.1 Reality congruence or a dominant discourse? In analysing qualitative data there is a fine balance between valuing the opinions of participants and unreflectively reproducing a dominant discourse. This is not to suggest leaping from blind faith to conjecture but, in recognising this dichotomy of individual experiences being both valid and problematic, to question the evidence presented by pupils and staff. The latter, according to Green (2006: 653), because of a ‘very strong emotional attachment’ to their subject, ‘have difficulty recognizing, let alone subjecting to critical scrutiny, many of the assumptions and premises upon which their work rests’. Equally, reflexivity on the part of the researcher is essential and this is addressed in Chapter Seven.

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It is important to consider the possible influence of a ‘selection of preferred discourses’ (Lingard et al., 2008: 190) on the data, with a participant’s position within a school and relationship with the interviewer potentially influencing their responses. However, that the Acting Head (Northcote) and Headmasters at Colbeck, Liffield and Cambourne, all revealed that for some pupils a focus on high performance sport has had a negative impact on academic progress and personal wellbeing, is suggestive - although it may be that they are underreporting this - of a certain level of honesty. That said, there were several notable instances where the findings did not match other data from the same school:

- At Lyttelton, there was discord between the DoS’s view on specialisation - that pupils of Isla’s level are able to specialise - and Isla who felt that, despite her numerous cricketing commitments, she still had to represent the school in hockey fixtures. Likewise, at Cambourne and Liffield, there were some differences in the staff and pupil perception of the prioritisation of school fixtures over external commitments. - At Northcote, Heidi, a junior international fencer, described receiving less support and recognition than her hockey playing peers. Similarly, at Cambourne, a potential difference in the provision of physiotherapy might indicate greater support for rugby playing pupils. Echoing previous findings of a bias towards team games in state school extra-curricular provision (Green, 2000a), this suggests something about the risk of excluding those with other talents, and the range of opportunities available more generally. - Whilst a diversity of sporting experiences was widely promoted as preferable to specialisation, there were several exceptions where pupils focused solely on a single sport that did not correspond with the notion of early specialisation sports such as swimming or gymnastics. - Colbeck proved to be a particularly interesting case in terms of somewhat conflicting findings. The cessation of practical PE lessons clearly divided opinion, with the HoPE noting that whilst in theory pupils of all abilities have exposure to high quality coaching, the reality is somewhat different: ‘On the surface that sounds great and you can imagine parents getting really excited about that saying, my Jimmy is going to get taught by an ex-England international … but the reality is … it tends to be that, the higher coaches going to higher teams’. - That ability determines the level of coaching and support a pupil receives is evident in all six schools. Whilst several schools seek to address this through ‘open sessions’, 197

there are nevertheless question marks over the level of provision for those pupils not performing at the top end. - Across all six schools there was, to differing degrees, a notable silence regarding the idea of winning. Whether as reality or rhetoric, the focus was on performance, process and provision rather than outcome. Of course, it might well be argued that a performance orientated philosophy, when it pervades everything that you do, is likely to further the development of young athletes. However, the desire to win might seem like a rather vulgar aspiration if expressed openly and, one wonders if it is easier to take a pupil centred approach safe in the knowledge that you can win most of your games without your best players.

More generally, whilst the findings contain numerous questionable assertions, generalisations and often simply anecdote, this is in part the nature of data collected through interview. If this is reductive fallacy then surely it serves no other purpose than to maintain the prevalent stereotype of the excellence of independent schools and the failings of state schools. Do such assumptions (themselves tantamount to symbolic violence), as the Acting Head of Northcote suggests, contribute to the differing levels of sporting success seen in independent schools?

The confidence of the pupils makes a big difference. They are people … from very fortunate circumstances, by and large … who look for the opportunities in life because they are used to seeing opportunities … They look for them and they take them. So, it's partly their outlook.

Echoing Savage’s (2015: 51) assertion that ‘well educated people feel confident … in advancing their cause … and hence are often better able to get the best services from schools … and suchlike’, here we see the influence of ‘pedagogic ethos’ (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977), an individual’s habitus and their resultant disposition towards education and its potential benefits. Van Krieken (1998: 133) describes Elias’s theoretical position as being that ‘human habitus is socially constituted’ and, given Elias’s (1994: 454) emphasis on the influence of the ‘web of social relations in which the individual lives during his more impressionable phase’ we can see the cyclical reproduction of privilege is carried out in part through the formation of particular habitus which some independent schools contribute to. As Van Krieken (1998: 156) puts it, ‘childhood is thus the main ‘transmission belt’ for the development of the habitus which characterizes any given society’. 198

Whilst some assumptions are being made here about state schools and their pupils, as Bourdieu reminds us, ‘real or imaginary, it makes little difference - real in the sense of being really anticipated’ (1978: 835-6). Whilst the perspectives presented here are both privileged and specific, within the bounds of caution necessitated by the limited data set, they provide a more reality congruent perspective on independent school PE and sport.

6.4.2 Silences in the text: gender, ethnicity and ability Whilst class is foregrounded here, what, if anything, do the findings tell us about distinctions other than class, about ethnicity and gender for instance? Inevitably, discourse analysis is as much about the silences in the text as what is openly said (Grant & Humphries, 2006), and, whilst the absence of related interview questions is one limitation of this study, a consideration of the participants is revealing. Of the 21 pupils interviewed, eight were female and 13 male57, 19 appeared to be of white, Caucasian background, with one of mixed race and one black African heritage. Two joined their school at the age of 16 and, two (that I am aware of) received full bursaries, meaning that their school fees were paid. Are such observations indicative of a desire on the part of the school to present a gender balanced version of sporting success, or is this a fair representation of a balance between the number of girls and boys achieving national sporting recognition? Perhaps more revealing was that of the 19 staff involved, only two were female and all appeared to be white, of Caucasian origin; a reflection of an underrepresentation of ethnic minorities (Norman et al., 2015; Flintoff, 2015) and women ‘in leadership roles at all levels of sport’ (Burton, 2015: 155). Similarly, whilst all six schools have policies indicating a commitment to principles of equality and diversity, for pupils and staff, the silence on ethnicity in the data renders any attempt to read into this purely speculative.

Several references to gender did, however, appear in the responses of participants. As we have seen across all six schools, there are increasingly opportunities for girls to play football, rugby and cricket, if not for boys to be involved in, for example, dance. Whilst these changes reflect an increasingly broad sporting offer, they are changes to a long-established pattern of gendered sport in independent schools. The use, albeit infrequent, of the term ‘schoolmaster’, by male staff participants reminds us that all six schools were originally boys schools; Cambourne

57 The inclusion of Liffield (girls in the Sixth Form only) and Cambourne (all boys) will have influenced this. In addition, two of the three pupils scheduled to be interviewed but who could participate due to sporting commitments were female. 199 remains all boys, whilst Lyttelton, Gregham and Northcote became co-educational towards the end of the 20th century, Liffield in the last decade, and Colbeck introduced girls in the 1930s. Similarly, that the HoPE at Colbeck refers to ‘little Jimmy’ at one point, might be seen as reflective of a school in which 61% of pupils are male, but also serves as a caution that, from a staff perspective, we have an almost exclusively white, male view.

In comparing girls going ‘off to ballet schools’ to boys joining sporting academies, the Headmaster at Colbeck implicitly reveals that this kind of success is less celebrated and has, up until now at least, potentially offered less distinction. PE, reason Penney and Evans, is always and inevitably an expression of official and pedagogical texts and as such a social construct. Never is it ‘arbitrary or value-free’ but instead ‘a historically and culturally specific’ take ‘on what should be taught and learnt in the name of physical education’ (2013: 160-1). What then do the findings tell us about the aims and purposes of PE and sport in the schools studied here?

6.4.3 The aims and purposes of PE and sport Whilst there is still a problematic relationship between privilege, participation and high performance in British sport, our concern extends beyond the rarified, elite level. As Whitehead (2013: 30) cautions, PE can ‘all too readily ‘dance to the tune’ of those who see physical education as instrumental in … international sporting success’. To differing degrees this is evident in the schools studied here. At one extreme we have Northcote and Liffield, where there is no overlap between the activities pupils partake in during PE lessons and the major games, and at the other, Colbeck where there is no timetabled practical PE at all. Lyttelton, the least ‘successful’ sporting school, treads a middle ground; although there is a distinction between PE and sport (or games as it is termed), there is also some overlap, with PE curriculum time being given explicitly to developing cricket, whilst at Gregham and Cambourne, PE is explicitly used to enhance sport. This tension between PE and sport, between physical literacy and performance, raises the question of which agenda is the dominant one, is it all about the distinction offered by sporting success? The findings certainly suggest that there is a greater level of investment, in terms of time, staffing and facilities, in sport than PE. Nowhere is this more so than at Colbeck, where practical PE lessons do not exist for any age group in the school. Furthermore, the findings support Kirk’s description of an increasing emphasis on the ‘examinable forms of physical education’ (2010: 93) in the training of PE teachers. Across all

200 schools however, it is evident that, driven by the value of examination results, academic PE is the focus of the PE Department.

In an independent sector driven by status rivalry, sporting excellence is clearly a trump card and Peel recognises that ‘schools have looked to sporting prowess to cultivate favourable publicity’ (2015: 49), citing the example of Plymouth College where the success of two of its pupils in 2012 Olympics - Tom Daley (diving) and Rūta Meilutytė (swimming) - saw a surge in applications. Given the evident role of PE, and particularly sport, in the marketing of independent schools, a critical reading of the findings suggests that approaches to diversification and mass participation, for example, may be as much the result of evidence that such strategies ultimately result in better sporting outcomes, as they are a belief in their educational value.

Nevertheless, as evidenced at Hugh’s observation, ‘It's a school, it’s not an [sports] Academy’, and the Cambourne Headmaster’s emphasis on ‘the primacy of the classroom’, market forces and an ever-increasing emphasis on academic success clearly means that whilst sport may be prioritised over PE, schools cannot afford to put it before all else. Echoing Rees et al. (2016: 6), who describe the positive influence of ‘support networks’ in the development of ‘super- elite athletes’, a number of systems are in place, at the more successful schools in particular, to monitor and maintain the personal wellbeing and academic progress of the most able sporting pupils. Similarly, whilst other pupils may not enjoy the same level of performance related support, there are an increasingly wide range of sporting opportunities for them to be involved in.

This focus on sport may explain, in part, the DoS at Colbeck’s use of the potentially pejorative phrase ‘generic PE’. The marginalisation of PE at the expense of sporting performance - as he puts it, that pupils would be better served by ‘athletic development investment’ - evokes Green’s (2006: 651) questioning of the ‘taken-for-granted assumptions of many of the academics and teachers … regarding, amongst other things, the supposed intrinsic worth and purposes of physical education’. Are Colbeck challenging the ‘doxa, or taken-for-granted assumptions and beliefs, associated with PE’ (Hunter, 2004: 175)? This take on PE and sport ought to be seen within the wider culture of a school which, at least in terms of outcomes, is at the forefront of developing talented young athletes. How it squares with the suggestion in the data that independent schools cannot afford, in sporting terms, to neglect the majority of pupils 201 is an interesting point on which the HoPE’s comments about the reality of this format of provision not matching the rhetoric (of pupils of all abilities receiving high level coaching), prove to be revealing.

The school websites revealed an apparent similarity of educational aims between PE and sport and, that few participants, least of all the pupils, made any distinction between PE and sport quite possibly reflects the fact that, in practice, little distinction is made between the two and may well explain why it is so easy to be rid of PE. Perhaps however, sport is simply deemed more valuable. The suggestion at Colbeck seems to be that having a lot of access to sport is equivalent to offering a physical education through those activities. Rather than sport being a simulacrum of PE, pupils are putatively being physically educated through sport. Of course, offering a lot of sport might have some inherent educational quality, one inevitably learns something when being involved in one or multiple sports, but to view access to sport itself as indistinguishable from PE, is an interesting (if questionable and much debated) position to hold (Lee, 2004; Houlihan & Green, 2006; Wellard, 2006). Looking forward critically, what do these findings suggest about the future of PE and sport in independent schools?

6.4.4 The future of PE and sport in independent schools That there is a tension between PE and sport in the schools studied raises the question of whether PE is dying out at the expense of high performance sport, its current position in decline or its lowly status merely further consolidated? Kirk contends that the nature and educational value of PE ‘can be found in the practices undertaken in its name’ (2013: 976) and, with no practical PE at Colbeck and fortnightly lessons at Gregham (where PE has made way for additional maths lessons) and Cambourne, it is clear that the perceived value of PE is as an academic subject and a route to improved sporting performance. This privileging of sport and core subjects brings to mind what Bourdieu (1988b: 36) calls ‘The Conflict of the Faculties’ with an emphasis upon the dominance (within higher education) of law and medicine over a hierarchy of subjects, and supports Green’s (2008: 60) prediction that ‘seemingly non-serious subjects such as PE are likely to be viewed by governments and schools as expendable in favour of more academic and examinable subjects’. We might therefore describe PE as ‘doubly dominated’ (Bourdieu, 1988: 153), on the one hand by the prioritisation of sport and, on the other, it’s place in the academic hierarchy of subjects.

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Three potential influences shaping the future of PE and sport in the independent sector stand out amongst the findings. An increasing focus on academic achievement may act to curtail some of the emphasis on sport. Whilst all six schools endeavour to limit this, there is the recognition that combining sport and study isn’t entirely cost free in terms of impacting on examination results. There are also health and safety concerns58 and, potentially the ultimate determinant, what the Cambourne Headmaster refers to as ‘the litmus of parents’ – market forces (Rollings, 2015). As Evans (2013: 81) notes, independent schools, as private enterprises, must ‘sustain [themselves] economically, so whatever else [they] may do in terms of providing information and entertainment, profit is [their] ultimate goal’. The result, as Youdell (2008: 17, cited in Evans & Davies 2015: 22) argues, is that such competition has led to a widening gap between the most and least advantaged socio-economic groups.

With PE and sport in independent schools ‘a supply intended to meet a social demand’ (Bourdieu, 1991: 357), given that most pupils are not elite performers the question of whether there is a desire to provide both mass participation and performance sport be answered affirmatively. To do otherwise is to marginalise the majority of pupils and fee-paying parents. In contrast to Horne et al.’s (2008/2011) description of a one size fits all approach in the Scottish independent schools they studied, and rather than subscribing to Green’s binary aphorisms, ‘Podium or Participation’, ‘Olympic Glory or Grassroots Development’ (2009: 2007), the schools here aim for a synthesis of the two.

However, espousing this and matching rhetoric with provision are two different things. As Leo commented of Colbeck, ‘if you don't really like sport then [there] is not much point of coming here’. It is certainly difficult, based on the findings, to firmly refute the idea that criticisms of PE in the state sector are applicable here too; that, to some extent there is a ‘neglect of the majority of less talented pupils’ (Kirk & Gorley, 2000: 120), a focus on excellence rather than

58 We might consider these as part of a civilising process, as the Headmaster of Lyttelton effectively did when discussing safety in sport more generally:

I think there are enough pressures to keep it [sport] going but I don't know if rule changes in rugby will make it safer but that's only one sport … There are a lot of other sports where they have done things to mitigate risks, so helmets in cricket. When I was young they didn't have helmets. You look at hockey, goggles for squash. You know none of these things were there, but they have put them in place to make the game safer … people get used to them and it means that the game continues.

203 physical literacy (Croston, 2012: 62), or that an ‘elitist conception of physical education activities is masked behind a rhetoric of “sport for all”’ (Kirk, 2014a: 14). Whilst high performance sport is certainly not hidden, the schools’ success in balancing this with mass participation is questionable. As the Headmaster at Colbeck notes, it is ‘a hugely hard ask in terms of resourcing’. Through an inequity of opportunity based on ability, we see a ‘situation where many young people are discriminated against on the ground of their bodily performances rather than upon their willingness to take part’ (Wellard, 2006: 311) - what Fernandez-Balboa (2003: 146) refers to as ‘poisonous pedagogies’.

