1

Ben-Gurion University of the Negev

Jacob Blaustein Institutes for Desert Research

Albert Katz International School for Desert Studies

Sustainable Agriculture in the Dead Sea Area: A Case Study of Agricultural Communities in Israel and Jordan

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of "Master of Arts”

By: Vered Balan

January, 2008

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Ben-Gurion University of the Negev

Jacob Blaustein Institutes for Desert Research Albert Katz International School for Desert Studies

Sustainable Agriculture in the Dead Sea Area: A Case Study of Agricultural Communities in Israel and Jordan

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of "Master of Arts”

By Vered Balan

Under the Supervision of Prof. Alon Tal

Department of Man in the Desert

Author's Signature …………….……………………… Date …………….

Approved by the Supervisor…………….………………… Date …………….

Approved by the Director of the School …………… Date ………

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Abstract

Sustainable Agriculture in the Dead Sea Area: A Case Study of Agricultural Communities in Israel and Jordan

Vered Balan

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of "Master of Arts”

Ben-Gurion University of the Negev

Jacob Blaustein Institutes for Desert Research Albert Katz International School for Desert Studies

Agriculture in the area of the Dead Sea has been practiced since ancient times. The following research Sustainable Agriculture in the Dead Sea Area: A Case Study of

Agricultural Communities in Israel and Jordan, examines the level of sustainability of current agriculture practice by the Dead Sea. Sustainability by its nature is a complex concept relating to issues of environment, economy, and society. In order to evaluate sustainability of agriculture the research examined these issues using a holistic approach.

As a tool for evaluation a set of criteria was developed and used. The criteria related to questions of water use and management, use of agro-chemicals, target markets for the products from the area and socio economics of farmers and farming communities. In addition the research examined sustainability in the neighboring farming community, across the political border, in Alsafi, Jordan. II

The importance of the study lays in the holistic approach understanding that sustainability cannot be measured from a single viewpoint of environmental or economic performance. Rather this research includes various aspects which were examined on a regional and national level. In addition the comparison between agriculture practice in Israel and Jordan shed light on the weaknesses and strengthes of agriculture practice in the area and enables cooperation between the communities by mutual learning.

In regards to water use and management in was found that the major part of attention by regional officials and water authorities lays on the development of additional water sources. Very little attention is paid towards protecting current water sources and examining or challenging current consumption patterns. Having said that, due to nature of the area which is characterized with chronic water scarcity and poor water quality, water use technologies are in common use in attempt to achieve efficiency in production. In Jordan on the other hand, policy is directed towards development of new sources and in addition protection of existing sources, even on the expanse of farmers' needs for water.

In regards to the use of agro-chemicals a very positive trend is seen. Due to consumer demand there is a clear process of reduction in the use of agro-chemicals and replacing them with Integrated Pest Management methods. A slower process shows an increase in practice of organic farming. These acts are results of market requirements coming from export markets in Europe and USA. This process is not seen in Jordan where due III to lack of awareness chemical use is based on costs and on availability of products and know-how.

The farming community in the Israeli side of the Dead Sea sustains itself economically due to the dependence on export. It is argued that although on a local level exporting products enabled economic sustainability for the farmers, on a global scale export of agricultural goods in very damaging to the environment, thus not sustainable.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to express my gratitude to the following people who assisted in this research:

First and far most Prof. Alon Tal for his patient guiding and remarkable support on this work, as well as years of teaching and offering inspiration on environmental work in general. Many thanks to David Lehrer and Dr. Clive Lipchin for accompanying me through the research work and for their assistance and support. Many thanks to Dr.

Julie Torttie for teaching me the 'secrets' of true social studying and opening a door to a new field of interest.

I would like to express my gratitude to the farmers and residents of the Dead Sea

Region, the Israel side as well as the Jordanian side, for hosting me repeatedly and sharing their knowledge and understanding. Additional thanks to all the interviewees in this research for their time and knowledge.

For their editing and moral support many many thanks to Alison Amster and Ranit

Kirshenbaum. Thanks to Zein Nsheiwat and Abd Elghani for assisting with access to data in Arabic.

Thanks for the staff and faculty of the Arava Institute for Environmental Studies,

Miriam Ben Yosef specifically, for believing in me and offering endless support and friendship.

Many thanks for Dorit Levin and the staff of Albert Kats International School for Desert

Studies for their assistance throughout my studies.

I would like to also thank all my colleagues from the Dead Sea Project for a fascinating experience and tremendous learning. It has been a joy ride.

Last but not least, thanks to my family and friends for their love and support. V

List of Contents

ABSTRACT...... I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... IV LIST OF CONTENTS...... V LISTS OF TABLES, FIGURES, AND PICTURES...... VII 1. INTRODUCTION...... 1 1.1 SUSTAINABLE AGRICULTURE ...... 1 1.1.1 Indicators for Sustainability...... 4 1.2 AGRICULTURE IN ISRAEL...... 7 1.3 THE DEAD SEA AREA ...... 11 1.3.1 The Saltiest Lake in the World ...... 11 1.3.2 Life at the Shore of the Dead Sea ...... 16 1.3.3 Population by the Dead Sea Area ...... 17 1.3.4 Dead Sea Works ...... 20 1.3.5 Sinkholes ...... 23 2. PROCEDURE ...... 27 2.1 RESEARCH SUBJECT ...... 27 2.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 28 2.3 THE STUDY AREA...... 29 2.4 METHODOLOGY...... 30 2.4.1. Criteria for Sustainable Agriculture in the Dead Sea Region ...... 30 2.4.2 Research Work ...... 32 2.4.3 About Semi-structured Interviews...... 36 2.4.4 About Focus Group Meetings...... 37 3. AGRICULTURE IN THE STUDY AREA ...... 39 3.1 LOCAL CHARACTERISTICS...... 40 3.2 AGRICULTURALLY-RELATED INSTITUTIONS...... 45 3.2.1 Government ...... 46 3.2.2 Municipalities ...... 51 3.2.3 Private Sector...... 53 3.2.4 Other...... 54 4. WATER USE AND MANAGEMENT ...... 56 4.1 WATER FOR AGRICULTURE – NATIONAL SCALE ...... 58 4.2 WATER FOR AGRICULTURE – DEAD SEA REGION...... 64 5. USE OF AGRO-CHEMICAL...... 88 5.1 USE OF AGRO-CHEMICALS – NATIONAL SCALE ...... 91 5.2 USE OF AGRO-CHEMICALS – DEAD SEA REGION...... 98 6. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL SECURITY ...... 106 6.1 SOCIO-ECONOMIC SUSTAINABILITY OF AGRICULTURE – NATIONAL SCALE...... 108 6.1.1 Target Markets for Agriculture Products...... 108 6.1.2 Socio–Economic of Farmers and Farming Community ...... 112 6.2 THE DEAD SEA AREA ...... 117 6.2.1 Target Markets for Agriculture Products...... 117 6.2.2 Socio–Economic of Farmers and Farming Community ...... 121 7. THE JORDANIAN SIDE...... 131 7.1 AGRICULTURE IN JORDAN ...... 135 7.2 AGRICULTURE BY THE DEAD SEA...... 140 7.2.1 Water Use and Management...... 143 7.2.2 Use of Agro-Chemicals ...... 149 VI