Furthermore, Kirk’s denouncing of an ‘elitist view [of PE] … using a public school notion of ‘games’ (2013: 976) appears, in light of the findings, to miss the point somewhat. In the schools studied here at least, to describe the sporting provision as purely a Victorian model of games fails to recognise an increasingly wide choice of activities for pupils. Whilst this may be to the detriment of PE, it does provide empirical support for Rollings’ (2015, in Espinoza, 2015) suggestion that the future of sport in the independent sector will be shaped by ‘the preferences and demands of a 21st century marketplace’. As Evans (2014: 546) suggests, seeking to provide greater opportunity for all is an almost inevitable consequence of the educational market which encourages ‘variety and diversity’ and privileges ‘consumer taste’. Thus, distinctive forms of PE and sport are likely to continue to evolve to ensure the market survival of each school, with both performance related activities, as well as those orientated more towards health or enjoyment being ‘equally valuable for different pupils in different contexts’ (Blair & Capel, 2013: 180). An emphasis on sporting opportunities for all, along with the capacity to nurture talented athletes reflective of the commodification of sporting success is likely to remain as parents seek various forms of capital for their children and schools pursue distinction in the ongoing status rivalries that exist both within wider sporting and educational figuration.

Elias and Dunning (1986: 194) suggest that tension and cooperation can and do exist ‘on a variety of levels at the same time’ and, just as schools have previously worked together through School Sports Partnerships (SSPs) and, to a lesser extent still do (Foster, 2015), ought the various bodies involved in talent development, including schools, to reconsider their relationships, to initiate a change of figuration (Elias & Dunning, 1986), with the aim of better supporting young athletes? Such thinking and practice is already underway in some areas. The Colbeck Headmaster describes working with an educational trust ‘trying to do great things around sport and the use of sport as a vehicle’ and with an increasing emphasis on 204 state/independent partnerships like the ‘Schools’ Learning Partnership’ described by the Cambourne Headmaster, we might see more of it in the future. Whilst such collaboration may threaten the ‘status exclusivity’ (White, 2004: 58) of independent schools, it is will be weighed against the ongoing need to maintain charitable status through public benefit work.

6.6 SUMMARY

In summarizing this chapter, we ought to reflect on what a sociological perspective has added to this discussion and our understanding of PE and sport in independent schools. There are four major themes which stand out and which can be summarized as follows:

1. The overrepresentation of independently educated athletes in Team GB is the result of an historical process which, within a heterogenous independent sector, has seen some schools focus on sport for almost two hundred years. This process can be explained by status rivalries and the search for distinction within the wider educational and sporting figuration.

2. In a refinement and updating of Bourdieu’s ideas we see distinction sought through high performance sport (more than the nature of the sports practiced) and, fitting the notion of omnivorousness, a wide range of sporting opportunities.

3. In seeking to combine both sporting excellence and provision for the wider pupil body, the ideal of PE and sport for all, whilst aspired to, may be compromised, with PE ‘doubly dominated’ by sport and other, purportedly more academic, subjects.

4. Whilst ability plays a role, given the financial resource necessary to access the provision on offer in independent schools, for the majority of young people and their families, this is secondary to the influence of class. In the over-representation of independently educated athletes we see the reproduction of class privilege.

Here a sociological framework combining a figurational perspective with the notion of distinction has proved a powerful sociological tool. Having critically considered the findings, the concluding chapter now details the original contribution to knowledge of this thesis.

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Chapter VII: Conclusion

The final chapter of this thesis presents its original contribution to knowledge along with subsequent reflection on the limitations of the research and suggestions for further study. In closing, the conclusion demonstrates how the aims of this thesis have been met.

7.1 REINTERPRETING ‘ONE OF THE WORST STATISTICS IN BRITISH SPORT’

For Bourdieu statistics are ‘simply a starting the point, the sociological constitution of the thing to be explained’ (Jenkins, 2002: 60); ‘One has explained nothing and understood nothing’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 10) until we explore the relationship between variables. In seeking a better sociological understanding of PE and sport in independent schools, this thesis explores the view that ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ is heavily skewed by a relatively small number of schools who have had significant, repeated success in ‘producing’ international athletes. Bourdieu (1984: 217) argues that ‘Economic barriers—however great they may be … are not sufficient to explain the class distribution of these activities’, and whilst class still matters, any attempt at a mono-causal explanation which reduces the prevalence of independently educated athletes solely to a question of social class is a gross oversimplification. Instead a more nuanced and complex picture has emerged, revealing that this statistic is not only about social class and economic capital, but various lifestyle and education choices, shaped by one’s habitus, all of which influence the extent to which young athletes are able to engage in and are disposed towards making the most of the sporting opportunities offered by a small number of schools.

Whatever the similarities or contrasts between PE and sport in the state and independent sectors, Moynihan’s claim is a (potentially politically motived) fatuous comparison of independent school sport with state school PE. Rather than a like for like judgement, it might be seen to serve as ‘a kind of fetish, an object onto which we project our fears’ (Elias, 1978: 24). Given the association between ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’, schooling and privilege, it could be said to have encouraged a ‘mental fixation on familiar and tangible phenomena … obscuring the social causes of fear and unease’ (Elias, 1978: 25). In doing so, it simultaneously drew on and added to the existing tension within the figuration of education in Britain; the concerns about PE and sport a reflection of broader social disquiet. As the

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Cambourne DoS asked, ‘Is it just independent schools or is it what independent schools represent?’. Perhaps, to appropriate Evans (writing of PE in the 1980s), the statistic is ‘merely a simulacrum (a deceptive shadowy likeness), intended to speak of something other than itself … nicely illustrating all that … [is] wrong with education and society’ (2013: 80), reflecting, as it does, wider social issues and class based inequity. Inevitably, PE and school sport has not solved this, but neither has government, nor totemic Olympic sporting success. As Evans (2014: 547) puts it:

nurturing the idea that for everyone life is a fair, meritocratic game, featuring equal opportunities to enjoy the ‘freedom to’ achieve – to be an Olympic athlete, to participate in sport, to be healthy – … always assumes some considerable ‘freedoms from’ (poverty, lack of opportunity, resource and so on). Those with appropriate means and motivational resources benefit, those without, legitimately fail.

There appear to be several issues conflating the matter. Firstly, the Politics of Knowledge. Notwithstanding the impact of funding, recruitment and retention problems and external drivers such as PISA tables, political rhetoric posits independent schools as models of good practice (Gove cited in Lightfoot, 2014). As Reay (2017: 154) argues, ‘The private school system has always been positioned as the ideal to which the state system should aspire’. Meanwhile, the portrayal of sport, which is one successful aspect of some independent schools, as representative of all that is good in the sector (Evans, 1990) is reflected and reproduced by the debate surrounding ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’. Ball (2007: 4) describes the ‘privileging of the private’ and underpinning much of this is the question of ‘whose knowledge matters?’ (Weiler, 2009). Just as Reay (2017: 6-7), in urging us to ‘confront the issue of who has wealth and power’, asks ‘which stories and versions of the social world are listened to, and ... why’, we must consider if the independent sector positions itself to learn from the state sector? Certainly, there was no reference made to learning from the state sector in the interviews. Whilst outwith the research data, this is not the case in my professional experience either. To even raise the possibility is tantamount to apostasy; a sacrilegious anathema to the essence of independent schooling, the function of which is to provide distinction from other forms of education, and ultimately, other people.

Secondly, symbolic violence. Given that we are only talking about a small number of independent schools who are consistently successful in developing international athletes, the 207 notion of PE and sport in the independent sector as an exemplar of what state school PE ought to be is not only an inaccurate representation of sporting provision within the independent sector, but also a meaningless (although nonetheless denigrating) comparison. Given the association between sporting success and financial investment (Abernethy, 2008; Hogan & Norton, 2000), we must dispel as ‘fantasy-laden’ (Elias, 1978: 24) any notion that provision like that offered at Northcote, Cambourne and Colbeck might be extending similar provision to all schools. With school budgets at ‘breaking point’ (Burns, 2016: no page), this would be to ignore the ‘brute realities of social inequality’ (Savage, 2000: 159) manifest in the fiscal realities of education for the majority of schools in both sectors. Moreover, in identifying the practices contributing to ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’, does this thesis in effect celebrate it? What symbolic violence is perpetrated in an appreciation of a system which helps to perpetuate such enduring, deep and damaging class and cultural inequalities and hierarchies in education and sport in the UK? We must acknowledge the privileging of class and the wider political processes, within the educational figuration and beyond, that continue to contribute to it.

Each of these factors suggest a debate around PE, sport and social class which is majestically reductive, simultaneously obfuscating complexity, difference and shortcomings within the independent sector, whilst also ubiquitously damning state school PE. Of Moynihan’s view, which on the surface is advocating a more egalitarian provision of sporting opportunity for young people, we must ask what symbolic violence is being committed and beyond this, what purpose is actually being served? Given that very few schools repeatedly produce international athletes, it might be read as an undeserved slight on PE in state schools and a lack of recognition for the efforts of a wide range of sporting organisations to increase participation and promote development. Whilst also failing to recognise the realities of high level practice in some independent schools, it is good, if unwarranted, publicity for the independent sector generally. Consequently, attempts to highlight social inequality might inadvertently end up playing a part in the propagation and perpetuation of stereotype, caricature (of both people and practice) and hierarchy, of which the overrepresentation of independently educated athletes is thought to be emblematic. As an unintended form of marketing, it may well increase the likelihood that some families will seek to support their child’s sporting development in the independent sector. Allied to the sporting arms race between schools, this will potentially increase investment in sport by schools. If the representational qualities of PE and sport are being used (or misused) for political gain, it appears to be at its own expense. Up to a point, attempts to improve access 208 and opportunity for all by governing bodies and other sports organisations, may well be cancelled out, in statistical terms at least. The result being a status quo and the perpetuation of the relationship between social class and sporting privilege.

Dunning et al. (2004: 194) argue that sport cannot ‘be distinguished from the ‘real foundation’ of modern capitalist societies in which people compete within the marketplace … on terms that are very often unequal’. And, as Elias reminds us, there is no ‘pre-established harmony between social ideal and social reality’ (1978, 153). Whilst ‘we should not and cannot romanticise’ (Evans, 2012: 79) the possibilities for PE and school sport, the question must nevertheless continue to be asked (and the aspiration held), of what can be done to ensure that PE and sport are no longer representative (or at least less so) of wider social inequity. What original contribution has this thesis then made to this debate?

7.2 ORIGINAL CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE

Malcolm talks of the need for sociologists of sport to both demonstrate and convince others that their work is both ‘distinctive and distinguished’ (2012: 6-9), and here I argue that this thesis provides an original empirical and theoretical contribution to ‘the knowledge base of sociology’ (ISSA, 2016: no page).

7.2.1 An original, empirical contribution This thesis builds upon the extant literature on independent schools (e.g. Horne et al., 2011) by providing a focused exploration and analysis of PE and sport. Offering previously undocumented insight, this research adds ‘the voices’ (Theberg, 2008: 220) of staff and pupils to our understanding of how elite young athletes develop. In summarising this contribution we address the major themes of this thesis:

1. To explore the sporting experiences of pupils in independent schools consistently developing international athletes and to identify some of the key aspects involved in the development of talented young athletes in schools. The findings here confirm the empirical suggestion that PE and sport are not delivered in a consistent manner across the independent sector. Comparing the schools on a like for like basis, the findings clearly reflect the stratified nature of the sample, with several striking similarities in provision between those schools with a consistent record of developing

209 international athletes (Northcote, Cambourne and Colbeck) and, similarly, between the least successful schools (Lyttelton and Gregham). With Liffield, a middle ranking school in terms of elite athlete production, sharing several of the characteristics of the more successful schools. This contrast confirms the premise that the independent sector is not a homogenous group of schools with identical practices.

Evidently, sporting advantage is not a universal feature of an independent school education. And, whilst in a probabilistic sense independent school pupils’ spatio-temporal conditions ‘might very usefully be contrasted with those less advantaged young people who have a far less 'intensive' education experience’ (Lingard et al. 2008: 196), significant differences in sporting provision also exist within the independent sector. That is not to say that class privilege does not exist in this context, but rather that it is more likely, and more marked, in those independent schools which place a particularly high value on the distinctive significance of sporting success. These differences not only correlate with success in developing young athletes, but, according to the participants here, positively impact upon it. Rutter et al. (1979: 1) ask if ‘a child’s experiences at school have any effect; does it matter which school he (sic) goes to’ and here I argue that they do have an effect, that it does matter, and that this offers an explanation for the observation that the majority of independently educated athletes come from a small number of schools.

This thesis adds significant detail to the view that independent school pupils benefit from excellent facilities, resources, time and coaching expertise. In doing so, it contributes to a ‘less emotionally charged … more objective and realistic’ (Elias, 1978: 24), empirically based perspective. Although several of the findings here support the extant talent development literature, for the first time they are demonstrated in the context of independent schools. As ‘sites of acquisition’ (Bernstein, 2004: 205-7), these schools provide the ‘effective … pedagogic context and support’ without which, ‘acquisition will not be possible … [and] failure becomes the expectation and the reality’. From a comparative perspective, the more ‘successful’ the school, the greater the evidence of talent development processes and the findings suggest several ‘subtleties of provision’ (Rees et al., 2016: 9) in the schools studied.

In addition to the generally already well-resourced class and cultural predispositions of a pupil intake that is manifestly intended to include a greater concentration of athletic talent, 210

the success of these schools in developing young athletes is due to: the pupil intake; the level of coaching; additional performance related support; time invested in training; a focus on individual development; a flexible, personalised approach to combining sporting commitments with academic study; and a pastoral system which provides a holistic overview of a pupil’s wellbeing. Nevertheless, at the most successful sporting schools, beyond the primary economic hurdle, access to such provision is largely determined by ability. Whilst a small number of pupils bring sporting distinction to a school, the systematic support for this is effectively funded by the wider pupil body.

2. To consider the impact of a focus on high performance sport on pupils’ experiences of school and on the future of the physical education profession within the independent sector. In seeking to explain why ‘some apparently ‘talented’, highly motivated athletes fail to progress … especially from junior elite to elite level’, Rees et al., (2016: 7) suggest that ‘sport systems typically require the talented athlete to ‘fit in’ more than they adapt to allow the athlete to thrive toward excellence’. The findings here indicate that, to differing degrees, the more successful schools provide a tailored, pupil-centred, ‘student – athlete’ approach involving, for instance, a reduction in the number of subjects studied and alternative timetabling arrangements, where appropriate, to allow pupils to more readily combine their athletic and academic commitments. Similarly, young athletes benefit from a pastoral network of support and teachers who understand the demands on their time and offer flexibility and support in catching up with missed work. Those schools with a reputation for sporting excellence are clearly endeavouring to ensure that they are not viewed as delivering this at the expense of examination results or pastoral care and any further professionalization of independent school sport is likely to see a concomitant increase in holistic awareness and the appropriate pastoral and academic support.

As for PE, the differences we see between schools reveals the shaping influence of ‘politics, histories, cultures, institutional practices and levels of resource’ (Evans, 2014: 547) with perhaps the most striking finding that the ongoing provision of practical PE cannot to be taken for granted and that PE’s value rests in the currency of academic qualifications. As Evans asserts, PE (and here school sport) ‘increasingly reflects and reproduces market principles rather than social or educational goals’ (2013: 76). In line with the notion of ‘omnivorousness’, one outcome of consumer preference is an increasingly diverse range of physical activities on offer in each of the case study schools. Whilst this shift away from a 211

more traditional, stereotypical games programme supports the claims of Rollings (2015), it is evident that traditional team games such as rugby and hockey continue to be afforded particular status.

Whilst these findings may appear to be ‘deceptively simple observation’ (Dunning et al., 2004: 7), they have never previously been documented and this thesis therefore makes an original, empirical contribution to our understanding of the independent education sector. With an exclusive focus on PE and sport, it provides a more detailed exploration than that offered by Horne et al. (2011) and is, to the best of my knowledge, the only work to provide such insight. As for questions of the ‘particularity and universality’ (Dillon & Read, 2004: 35) of the case study schools, given the heterogeneous nature of the independent sector however, the findings are not necessarily reflective of other schools. Rather, in the spirit of naturalistic generalisation, they might be applied in other educational settings where appropriate. It is hoped that the descriptive presentation of the data facilitates this and illustrates and what may be important to explore in similar situations’ (Corcoran et al., 2004: 4).

7.2.2 An original, theoretical contribution In seeking, through a sociological perspective, a better understanding of PE and sport in independent schools, this thesis straddles three contiguous areas of sociology (sport, PE and education) (Sage, 1997), and in demonstrating the contribution to sociological knowledge made here, we will address Elias and Bourdieu in turn, summarizing what this thesis tells us anew about education and social class, opportunity, inequity and the reproduction of privilege in the UK. Much as it has been for the best part of two hundred years, PE and sport in independent schools remains about distinction and ‘the intergenerational transmission of class position’ (Roberts, 2016: 14).

Van Krieken (2015: 44) writes that Elias was conscious that the validity of his concepts ‘would always be contingent on the way they made sense of any given body of empirical evidence’, and by locating the actions of these schools within a ‘broader social context’ (Bloyce, 2004: 92), the principles of process and figuration have provided significant insight into PE and sport in independent schools. In so doing they offer a ‘sociogenetic explanation of this long-term process, i.e. an explanation of the manner in which it was and continues to be socially or structurally generated’ (Elias & Dunning, 1986: 206). Bourdieu observes that ‘the field of production helps to produce the need for its own products’ (1978: 833-4) and here a focus on 212 high performance sport and a wide range of activities reflects and reproduces wider trends of professionalisation and participation respectively. Light and Kirk’s (2001: 83) assertion that ‘Human action, such as … participation in school sport or physical education, is deeply situated in social and cultural contexts’ can be applied to the schools studied here. Given the competition for ‘power … dignity, identify and recognition’ (ibid) inherent in this, we can see that the success of independently educated athletes is ‘produced in a context of status rivalry between the public schools’, much as Dunning and Curry (2004: 40) argue that rival football codes were. Beyond illustrating the importance of historical process here, this study also extends our theoretical understanding through the reconciliation of distinction with the idea of status rivalry.

That distinction is sought through sporting achievement (for both girls and boys), which is distinctive in its ‘rarity’ (Bourdieu, 1984: 247), as much as the sports themselves provides a nuanced development of Bourdieu’s work59. This is not to say that certain activities do not imbue participants with greater cultural capital, but that rather than focusing solely on these, the marketability of sporting success helps schools to distinguish themselves by providing a ‘distinctive … ‘offer’’ (Horne et al., 2011: 861). Moreover, even those pupils not performing at an elite level potentially stand to benefit, in effect by association, from an increase in cultural capital. The wide range of activities on offer in each of the schools is not only explainable by the notion of omnivourounessness, but reflects wider sporting participation trends which, as ‘emblems of class’ (ibid), demonstrate the link between social class, lifestyle and education central to Bourdieu’s work. As such this thesis also refines and updates, through a contemporary application, Bourdieu’s inherently francocentric work on the ‘distinctive function of sport’ (1984: 214).

The notion of habitus is useful here in that it offers an explanation, not only for the decision of parents, anticipating various gains in capital, to send their children to a particular school, but for a disposition that sees some high performing pupils make the most of the opportunities available to them and, for others, potentially leads to the active lifestyle choices described elsewhere (e.g. Warde, 2006; Peterson, 2005). The potential of sport to reproduce privilege and transmit capital from generation to generation (Allan & Catts, 2014) is one of the primary

59 However, this is not entirely at odds with Bourdieu. As Giulianotti (2004: 171) puts it, ‘sport cultures do change, new sport cultures do emerge, and Bourdieu was always utterly clear that they can’. 213 reasons for the significant investment made by some independent schools into sport and as a direct consequence, the success their pupils achieve. Paulle et al. (2012: 86-7), invite us to consider an approach combining the ‘shared theoretical orientation of Elias and Bourdieu’, arguing that ‘it potentially serves as a stimulus to new advances in relational and processual analysis. Nevertheless, given that research in the sociologies of PE, sport and education is largely, and variously, channeled in different directions, it is no surprise that the ideas of Elias and Bourdieu have been little applied to independent schools. In applying aspects of the work of Elias and Bourdieu to new empirical research, this thesis makes a further original contribution to the field; demonstrating the compatibility (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 299) and exploiting the analytical potential of the ‘uncanny and far-reaching complementarity’ (Paulle et al. 2012: 83) of their work in the context of independent school PE and sport.

7.3 REFLECTIONS

Elias’s ‘attempt to transcend reification’ (Van Krieken, 1998: 61), that is to say his belief in avoiding ‘seeing social life in terms of states, objects or things’ (ibid), is a useful angle from which to approach a reflection on the research process. Much as Elias (1978: 118) writes that ‘a person is constantly in movement: he not only goes through a process, he is a process’, this thesis is the result of an iterative process and it is worth providing a reflective commentary on my experience of conducting this research and how that refined and extended my understanding of methodological and theoretical issues in particular. In taking a reflexive approach to this research I hope to have achieved an open and ‘honest’ account; a portrayal of ‘research as a rational endeavour rather than as a kind of mystical quest … a simple, unpretentious, and candid exposition of the work done, of the difficulties encountered’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 218). As part of this endeavour to ‘lay open for inspection’ (Jenkins, 2002: 61) this thesis, some key reflections about the research process, and how my own developing knowledge and understanding led to an increasingly sophisticated thesis, are detailed below.

7.3.1 On appreciative inquiry Whilst this thesis benefits from an appreciative focus on talented young athletes and the support they receive, a more rounded (and possibly more critical) perspective is potentially lost in the process. In reflection, what are the merits of pursuing AI here, how well have the challenges

214 of an appreciative yet critical inquiry been addressed, and to what extent is light shed upon the ‘shadow’ (Fitzgerald, et al., 2010) cast by an appreciative approach?

In terms of the merits of an appreciative approach, the data collected stands as evidence of this. As a method of learning about the practices of independent schools with a record of developing international athletes, I felt that such an approach would be received more positively by schools when requesting access and this proved successful. The data collected illuminated the research aim and, in a purposeful, stratified sample, the case study schools and participants, fitted the established criteria; Northcote, Cambourne and Colbeck with a record of developing international athletes, Liffield moderately successful in this regard, and Lyttelton and Gregham, with very little recent success, provided a range of findings which demonstrate the heterogenous nature of the independent sector.

In reflecting on my success in retaining a critical capacity within an appreciative premise it is important to note that a critical sociology or methodology does not necessarily mean entering the field with a set of critical/negative questions. As Alvesson and Sköldberg (2000: 127) put it, critique ‘does not have to be based on a fundamentally negative view of society, but perhaps on a recognition that certain social phenomena warrant scrutiny’. Here a critical approach offers a perspective for analyses and interpretation, whilst ensuring a productive approach to data collection. How then was the act of deconstructing, reconstructing and representing this data shaped by an appreciative, yet critical approach, did I manage to shed light on the shadow cast by the appreciative nature of this work? Rogers and Fraser (2003: 80-1) stress the importance – if one is to avoid ‘vacuous, self-congratulatory findings’ – of confronting ‘hard issues and uncomplimentary data’ in the empirical work that they argue is central to AI. With this in mind, it is worth summarising the data which supports the representative nature of the findings; what, if any, ‘substantive problems’ (ibid p77) does this research uncover?

Here a critical approach to data analysis involved considering the participants’ contributions within a wider context, questioning their potential motives and the unspoken silences in the text. Moreover, it entailed scrutinising the data for evidence of discord between participants. Perhaps nowhere was this more so than with regards to the notion at the heart of this thesis; the notion that there is something to be learned from those independent schools which consistently develop elite athletes. When considered from a critical perspective, the findings raised a number interesting questions, not least about whether the schools studied do indeed develop

215 athletes, or if instead they collect and support them. The answer, according to the DoS at Colbeck, is both: ‘Do we attract talent? Of course we do. Do we develop it? I think we do as well and that's what the attraction is’.

Furthermore, although the sampling of participants involved in PE and sport in the schools studied precluded engagement with others, the inclusion of questions regarding the unintended consequences of a focus on sport was intended to provide a more fully developed perspective. Whilst the voices of the participants were largely in agreement with each other, that there were a number of instances of variation and disagreement suggested a certain degree of reality congruence (see Chapter 6.4.1) and are also indicative of the representativeness of the data that is a feature of quality research (Grbich, 2010: 159). More broadly, rather than ignoring the involvement of the independent sector in the wider social inequalities we see today, an appreciative approach is employed here in the ‘uncovering narratives of success’ (Ridley-Duff & Duncan, 2015: 1580). As Enright et al. (2014: 921-2) point out, ‘like any research, it [AI] presents a necessarily partial account of its subject matter’ and is simply ‘likely to generate different insights’ to other forms of research. Through an ongoing awareness of the ‘shadow’ AI casts, I hope to have met the challenge of producing a critical appreciation which, through the participants’ voices, provides a credible representation of PE and sport in the schools studied. Hammersley (2007: 301) advocates ‘suitable modesty in the claims research makes for itself’ and whilst I do not claim this to be an exhaustive account of PE and sport in independent schools – as Sparkes (2002: 207) puts it, ‘different tales can seek to explore different truths about the same phenomenon. Thus, we can learn about the same thing from many different approaches and sources’ - this thesis aspires to what Bourdieu (1988: 156) describes as the ‘Craft par excellence of the researcher: … an empirical object that is well constructed and controllable with the means at hand, that is, possible, by an isolated researcher, with no funding, limited to his own labor power’.

7.3.2 On detachment A key step in retaining a critical capacity in AI is the detachment that Elias (1978: 154) refers to as a ‘difficult part’ of research. For Green (2006: 658), ‘particularly deep attachments to sport and physical activity’ can make this problematic for researchers in PE, rendering ‘complete detachment on the part of the researcher … neither achievable nor, for that matter, desirable’ (2006: 658-9). Nevertheless, as Dunning and Sheard (2005: xv) argue, at its simplest … a sociological study consists of … an attempt to study something dispassionately and 216 objectively … in that way hoping to add to knowledge’. My role as a teacher of PE in an independent school provides a certain degree of familiarity with the studied environment that, on the one hand, potentially makes this detachment more difficult (Donnelly & Young, 1999; Sparkes & Smith, 2014), whilst on the other, offering a ‘deepened appreciation of relevant issues as well as a heightened sensitivity towards the perceptions of those under scrutiny’ (Green, 2006: 659). For me this latter point was a central part of selecting a method likely to facilitate access to schools and data collection. Whilst acknowledging the ‘highly complex character of the relationship between involvement and detachment’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 158), I hope to have achieved, through what Bryman (2015: 388) refers to as ‘philosophical self-reflection … [and] methodological self-consciousness’, an effective compromise - Green advocates ‘a blend of the two most likely to generate reality congruent data’ (2006: 658-9) - between privileged insight and the detachment necessary for a critical perspective which ultimately ensures that the process of knowledge production is valid.

7.3.3 On methods and methodology In reflecting on the experience of conducting this research, it is important to acknowledge how this refined and extended my own understanding of methodological issues, the importance of an explicit paradigm stance and internal coherence that ultimately led to a more sophisticated method. In this regard I found the work of Bryman (2015), Cresswell and Cresswell (2018), and Mason (2018) on research methods to be invaluable. In particular, I developed a greater appreciation of sampling and case study design and was thereby better able to identify and justify the purposeful, stratified sampling of schools and participants within a multiple-case study approach. Likewise, I found the explicit bracketing of class themes in order to focus on the appreciative aspect beneficial.

Furthermore, I moved away from an initial description of the research as ethnographic as it became apparent, as the process of data collection progressed, that even at the lower end of the scale of immersion, whilst observations and data from school websites were used, this was not sufficient to justify any description of rich data central to an ethnographic account. Similarly, a greater understanding of the concept of data saturation, something I had initially considered, was deemed inappropriate here as it was difficult, even with data from six schools, to make a convincing case for having achieved this. Instead, the chosen method might be better described as a general exploration of the issues at hand. Nevertheless, the purposeful sampling of schools representing a broad spectrum of sporting success allows us to address the issue of 217 heterogeneity within the independent sector which is a fundamental part of this thesis. Given the implicit hypothesis that some schools are more far reaching and effective in employing a range of different practices to support the development of sporting performances this is a deductive study.

7.3.4 On analysis The process of transcription and analysis prompted several questions about my role and influence in interviews. Reflections on my own interview technique aside, Malcolm (2012: 10) talks of the ‘market application’ of the sociology of sport and I did consider, whether I might be better off neglecting to mention my role in another independent school in favour of a ‘less threatening identity’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 228); in this case, a sociologist. Ultimately, I opted for transparency. With regards to data analysis, the question of which pieces of data were most pertinent, or best illustrated a point, was made all the more significant by the exigencies of word count. Eisenhardt (1989: 547) recommends that parsimony ought to be ‘the hallmark of good theory’, warning that the volume and complexity of data in case studies often results in either theory describing idiosyncratic phenomena or, an all-encompassing theory lacking in simplicity. In the necessarily exacting selection and editing of participants words to their essence, a participant’s wonderfully articulated phrasing often required omission or rewording. I only hope that in doing so I have retained their original spirit, if not the participants’ erudition.

7.3.5 On the theoretical framework According to Giulianotti (2005: 151), ‘In terms of master theories, ‘no key turns all locks’. And, the benefits of a dual theory approach aside, we must recognise that the focus this brings to certain aspects of the data draws the attention away from other areas. As a result, the balance of this thesis is tipped more towards the sociology of sport than the sociology of education, or physical education. Giulianotti (ibid) asserts that ‘the craft of sociology necessitates working imaginatively with different theoretical constructs and empirical data to explain social phenomena’ and, on reflection, the combination of Elias and Bourdieu, utilising their ‘common ground’ (Dunning & Hughes, 2013: 188), proved to be effective in illuminating the subject of PE and sport in independent schools.

Here, too, the experience of conducting this research significantly enhanced my own theoretical knowledge, with progressive iterations of this thesis demonstrating an increasingly

218 sophisticated understanding of the various concepts and social theories employed in this research. In particular, the discussion of class developed from my initial, heuristic use of a reductive (working/middle/upper) categorisation to a more extensive and nuanced reading recognising intra-class differentiation and a changing ‘class landscape’ (Reay, 2017: 6). Equally, this thesis benefitted significantly from a consideration of the work of van Krieken (1998), Jenkins (2002), Dunning and Hughes (2013) and Paulle et al. (2012), all of which enabled me to say far more about the perspectives of Elias and Bourdieu and associated critiques than would otherwise have been possible. Indeed, the latter two texts proved essential reading for a dual theory approach combining the two authors. Likewise, I grew to increasingly appreciate the applicability (as evinced by Dunning & Sheard, 2005) of Elias’s ideas beyond process and figuration and Bourdieu’s emphasis on class, lifestyle and education, whilst my understanding of the concept of distinction developed significantly through the works of Warde (2006), Roberts (2016) and Peterson (1992; 2005). In exploring changing trends in sporting participation these proved very useful in updating the idea of distinction to reflect the findings in the context of British independent schools today.

7.3.6 On foregrounding social class In foregrounding class, this thesis might be criticised for a neglect of gender or race and similarly, whilst in not involving other voices (inside, and outside, the independent sector), for an inherent ambivalence towards other perspectives. However, this absence is a consequence of the foregrounding of social class rather than a suggestion that these matters do not merit investigation. Others have faced similar predicaments of course, and Messner (1990: 149) highlights the ‘puzzling dilemma’ involved in this, arguing that ‘to avoid a sort of watered- down relativism, a choice must often be made to foreground gender, class, sexuality, race, or some other form of oppression’. The silence on gender and ethnicity, present here in the discourses of those within the independent sector, whilst a consequence of my own decision to foreground class, may also tell us something about the attention afforded to these issues within the schools studied.

7.3.7 On limitations Ultimately, the value of this thesis rests on the validity of the process and what we can learn from the findings. However, one must be careful about claiming anything with any certainty. Despite the hours of interview recordings and tens of thousands of words of transcription, this discussion is a construction based on my own, rationalized interpretation of the (relatively 219 limited) findings. Inevitably this research is ‘personally positioned’ (Ingham & Donnelly, 1997: 363), and ‘should be read as such’ (Rowe et al., 1997: 341). Roderick warns of the ‘inexorable methodological traps’ inherent in this, noting that ‘qualitative research of this kind is never unbiased, impersonal or value-free’ (2014: 85). The essence of sociology (essentially an act of deconstructing, reconstructing and representation) is inherently subjective and, whilst rationalized, this is nevertheless my reading of the data, data which I had a significant influence in generating.