7.2.3 Market and social and economics...... 154 8. CONCLUSIONS ...... 161 8.1 AGRICULTURE IN THE DEAD SEA AREA...... 162 8.1.1 Water ...... 163 8.1.2 Chemical Use...... 165 8.1.3 Market ...... 166 8.1.4 Social and Economical Aspects...... 166 8.2 COOPERATION WITH THE NEIGHBORING JORDANIAN COMMUNITY ...... 167 8.3 IS AGRICULTURE IN THE DEAD SEA AREA SUSTAINABLE?...... 169 9. BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 171

VII

Lists of Tables, Figures, and Pictures

List of Tables

Table 3.1: Crops area in Kikar Sdom, year 2006-2007 41 Table 4.1: Water allocation and Consumption in the Dead Sea area, 1,000 CM 68 Table 4.2: Water pricing based on Salinity (for water that is categorized as saline) 70 Table 4.3: Experiments Relating to Water Use in Zohar R&D Farm in Kikar Sdom (2005) 78 Table 4.4: Criteria results for water management in the Dead Sea area 86 Table 5.1: Estimation of Total sales in the Organic Market (Millions NIS) 91 Table 5.2: Policy Elements of Organic Agriculture 94 Table 5.3: Selected Inputs Items in Production of Conventional and Organic Peppers 98 Table 5.4: Criteria results for use of agro-chemicals in the Dead Sea area 104 Table 6.1: Selected Prices for Items in Foreign Market and in Local Market 116 Table 6.2: Selected Budgetary of Regional Councils. 1,000 NIS, year 2005 122 Table 6.3: Criteria results for socio economics state for farmers in the Dead Sea area 128 Table 7.1a: Development Criteria of Jordan and Israel 133 Table 7.1b: General characteristics of agriculture in the study area, Israel and Jordan 133 Table 7.2a: Area cultivated of vegetables in Alsafi, year 2001 141 Table 7.2b: Area cultivated of Fruit trees in Alsafi, year 2001 141 Table 7.3: Summary of issues that offer potential benefits through cooperation for Israeli and Jordanian farmers 158

VIII

List of Figures

Figure 1.1: Contribution of agriculture to the National GDP 1948-1995. 10 Figure 1.2: Chemical Components of The Dead Sea in Comparison to that of Seawater 14 Figure 1.3: Changes in Dead Sea water level in the Past 70 Years. 16 Figure 1.4: The process of a creation of a sink hole. 25 Figure 3.1: Agricultural institutions in Israel 45 Figure 4.1: National Water Consumption 1958-1992 (MCM) 59 Figure 4.2: National Water Consumption – Total Consumption and Consumption for Agriculture (1993-2003, MCM) 60 Figure 4.3: Agriculture Consumption out of the Total National Water Consumption (1958 – 2003, MCM) 60 Figure 4.4: Water Consumption for Agriculture (1993-2003, MCM) 61 Figure 4.5: Fresh Water Consumption for Agriculture out of the Total Water Consumption (1993-2003, MCM) 62 Figure 4.6: Fresh Water Consumption by Sector – 1993, 2003 62 Figure 4.7: Water Consumption in the Dead Sea Region (1991 – 2004, 1,000 CM) 65 Figure 4.8: Water Consumption for agriculture by settlement (1992 – 2004, 1,000 CM) 67 Figure 4.9a: Salinity Levels in Kikar Sdom Water Resources, Average Conductivity of Sample Sources (1990-2006, MICROMHIS/CM/25) 73 Figure 4.9b: Average Salinity in Kikar Sdom Water Resources, (1990, 1995, 2000, 2005; MICROMHOS/CM/25) 74 Figure 4.10: Crops in Kikar Sdom (by Dunam, 2005-2006) 77 Figure 4.11: Ein Gedi Total Water Consumption, 1991-2004, 1,000 CM 82 Figure 5.1: Organic Agriculture in Israel: Export (1,000 tons) 91 Figure 6.1: Export Value of Main Products (In % from Total) 108 Figure 6.2: Export of Selected Products: Vegetables, Watermelons, Sugar melons and Potatoes, 1990-2006 108 Figure 6.3: Farmers' Revenue in Comparison to the Value of Production, Billion NIS 111 Figure 6.4: Size distribution of Active Farms in Moshavim (dunam) 112 Figure 6.5: Specialization distribution of active farms in Moshavim 113 Figure 6.6: Annual income of self-employed in agriculture and alternative income in the industrial sector. (1,000 NIS of 1995) 114 Figure 6.7: Work status changes in Moshav villages: 1971-1995 115 Figure 6.8a: Crops in Northern Arava, season 2001-2002 119 Figure 6.8b: Crops in Northern Arava, season 2006-2007 119 Figure 7.1: Total water for Irrigation in Jordan (1996-2002, MCM) 137

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Figure 7.2: Crops in Alsafi Area (dunam, 2004) 145 Figure 7.3: Number of Recorder Pesticides by Year 149 Figure 7.4: Local Use of Pesticides by Type, Locally Produced and Imported (1998-2002, Kg / Ltr) 149

List of Pictures

Picture 1.1: The Dead Sea Area 12 Picture 1.2a, 1.2b: The Dead Sea shore as seen in pictures from the beginning on the century (right picture) and today. 15 Picture 1.3: The Israeli Dead Sea Works 21 Picture 1.4: Sinkhole by the Dead Sea shore. In the sinkhole there are the remains of monitoring device. 24 Picture 1.5: Sinkholes location south to Shalem Spa, years 1996-2002 26

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1. Introduction

The following research discusses the sustainability of agricultural in the Dead Sea area.

Although agriculture was practiced in the area in ancient times (Raz, 1993) this research will show that the majority of agricultural practices at the present time are not sustainable.

This chapter is a literature review and will offer a general overview of sustainable agriculture, agriculture in Israel and the ideology behind it. The tool that this research uses to evaluate sustainability is a set of criteria. Following is a general description of the use of criteria.

1.1 Sustainable Agriculture

Agriculture has been existence throughout human history and had served a basis for civilization for thousands years. Since the end of World War II, dramatic changes have occurred in agriculture world wide (Feenstra et al., 1997). Food and fiber productivity increases due to technology development, mechanization, chemical use, and other policies favoring maximum production. The result was that, on the one hand, due to process efficiency food and fiber production increased and labor decreased. On the other hand, small family farms were replaced with larger agro-business farms.

(Feenstra et al., 1997).

Although there are many positive effects of these changes, the most significant one is the ability to produce more food. Conversely, there have also been significant costs from the changes in agricultural process. The main negative effects had been the 2 environmental consequences of intensive farming (depletion, groundwater contamination, etc.) and the social imbalances that were created as a result of these processes. These effects include a deterioration in the 'family farms' institution, decrease in the level of farm labor working conditions, increase in costs of production, and weakening of rural communities (Feenstra et al., 1997).

"Modern" farming systems are often characterized by being business oriented. It uses technologically based solutions and seeks efficient approaches similar to those of any industry (Zinck et al., 2004). The driving forces in modern agriculture are mainly economic efficiency and market requirements. To answer these demands, agriculture is following a path towards industrialism, which has coined the term ‘industrial agriculture’ (Goering et al., 1993). “Modern” farming often uses deep-drilled wells, genetically modified seeds, mechanized machinery, chemical fertilizers, pesticides and herbicides, and a high investment of energy (Zinck et al., 2004) . When intensive practices exceed the natural renewal ability of resources that support the system (for example, soil nutrients) the result is a system that depends on artificial inputs and therefore, lacks independent viability (Zinck et al., 2004).

There are a number of elements commonly used in modern agriculture which may carry environmental consequences. Among them monocropping (Shiva, 2000) the use of chemicals for fertilization for pest and herb control (Georing et al., 1993) and irrigation policy. (Clemings, 1996; Grainger, 1990).

During the last decade of the 20th century the common problems of industrial agriculture have been recognized and worldwide voices are calling for a more 3 sustainable production of our food. Many different methods, policies, and techniques are united under a large umbrella of practices which are referred to as 'sustainable agriculture'. Among these are organic farming, permaculture and low impact farming.

Like other sustainable applications, it is a vague notion that can include many contradicting approaches.

The concept Sustainable development, from which ‘sustainable agriculture’ had emerged is an elusive term. Many can argue for sustainable practice when in fact these practices differ from each other and create different results. The result is a commonly spoken term which is in fact amorphous and controversial (Nims, 2005a). It has been argued that at its basis, sustainable agriculture is a form of agriculture that preserves the balance of the ecosystem (Ettinger, 2002). By definition, sustainability relates to resource utilization. However in order for a system to be truly sustainable being environmentally sound is not enough. Sustainable system has to be socially, politically, and economically viable, (Zinck et al., 2004). In some cases the variables contradict one another and a balance must be achieved. The concept of sustainability is therefore open to interpretation and depends on the viewpoints and objectives of groups and individuals. (MAF New Zealand, 1997).

Once establishing the diverse set of requirements from sustainable agriculture practice, i.e. environmental sensitivity, economic efficiency and social equity, it is important to relate to the level of these requirements as well. In her work Salma Nims argues that

'sustainability' must not be measured on a regional or national level alone but rather related to the individual level (Nims, 2005a). In other words the concerns of environmental protection, economic viability and stability and issues of equity must be 4 measured on a local level. For instance, economic viability should not be based on national figures only. The definition of what is economically viable for small farmers and local communities need to be defined by the individual’s experience as oppose to national indicators such as GDP growth etc (Nims, 2005a).

In order to measure an elusive term such as "sustainability" tools should be developed.

Common tool for assessing the state of a given system are indicators. Indicators are defined criteria by which markers are measured to assess trends. Use of indicators measures certain elements that offer an understanding of the system as a whole. Thus, the function of indicators reveals the behavior or state of the system they represent.

1.1.1 Indicators for Sustainability

Indicators are the common tool to evaluate sustainability (Hardy et al., 1997).

Although there is no clear definition of sustainability, (Salles, 2004) indicators can serve as markers for progress in the 'right direction' or alternatively, a sign of alarming degradation. Following the Rio declaration in 1992 and the adoption of the Agenda 21 program as a basis for sustainable activities, various strategies for sustainable development were established on international, national and regional levels (UN web site, Agenda 21, Chapter 40, 2007). At the Johannesburg Summit in 2002 additional topics for attention were included relating to social and economical factors (UN web site, Report of the World Summit on Sustainable Development, Johannesburg, South

Africa, 2002; 2007). In the process of implementing various strategies it appeared that there was not enough information to ensure effective implementation. Chapter 40 of

Agenda 21 calls for the development of clear indicators for sustainable development. 5

Indicators assist in identifying trends and, in this case, asses how much these trends suit the efforts to implement sustainable development. For this purpose, indicators need to be relevant to the policies discussed, reliable, simple, and available. Indicators have to be broad enough to describe the processes, but at the same time sensitive enough to changes in these processes (Feitelson, 2004).

With the understanding that there is not a single set of indicators that can serve as a basis for assessing sustainability more general guidelines were designed (Hodge et al.,

1997). In 1996 a group of practitioners and researchers facilitated by the International

Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) came together to outline principles and create practical guidelines for assessing sustainable development. The principles and case studies in which these principles were executed were documented in a report called

"Assessing Sustainable Development: Principles in Practice" (also know as the Bellagio

Principle for Assessment). The following is a partial list of principle requirements for indicators for sustainable development as was defined in the Bellagio Principle:

 Relates to the vision and goals of sustainable development in the specific field that

is being discussed;

 Contains a holistic approach, i.e. relate to all aspects of the system and its parts

including environmental, social, and economic aspects;

 Includes critical elements such as equity, access to resources, states of ecosystems,

economical development, etc;

 Includes sufficient scale, i.e. relates to time spend sufficiently enough to indicate a

change as well as sufficient geographical scope to make observations; 6

 Adopts a practical approach that will be based on clear categories, limited number

of indicators, and standard measurement; and

 Espouses openness – indicators that are approachable and easy to assess based on

existing data. (Hardy et al., 1997).

There are a few approaches to identifying indicators. One of the most common methodologies is called "Pressure-State Response" (PSR). This approach is based on the perception that human activities create pressure on various environmental systems and natural resources. The state of these systems indicates the activity and influence of the human activity (Chenoweth, 2004). An example of this kind of approach involves indicators relating to water quality in places where water is being pumped. The limitation of the PSR approach is the assumption that direct links between an act and a result can be found for every activity. In addition, the PSR approach is limited in its ability to describe socio-economical affects of activities and other indirect drivers.

An additional approach for identifying indicators is called "Driving Force-State–

Response" (DSR). The DSR approach attempts to answer some of the problems of PSR by including both negative as well as positive influences as well as economic and social elements. This approach is used by UNCSD. Although DSR is a better approach than

PSR, it stills lacks the ability to show trends in sustainability in enough detail

(Chenoweth, 2004).

In the literature on sustainability, indicators that are often used for assessing sustainable agriculture primarily relate to quantitative environmental aspects. Occasionally economic indicators will be included as well, mostly in relation to development issues 7

(MAF New Zealand, 1997; Zinck et al., 2004). Indicators often relate to issues of soil quality, pest outbreaks, amount of inputs, production, energy balance, etc (MAF New

Zealand, 1997; Zinck et al., 2004). For the purpose of this research a set of indictors was designed as will be explained in Chapter 2.

1.2 Agriculture in Israel

Throughout the modern history of the Jewish settlement in Israel agriculture had been as much of an ideological approach as it was an economic activity (Kimhi, 2004).

Agriculture has been one of the fundamental bases for the new Zionist movement since the end of the 19th century. For the new immigrants to Israel, Palestine at the time, agriculture was a means to revive the Jewish culture and the new image of the Jewish individual (Tal, 2007). The pioneers used agriculture and agriculture based communities as a new channel to reconnect the Jews to their historical homeland. The image of farming Jews in the "promised land" was romanticized and admired for many years

(Kimhi, 2004; Tal, 2007).

Zionist institutions supported agriculture as the main economic activity in Palestine, both as a basis for providing livelihood as well as a social and ideologically satisfying way of life. Following the establishment of the State of Israel, agriculture remained a political and ideological priority. A political lobby for agriculture remained active and strong throughout most of the years (Tal, 2002, 2007). Recently, however, many argue that this lobby is weakening. The lobby, whose influence remained far greater than its actual numbers in population, was successful in achieving not just ideological and social support but also economic benefits in many forms (Tal, 2007). Examples of the 8 support that was given by the government to the farmers throughout the years are water subsidies, price support for many of the crops, insurance and disaster relief mechanisms, research, and technical assistance. In the past few decades a change in this policy is perceivable: water prices increased and other supports were limited (Tal,

2007). This process also affected other institutions that were involved in agriculture such as the Jewish Agency. The change in perception of agriculture lead to a threat on farmland, mostly in the center of the county. Land that was previously farmed now served as potential for development for housing projects, commerce area, and small industry (Feitelson, 1999)

Since its initiation, Israeli agriculture could be identified with a few essential principles:

1) Agriculture and agricultural communities were strongly supported by a socialist

viewpoint. Since the early 1900s (known as the second immigration wave) most of

the agricultural communities that were established were communal on some level –

either as a kibbutzim model or moshavim. Cooperation was both part of the

ideology at the time, as well as a 'need of the hour' (Kimhi, 2004). Despite the many

changes throughout the years, the format of cooperation either in a kibbutz form or a

moshav form remained essential for the success of the Israeli farming.