If, as Bourdieu argues, the influence of habitus pervades ‘all areas of practice’ (1984: 22), then ultimately this work is a reflection of my own habitus. I can only claim to have attempted to be transparent, reflexive and thus conscious of the potential impact of my own ‘position in the universe of cultural production’ (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992: 69). In doing so, I have not accepted the work of others unreservedly and have endeavoured to avoid forcing facts to ‘fit pre-existing theories’ (Holt, 2013: 15-16). More reflexively, it is essential to consider my own ability as a researcher (Jones 2015). The reality is that before undertaking this research I had limited experience of conducting interviews. To counter this and in accordance with suggested best practice in research (Neil & Mellalieu, 2014), I kept a reflexive log throughout the data collection process and beyond and have stated my own autobiographical position at the outset of this research and reflected on it throughout. Thus, I was able, not only to increase the ‘trustworthiness’ (p245) of the data, but to carry out an ‘ongoing examination of what I know and how I know it … [by reflecting] upon the ways in which the data had been shaped by the research process itself’ (p245-6) that proved valuable during the process of data analysis. Ultimately, I hope that this work is recognizable as a coherent, cogent thesis which makes a meaningful contribution to knowledge.

7.3.8 On judgement criteria and representation In Chapter IV (Methodology and Methods) we considered how the quality of this research might be judged and in conclusion we return to consider the key issues of internal coherence, verisimilitude (along with the overlapping terms authenticity, credibility and trustworthiness), representativeness, reflexivity. As was argued in Chapter IV, the philosophical framework is enacted through an aligned methodology and methods that ‘each make sense in themselves and that go together’ (Carter, 2010: 146). This creates a level of internal coherence that itself acts as ‘a meaningful measure of quality’ (ibid) and adds to the credibility of this work (Titchen & Ajjawi, 2010). Similarly, the overall structure and content of this thesis ensures that it addresses 220 the key features Grbich (2010) identifies as characteristics of quality in qualitative research (see 4.6).

As for representativeness, the instances of variation and disagreement in the data, that is to say ‘diversity of results’ present, are indicative of the representativeness of the data that is a feature of quality research (Grbich, 2010: 159). Chapters V (Empirical Illustration) and VI (Conceptual Consideration) were designed to present both the results themselves and a ‘more abstract form of analysis which situates … [these] results within the wider framework of the context’ (Grbich, 2010: 159). The use of participants’ voices, through the frequent inclusion of quotes to illustrate various points in the findings are intended to add authenticity, verisimilitude to the narrative of this research. Moreover, the inclusion of four of the transcripts (see Appendices H-K) offers the reader the opportunity to look beyond the quotes chosen for inclusion, allowing for a greater sense of my own influence in the process of data analysis and writing up, and the participants’ perspective than is permitted by the constraints of word limit in the main body of the thesis. Elsewhere, the documentation of the methods employed in data collection and analysis are intended to add credibility by demonstrating how the paradigm stance has been enacted. Finally, the matter of reflexivity on the doubly interpretative process of creating this piece of written research, that is to I, as the researcher, and the participants have impacted on the research process has been addressed under the various headings of which this section is comprised.

7.4 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH

Mangan (1981/2008: 4-5) notes that ‘No methodological approach possesses all the advantages or escapes all the shortcomings’ and this research, like any other, is necessarily limited in scope. Likewise, it is not intended to be the ‘final word’ on PE and sport in independent schools, for, as Maguire (in Dunning & Sheard, 2005: xii) puts it, ‘from an Eliasian perspective, the final word is never produced’. In terms of further, future research, there are several interesting avenues of research which would complement the issues explored here.

The focus here on elite performers and staff involved in PE and sport in independent schools precludes several other alternative voices. What might we have learned from listening to pupils who are not elite sports performers; what of the frustrated or injured sportsperson, the reluctant participant, or the pupil focussed on music or drama, for example? As Ingham (2004: 12) puts

221 it, ‘in any institution, some people feel empowered while others feel disempowered’. Similarly, a comparative study of state schools might provide greater insight into what a model of support for young athlete development might look like in the state sector and beyond.

Initial concerns about gaining access to schools for data collection led me to consider the possibility of interviewing university students who had been educated in independent schools. This retrospective view might provide a different perspective to that offered by current pupils and staff. A parental perspective might similarly shed further light on the matter. Whilst research exists on parental choice in education (e.g. Ball et al., 1996; Raveaud & van Zantenet al., 2006;) the question of how they view PE and sport in independent schools, and to what extent it influences their choice of school and their experiences of it, remains unasked. Similarly, the views of those staffing national age group or academy teams, for example, might provide greater insight into the wider sporting figuration. In addition to seeking out supplementary sites of data collection, several key sociological issues emerge from the research which are deserving of further investigation. In particular the foregrounding of class has neglected questions of gender and ethnicity and further exploration of these matters would provide a more rounded view of PE and sport in independent schools.

7.5 CONCLUSION

Van Krieken (1998: 173) argues that, ‘as a sensitizing set of concepts … Elias’s sociology has a very rich potential for the stimulation of empirical social scientific research’, with ‘great promise of generating powerful lines of inquiry, explanation and debate’ (p171). In this thesis a figurational perspective has highlighted the historical process in which sporting privilege is not an unintended outcome of ‘the dynamics of status competition’ (Dunning, et al., 2004: 196), but an intentionally sought source of distinction for schools wedded to and driven by marketable notions of success. The distinctive value of sport in establishing and maintaining a relational difference that justifies parental investment has been a central feature of the independent sector for over two hundred years and, in this sense, sport is no different from academic achievement, or other forms of cultural capital associated with schooling. PE and sport are not only reflective of a much bigger picture of educational advantage and disadvantage but also involved its reproduction. To conclude, I outline the evidence that the aim of this research has been fulfilled.

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Firstly, in terms of considering some of the key aspects involved in the support and development of talented young athletes in the schools studied here, this research has revealed evidence, at the most successful schools, of what van Bottenburg (2000: 24) calls an ‘elite sports climate’60. More critically however, the data reveals the importance of the wider sporting figuration in the development of young athletes and, in concluding, I wish to draw attention to the empirical finding that rather than referring these schools as ‘developing’ international athletes, it is more accurate to describe them as ‘supporting the development’ of what in many cases are already very promising young athletes who are attracted to and recruited by such schools.

Secondly, with regards to the impact of a focus on high performance sport on … elite performers experiences of their independent school, it is evident that there is the potential for sporting commitments to impact significantly on pupils, both academic and pastorally. What is also clear is that a number of measures are in place in schools to mitigate against this. The place of PE and sport continues to be ‘contested by the ‘intellectual’ pursuits imposed by the demands of intensified social competition’ (Bourdieu, 1978: 832) and the evidence here suggests that this is increasingly so, even in three of the most successful sporting schools in the country.

Thirdly, on the matter of the potential impact of a focus on high performance sport on the future of the physical education profession within the independent sector, the evidence from Colbeck, and to a lesser extent Cambourne and Gregham, suggests that the ongoing provision of practical PE ought not to be taken for granted. Whilst we are witnessing increasingly professionalised sport in schools, this, alongside a continually growing academic emphasis, is potentially at the expense of practical PE. The result, as Bourdieu (1988: 159-160) writes, is that ‘a field of specialists in the production of sporting goods and services … is progressively constituted’.

As schools and such ‘specialists’ build an ever-greater understanding of how to support the development of talented young athletes in a school environment, we perhaps ought to expect to see a greater divide in terms of sporting advantage. For those with the means, the findings suggest an increasingly professional approach, for others, it is hoped the sharing of such

60 Van Bottenburg (2000: 24) defines an ‘elite sports climate’ as ‘the social and organisational environment that provides the circumstances in which athletes can develop into elite sports athletes and can continue to achieve at the highest levels’. 223 knowledge and resources will ensure that more talented young athletes have the support needed to progress, whatever their circumstances. Dillon and Read argue (2004: 30) that it is ‘the use of research ‘evidence’ that is or is not transformative, not the research itself’, and perhaps the greatest hope rests in the independent and state sectors working together, along with NGBs, clubs and academies to provide a form of physical, sporting education which ensures a greater level of equitable access, both in terms of mass participation and support for the development of talented young athletes, regardless of their background. Moreover, the distinctive potential of staffing and the value accorded, in all six schools, to the practice of diversification is apparent, if not without exception. Equally evident is the privileging of physical ability and an increasingly diverse range of physical activities that offers pupils alternatives to the more traditional team games and reflects wider trends in participation.

Through exploring a sociological perspective on PE and sport in independent schools, this thesis has demonstrated that ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ is an oversimplified portrayal of sporting advantage as being solely dependent upon social class. Whilst I am in agreement with Evans and Bairner (2013), that class still matters, the resultant findings and discussion have led to a more nuanced understanding of PE and sport in independent schools. Elias contends that tension between social classes is inadequately described by a focus on ‘economic chances’ (1978: 142), and whilst recognising the importance of social class and the associated economic capital, this thesis argues that this provides a reductive and incomplete account. Savage’s (2015: 247) contention that, ‘just as with universities we should also distinguish the most elite private schools from the rest' can evidently be extended to sport in independent schools. The over representation of independently educated athletes in Team GB, and elite sport more broadly, is not about the independent sector or class per se but about the actions of a small number of schools particularly focussed on supporting the development of talented young athletes.

In closing, I hope to have made a small contribution to what Elias (1978: 23) refers to as the ‘long-term development of knowledge and thought’; to have made at least a ‘step in the right direction’ (p150). Rather than making claim to absolute truth, as such, I hope to have presented a more reality congruent account of PE and sport in independent schools today. If it can act as a starting point of sorts, then perhaps in the future ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ may come to be seen, like the controversies Evans (2013: 79) describes, as ‘like forest fires, moments of renewal, their smoke alerting the attention of wider publics to the importance, or 224 irrelevancy, of the subject matter of PE’ and sport in schools. If so, I hope that this thesis will have served as what Bourdieu (1988: 156) refers to as a ‘provisional outline, [which] imperfect as it may be, needs to be filled’. Collins and Buller describe ‘social background being as much a factor in determining the chances of success as ability, aptitude, and precocious talent’ (2003: 421), and it is my hope that, in drawing these conclusions, this thesis contributes (however slightly) towards redressing this imbalance. It is not only a contribution to what we know about how a particular version of ‘success’ is achieved, but also to what we know about class and reproduction, opportunity and equity, and about the purpose of PE and sport in independent schools. In doing so, it is my intention to add something of value to a field ‘under-researched almost to the point of invisibility’ (Harvey, 2015: 1), contributing, as Elias puts it, to ‘the island of secured knowledge which we build for ourselves in the ocean of our ignorance’ (1978: 104).

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APPENDIX A: PLAYING FOR YOUR COUNTRY

The following table is adapted from the Physical Education and Sports in Independent Schools website (Tozer, 2012). This shortlist includes schools with seven or more former pupils who played for their country at senior level between 2000 and 2013.

School Number of Internationals Millfield 54 Plymouth & Oxford High 26 Dulwich & Millfield 22 Gresham's 21 Wellington College 18 Repton 18 Uppingham 17 St Catherine's, Twickenham 17 Kelly & Millfield 17 Kingston Grammar 15 Eton 15 Lady Eleanor Holles 14 Berkhamsted Girls' 12 Whitgift 11 Trinity 11 Colston's 11 Brentwood & Millfield 11 Worksop 10 Merchiston Castle 10 Llandovery 10 Brighton 10 Bedford High & The Perse Girls 10 Bolton Boys' 9 Oakham 8 Caterham 8 Wycombe Abbey 7

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St Paul's 7 Royal Grammar, Newcastle 7 Harrow 7 Epsom 7 Barnard Castle 7

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APPENDIX B: COVER LETTER TO POTENTIAL CASE STUDY SCHOOLS

Dear [Headteacher] ……., I am a doctoral research student at Loughborough University with an interest in physical education and sport in independent schools and write to enquire about the possibility of carrying out some research, in the form of interviews, at ____ School. Conceived in response to ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ - that independent schools were significantly over-represented in the British Olympic team at London 2012 - the study is an appreciative exploration of the culture and environment of schools who consistently support the development of their pupils into international athletes. I am also keen to consider the impact of a focus on high performance sport on pupils’ experiences of school more broadly, and on the future of sport and PE in the independent sector.

Given that my research is undertaken on a part-time basis, alongside my role as a Housemaster and teacher of PE at _____ School, I am committed to ensuring that any arrangement is as practicable as possible from a school perspective. The university ethics committee have approved the study and I would of course provide you with further details at an appropriate time.

If possible, I would hope at some point between now and the end of the school year, to spend a day at ____ carrying out the following:

- A tour of the school site - A focus group interview with a small number (2 - 4) of sixth form pupils who are involved in sport at an elite/international level (45 mins). - Interviews with the Director of Sport and Head of PE (2 x 30 - 45 mins). - An interview with yourself as the Head (30 - 45 mins).

Please do let me know if this is something you would be happy to agree to.

With best wishes, Adam Morton

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APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW GUIDE SHEET Case Study Interview Questions Head Teacher To provide some context for the interview, this research began in response to what the chairman of the British Olympic Association referred to as ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’ – that independent schools were significantly overrepresented in the British Olympic team at London 2012. Rather than seeing it as condemnation of government policy, of funding or of schools and physical education, I wanted to focus on the environment in those schools which consistently develop senior international sportsmen and women and to explore the experiences of pupils in these schools with the aim of discovering if these schools share a set of characteristics from which we might be able to draw a model of the talent development. Is the coaching, the facilities, the pupils themselves and their families and what impact does a focus on high performance sport have on pupils’ experiences of school more broadly, how do you manage pastoral concerns and balance academia with sport, and what does this all mean for the future of sport and PE in the independent sector.

1. In terms of ‘producing’ elite sports people, Independent schools are significantly more successful than state schools. Nevertheless, as with academic ‘success’ - if measured by exam results at least - there is a huge spectrum of success, in this regard, within in the independent sector. If, we consider success to be producing international sports people, for you, what determines whether a school is effective in achieving this? i. Is sport a priority in your school ii. Is this top down, driven by governors or parent/pupil body? iii. When parents come to you is sport often a part of it? iv. How do you measure success in a sporting context?

2. Your school has achieved significant and consistent success in producing senior international sports people. What do you put that down to? How is this success produced?

3. How then do you create a culture and environment where sporting success at an elite level is seen as a real possibility for pupils and that facilitates this development?

4. There is a school of thought which suggests that, much like numeracy and literacy, physical literacy is relatively well set by a young age as a result of early life experiences. Is there an 259

argument that a child’s family have an equally big role to play along with external clubs/academies etc. a. What role do a pupil’s family and other organisations/clubs academies etc. play b. How do you work with prep schools for example? c. How do you work with other organisations e.g. when tension arises between competing demands on a pupil?

5. The Chairman of PADSIS has described a ‘sporting arms race’ between schools. To what extent is that a fair or accurate description?

6. To what extent are sporting considerations taken into account when appointing staff and is extra-curricular development part of staff CPD?

7. From your perspective, are there any are potential, unintended, negative consequences of a focus on elite sport and how do you manage those? i. How do you ensure balance, academic of pupils/staff ii. Pastoral/welfare concerns?

8. At the 2015 HMC Annual Conference, the Chairman of PADSIS Neil Rollings discussed the future of sport in independent schools. He talked about “The days of compulsory team games are numbered, especially in sports with a significant degree of danger of injury such as rugby, football or hockey, (Rollings, HMC October 2015). How do you envisage the future for sport and PE in your school or the sector more generally?

Staff 1. In terms of successfully ‘producing’ elite sports people Independent schools are significantly more successful than the state sector but there is a huge spectrum of this success within in the independent sector. For you, what determines whether a school prioritises this as a measure of success? v. Is this top down, driven by governors or parent/pupil body? vi. When parents come to you is sport often a part of it? vii. Is sport a priority in your school viii. How do you measure success in a sporting context? Performance incentives?

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2. Your school has achieved significant and consistent success in producing senior international sports people. What do you put that down to? How is this success produced?

3. How then do you create a culture and environment where sporting success at an elite level is seen as a real possibility for pupils and that facilitates this development? a. The Chairman of PADSIS has described a sporting arms race between schools. Is that an accurate description or something you are conscious of?

4. What role do a pupils family and other organisations/clubs academies etc. play a. There is a school of thought which suggests that, much like numeracy and literacy, physical literacy is relatively well set by a young age as a result of early life experiences. Is there an argument that a child’s family have an equally big role to play along with external clubs/academies etc. b. How do you work with prep schools for example? c. How do you work with other organisations e.g. when tension arises between competing demands on a pupil?

5. To what extent are sporting considerations taken into account when appointing staff and is extra-curricular development part of staff CPD?

6. Where do you stand on sample or specialize? When do you do it?

7. What provision/support is available for your elite athletes? d. How do you support athletes medically prehab/recovery/injury/ additional coaching? e. How do you determine training volume?

8. Are there any are potential unintended consequences of focus on elite sport and how do you manage those? iii. How do you ensure balance, academic of pupils/staff iv. Pastoral/welfare concerns? v. What about pupils not at elite end of sporting spectrum

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9. Are sport/PE discrete or work together – what does that look like?

10. Recent comments from HMC about sport in independent schools “The days of compulsory team games are numbered, especially in sports with a significant degree of danger of injury such as rugby, football or hockey, (Neil Rollings, HMC October 2015). How do you envisage the future for sport and PE in your school or the sector more generally?

Pupil Focus Group Interviews 1. Your school has achieved significant and consistent success in producing senior international sports people. What do you put that down to? How is this success produced? a. What role did sport play in choosing your school? b. Is sport a priority in your school – how do you measure success in a sporting context?

2. What role did your family/others – club etc. play

3. What value you then do you feel the school added to you and how? a. What does the school do well to support you? b. What could the school do better to support you? c. What support athletes medically prehab/recovery/injury etc.?

4. What is your experience of being a sports scholar – top sports person in school?

5. How are pastoral concerns monitored? a. What conversations do you have about likelihood of elite success and alternative pathways? b. Do you feel the balance between sport and other aspects of school is right?

6. Is there ever tension between school other organisations about the use of your time? How is that resolved?

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APPENDIX E: DATA ANALYSIS

The screenshot shown here demonstrates how NVivo was used to analyse the data collected in the form of interview transcripts.

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APPENDIX F: PARTICIPANT INFORMATION SHEET What is this research about? This research forms part of my PhD research into sport and physical education in independent schools. I am interested in this area of study because of what has been described as ‘one of the worst statistics in British sport’. This comment refers to the number of British athletes at the London 2012 Olympics who were educated in independent schools where independent school pupils were five times as likely to won have medals as state school pupils. Whilst this trend is not limited to the 2012 Olympics and is evident in many sports and professions, it raises the question of how some independent schools consistently help to develop young athletes into elite sports performers. An appreciative inquiry is an approach to research which looks at the positive aspects of a phenomenon, in this instance seeking to be understand the sporting success of some independent schools. Why I have been chosen? You have been selected because of your own experience of elite sport. Your involvement is entirely voluntary and you will be asked to give your consent written prior to the interview. You have the right to withdraw from the process at any time, including after the interview when I will check that you are still happy for your comments to be used for the purposes of this research. What will you be asked to do? Your participation will involve an interview which will last for up to one hour and be audio recorded. Your participation will provide detailed personal insights into the nature of sport in independent schools and the influence of this on pupils’ sporting success at an elite level. The questions you will be asked will be along the following lines: ▪ How do you think an athlete’s social background influences their chances of success in sport? ▪ How does the school create a culture where sporting success at an elite level is seen as a possibility for pupils? ▪ What part does sport play in pupils and families choice of school ▪ What support is provided for elite athletes and how is sport balanced with other aspects of school life? ▪ What is the nature of the relationship between sport and PE in the school? ▪ Are there any potential, unintended consequences of this focus on elite sport?

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Thank you for considering to participate in this research and please do contact me if you have any further questions. With best wishes, Adam Morton Loughborough University [email protected]

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APPENDIX G: INFORMED CONSENT FORM

INFORMED CONSENT FORM (to be completed after Participant Information Sheet has been read) The purpose and details of this study have been explained to me. I understand that this study is designed to further sociological knowledge and that all procedures have been approved by the Yes  No  Loughborough University Ethics Approvals (Human Participants) Sub-Committee.

I have read and understood the information sheet and this consent Yes  No  form.

I have had an opportunity to ask questions about my participation. Yes  No 

I understand that I am under no obligation to take part in the study. Yes  No 

I understand that I have the right to withdraw from this study at any stage for any reason, and that I will not be required to explain my Yes  No  reasons for withdrawing.

I understand that all the information I provide will be treated in strict confidence and will be kept anonymous and confidential to the researchers unless (under the statutory obligations of the agencies Yes  No  which the researchers are working with), it is judged that confidentiality will have to be breached for the safety of the participant or others.

I agree to participate in this study. Yes  No 

Your name ______Your Signature ______Signature of investigator ______Date _____

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APPENDIX H: EXEMPLAR INTERVIEW TRANSCIPT (ACTING HEAD - NORTHCOTE)

Adam Morton (AM) | Acting Head Northcote (AHN)

AM: If we consider success to be producing international sports people, for you, what determines whether a school is effective in achieving this? AHN: Traditionally sport is the life blood of schools such as this and there is a very important practical dimension to that if you are a boarding school and you have got 650 teenagers for weeks on end you have to you have things for them to do and sport is something which they love and so it has always and will always be a huge part of the community like this. So that's one practical point. One could get more philosophical and talk about the importance of physical health alongside mental health and all of that sort of thing. A better question though is why are our pupils successful. It's partly facilities, we are very fortunate in that regard as schools of this type often are. It's partly time it's the shape of our week. So we have pupils here seven days a week we teach six days a week that means that we can have the half days so sport is not an after-school activity it is a school activity you know you do it from 2 o'clock onwards. So the space within the week and the shape of the week that we have the flexibility to have makes a big difference. The confidence of the pupils makes a big difference they are people who are you know they are from very fortunate circumstances, by and large, not universally so but they are people who look for the opportunities in life because they are used to seeing opportunities and so they expect them to be there. They look for them and they take them. So it's partly their outlook, it's partly the culture of the school because it doesn’t matter here whether you are an England hockey player or you’re pretty lousy at Badminton but that's your option you, do something everybody does something, everybody expects to do something and there is therefore a very positive culture around sport. I think it really helps in schools where sport isn't just delivered by PE specialists. I think they see it as something very normal because the vast majority of staff are actively involved in it and you know some of us aren't natural athletes and we are not necessarily very much good but it's it's the normal thing. You go to lessons, you eat meals, you play sport and we are all in it together so I think that helps as well. Parental support of course makes a huge difference. It's fine to be talented but if you are going

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to belong to a hockey club, or be in a football academy, or a cricket academy you actually need practical backup don't you and that can be provided from two directions. We provide some but really even with our borders we are pretty dependent on parental assistance to ferry them to and fro. So you have got to have parents with the time and the money… AM: And the inclination… AH: And the inclination yeah. Yeah, I think lots do have the inclination, but they don't always have the resources. So that makes a big difference as well. AM: What about the sporting ability of pupil intake, does that make a difference? AHN: Yeah, absolutely it's sort of self-fulfilling isn't it really. I mean people come to us because we have a reputation for sport. At the moment our hockey is in particularly good nick and you are seeing a number of our hockey players later on. So you get a reputation for it, people come and look at you, the good ones will want to come, we want them to come you know, you go on being good at hockey. So it self-perpetuates. We do actively recruit for sport you know that's true. Our publicity is full of pictures of people doing sport as well as other activities and we are obviously careful, as all schools are, to give a breadth in our advertising but we'd be fools not to have plenty of pictures of cricket and football and hockey and the swimming pool going on in our prospectuses and everything else. So it's big on the websites, its big in the news stories, its big in the literature and we're recruiting from schools because we are a traditional public school 13 to 18, although the prep school market is changing but sport is still very important to them. So it is sort of a natural follow-on really. AM: Is that a factor when you recruit staff as well? AHN: It's not the driver of the appointment, we are in the appointment season at the moment aren't we just coming to the end. So the first half of my interviews are about what they can deliver academically and that is, that will be the turning point for the appointment. But then I do go straight on to what they can offer in extracurricular. Not everybody has to offer sport, everybody has to offer something. Some people come as sports specialists but we do also look for people who can just take teams and I tend to categorise candidates and some would be capable of taking an A team. If somebody is coming to take a first-team then they'd be something pretty special and they probably be coming specifically for that reason but there are lots of people who come and I say to them it's the hockey term we need someone to take the under 14Cs, its the netball team we run E teams and sometimes F teams you know, we need a lot of people. So not 268

everybody who comes is a specialist at all. Now I came to the school far too long ago, 24 years ago, and I had no specialism whatsoever but I knew that it was my job to take teams and so I did it and I learned to umpire netball rather badly. But I did my bit so it's that thing that I was saying earlier about it just being in the culture of the institution. It is normal it is what everybody does. You don't have to be, I mean obviously our elite sportsmen and women, I mean the young people that you are studying, they are special but it's something that everybody does here. AM: You also talked about having a broader picture. I suppose one of the things if you are really focusing on this elite sport is that there might be some unintended consequences of that. Do you see that and, if so, how do you manage those or mitigate against them? AHN: You mean if we take somebody in, for whom sport is absolutely their thing and knock- on effects on other aspects of their lives. We have some very, very fine sports players here. We are not a sports academy so we take in individuals and the nature of a school like this is that we can look after people on an individual basis. So we aim to facilitate their ambitions but nobody comes here and does one A-level and spends the rest of the time playing sport. They come to be normal members of the school. What we might do though is tailor their program so our top hockey players, quite possibly will be playing over at ___ hockey club in ___ and they'll have to go and train once a week in the evening and we would allow them to do that. Mostly their parents take them but you know if necessary we could facilitate that with other parental lifts. Sometimes they need weekends off to go to England hockey camps and of course that's absolutely fine. This is where the depth becomes important though because our first 11, what is badged as our first 11 won't always see our first 11 because sometimes if we had the hockey club finals, national finals recently and you know six of the first 11 are missing but you need depth in the club. So actually what the other teams are doing is just as important as what the firsts are doing. This culture of sport and enjoyment of sport and aspiration in sport means that on those occasions we can put out a first 11 that can still trash the opposition… AM: Be successful… AHN: Yes, that's a much better phrase than trash the opposition. AM: In my experience at school, my job at the moment is a housemaster, it's difficult you know when you have those competing demands between ___ saying we want ___ for cricket, or ___ saying we want ___ for rugby and the school saying actually you’re on a scholarship and we want you to play for the… how do you manage that? 269

AHN: We manage it pretty well most of the time. That said, I did have, we had a pretty tricky one earlier this term which we weren't quite able to bring about a solution that all the parties were happy with but by and large we manage that pretty well. If someone is here on a scholarship that obviously gives the school a stronger hand and parents are very appreciative of the opportunities not just the sporting opportunities but the parents who come to us want their children to have a really good education as well. If they wanted them just to get their exams and do their sport they wouldn't bring them here. We are too inconvenient a school, we are too expensive a school. They come to us because they want the education, they want the sport and they want the whole person as well. So you know we are very fortunate I think in our, in the families that come to us and the approach that they bring. Just occasionally we can have a clash. So I had a clash which was between the hockey club nationals and school regional netball and if the school was going to progress to the nationals in netball, then we needed some particular people to play and so we said and it's actually quite rare for us to do this, but we said on that occasion we wanted the girls to play for the school. Understanding that that probably wouldn't have been their choice. Most were supportive, we had one particular family who were very disappointed in that. Most of the girls played at ___. ___, like ___ is a place that has real depth. So actually the ___ club could cope without them, that's the reality. I mean they only had to miss one match and they could manage with that. There was a girl who played for a different club where actually she was the kingpin, the Queenpin, and so that had a real effect on that team. In the end they played their netball and the conditions were dreadful and so they abandoned the tournament early and the pupils left. So actually she missed one match for her club, as did the others and then they joined in thereafter and that was quite tricky. I mean mostly we manage to work this pretty well with the parents because they are very supportive cast. AM: I know we have talked slightly about the academic side but pastorally, more broadly how do you oversee these pupils? AHN: We are a really strongly house based school. So in all issues, in sport and in anything else, it is the housemaster or mistress who has the overview and our elite sports men and women really need that kind of personal handling. So it would be a partnership between the housemaster and mistress, the director of sport ___ plays a key role of course, as will the head of their particular sport. I think you are seeing ___ later, after break and you are meeting ___ who’s a housemaster but he is also master in charge of football and we have got a lot of links we have had links with football academies we 270

have a lot of links with ISFA so that, that's not quite the Olympic thing but I thought that might be an interesting conversation to have. So housemaster key, really key for us at this end. ___ [DoS] very important, head of the sport very important because they have the contacts, ___ has the contact with the football clubs, ___ has the contact with the hockey clubs and then the parents and it has to be all three parties really working together. Because it's hard work for the pupils and they need careful monitoring and you can be very, you can be pushed really, really hard at that level. We did have a girl a few years ago who was a brilliant hockey player and was in the England and the GB setup and she's not playing much now. She's certainly not playing at that level because I think in her case there probably was a little bit of burnout. Yeah, we had a sort of particular crisis when she wanted, she was leaving school and she wanted to go to the leavers ball but actually, I don't know if it was England or GB but one of the teams needed her to be on a plane to Australia for a tournament and that was very, really hard for her. Yes, so we can't forget the personal cost. I think what we are able to do in an institution like this is, we get to know the pupils really well, we get to know the families, their parents are really involved. We can actually give them that individual care that's not prospectus talk, that really is how it works and that's what it takes to make it work. AM: The children that I have spoken to before, that's what they really value, it really means a lot to them, they say some of my teachers really understand what I'm going through and are flexible and supportive. I think they really appreciate that. AHN: I think it gets easier as they get older, I think partly because of their maturity but also because of the nature of their academic and extracurricular timetable which, it starts focusing down on the things they are interested in so if they are in the upper sixth and they are doing three subjects and one of those is PE A-level, because PE is a big curriculum subject here, and the other two subjects are ones that they enjoy and they are willing to put in the extra hours and get the work done, then it can work really well. I think the ones that I am most concerned about pastorally would be the one younger ones for us the 13 fourteen-year-olds because a lot happens on Sundays for them and they are still growing. Both the boys and the girls but especially probably the boys who clearly in change enormously in their time with us and I think it's really hard if you lose your one day off for high-level sport. That asks quite a lot. AM: Physically, as well as socially and everything else. How do you see it going, did you go to the recent HMC conference, where there’s a chap called Neil Rollings spoke… AHN: No, I wasn't there… 271

AM: … he was saying perhaps the days of Victorian team sports are over. What do you think the future for sport and physical education looks like in independent schools? AHN: I think it looks really rosy, I don't sort of recognise the comment that he made. I think that it will always be useful to us out on a practical level. While you have boarding schools and we keep our day pupils here until 9 o'clock at night, so I mean they are boarders who have beds elsewhere, that's the way I described them. So we've got a lot of young people, there is a lot of energy. Sport is just a really good way of developing all kinds of skills and keeping them busy, so it will always be important here. I think I can't see team sports dying. I think there has been a rise in terms of individual performance but you learn too much from being part of a team. The kind of values which are actually at the core of schools like ours, I think living and working with other people, looking after other people, being part of something bigger than just yourself. So it's a very natural marriage for us, with our values so I think it will always be important and I think parents will always want to see that in the school and those who have the resources will always want to buy into that. I think that it will vary from sport to sport, I suppose a lot of what I am saying is guided by our experiences particularly with hockey. Football is clearly a different world you know if you are going to be Wayne Rooney, actually you won't be in school beyond 16 and prior to that you will be spending most of your time at an academy. We have had, ___ will talk you through it but we have had lots of relationships with academies over the years. I think the heyday of those was probably a decade ago, they’re still there but I think it's quite a hard thing to pull off to keep the education going and to keep going in that particular world. Hockey is a middle-class sport and so it works rather more easily. It works very easily with individual sports, I think you are seeing ___ later who is a fencer. I mean we have had one or two fencers through the school and that works pretty well. You can do it with swimmers, we have had swimmers as well because it's individual training we have got a lovely pool there, we've got a very good coach, who works with ___, what's he called? the swimmer who ___ … he trains in our pool some of the time. You see that's the sort of thing, the inspiration of someone like that on the doorstep and then ___ takes a coaching session with our pupils having just taken a session with him. But you can do that with something like swimming because they can go in early in the morning, they can go in through the day, they can go in the evening so you can have a very tailored programme and you know we had a swimmer recently who was very, very strong. Her boarding house was 200 yards away from the swimming pool. Isn't that 272

wonderful because actually swimmers parents all over the country are getting up at 5 o'clock in the morning to drive them to local pools. I had a friend when I was at school, which I appreciate is a long time ago, who swam for Wales and that was what she did all through school and I remember being just aghast actually that anybody could do that but you know we can do it all on site and of course they see other people doing it. They see the really good musicians doing the same thing. So they think it's fairly normal they are proud of what they have achieved but they don't think that they’re extraordinary and that helps. AM: And that's, when you are saying about the culture… AHN: Recruitment for example, particularly with our recent success in hockey, I know how important that is to the school but there is probably quite a difference from sport to sport and it would be an interesting thing to say that comes out in your research. I think that [producing professional footballers in independent schools] that may change over the years to come, who knows with the world of football but it is different I think from the other sports that I have mentioned.