2) Agricultural development was directly connected and highly supported by the

development of water infrastructure. The amount of water that was used by the

residents of the country at the beginning of the 20th century was five million cubic

meters (MCM) a year, out of which about 1.5 MCM was rainwater. The number of

residents at the time was half a million. At the same time of the development of

agriculture, since the early beginning of the 1900s, new wells were dug and the level

of water utilization increased (Moshkovitz, 2000). 9

3) A conscious decision led agriculture to simulate the "European" methods as

opposed to local Palestinian methods. European agricultural methods were

technologically based using modern practices. Thus the agriculture that was

developed in Israel was highly productive using chemical fertilizers and pesticides,

supported by know-how that was developed in the research and development

(R&D) farms, heavily mechanized, and monocultures (Tal, 2007).

In the 1950s, after the establishment of the State of Israel and following half a century of immigration waves, agriculture played an important role in addressing the economic challenges of this young state. Agriculture allowed the use of unskilled labor which then supplied jobs for the new immigrants. It enabled development of areas in the periphery and was responsible for much of the economic growth of the new country.

(Kimhi, 2004)

Throughout the years the Israeli market had evolved into others technical realms and gradually agriculture lost its special place as the leading force in the market. During the

1980s the retreat in the status of agriculture accelerated. In the mid-eighties, as a result of falling product prices and a debt crisis that overwhelmed much of the cooperative rural sector, the agriculture sector faced severe crises (Feitelson, 1999). In addition the national economic plan (the Stabilization Plan) initiated in 1985 involved deep cuts in government spending, and agriculture was one of the sectors most affected by the budget cuts (Kimhi, 2004).

Farmers were especially affected by economical policy in the mid 1980's and the change in credit condition and ceilings on food prices that were part of it. These steps 10 brought many individual farmers as well as communal farms to the verge of bankruptcy.

Governmental support was partially provided during the 1990's in the form of debt amortization plans (Feitelson, 1999).

Throughout the years with the maturing of Israel's economy and the socio-economic changes following, agriculture lost its role as the main ideological paradigm. Nowadays it is mostly perceived as an economical branch no different then industry and tourism in its ideological value. One of the manifestations of this process can clearly be seen in the decline of the share of agriculture in the labor force and its diminishing contribution to the GDP (Feitelson, 1999). Figure 1.1 presents the contribution of agriculture to the national GDP in years 1948-1995.

Figure 1.1 – Contribution of agriculture to the National GDP 1948-1995 Source – Feitelson 1999, (adapted, original figure included additional data).

One must bear in mind that contribution to the GDP may understate the importance of agriculture in the Israeli economy, due to the positive externality effects of farming.

Among these are agricultural research and development, production and exports of agricultural inputs, know-how, and other development initiatives that are related to agriculture for which Israel has become internationally well known (Feitelson, 1999). 11

An additional contribution of agriculture is its environmental role which is manifested in various ways. Agriculture activity, mainly in the center of the country protects land reserves from over exploitation by developers (Feitelson, 1999). Additional roles are the recreational value of the farmland land and its value as open space for protection of wild life (Fleischer et al., 2000). Moreover agriculture land absorbs waste that originates from the cities such as solid waste and wastewater (Ayalon et al., 2000). Very often these roles are regarded as externalities and are not included in the calculation of the true value of agriculture to Israel's economy (Ayalon et al., 2000).

There are fewer farmers in Israel today but each remaining farm is larger that previously. This process has occurred in other places in the world as well (Statistics

Canada web site, 2007; US Department of Agriculture web site, 2007). The total number of farms in Israel decreased from 43,450 in 1981 to 25,900 in 1995 (Kimhi,

2004). Existing farms have increased their size largely because profit decreased per unit of area, thus farmers had to operate larger farms to support themselves. Apart from becoming larger, farms became more specialized – enabling economy of scale and maintaining market niches (Kimhi, 2004).

1.3 The Dead Sea Area

1.3.1 The Saltiest Lake in the World

The Dead Sea is a unique body of water: it is the saltiest body of water in the world among the lakes that are deeper than few meters, and its chemical composition is different then any other lake. The Dead Sea is relatively deep in comparison to other 12 lakes with similar characteristics (Raz, 1993). The Dead Sea valley is the lowest place on earth, and the majority of the area is covered with water (Raz, 1993). The lake is defined as "terminal lake" since the water does not drain out of it but rather evaporates

(Bein et al., 2006). At present the water level of the Dead Sea is 416 meters below sea level and in a constant process of decline.

Picture 1.1: The Dead Sea Area Source: Middle East Water Data Banks Project, 1998.

The Dead Sea Valley is a part of the Syrian African Rift. The rift is a result of tectonic activity called the Dead Sea Transform (Bein et al., 2006). The rift system extends 13 from southern Anatolia southward through the Beqqa Valley in Lebanon, into the

Jordan Valley, towards the Red Sea, and into East Africa (Nims, 2005a).

The structure of the Dead Sea itself is a result of the geometry of the Dead Sea

Transform. The basin is shaped as a rhombus which is width is about 15 km and its length is 150 km from Ein Yahav in the south and Kalya in the north (Bein et al., 2006).

The weather in the Dead Sea area is characterized by low precipitate averages, very hot summers, and a comfortable winter. Due to the depth of the basin, the air above it increases the filtration of the radiation – the result is the ability to sun bath without the fear of damages from UV radiation. This important characteristic is used for treatment of skin diseases and health tourism (Raz, 1993).

The most well-known characteristic of the Dead Sea, for which it is famous worldwide, is its chemical composition of the water and the high salinity in particular. For any terminal lake which exists over time, the salinity of the water increases until it reaches a balance point (Raz, 1993).

The following diagram shows the amount of minerals in the Dead Sea in comparison to standard levels in Sea Water. 14

Figure 1.2 Chemical Components of The Dead Sea in Comparison to that of Seawater (Cl = Chlorine; Na= Sodium; K= potassium; Ca= Calcium; Mg= Magnesium; SO4= shulphate; Br= Bromine; Alk= alkaline) Source: Bein at al., 2006.

The issue of salinity is important in this research since it influences the quality of ground water and soil in the area. Also, this quality of the Dead Sea offers a unique opportunity for the development of tourism that can serve as an alternative livelihood source instead of agriculture. These issues will be discussed further on.

Until 1977, the Dead Sea was constructed of two basins, the northern one which was larger and deeper, shaped like a bath tab, and a smaller shallower basin on the south.

The two basins were separated by a strait (Linch Strait) and a peninsula (Raz, 1993).

The shallow southern basin is the highest from the sea floor at about 404 meters below sea level. The source of water to the southern basin is from the northern basin so when the connection between the two basins is severed the southern basin dries out fairly fast.