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APPENDIX I: EXEMPLAR INTERVIEW TRANSCIPT (DIRECTOR OF SPORT - LIFFIELD)

Adam Morton (AM) | Director of Sport (DoS)

AM: In your experience what is it that makes some of these independent schools so successful in producing or developing or supporting these young athletes? DOS: I think, like what we were talking about earlier on, it's, I think everybody's in agreement that the opportunity at independent schools is much greater. Whether it be because you've got more coaches, better facilities, just more opportunity for that. But the same as what I said to you about the other statistic about three, boys or girls in independent schools having three times as many opportunities to do extracurricular as state schools on average. I think that's just it. If you've got the opportunities there you’re going to have many more people who’ve got the opportunities to do it you’ll then see many more people coming through. The fact that they have that extra one-to-one, independent schools often have high-performance programs as well, which tend to give them a little kick. There is clearly a view attached to a lot of academies, particularly in rugby I think, that independent schools are better, and so when you turn up to trials at county level, or the academies are invited to come and see pupils, I think they probably do think if it's an independent school they might lean more towards that than a state school. That's not right but I think they just have this feeling, that's just what we've seen. We’ve had a lot more positive experiences, or more success with independent school pupils than we have with state school pupils so they might just keep looking in that direction. It’s a perception. AM: Do you get it the other way around, where it's a state school pupil at an Academy, where they say I'll tell you what you’d really benefit from going to ___? DOS: We've certainly had the academies come to us about boys. Yes, definitely and I think that goes on in quite a lot of schools and academies will definitely have conversations with schools, saying I’ve got this boy who will benefit from being there, can we get him into your school. There are schools that will actively encourage that behaviour as well. There hasn't been anybody that I can think of that has come in to ___ but I know it's not uncommon on the circuit and obviously you wouldn't see it the other way round. There is nobody that their Academy says a state school you’d be better off there. In football there is, I think there is, perhaps. We’ve certainly lost pupils in the past to

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football because they want the day release and when the FA has put the pressure on the clubs to have day release, if independent schools won't do it then the boys will even go to a sixth form college that does. So we've got one of the ___ [state] academies up the road that was linked to ___ for a number of years, it’s not right now, but it was and we lost two boys to the ___ Academy. Two of our best footballers and they’ve both gone on to play professional football now but left us at 16. AM: Do academies pay part of the fees? DOS: I think they, no I don’t think they do. There are rumours around schools like ___ where the ___ link with ___ for instance, I think there was some understanding amongst that but I'm pretty sure ___ won’t pay them any money to have them there. But what they can get is a good scholarship deal from the school. And I think because that relationship ties up there is probably a little bit of benefit in kind. You know they might send more coaches to ___ to help or players turn up for events or something like. There’s probably a little bit of a benefit from it but they won’t pay. I mean ___ has got a very good reputation, it's very expensive of course as well and there is an academic pressure there as well so you can't just send all your players there. But I think they cherry pick some schools to send their kids to because they know they’re gonna get a great education and they probably know the coaches as well which helps. There’s schools, like one attached to ___ as well, ___ College. So there's lots of schools around that are attached clubs for that reason but not necessarily independent schools, not always anyway. AM: So does, how much of the success of some of these pupils, is it the school themselves or do the schools just attract talented athletes? DOS: I think there’s a lot of that. There’s got to be a bit of both hasn't there really. You can get the talent in but then it has got to be fostered and developed over the years. I remember, and ___ will tell you a good story about going away and speaking to people at ___ because ___ suddenly went from nowhere to being one of the best rugby schools around now, still appearing in winning national finals and winning them now. And when he chatted to them about what had happened how they did that, none of them felt they had done anything specific to make it happen. They had a good rugby programme and they started to get some success and just sucked in all rugby players from around the area. They all deciding they wanted to come to ___ because there wasn't really any other schools around competing with them in such a large area. So I think if you build a reputation that says that you’re good at this particular sport you will get people coming along. We have had a little here with ___. We've got a group of girls coming next year 275

who all applied for scholarships here, they're all in the process, and we don't hand out many sixth form scholarships, if any, but they all wanted to come here because they knew about ___ and the ___ program that was going on. The schools that they are at at the moment don't do ___, they were doing ___ at ___ and they all decided en masse to try and come to ___ so that they could get more ___ out of their time while they were in school. So I think it shows that schools will build reputations and people are drawn to it. It always happens. AM: How do you get on nationally in ___? DoS: Well all the boys teams have made national finals this year, so the national finals will be six teams from all over the country, meeting in one place so all of them have made that ad the girls made the final this year as well which is pretty impressive because we’ve only got sixth form girls and were only together as a team for, they don’t do that much training but they manage to knock them in shape pretty quickly and get a good team out of it. They did well, they did very well. AM: As a director of sport how do you manage that tension between someone saying I’ve got the national finals of ___ this weekend but you want them for school water polo or you want them for school netball or school hockey or rugby. How do you find that balance? DOS: It's communication really. It’s trying to identify it all as early as possible. So our biggest clashes this year have been because we’re one term rugby yet we got to the national ____ of the ___ and that’s all during the hockey season and about six or seven about boys were first-team hockey players as well as the first team rugby so we had to try and balance that throughout this season and it was really difficult this year. Compared to we've had it previously at under 15 level but not at senior level and we’ve qualified for stuff after Christmas and never had that number of people crossing over. But when it comes to things outside of school I think the only thing we can really do is try and keep that communication open with the clubs and the organisations they’re with. We have all of our top sportsmen on a diary, they have to enter everything they’re doing and they have a mentor within the Department who they’re supposed to meet once a week to go through everything that’s coming up. Within school, where we can with the outside organisations and clubs, we have an understanding that if their mentor crosses something out in that diary an initials it that means that's not going to happen, there’s good reason for that not to happen and so the pupil never needs to go to, they will go to the other teacher or club coach outside and say look I've been asked, my mentor said 276

don't do this one and as long as everybody, as long we get by in from the clubs as well, this works particularly well with swimming at the moment, they will accept that that's, there’s a good reason behind it and therefore they’re not going to turn up for that session and we do that within school so they might get pulled out a hockey match for a swimming competition their mentor’s decided that and they've initialled it and so everybody accepts it, everybody in the school accepts that that's the way it is. And the whole point of that was to try and take the pressure off the pupils who were being told by a club that the need to be here on a Saturday and they’ve been told by the school that they need to be here on a Saturday. That clearly is very conducive to good, to the development of good sportsmen and women so we tried to set the system up. I meet with most Academy heads, education officers particularly, so when any of our pupils go into an Academy I’ll try and get them in here. Partly because then I can sit them in here and show them around and say, look, this is all the sport that is going on here, you have to understand that we are a very good sporting school and so he will be asked to do things for us, possibly whilst you're asking him to do stuff and this is what we need to try and work out between us. So, I think a lot of football academies particularly think that schoolboys don't really do a great deal of sport and therefore they can take up all their time and I want them in here to realise that they’re going to be involved in stuff at school, it’s part of their community and that whatever football club they’re at shouldn't penalise them for it. You know they sometimes, we used to get people come in saying, you know ___ or ___ have given them their report and the first thing it says on the report is that their attendance is low or they’ve not been attending every session. Well the reason is not attending every session is because they've got these other commitments as well. So as long as the clubs understand that and don't penalise them for that then their relationship blossoms. But, also, we have to caveat the ethos of putting the individual first with the idea that we've still got responsibilities on a Saturday to fulfil our block fixtures so while we aim to put the pupil first, we put all our pupils first. So sometimes, like telling a pupil that I’m afraid you've got to play this weekend, might not look like it's putting that pupil first but there’s 14 other people in that rugby team and so we’re putting them first. So that's the sort of negotiation we have to have a parent sometimes, they don't quite understand or see that. They just see their pupil, or their son. AM: Have you been to the PADSIS conference, Neil Rollings said something about the sporting arms race between schools, is that something you’re conscious of? 277

DOS: Yes I think that's not a bad description going back a few years now but I think most schools recognise that that's not the way that is good for anybody. There’s clearly some schools out there where the sporting success is about the glorification of that school and nothing else but there are other schools that look at it in a very different way and think about development of the pupils. I showed you the shirts on the wall earlier on and that was part of what we agreed when we were doing the high-performance programme. We were saying, okay we want to win national championship and things but we also want to make sure that our Ds, Es and Fs are getting good quality coaching and fixtures as well. And we decided to lean towards giving a bit more support for individuals and allowing them to go on to have success after they’ve left us and we decided that that was actually very good publicity for us anyway. So we might win a national championship at rugby but actually, probably having one or two players playing premiership or getting into the England squad is a better bit of publicity for us than that national championship so there’s a bit of, it was a benefit for us as well, we just thought that the individual approach was more suited to our philosophy and it was still very beneficial to us in the long term. AM: So you mention about the Ds and Es and Fs, as director of sport how involved in appointing new staff, a new geography teacher for example and how much say do you get in saying well actually they’re a really good netball coach, can you make sure you get those people on-board? DOS: Well there is actually a team of us that probably do that ___ is very good at that, whenever he would hear of somebody who he knew was a good coach and was looking for a job, he’d get them in to see the head and we still do that today. The other sports do that as well we try and get them in. Our previous head was very amenable to that and if he liked you he’d try and find a way of getting into the school and he could see what you could offer. ___ is slightly different to that. He will meet you but he, he is focused on the quality of the academic teaching and so probably lean slightly to more towards than ___ ever did. He’s still very, very supportive, don't get me wrong but what will happen right now is, we’re in the process of sorting out our coaching structure for next year. When we put the list together we’ll realise that there are gaps all over the place for different sports. So I'll then go back to ___ and say I'm missing five coaches, three for rugby, two from hockey. We’re still appointing some people in school for jobs now and so he will then within his questioning try and find people who fit that bill as well. And we, I always talk to him throughout the course of the year when I know jobs 278

are coming up and if I hear of somebody who is a good coach, who could offer something in another subject, I will still try and put him in touch with them and test the water first of all. So there's a little bit of cajoling and arm-twisting and stuff like that that goes on to try and get a few extra coaches in. AM: What is the expectation here in terms of staff? DOS: The expectation is that everybody does something. So our head of extracurricular will every year run through the list of staff and work out what they're all doing and if they're not, if he doesn't think they're contributing something properly to the school he will speak to them and try and get them involved in something. Which is probably how we ended up with the two staff doing fencing now. They might have been doing some things like debating society or something like that but he considered it not quite enough so he would have got them involved in that. But on the whole it's very good. I mean, ___ will now absolutely ask the question within the interviews, he didn't when he first started but he always asks the questions within interviews now about what you will offer in terms of extracurricular. That then gets followed up and he will tell me, or ___ his PA usually tells me and she will give me a list of pupils who have been appointed and what their sport or what they said they would do and then when they come in for their day just to see the school I arrange to see them with our head of extracurricular and just chat to them and say look I hear you said you'd like to a bit of rugby, brilliant this is what we’d like you to do is that okay? And then ___ the head of extracurricular will follow that up with a letter to them or an email to them just saying great to meet you, just to confirm that this is what we’re hoping you’re going to do and you’ve agreed to. And then when they arrive in September and there’s no way anybody can turn around and say that's not what I signed up to. Whenever I interview sports club staff or anybody else I always ask them specifically about Saturday's and if anybody comes back to me after that and says I’ve got these things on Saturday, I can go back to my interview notes and say look, hold on, when we appointed you, I specifically asked you about that and said you, you said you would be available every Saturday and that school sport will come first. I haven't had to do that very often but I will if I need to and I have had to do that with some support staff in the past. There's certainly cases of people turning up saying they can take a rugby team and them arriving for their first rugby coaching session and clearly not having a clue about it and saying I don’t really know what I'm doing and us having to then try and find them another place to go. But if that happens I will go back to the head and I’ll say look this is clearly not what he's capable of doing 279

and I’ll just give that information back to them they can do with it what they like, it’s not my position to decide whether they fulfilled their probation period but I'll be honest about it because obviously if there they're doing that they’re then taking the place of somebody who could have offered something else to our pupils and I wanna make sure our pupils are get the best experience they can. AM: For your high-performance kids, does that focus on sport have any impact, academically or pastorally? DOS: I think we’re pretty hot on the academic side of things. We do find, I think it's quite common that you can find some of your sportsman are at the bottom of the academic tree if you like or continuum come the time the results get handed out. School puts a lot of emphasis on effort grades, so if you’re getting C but your effort’s one then the school will generally be quite happy. But if you’re getting threes, fours for your effort grades then they’re unhappy. The person who's in charge of our high performance programme has it under their remit to keep an eye on those grades and any of our sportsman that look like they’re falling behind, he's supposed to mop up and try and find out what's going on and see if there's anything that we can do to support them a bit more. We've tried to build a relationship with the SEN department as well so that we can try and give some of those guys a little bit more support and the interest is there for us as well because we would like to see them back in sixth form but the point is to try and make sure that that individual has every opportunity to succeed on their own. So, academically I don't think they do suffer I think they tend to be pretty well organised and certainly when it comes to the ___ people, all of those guys, I don't they’d get to the position they are unless they’re well-organised and they can keep on top of it. We hear all the time of people who are unbelievable swimmers or athletes and yet they’re getting As across the board in their academics. Socially though I think they probably do suffer a bit because they don't get to do all the things that their friends are doing all the time and they choose to spend their lunchtime getting their work done rather than spending in the sixth form common room. I think there's probably a bit of a disconnect there. But they tend to, my experience is they tend to have a smaller, good group of friends who they're closer to. AM: What about rest? DOS: That's all part of the, so the mentor going through their diary has to have in mind rest periods and recovery periods as well. So they will clear days to give them a day off at least. We try to do it in an education way of teaching those pupils what they need to 280

look out for. We actually have a big problem with some pupils about nutrition because their growing and they’re doing all the sport and they’re falling asleep in class and they don't realise the problem is they’re just not eating enough. So these are all the sorts of things that our mentors try to keep an eye on and our head of ___ tries to keep an eye on. Within the ___ and the emerging program they will have seminars and stuff and that will come up in there but everybody within the sports department is aware that as well and we have a meeting once a week as a Department and if any issues have been spotted about certain pupils then that gets raised within that meeting as well so then everybody is aware. A good example of that was one of the hockey girls who is now in America. She was being really sleepy in class and a bit disruptive as a result of it. So that was brought up within our department, everybody knew and then there was a number of people who kept hounding her to make sure that she was eating and drinking probably and that helped to improve things a little bit. And I think it had some contribution to her getting a scholarship to America but they're the sorts of things that we do but it's a whole department approach, whilst having a person in charge of ___ and me in charge of the department, the whole department working together on it. AM: Sport and PE, how do the two things work together here? DOS: They can't be separated, I think your PE programme is very different. The games program, the extracurricular stuff is all about the competitive sport whereas the PE programme is about developing physical literacy. So everything that we do in the PE programme is supposed to help with what would happen in the sports programme. We try to give a wide range of activities they all tend to be activities that we don’t do as major sports really. More traditional stuff like gymnastics and swimming, personal survival, volleyball, basketball, you know all those sorts of things. A bit of outdoor education, athletics in the summer. All of them are about developing their movement skills. We recently had a, on inset day this year we actually sat down and talked again about how we were gonna improve that process. Our fourth form and fifth form programme is based around leadership rather than sports and activities so we decided that what we are looking at is the qualities of what we would like a sportsmen, and women, and see how we could develop that through our PE curriculum. So there’s no conflict between the two, definitely not it's complimentary. One of things that helps that is that independent schools often get coaches, they don’t get PE teachers, so you end up with a PE programme that doesn't run as PE programme, it's just an extension of the games program we have actively sought to go away from the and if we do get coaches 281

in, we quickly get them trained as PE teachers and we’ve made a conscious effort to employ more qualified PE teachers ahead of just coaches now so that our PE programme really does get looked after. So that's one way we’ve tried to do it and of course because of that, because they’re PE teachers and because I understand the programme, there is not the conflict. AM: The same guy, at PADSIS, a couple years ago he talked about the days of compulsory team games are numbered, especially in games with a degree of injury such as rugby. What do you think of the future for PE and sport in independent schools? DOS: He's right, there will come a day when a parent challenges their child's inclusion in rugby or another sport on medical grounds, on not wanting them to be involved because of the risk of concussion or something like that. I cannot see how any school can actually then force that child to do it. So we are only able to encourage, and we’ve talked about that, we know it's coming. There is going to be this point where we have to say I think the only thing you can do is just make it fun really. Sports meant to be fun. The more enjoyable you make it, the more people want to do it. I don’t know how it is going to end up I think perhaps what we might see is, within rugby for instance when we’re doing A,B,C D, E games, you might see a program that feels and might look the way the under 12 look a bit more. So you might have an A and A B team playing full contact rugby, a C and a D that are playing a semi-contact game and then and E team that are playing touch for instance. I think you might end up with that. So we would end up offering for those parents those kids who don’t want to do contact sport a non-contact version of rugby and try and play fixtures through that. We’ll try to keep our fixture blocks going for as long as possible but they're going to have to evolve over time. The RFU are definitely pushing the idea of having, they want coaches to arrive on the side of the pitch and then agree what the rules are. So I think it will fit within that, I think that it’s going to need to be organised a bit more in advance, you don't want to be turning up on the day and then trying to work it out but something along those lines. Traditional block fixtures for rugby I think are going to struggle a little bit over the coming years. AM: More generally, there’s an argument that as sport outside of school has become more professional, that sport inside independent schools in particular has subsequently more professional, what would be your view on that? DOS: I think you only have to look around the pupils nowadays within the schools and you can tell that they’re much more of an athlete. S and C clearly has become the big beast 282

of schoolboy sport nowadays. It definitely is much more professional whether that be the quality of the coaching, the time that is allocated to S and C. You can see it all over the place, video analysis how many times do the ___ first team do a video review, probably every week after a match. And one of the things we’re looking to do here in the next few years is looking to put in fixed cameras, so we don’t have to take the little cameras around the place and bring them out each time. We’ll have fixed cameras in so you can sit at the computer in the office to record. We’ve bought into HUDL online so the kids can see it at home. Video analysis is huge and that's just the next one. So S and C, video analysis there’s gonna be something else along the line, ___ asked me for GPS trackers it will just be another thing down the line and the next expense and the next thing that is going to make a difference. 4G pitches at the moment. In independent schools I think that they’re the new, how do you put it? Going back quite a few years the selling point for independent schools was their sports facilities and their sports hall and so parents would go around and go oh that's amazing I’ll go to that school that has got the amazing sports centre. Well at the moment that's 4G pitches. If you've got three or 4G pitch within your school then that's the latest. So it's a race to get those at the moment but they're expensive. It just adds another level I think. AM: Is that something you guys are looking at? DOS: We don't have the space really. We’ve looked at it but we just don't see how we could fit it in without losing a hockey pitch and even if we did it over there where the small pitch is it wouldn’t be a full-size pitch so what's the point. We’d love to but I just don’t see how it would work here. But you’re absolutely right, it is becoming, schoolboy sport is more professional and I hate part of that, I absolutely fundamentally disagree with it because I just think that schoolboy sport is schoolboy sport not professional sport and it should be done for the love of it and not for the glorification of the school really. Professional is one thing, like them as sportsman, athletes developing good habits, that's definitely a key part but I don't want it to take over, I want them to leave school deciding that they want to carry on with it, to not feel like they are done with that sport.

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APPENDIX J: EXEMPLAR INTERVIEW TRANSCIPT (HEAD OF PE - GREGHAM)

Adam Morton (AM) | Head of PE (HoPE)

AM: What do you put the success of a small handful of private schools down to? HoPE: Having worked in the state sector as well, its quite a good comparison but it's the time that independent schools can devote to games activities, so even in independent schools who are of a smaller size can compete sometimes with some of the team games against schools who have got greater numbers than them. And then the specialists, from an individual point of view and also from a team point of view, the coaching that they can bring in for individual sports one-on-one or with very small numbers and likewise from a team games point of view you can have two or three coaches with the squad of maybe 25, 30. Whereas in the state system you'd be working individually with the same amount of children. So different challenges but I think time is a massive aspect with regards to that. AM: What about the talent of the kids in terms of, how much is it about attracting talented children in the first place? HoPE: To a certain extent it’s a numbers game. There are big comprehensive schools out there who have got say three, four or five times as many students as we would have here and the other schools so percentagewise they should still have two or three times as many students of the same sort of ability that we would have here or other independent schools would have. Yeah attracting the right students is important because of scholarship systems. Of course, some students who would be in the state sector then get brought across into independent schools as well so they may have had that base in the first place or that background. But it's opportunities really, the pressures on curriculum, especially the national curriculum as well, is sort of eroding away at the time that students have got. I know that one of the frustrations from my point of view, having worked in a boys Grammar School was students being taken out of core PE lessons in year 11 to then focus on exams and catching up on work and likewise sometimes on their games afternoons as well. So it's that sort of the exam pressures elsewhere driving the focus of schools which has made it very difficult for students to excel. AM: ___ mentioned something about a change in Year 9 PE now you've gone to a carousel, could you tell me a bit more about that?

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HoPE: We have, in my first year, we had three periods a fortnight for Year 9 PE, now we've got one period plus games as well and then year 10s and year 11s have two periods a fortnight. On our part it has been very frustrating because even with that one lesson it's occasionally you end up missing the lesson because of other trips going on so its a massive difference. With our own students who join us from the prep school, the prep school have been on a carousel in sort of the last two or three years so some of the teaching that they've had has suffered from a PE perspective. I believe that's changed now but we've got the legacy of those students and then going forwards we've got, we’re trying to work with those students to essentially help them with fundamental movement skills. And one of the big things we brought in in my first year here. So we look at some baseline assessments and testing but looking at the core movements before we bring any sort of weight training involved. So movements which are involved in lots of different activities, at my last school it was a strength and conditioning coach who worked with ___ Rugby, the ___, snowboarding teams etc etc. so worked a lot on just getting basic movements in place allowing them to have the power base that they need or the flexibility for any sport they might be involved in because as students get older if not, with the old-style of, even with stretching and strength and conditioning, students weren't as flexible as they could be and their range of movement wasn't as good as it could be and it affected them and they ended up getting injured quite a lot so those sort of fundamental movements were what we try to bring into place. We managed to do that in my first year, last year, but it has been very difficult to do. AM: What was the rationale then? How was it presented to you as staff? HoPE: It was based on more English and maths time and I think that life skills was part of that as well. So we became part of a carousel with life skills. AM: What are life skills? HoPE: Along the PSHE route, so giving specific time for that away from the tutorial time. Its a bit frustrating but I think the knock-on effect for us has been not knowing the year nine students as well, especially when it comes to things like GCSE PE options. Looking at how practical marks are going this year with the new GCSE having to do an individual sport is really important. So literally the guys now will have five lessons maximum of athletics during the course of the summer which isn’t really enough even to go through each sport once that you would cover from a school perspective. Whereas quite a few of them who do GCSE PE that will be one of their practical activities going forwards so things like that it has affected massively. 285

AM: How do you find the relationship between PE and sport in the school? HoPE: I see them as working very, very closely together in lots of respects in that the fundamental movement skills was an example of how the two cross over. Particularly now with, again looking at the exam based sport but GCSE PE, particularly when they now do three sports. We both want excellence in sport in terms of their performance or the highest grades they possibly can achieve so there's a big crossover on that part, from a performance point of view. There's obviously one in terms of expectations as well but we work very closely together with the director of sport this year teaching GCSE and A-level again he is understood it more on his part as well what the demands are on our part and he supported it in my first year a lot but he supported it even more this year so as he’s got a year 11 GCSE group. AM: From a PE perspective perhaps what about the, maybe the majority of children, that aren't involved at the really top end, how might you describe their experience? HoPE: From a PE perspective we try to keep it as varied as possible. One of the things when I came in the Department were a little bit frustrated with the same curriculum for Year 9, 10 and 11 and the students were becoming frustrated and quite bored by it as well because they knew what activity they were doing in which term. So we’ve tried to vary at the top end for them. But we’ve also differentiated it to allow students who excel in certain sports to take part in those activities within, or working with people of the same ability, during the course of PE time. Also linking it in again with GCSE PE and practical and helping those and bolstering that with people of the same sort of ability level. But also varying the sports that they're taking part in so that they know by the age of 14, 15 whether they are a particular sportsperson in certain sports and whether they are an invasion games player, netball and giving them a chance to do something different. So things like Aussie Rules, bits of lacrosse just things we’ve bought in because the idea is to try and make sure that they want to take part in some sort of physical activity going forwards and they’re not completely turned off by it. So trying to give people at the lower end the best opportunity and obviously then stretching and challenging them all but especially at the top end as well. AM: The guy who runs PADSIS Neil Rollings has talked about the days of Victorian team games are numbered, especially rugby, what do you think the future might look like for PE and sport in independent schools? HoPE: Neil presented, I’m trying to think where I saw him, it was at a ___ PE group meeting last, last summer and mentioned about it and sort of the idea of shoehorning people into 286

get your H and J team or whatever it might be and have your 30 odd fixtures or whatever it might be. I think sport is changing, I think from an independent and its particularly based on independent schools, but from my point of view here with 30, 35% overseas students that has got a bearing because especially when students come into our ___ year and sixth form as well, which is the equivalent of the GCSE year and to prepare them for A levels and improve their English language. So they haven't got the background in rugby so it’s the changing face of our schools with senior rugby for example in that we lose certain students who have been here and the more traditionally British based students who would have a background in a sport like rugby some have left to go to the non-feepaying options and then you’re trying to create a first-team rugby with some overseas students who’ve got very little experience and they’re having to be fast tracked to play in due course and that's what's happened, continually happening here. So that's affected us here. In other schools, bigger independent schools it will have that effect down to the lower end teams. Basketball has developed here and improved here because that's a sport that the overseas students play and our basketball squad, one or two British-based people in the squad and the rest is like the United Nations. You want to give them experience of what some of the traditional sports would be in this country but you also have to take into account that their background might not be as suited to the students that we've got who start the first team tend to be students, and overseas students we’re referring to, to tend to be the ones who started in year nine. So they’ve been bought up through the system and as I say with the sixth form, the intake there, that's changed things. So I think we are trying to move with the times a little bit and I think we need to move with the times as much as we can and maybe support the traditional team games in terms of our recruitment process with scholarships etc. as well. That would help. AM: Are you proactive in recruiting good sportsmen and women? HoPE: We are to a certain extent and there's a difference between the level of some of the girls sports and the boys sports at the moment which there could be a variety of reasons behind that but absolutely the netball and the hockey have been very strong over the last few years. There are some good groups of girls coming through whereas we are struggled a little bit more with rugby and cricket. Again, possibly some international students and just the ability of some cohorts coming through. We are quite proactive, I think it's a financial thing with parents and it depends on how much you can offer and there are some competitors out there in the market within this county. ___ seem to be 287

spending a lot of money on sports scholarships and it's hard to compete with some of those schools and the opportunities that they can give based on that and then the level of the fixture lists. It’s a vicious circle isn’t it. AM: How do you sell yourself as a school, if someone is looking here or they’re looking at ___? HoPE: It's difficult, it's not my, even though I support it, it's not my direct remit and my role but collectively it's about the individual really and what’s going to suit them. So sometimes, the issue that we’ve had with rugby recently, or its been created. For the boys in the ___ rugby Academy, ___ Rugby club have now got four preferred partners when it comes to schools for sixth form provision; ___, ___ being another are the two independent school options, two sort of state options in terms of ___ and then also ___, ___ as being the state option as well. So you’re up against things like that in terms of competition and we've got two boys were part of that ___ rugby Academy who hopefully will stay into the sixth form because we’re trying to make it very clear that they get the opportunities here, in terms of strength and conditioning, in terms of the individual provision that we can give them. We can give them the appropriate rest time from our fixtures. We probably don't play quite as many fixtures as some of the other schools so that helps with the balance of academia and training et cetera. Also from an academic point of view, being a non-selective school, for some students we’re more suitable than some of the other schools around as well. So those are some of the avenues that we go down and I know that we've recruited another Academy boy going into the sixth form for September as well so the message is slowly getting out there but it just takes a little while and there is a lot of competition out there both feepaying and non- feepaying. AM: What do they do differently, how do you become a preferred partner? HoPE: I don't really know I think what they are trying to say is that they get better access to the players than they would do at other schools. ___ are kind of based at ___, so that's the easy one that part. ___ and ___ are both ___-based, so we’re a little bit further away being over in ___ and then ____ is on the ___ side of ___. So a little bit of location stuff. It's about the strength and conditioning coaches being able to go into those schools and deliver sessions with the Academy students. But here we’ve got ___, the former ___ international, who is employed to do strength and conditioning and work with the prep school and bits at the senior schools as well. ___ who runs our sports centre is a strength and conditioning coach as well, a former county cricketer. So we’ve got people 288

in place to do that. I think sometimes it's just where ___, as we are talking them, aren’t as aware of what else is out there. Because there also not giving any sort of credence to any of the grammar schools in the county which are very strong at rugby as well. So they are a little bit blinkered in their approach at the moment on that front. So that's one of the key things. Again, with other sports, netball, hockey, wise we tend to be able to recruit a little bit easier again with successful teams, so that helps. AM How do you manage that balance between competing for the school and doing all your extra stuff for a club and then also doing all that training for both, with academic or pastoral concerns? HoPE: We’re quite good on that because our fixture list, we probably don’t have as many fixtures as some other schools, that's probably beneficial from a student perspective, rest wise. It's a real range of students involved in different squads but I think we support them pretty well on that front, communicate well with staff so they understand their needs as well. It depends on the sport. The squash players have a massive workload in terms of their tournaments and their training et cetera. So they’re away quite a lot but again the communications good with staff in terms of sometimes then having some payback in giving up some games time occasionally to allow them to catch up with work and appropriate timing to take work away with them as well. So they’re the ones probably with our biggest workload I’d have thought. They are, they are very, very good that's one of the issues that they have, when you focus on a sport individually it makes it hard with, a few do GCSE and some of them really find it difficult to do the extra couple of sports, especially with the new practical options, which is wrong when you are so good at that sport. A level is not a problem because it's just one sport but when you're so good, where do you do the rest of it, especially when you have to do a team game as well. So that is a downside of focusing so early from a sporting perspective but then that's the way the world. And a lot of sports are pushing along that route. I think rugby to be fair to them, as a parent of a boy in that Academy, at the same age group as well who is at a different school – he’s at the school I was at before, a boys’ grammar school - and some of what ___ talk about is they are very supportive of other sports and playing other sports as well rather than just completely focusing on rugby. There’s a lot of research to show that injuries that occur from the same movement planes all the time, and specialising too early so they’re after the, and the RFU have had issues with it more recently, they’re after the martial arts person who has the tactical awareness of a footballer who then plays rugby as well, then you've got 289

quite a lot in that skill set of a rugby player. So they like the fact that people do lots of different sports and bring that back to rugby and only really in the last year at under 16 level has that really specialised and before that its been a lot broader for the last three or four years. So, yeah they've got their plus sides as well. AM: Neil Rollings also described a sporting arms race between schools. Is that something you recognise,? HoPE: There’s an awareness of it. In comparison to some of the other schools that you might be referring to, I know that before the company that he runs now he was a director of sport at ___ and ___ so they’re in a different bracket to us in terms of number of students and fixtures they play and resources but yeah he’s pretty much is right. Sometimes what is important on our part and I remember a course with ___ I went on many years ago but its about showcasing your facilities sometimes. Some of the best facilities that you have tend to be indoor facilities and he spoke about parents being shown around a school and we’re probably a little bit contradictory to the rule of thumb a little bit because our squash courts are being utilised by high-quality squash players but often what do you have inside? Your best players are on a field somewhere or Astroturf which they might not see and the lower end provision can often be by academic staff who might not have specialism in those sports and they’re being hidden away in a sports hall and squash courts which are your showcase facilities. As I say with the squash its different here but sometimes the lower end, the badminton players or whatever would fall into that bracket but I don't think we really fall into the arms race I don't think too much at our level, with our size I don’t think. AM: Is that an area for development in terms of your provision for the lower end? HoPE: Yeah, the lower end definitely. Maybe the poster over there about the top independent schools, if you link into the arms race a little bit but sometimes it is playing that game if you want to be up those league tables as well, if some of those badminton players could have more competitive opportunities then it would, for want of a better phrase, tick that box as well, but give them fantastic opportunities and give them a bit of motivation with what they can be doing sometimes. So yeah, there is room for… AM: So are they the people who aren't picked the first or second team netball or rugby, how does that work? HoPE: From a senior point of view yeah. Its more compulsive in year nine and 10 and into 11 to a certain extent but it tends to be more the senior students who haven't got the background in some of our more traditional sports who may well have joined us as I 290

mentioned before for the sixth form or in the development year. So they tend to be the people who are in those facilities but even getting, irrespective of league tables, even getting fixtures for students of that level… AM: Is that your history teacher who’s a badminton enthusiast? HoPE: In some cases they are, we've got a business teacher who is a badminton enthusiast and we’ve got other members of staff who are on games and that’s part and parcel of, they are duty-bound but yeah, that’s the sort of people who would staff it as well. I think that sort of thing we would have to drive the level of that, it would enthuse some of the students a little bit more as well. It's about giving them opportunity, its more than just filling their time. So I think there's probably a bit of scope there at that end.