With the complete drying of the southern basin, the surface of the Dead Sea as a whole decreases dramatically but its volume does not as much due to the shallowness of the southern basin (Bein et al., 2006). Consequently, the area that was dried out is partly used for agriculture in the Jordanian side of the Dead Sea.

15

As of 1993, the length of the Dead Sea was about 50 km and it maximum width was about 17 km. The southern basin now holds industrial evaporation pools managed by the Israeli Dead Sea Works and the Jordanian Arab Potash Company. The area of the pools is approximately 250 square km all together. In the 1960s, when the average water level was -395 meters below sea level and both basins were flooded, the length of the lake was approximately 80 km (Raz, 1993).

In the past 50 years the Dead Sea level has been declining at a fast and gradually growing rate - now estimated to be one meter a year (Bein et al., 2006). Although a change in the water level had been happening in the Dead Sea all through history, the decline since the 1970s is the most severe with visible changes. The following pictures show the change in water level.

Picture 1.2a, 1.2b: The Dead Sea shore as seen in pictures from the beginning on the century (right picture) and today. The arrow marks a rock as reference point. Source: Raz, 1993.

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The following graph represents more clearly changes in the Dead Sea water level from

1930 to 2000 (Bein et al., 2006). It is clear that unlike historical periods of fluctuating water levels, recent occurrences are characterized by a stable decline.

Figure 1.3: Changes in Dead Sea water level in the Past 70 Years. Source: Bein et al., 2006; Geological Institute.

1.3.2 Life at the Shore of the Dead Sea

On the sides of the Dead Sea there are a group of springs that historically feed water into the sea. Some of the springs have freshwater and some are thermomineral

(extremly saline water). The springs can be found both on the western shore as well as the eastern. The various springs use different water sources. Most of the water on the western side, in terms of volume, is rainwater from the Judean Mountains. The rainwater penetrates the aquifer and flows east. The continuity of the rock layer in which the water flow is broken by the cliffs by the shore of the Dead Sea and forms springs. Among the famous springs in the western shore are the Shulamit and Gedi springs (Raz, 1993). 17

Another source of water is deep aquifers where water is trapped in deeper layers of rocks. Usually this water is more saline and warm. The warmth of the water is a result of the speed of its emergence to the surface. In addition, as a result of having low concentration of oxygen, the water usually has higher concentrations of sulfur. A clear marker to locate the springs is the vegetation that surrounds the area of their emergence.

A transformation of these vegetated areas is an indication of a shift in the springs. The springs moves south as a result of the lowering of the sea level and a change of the emerging point of the spring water (Raz, 1993). Water that is used for agriculture in the area is retrieved from springs, aquifers and side wadies.

The desert springs at the shore of the Dead Sea are a unique ecosystem that supports many kinds of fauna and flora. In various studies, 162 species of vegetation were recorded in the areas of the springs out of which about 40 percent are aquatic plants.

Among the fauna in the area many species are endemic (Bein et al., 2006).

1.3.3 Population by the Dead Sea Area

Formed at the end of the 19th century, the Zionist perception of the Dead Sea stated that it will be the bases for a prosperous economy for the future Jewish state. The prevailing ideology referred to the minerals in its water as natural treasures to be used as well as the potential for energy that derives from the altitude difference between the

Mediterranean and the Dead Sea (Raz, 1993). This approach had been the original 18 ideological motivational force for the settlement of the area in spite of the harsh conditions.

The modern history of the Jewish settlement in the Dead Sea area started in 1930 with the initiation of the Potash Company on the northern shore of the Dead Sea. The company had a worker resident area that was established in 1933. This was the first

Jewish settlement that was able to exist with the British limitations at the time. The settlement was called Kalya after the Latin name for potash Kalium. The idea was to establish communal villages in the area (kibbutzim) that will be based of production from the Dead Sea. The settlement was established disguised as an agricultural farm that was meant to supply the needs of the workers from the potash factory. Although the difficult natural conditions, the settlers achieved agricultural successes and it became one of the symbols of "blooming the desert" (Bein et al., 2006).

In 1934, the British mandate prevented a similar settlement in the southeastern side of the Dead Sea in Safi. At the time, the chemical factories at the Dead Sea were both in the northern shore and the southern. About 1,000 Jewish settlers lived in the area supported by industry, tourism, and agriculture. As a result of 1948 the Independence

War the northern part of the Dead Sea was no longer in Jewish hands and the settlement and potash factory were abandoned.

In 1949, Ein Gedi was held by IDF forces in order to create a Jewish holding point on the western shores of the Dead Sea. In 1952, the work in the southern facilities of the chemical factory was renewed and the "Dead Sea Factories" were established. The same year, the agriculture settlement in Neot Hakikar was established as an agricultural 19 farm based on winter vegetables. In 1953, the Nahal settlement was established in Ein

Gedi and later, in 1956, it became the kibbutz Ein Gedi. In 1960, the first tourism signs were placed in the area advertising country lodging. Later on, in 1963, two hotels were established in Ein Bokek – Galei Zohar and Ein Bokek. After the 1967 War, Israelis once again had access to the northern shores of the Dead Sea. The first settlement

Kalya was re-established in 1974 (now with an additional meaning to the name – the

Hebrew initials Kam Lethiya Yam Hamavet – the Dead Sea was revived). On the following years, new settlements were established in the northern part of the Dead Sea based on the agricultural benefits of the area which were water availability and warm climate. The northern part of the Dead Sea is now one of the Israeli centers for growing dates. In addition, the area has various agricultural activities for export and local market and tourism services (Megilot web site, 2006). Other settlements in the southern part of the Dead Sea were established later on based on agriculture and tourism (Bein et al., 2006).

The western shores of the Dead Sea are under the municipality of two regional councils,

Megilot in the north and Tamar in the south. Tamar regional council was established in

May 1956 (Tamar regional council web site, 2006). It holds about 1.65 million dunams along the southern part of the Dead Sea valley and the Northern Arava valley, from the

1967 cease fire border in the north until Ein Hatzeva in the south. The area includes mostly nature reserves and barren desert, but it also includes a vast industrial area and tourism area that pay taxes to the regional council. Population of Tamar regional council include about 1,300 citizens in seven settlements, the largest of which are Ein

Gedi, Neot Hakikar, and Ein Tamar. The majority of the residents in the area make their living from agriculture and tourism (mostly country lodging and tourism services). 20

The control of the larger industrial and tourism resources (large hotels) as well as their revenues are in the hands of people from outside of the area (Bein et al., 2006).

Estimated number of three million tourists pass by the area of the Dead Sea and receive services from the Tamar regional council, out of which two million spend at least one night in the region (Bein et al., 2006). Other sources estimate this number to be closer to 1.5 million (Tamar regional council web site, 2006).

The greater section of the tourism infrastructure (Ein Bokek hotel area) is located on the shores of the southern basin of the Dead Sea, which is in fact the largest Dead Sea

Work's evaporation pool. Changes coming from the increase of water level in the pool threaten the hotel and are known to have created damage in the past (Bein et al., 2006).

Megilot regional council was established in 1981. The area of the council is about

750,000 dunams (out of which only 480,000 is land). The population of the council includes 950 people in five settlements which are Kalya, Mitzpe Shalem, Almog, Beit

Haarava, and Vered Yericho. Apart from Kibbutz Vered Yericho all the other settlements are moshavim. The livelihood of the area is based on agriculture, industry

(among this is the worldly known AHAVA factories), and tourism. The regional council is in the process of development and is expected to reach 7,000 people by the year 2020 (Bein et al., 2006).