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APPENDIX K: EXEMPLAR INTERVIEW TRANSCIPT (PUPILS - COLBECK)

Adam Morton (AM) | George (G) | Hannah (H) | Leo (L)

AM: The first question is what do you put it down to, what is it that ___ does that sees so many of its pupils go on to achieve sporting success? G: I think it's because the environment here almost is like a professional environment. I don't really notice much difference whether I’m bath or I’m here really. There’s not much difference at all. The emphasis on nutrition and everything you get. So there isn’t a massive step between leaving school and then going into professional rugby, I don’t think. AM: A similar experience for you guys? H: Yes I think sport is just like inherent in here in the community. It's normal to go off and hang out with your friends and then go to the gym or whatever with them instead of just like doing something else. Or like after school when everyone’s always got something, it’s weird if you don't have something on kind of thing. L: Teachers as well. They’ve, they’ve either been professional themselves so they kind of know what it takes and they are always pushing you to those high standards. So you’re just kind of brought up with the high standards. AM: How does it work with tennis? You train here and do your tournaments and things? L: So most of my training is here. We do occasionally go to Roehampton for national camps but I think here is pretty similar to the national camps so there's no real need to go there because it is basically the same here. I think that’s kind of the main thing. AM: Who sets all your programs and things is it ___? G: Well it is actually ___, so they set my programs and they sort of come in once or twice a week, the S & C guy there just to look and make sure everything is going all right but if it wasn't that way I’d be perfectly happy to have ___ set my programs. AM: And hockey? H: Yeah, I have ___ he just does it. But like back to the differences at the camps and stuff they're like oh this is such a step up from what you’re used to at school and stuff but I always think it's not really kind of thing. The environments not really, it might be for others but it's quite similar, a quite similar ethos to what we have here. AM: If you say ethos what does that mean, what does that look like?

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H: It’s like the just the mentality or whatever, the vibe is a better word around here. AM: How would you describe that, what does it look like? H: It’s like quite professional. G: Really professional. There's all the structures are in place for you to, and it's almost quite independent. Like if you don't want to take advantage of the structures then you don't have to. So it's quite like it, as in a professional environment that is how would be. That everything is there for you but you need to go do it. AM: And when you talk about structures, what kind the structures are in place for you? G: So obviously you've got like different heads of departments and in the different sports and stuff and different directors of sport and they’re obviously under ___ [DoS] who leads it all. H: And like you obviously have your team practices or individual practices but then there's also like team S & C sessions, but then there's also like personal ones. So it's like, the balance I think is really good between stuff you do as a team and then your like individual development. So, for instance, individual development we have during our study periods which obviously are different for everyone. You can go for our S & C program in the gym and then once a week at lunchtime or whenever we will have like a team spinning session. But then you can choose, so if you want to do the, you don't have to do the individual stuff but obviously if you want to improve then you take it. AM: Tennis, do they have similar structures? L: Yeah it is pretty much the same over all the sports I think. AM: Some of the other pupils that I’ve spoken to, one of the criticisms have been actually the thing that really gets me is the food at school, wow does the nutrition… L: I think the food here is really good. H: It’s unreal. L: It caters for what you need is a sportsman for sport. G: So you can have your five meals a day, you can eat as much as you want. L: There’s like bananas that you can take out and everything. G: There’s loads of different options there’s probably like three or four different main meals every lunch and salad bar and tuna, sweet potatoes. H: And like in the vending machines they've recently been changing some stuff from like fizzy drinks to like Yazoos and stuff so that is there if you really need it. The meals suffice and everything

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AM: I don't know ___ might have asked you this, he may well have said what can we do to what things can we do to improve? What things would you say if ___ asked you what things could we do to improve the pupil experience and help you develop more with hindsight. Are there any things that you say you could do this differently? L: I would probably say with work when you go away to just try and get a bit more with tutors that you can Skype when you're away because it's quite hard if you’re an athlete going away, work’s quite hard to keep on top of. They still do that pretty well but just a bit more. G: It's quite dependent on teachers as well. Some will understand if you've been away for a week at a camp that you're probably not going to get much work done. Whereas others will still expect you to do it. There is not much you can do about that really. It’s just the way teachers are, I guess they could have a bit more of an increased understanding of what we're doing… G: It’s not too bad you can get by quite easily as long as you go and speak to the teachers before and get work. AM: Again that’s something else that appears, how does it work then especially, I imagine you’re away more than these guys perhaps? L: So, I just go to my teachers and get the work but it's pretty hard if they are doing something new and you're not there. It's quite tough to try and do on your own. That's why I think there should be a bit more skyping tutors to do it with. AM: can you skype any of them? L: I think if they're fine with it, I think it'd be a good idea because then they can actually go through with you. AM: When you say tutor do you mean teacher? H: Yeah, or SKYPE the lesson, it's been done before where someone just opens facetime it's probably usually just a student - student thing and then the teacher just allows it. I remember like …… doing it in one of ___ lessons and he was just like hearing ___ like talk about this new topic. AM: What about your well-being, what is your experience of that holistic, pastoral care if you like? G: It sort of varies between sports. I think some sports put more emphasis on it than others. Obviously we get a lot of nutritional stuff and advice and then we’re an anti-doping school. AM: Is everyone involved in that, how does that work? 294

G: I think it’s ___ the physio he sort of leads, heads it up, the anti-doping stuff. I guess it's mainly education to coaches to then feedback to us. Obviously being involved in the external set up you get that stuff anyway but I can understand for people who haven't been involved in the external stuff that it's really useful. H: Towards the end of like the hockey season we had to start filling in these like wellbeing raters and there’s like subsections for like behavioural control 1 to 10, 10 been like how do feel like its going this week. Things like body image, food management, stress, workload and that was really good and we gave it to the sports psychologist here. Which is interesting and I think the coach found it really interesting because loads of us put it like really low, sort of like body image I think and it was like a surprise and he said we can change that. L: I've got one for school which I fill in every day. It’s on my phone which the coaches can look at which helps quite a lot because if it shows you're tired and they can adapt the programme to try and help that so that you still get the most out of it. AM: Is it just the tennis does it? H: We don’t have that on the phone but I’m sure that would be really like really good in season. AM: What’s it called? L: I'm not exactly sure there's a link I can put on my home screen and just tap it and it goes straight to it. AM: have you done something similar? H: Maybe it’s more, maybe it is harder to do as a team. G: They’ve trialled stuff before but the thing is that most people just don’t fill them in. It is hard to remember so I’ve got to fill in my RPEs every week from my sessions and I forget most the time. But yeah I think it would be useful if everyone bought into it. H: I can see it working better with individual sports because if the coaches has got a session planned for the team and if two people are like no, I’m too tired. AM: You talked about academic things in terms of how it impacts. We’ve a fairly selective group, what if we had someone else in here, what's their experience of school if you don't like sport? How might another pupil… L: There's a lot of opportunities to do things outside of just sport. There is a lot of activities that you can do. But I mean if you don't really like sport then is not much point of coming here. But there is still a lot here that we can do. There’s like cinemas on Sunday or things that we can go out and do. 295

G: I think that's the thing they’ve been trying to change recently is the image of ___ just being a sporting school and with the music department and stuff like that and the academics there's loads of guys here that I know who focus on academics wanna go to Oxford, Cambridge and there is provision for that but obviously the sport is a highlight and if you love it then is not really many better places to be. AM: What was your experience of PE like here, did you do academic, A-level PE, is there PE lessons how does PE work here? L: Well I did PE for GCSE. H: Yeah I did. G: And I still do now for A-level, there's no practical in a level basically, well virtually no practical we don’t do any practical in lessons. I find it really good and really enjoy but in terms of GCSE… L: There is a lot of practical. H: I found it a bit boring the GCSE, some of the theory basics. The biological stuff I found interesting, haemoglobin and all that, then I found the factors affecting sport influence quite boring but then I suppose that is the fundamentals kind of thing. AM: Did you have the opportunity, to play tennis or horse-riding or fencing these kind of things as well. L: I played cricket until year 11 at a pretty high, I played with you [G], for quite a few years so I think there's not, here there's more, they get you to try everything. G: They want you, it’s off-season for rugby now so I play cricket this term, I’ve done some athletics. I think that's important too. H: Some people come here with one sport and then leave with another other thing and I know so many people who’ve changed, or not changed but who have done both and then excelled at the other one. L: It's quite good because then you don't get bored of your sport. I'm not saying people who like at a state school would but I mean there’s not exactly a lot of opportunities for them to try lots of different things. So if they didn't like a sport then they’ll be like I don’t really like sport but if there’s more to try, then I think you get the chance to, of trying more. AM: How much of your, of where you are now was kind of laid down by your parents or prep school or primary school whatever it was? G: Well for me I lived abroad and didn’t play any sport and then I moved to prep school in year 5. So there’s definitely more influence from the school rather than my parents I 296

think. My dad did play rugby but that's not the reason why I play rugby. No I don't think that they put me under any pressure to play. H: So mine was just I played it because I just enjoyed sport in general. I wasn't just like, I didn't like try to be where I am now at the start kind of thing, it just happened because ___ is like the place it is. I wasn’t like one of those children who at the age of five I wanna do this and this. AM: Tennis, did you come as a tennis player? L: Yeah, I think tennis is quite early specialising but I mean it's because of my parents mainly they were really sporty so I tried a lot of things but then I just kind of enjoyed tennis so I just carried on that and then came to ___ because the LTA were trying to get me to go full-time at like 10 or something ridiculous like that. So my parents were like no, it's a bit stupid really so they sent me here to carry on my tennis and academics. AM: Do you know any people who you played tennis with a 10 who did go full-time? L: Yeah, they’re not doing anything, there's a few who’ve given up, quite a few of them got injured. Like spine, like broken back through just doing too much too early. I think the main thing was they just haven't got like friends as well, like the amount of friends I've got from here through loads of different sports is ridiculous really. I think that's the main thing with ___ as well, is you meet so many good people like you might be really good at tennis but there’s someone over there who is playing rugby for England. You just feel that it’s such a good environment to be in because everyone is pushing to be the best so it kind of pushes you as well to be good as well. I think that’s the biggest thing, the benefit here. G: You never sort of get too big for your boots and because obviously ___ he’s like as at the top so there's always people pushing you to look up. L: Outside of school people are a bit cocky because they're not used to. H: Yeah, the same people at different schools are like worshipped and rightly so were not because were normal which is really good. G: It’s a good thing I think. AM: And how much does that contribute to, I suppose the psychology but also just the level of training in rugby or in hockey or in tennis, playing with or having coaches who are operating at the level. G: Well it just sort of inspires you to train at that level as well, to train harder and to train more and H: They share their experiences.. 297

L: Their high standards, it come down to standards again just as like people generally. The standards they have here is to leave here as you are gonna be good at sport but you can be a good person as well. So it's kind of a life lesson and then not just sport which is really good. G: You see people you’ve played with go on do amazing things after school and it just of inspires youto try and do the same… L: and they always come back as well for like the ___ so they always give back. I’ve seen ___ come a few times. I think it's just that family feeling. That they help you so much you feel like part of a family, the ___ family. AM: How does here how does the house system work? Who has an overview of how much hockey you’re playing and how much of this, and how the work is going and all these different things? Who has a pastoral overview of you as an individual? H: It’s probably the group tutor. So you meet with him every morning, for registration type thing and there with the people in your house and your year group and they basically like coordinate your life. AM: What do they do? H: So just like, they know what sessions you’re doing each day… G: and help you with your personal statement and stuff like that. I guess with group tutors it’s more academics and pastoral sort of stuff but in terms of your training load it's probably with ___ he’s probably going to monitor it the most. All the coaches and support staff have really good relationships with each other so will talk and let people know. H: I always turn up to the sessions and they’re like your coach said he did this in training so will just do this today which is really good. L: It’s quite good communication between teachers and tennis coaches as well. Like I’ve turned up not doing my work and the tennis coach has said no you’re not playing. They sent me upstairs to do my work but I think that kind of is good because you have to get your work done. I see playing sport a bit of privilege, so I think they're definitely looking out for the academics as well, not just the sport. G: It happens quite a lot actually. H: It's quite good because then people are like now I actually wanna play. G: There's nothing worse than not being able to train because you’re fit and everything but they just won't let you. It's pretty awful so it does definitely make you do your work it

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gives you that discipline as well to do both so then when you leave here you go into a working life you've to be able to get stuff done to be able to… H: The balance. AM: Some pupils have talked about this and said my, ___ Academy want me to play on a Monday that's when our Academy league is. My school want me to play on Saturday but that's not great. What happens when there is a clash between what the school would like to do and externally, your club or an NGB program or something, how does that work? G: Well obviously like because the coaches here have been ex-professional they've got really good relationships with, like they know most of the people like your Academy coach and stuff like that. So they’ll normally have a discussion but I think it, in a way it comes down to who you want to play for as well. I know I've been injured all season but I would probably play for school over Academy purely because those were my team is and I play for them. Obviously next year I’ll play for their Academy because that's where I'll be. They have really good relationships here, if you do play an Academy on on a Wednesday and there is a match on Saturday for school, the school team will just let you rest and they’re not going to be annoyed or anything like that, they’ll just pick someone else. H: They know it's for like your personal development. Like our coaches are always like we’ll release you for club matches because we know that we don't need our strongest team out for example and because they know that it’ll benefit you personally if you then play for them. So they’re like the ladies and if we’re playing a team we’ve done well against in previous years they know they don't need the strongest team out so it’s quite good. You feel like you’re not just being made to play just because it's just morally yeah. G: That's, before I forget, the emphasis really isn’t on results at all it is all about performance… H: It’s on performance. ___ [DoS] is like I don't care about results just about performance. G: Because like the first team motto is ‘maximising an individual's potential within the team’. So it is all about developing as a person rather than winning games because at the end the day while it is nice to go unbeaten in a season it's can be more beneficial if as a person you can get better rather than win a trophy. H: Also as well that reflects on fixtures list so we don’t really play any local teams and we might go for like a week without a fixture where we could just play a normal team down 299

the road but would just be pointless it wouldn’t be useful, it wouldn’t make any sort of sense. AM: So where do you go? G: Yeah, I’ve been to ___ like three times in the last couple of years. It’s not the best journey but… H: ___ is probably the furthest. AM: Do you have many school tennis matches? L: No not really we only have one tournament which is like national schools but that's it really. AM: Is there anything I've missed do you think? What could state schools learn from… if we’re trying to give similar opportunities are there any things with low financial costs the state schools could take? G: Like obviously I think trying to get really enthusiastic people like the teachers and staff because it does make a massive difference if you've got somebody wants to be there and wants to see you get better. H: Especially a young age… G: It is so easy to do that. ___ the S & C guy he just wants people to get better and wants people to learn which is great. Rather than someone who is just kind of there because they’re getting paid then if just doesn't really benefit you at all. L: Also maybe the timing of doing your sport. If it’s done during the day like, after school you’re a bit, you just wanna go home. With me, I’m like done at six every day so I’ve done all my training during the day so and get back and do my work. But when I was at a state school, earlier, before ___, I was finishing training at like 10 o'clock at night. H: Yeah because obviously it’s like after school isn’t it. L: That doesn't really work for a kid trying to enjoy sport if you're doing it at 10 o'clock at night you don’t really have a social life as well but here you get everything done by six and then that’s your day done. G: I think trying to encourage variety as well. Obviously you can't build massive facilities and stuff like that but even if it's just like if you’re rugby player, playing a bit of football in the warmup is something, it just really does make, change training up is making a little bit more exciting or some team activities or something.

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