1.3.4 Dead Sea Works

One of the major players in the area of the Dead Sea is the Dead Sea Factories. On the southern shore of the Dead Sea there are two parallel facilities for the Israeli Dead Sea 21

Works and the Arab Potash Factory. The factories are involved in mining and processing minerals from the Dead Sea. Both factories, in Israel and in Jordan, are very large contributors to the countries' economy and contribute to local employment.

Picture 1.3: The Israeli Dead Sea Works Source: Raz, 1993.

The Dead Sea factories (both Israeli and Jordanian) are multinational chemical companies. They are two of the world's leading producers and suppliers of potash products, as well as a broad range of chemical products, including magnesium chloride, anhydrous aluminum chloride, industrial salts, de-icers, bath salts, table salt, and raw materials for the cosmetic industry (Dead Sea Works web site, 2006)

The Israeli Dead Sea factory is privately owed and employs about 4,000 workers from towns in the Negev region predominantly from Arad and Dimona (Dead Sea Works web site, 2006). The Jordanian equivalent to the Israeli Dead Sea Works is called the

The Arab Potash Company, a pan-Arab company that was founded in 1956. The company was given a concession from the Jordanian government to exploit, 22 manufacture, and market the resources of the Dead Sea for 100 years (Arab Potash

Factory web site, 2006).

The southern basin of the Dead Sea serves as evaporation ponds for both factories.

Water is piped from the Northern basin in a series of pumping stations and open air canals. Through gravitation, water flows from the southern pools to the northern pools in a process that enables the concentration of salts to sink. The minerals are then mined from the bottom of the pools and processed in a number of facilities. The effluent flows back to the northern basin of the Dead Sea in a very concentrated level of salts (Bein et al., 2006)

Approximately half of the volume of water that is being pumped flows back to the sea and the rest is lost to evaporation. The Israeli Dead Sea factory pumps about 250-300

MCM of water from the Dead Sea yearly and returns about 125-150 MCM as effluent.

The Jordanian operation is slightly smaller and consumes about two-thirds as much water as the Israeli (Bein et al., 2006). With the current size of the Dead Sea area, the amount of water lost due to the industrial evaporation contributes to about 35-40 cm decrease in the water level per year (Bein et al., 2006).

One of the main problems facing the Dead Sea Works’ operation is the constant rise of the water level of the evaporation ponds. The northern evaporating pool, pool number five, is used for the sedimentation of minerals that are not fully mined. The result is an increase in the bottom of the pool in a rate of twenty cm a year. In order to maintain the volume of the pool, there is a constant need to increase the height of the edges. Since 23 the hotels are built on the edges of pool number five, this process has a direct effect on those that are located on the water line (Bein et al., 2006).

There is an ongoing conflict between the Israeli Dead Sea factories and the local settlements. The factories have ownership over the land and any expansion or construction by the settlements demands the approval of the factories even after approved by the government. In addition there is a conflict over the taxes that the factories pay to the municipality and the services they require (Bein et al., 2006).

1.3.5 Sinkholes

One of the most dramatic phenomenons in the Dead Sea area in the past decade is the creation of sink holes. Sink holes are holes that are created as a result of dissolving of deeper salt layers in the ground (Bein et al., 2006). Sink holes developed mostly by the shores of the northern basin both on the westerns shores as well as the eastern shores.

There are sinkholes that have developed by the southern basin but the phenomenon is more limited in that area. Sinkholes appear suddenly and can endanger life, infrastructure, and property. The holes have created a serious disruption to life in the area as well as potential development (Bein et al., 2006). 24

Picture 1.4: Sinkhole by the Dead Sea shore. In the sinkhole there are the remains of monitoring device. Source: Geological Survey Institute (Bein et al., 2006).

Each sinkhole can reach the size of twenty meters in depth and twenty five meters in diameter. The sinkholes appear mostly in clusters. The reason for the creation of the sinkholes is directly related to the decrease in the level of water in the Dead Sea. The decrease of sea level also has created a change in groundwater behavior. In some areas, mostly by the shore, this change is expressed in a flow of freshwater through layers of rock that are very salty (underground salt layer). Prior to this change, these areas of salt were saturated with salty water from the sea. Currently, the freshwater that flows through the salt dissolves it and creates cavities in the rock (see mark Hever 3 in the following diagram). Overtime these cavities get larger therefore resulting a collapses of the upper level of the ground. (see mark Hever 1 in the following diagram)

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Figure 1.4: The process of a creation of a sink hole. Source: Geological Survey Institute (Bein et al., 2006).

Geological research conducted by the Geological Survey Institute for Israel mapped the development of the sinkholes and of areas that are in greater risk. A pattern in appearance found in this survey can predict fairly accurately, the areas as well as directions of the development of sink holes (Bein et al., 2006). The very important value of this reveal is the ability to classify parts of the area as safe for future development.

Sinkholes that appear by the southern basin, which as those mentioned do not suffer from a drop in the sea level but rather a rise in it due to the industrial activity, and appear from similar geological reasons. The rise of the evaporation ponds walls creates a change in groundwater flow and in some areas underground freshwater flow dissolves salt layers and creates cavities. As mentioned, the phenomenon by the southern basin is not as severe as by the northern basin (Bein et al., 2006).

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On the eastern side of the Dead Sea in the Jordanian region, the sinkhole phenomenon exists as well. However, due to the steepness of the basin in the eastern side, the area that is susceptible to sinkholes is limited and therefore the phenomenon is less widespread.

Picture 1.5: Sinkholes location south to Shalem Spa, years 1996-2002 Source – Geological Survey Institute (Bein et al., 2006).

The sinkholes are the most dramatic and most well known phenomenon in the Dead Sea area. The reason for that is the dramatic consequences of it – injuries to people, damage to infrastructure, collapse of a bridge, and damage to the road. The destructive elements in all these changes are both physical as well as psychological. The current reputation to the Dead Sea being "dangerous" had damaged local and international tourism to the area and the livelihood of the residents. In addition, throughout the years of research in the sinkhole phenomenon all development in the area had stopped and only recently based on the results of the Geological Survey has planning been initiated. 27

2. Procedure

2.1 Research Subject

This research was conducted in the framework of a broader research project: A Future for the Dead Sea: Options for a More Sustainable Water Management (AKA The Dead

Sea Project). The overall project examines water sources and usage in the Dead Sea region (Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority). Through integrated datasets and scenario analyses, the Dead Sea Project’s goal was to offer recommendations for a more sustainable future for the region. The project was completed in the summer of 2006.

It funded by the International Cooperation of Developing Countries of the Research

Directorate General of the European Commission (EU INCO DC).

The Dead Sea Project included six partners: the Environmental Planning Department at the Austria Research Center (ARC), Seibersdorf, Austria; Water Resource Systems

Research Laboratory at the University of Newcastle, Newcastle, United Kingdom;

Arava Institute for Environmental Studies (AIES), Ketura, Israel; Applied Research

Institute-Jerusalem (ARIJ), Bethlehem, the Palestinian Authority; and Environmental

Consulting Office (ECO), Amman, Jordan. Among other issues, the Dead Sea Project examined agriculture and tourism development as a tool for reaching a 'more sustainable future'.

The research presented in this paper examines the sustainability of agriculture in the region and the forces that either motivate or serve as barriers to its development. The forces which the research focuses on are institutional forces, i.e. governmental 28 institutions, municipality, dominating NGOs or donor organizations, market infrastructure, etc. The aim of the research is to understand the institutional limitations facing farmers that wish to practice more sustainable agriculture. By studying the barriers on one hand and driving forces on the other a case study can be made for other fields where more sustainable practice is needed.

The following research focuses on agriculture on the Israeli side of the Dead Sea.

However a focus on the western side of the border (Israel) without acknowledgment of the Jordanian side is by itself an unsustainable approach. Therefore, this research offers a review of the agriculture practices and conditions in the eastern side (Jordan) as well, and suggests a framework of cooperation that will promote sustainability both in the

Israeli side as well as in the Jordanian side.

2.2 Research Questions

The research is titled: Sustainable Agriculture in the Dead Sea Area: A Case Study of

Agricultural Communities in Israel and Jordan.

The main objectives of the research:

1) To asses the level of sustainability of agriculture in the Dead Sea area;

2) To develop a set of criteria for identifying trends in regards to sustainable

agriculture in a hyper arid region with acute water scarcity;

3) To analyze the institutional influences on sustainable agriculture; and

4) To examine cooperation between Israel and Jordan as a tool to encourage more

sustainable practices. 29

The thesis concludes with recommended policy alternatives to encourage more sustainable practices in agriculture through national policy tools as well as cooperation between Israel and Jordan.

2.3 The Study Area

The overall focus of this research relates to Israel and examines part of the issues in

Jordan as well. The research examines national policies in these states and their influence on agricultural communities in the Dead Sea region.

Although an arid and saline environment, the area of the Dead Sea has intensive and diverse agricultural communities around its entire perimeter in Israel, Jordan, and the

Palestinian Authority. Each of these communities differs in its agriculture practices and in its social and economic characteristics. For the purpose of this study, agricultural communities were only examined in Israel and Jordan. Palestine was not included due to the complexity of the political situation in the area. In regards to Palestine, not only does the political instability prevents regular research activity, it also influence any other factors that may be related to the issues involving agriculture practices such as access, development of water sources, market etc. For these reasons, the Palestinian

Authority was not included in the study area.

On the Israeli side of the Dead Sea area, agricultural villages are commonly found in two institutional forms: communal farms owned by kibbutzim, such as Ein Gedi, and private, family owned farms in moshavim, such as Neot Hakikar and Ein Tamar. There are about 2,300 residents in the area who live in villages that are geographically 30 separated into two regional councils – Megilot Regional Council and Tamar Regional

Council. Both regional councils have villages that are kibbutzim (with varying degrees of communal living), as well as the more privatized moshavim.

For the purpose of this research, agriculture was examined in the Tamar regional council only. The Tamar Regional Council stretches from settlement around Ein Gedi in the north to Ein Hatzeva in the south. Geographically, Ein Hatzeva is part of the

Central Arava villages and in this paper we relate specifically to the villages Ein Gedi,

Ein Tamar, and Neot Hakikar.

2.4 Methodology

2.4.1. Criteria for Sustainable Agriculture in the Dead Sea Region

In order to assess sustainability in the area and the effects of institutional policies on local agriculture, few criteria were chosen as a basis for review. The use of a set of criteria reflects an attempt to analyze information using a tool that offers general understanding of trends. Ideally a more precise assessment of sustainability requires the use of indicators as described in section 1.1.1. The limited information that is available in the area, along with the limited scope of this research which prevented a more in- depth study on the variety of topics that are discussed, required a more general analysis.

The use of criteria indicates the existence of certain trends rather than measure those trends precisely.

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The criteria that were chosen aimed to address key principles of assessment as described in the Bellagio Principle for Assessment. These principles regarded the following requirements:

1) Describe processes in relation to both environmental as well as socio-economic

trends;

2) Limited number of criteria due to the limitation of this work;

3) Criteria that will be applicable in the area;

4) Availability of information for these criteria and continues measurements that will

allow detecting trends;

5) Criteria that do not require sophisticated scientific measurement; and

6) Criteria that will be agreeable to key players in the area as tools that can define a

trends.

The processes of defining key issues for research involved key players in the area. In the process of interviews and collection of data the 'subjects' of the research were asked

(a) what do they think is sustainable agriculture in the area; and (b) what would they consider as criteria for sustainable agriculture in the area. The criteria that are used in this paper reflect the answers that were given.

Unlike "classic" indicators, the criteria that are used in this research are not a single data definition (for example ambient level of a certain component). Few sets of data that are quantitative as well as qualitative construct the answer. For example, use of water includes the amount that is being used, the influence on the water resources,

(salinization of resources), and the price.

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The criteria that were used in this paper relate to the following aspects:

1) Water use and management

2) Use of agro-chemicals

3) Target markets for agricultural products

4) Socio-economics of farmers and farming communities

2.4.2 Research Work

The methodology of this research included five main steps:

1) Identifying major players and trends

The first step was designed to identify the major forces in the field for example, governmental agencies and institutions, farming associations, municipalities, marketing companies etc. The study related to the act they play in regards to farmers, in what way do they influence and what are the criteria that might describe their influence? The result of the first step was a qualitative understanding of the processes that is occurring in agriculture within this study area.

The methodology of the first step included semi-structured interviews mainly with farmers. Farmers that were interviewed were chosen to meet a variety of practices including organic and conventional farming, large and small farms, and crop specialization. In addition to farmers, key players from the agriculture institutions that were identified in the initial stages, were interviewed as well.

On top of personal interviews two Focus Group Meetings (FGM) were conducted.

During the meetings a number of players were asked to discuss the issues relating to the research together. The discussion in a group brings light to the issues in a more 33 complex way than with personal interviews. More will be discussed about FGMs in the following sections.

The main purpose of these interviews and the reason for choosing semi-structured interviews as the methodological tool was the need to understand the system from the viewpoint of the players. Very often, academic research tends to evaluate systems based on predefined models, using methodologies taken from the field of natural sciences (Bryman et al., 1999), sometimes with no relation to the subjects of the research. The concept of sustainability implies a need to include the public's viewpoint in decision making. Accordingly, to assess a project’s sustainability the research has to reach out to a diversity of actors.

The choice semi-structured interviews as a tool in this research was done under the guidance of Dr. Julie Torttier a partner in the Dead Sea Project, from the University of

Newcastle, The following section (section 2.4.3) discusses semi-structured interviews, its advantages as a methodological tool and principles of applying it.

2) Identifying criteria for continue research

As part of the initial steps of the research few key issues were defined as criteria that need to be researched. Criteria were chosen based on the literature, potential availability of information, and analysis of players in agriculture institutions and farmers. Later on these topics became the anchors of the data collection stage in the second phase of the research.

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3) Research of chosen topics

The third step of the research included greater in-depth research about each of the leading forces. The research involved interviews with stakeholders that relate directly to the topic discussed as well as the collection of relevant data.

Data were collected from the following institutions:

The Water Commissioner

Mekorot – the Israel national water utility

Water Authority

Agrexco – a major agricultural export agency

Arava Research and Development farms

Tamar Regional Council

Moshavim Farmer Associations– Ein Tamar, Neot Hakikar

Kibbutz Ein Gedi

The Central Bureau of Statistics

Israel Bio-Organic Agriculture Association (IBOAA)

Ministry of Agriculture

Ministry of Internal Affairs

4) Assessment of sustainability

Through the analysis of processes and their influence on farmers in the region, the research defined the role of specific institutions that promote sustainable practices or, alternatively, act as a barrier to the development as such. This subsequent section is a discussion of the findings from the previous sections of the research.

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5) Comparison with Jordan and analysis of potential cooperation

Based on the results from section one to four and on analysis of information from the

Jordanian agriculture communities by the Dead Sea, this section discusses lessons that can be learned from the Jordanian agricultural practices as well as potential areas of cooperation. The close proximity of the communities along with the different practices that is common in each of them, offer a basis for mutual learning process between Israel and Jordan and a strong bases for cooperation.

As part of the research, information was gathered from farmers and key players in the area. Among them are Jordan Valley Authority, Jordanian Hashemite Fund for Human

Development (JOHUD), Department of Statistics, and Ministry of Water and Irrigation. 36

2.4.3 About Semi-structured Interviews

Semi-structured interviews are a form of guided conversations where the interviewer asks broad questions. Unlike other forms of interviews the conversation is not constrained to a planned question but rather the conversation

'flows' so that new questions can be raised as a result of this fluidity. This is different from other forms of research such as questionnaires or surveys where the discussion is lead through a series of very structured questions with little room for deviation. Nevertheless, semi-structured interviews do follow a defined goal and the interviewer plays a role in addressing important issues

(Wageningen, 2006).

By being a relatively informal and relaxed discussion, semi-structured interviews in our research were successful in giving a genuine picture of agriculture in the area from the viewpoint of farmers and various officials.

During the research sensitive issues were addressed. These issues relate to the interviewee’s livelihood, access to resources, allocation of resources, concerns, and political issues both within the community, as well as broader issues that relate to the national and international level. In order to receive genuine information and a complete picture it was important to establish trust between the interviewer and the interviewee. The main intentions in these interviews were to reach a meaningful understanding of the barriers to sustainable agriculture, limits to future agricultural development, and the role of farmers versus institutions in initiating change.

37

Before each of the interviews the context of the study, the partners involved, and the objectives of the study were presented to the interviewees. For the most part, interviews were conducted in the farmer’s house or fields and for officials in their offices. The interviews took place between August 2005 and October

2007.

Semi-structured interviews of such a nature should be conducted carefully, preferably by the same person or by the same team with all the partners in the study. Facing limitations of access and language, the interviews in this research were conducted with the assistance of students of the Arava Institute and other researchers in the Dead Sea Project.

2.4.4 About Focus Group Meeting

Additional information was gathered using Focus Group Meetings (FGM). In these meetings, stock holders were invited to discuss issues relating to the general topics regarding the Dead Sea region. Some of the issues that were discussed were agriculture, water consumption, and development in the region.

The FGMs were facilitated by David Lehrer and Vered Balan from the Arava

Institute for Environmental Studies.

This research includes information from two FGMs; one which included residents and decision makers from the region and the second that included

NGO representatives from Israel. The FGM took place in Tamar Regional 38

Council in September 2004 and in The Jerusalem Institute in Jerusalem on June

2006.

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3. Agriculture in the Study Area

Altogether there are about 60,000 dunams cultivated in the immediate proximity of the

Dead Sea using about 80 MCM (Million Cubic Meter) of water annually from various sources (Dead Sea Project web site, 2007). The products that are grown in the Dead

Sea area are marketed to the local markets (within Israel, Jordan, and the Palestinian

Authority) as well as exported to Europe, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, USA, and other countries.

For the purpose of this study, the area researched was on the eastern side of the Dead

Sea (Jordan) and the southwestern side (Israel pre-1967 border). The Israeli side on the north of the Dead Sea and the Palestinian communities were excluded from this research since political conditions were considering as dominating local decision- making and the situation during the research was characterized by a sense of instability.

In terms of natural conditions, agriculture in the area enjoys environmental conditions that simultaneously enable and challenge agriculture. Among these are:

– Limited water sources - mainly from local or semi-local sources;

– Extreme weather conditions in the form of high temperatures;

– Hot and fairly early spring; and

– High salinity of land and occasionally water.

Agriculture production is export oriented, either to foreign markets, or to local markets outside the region. The main focus for a large part of this farming is targeted towards external export markets in Europe and USA.

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For most of the farmers / residents of the area, agriculture is one of very few options for maintaining a steady livelihood being that there are limited alternative development options for the local population. Based on the subjective reporting of the communities in the area, one can safely say that members of the community perceive themselves as peripheral to the center of their country in terms of social and economical status.

3.1 Local Characteristics

The agricultural practices on the Israeli side of the Dead Sea can generally be characterized as being intensive and technologically based. In terms of water use, the use of drip irrigation is widespread. The main water sources in the area are drilled from local aquifers, spring water, and minimal amounts of recycled wastewater. The quality of the water varies from secondary treated effluents and brackish well water to high quality spring water.

The product is marketed in both Israel and abroad, mostly in the European market. The use of chemicals as fertilizers, pesticides, and herbicides is influenced by the target markets.

The area of the Dead Sea has a research and development station (R&D) that helps farmers by developing new crops, production methods, and offers training and cooperation between farmers. The R&D farm is funded by the local municipalities, the

Israeli Ministry of Agriculture, and additional research funds. The Jewish Agency was one of the main supporters of the farm for many years and gradually reduced its 41 support. Recently (since 1997) the KKL (Jewish National Fund) is one of the main sources of funds for research work in the R&D farm.

Farming in the Tamar Regional Council is located in the Ein Gedi (about 190 dunams) and Kikar Sdom -- Neot Kakikar and Ein Tamar (about 4,000 dunams of family owned farms). In the Ein Gedi, agriculture has been greatly affected by the sinkhole phenomena which led to the closing of a large section of about 70 dunams of the date orchards. The closing of the orchard had a serious economic effect on the kibbutz and led to a search for alternate sources of income, the most significant is a water bottling plant. At the present time, Kibbutz Ein Gedi grows dates, mangos, herbs, a small section of medicinal plants, and timber (Paullina trees for the furniture industry). In the past, the kibbutz cultivated vegetables as well, but this proved to be less viable as the average age of the kibbutz members increased and other branches of work, specifically tourism, expanded (Personal communication with Eilam Raz, farmer, Ein Gedi).

As opposed to other communities in the region, the main source of Kibbutz Ein Gedi’s income is not farming but rather tourism and their water bottling plant (Personal communication with Merav Ayalon, Ein Gedi). The kibbutz plans to expand their agriculture to areas in the northern or southern part of the Dead Sea. The rationale behind this expansion farther away from the kibbutz is to gain access to treated wastewater and enable further development. At the moment, Ein Gedi has a limited water quota from its close proximity. The use of spring water by the kibbutz is a focal point of national public debate that poses utilization of the water against leaving the natural flow of the spring for the benefit of nature. This issue will be further discussed in this study. 42

At the southern part of the Tamar Regional Council, the Moshavim Ein Tamar and

Neot Hakikar cultivate their fields in proximity. The area is refered to as Kikar Sdom, named after the Biblical city of Sodom. Agriculture in Kikar Sdom, about 4,000 dunams, is very intensive and owned by private family farms. The crops are a few annual crops grown in greenhouses or net houses. The dominant crops are various types of peppers, melons, watermelons, eggplants, and tomatoes. The farmers in the area are economically vulnerable due to their dependence on few leading crop (at the moment mostly peppers) as well as high production costs that arise from farming in a saline soil using low quality water.

The following table presents the crops that are commonly grown in the area:

Crop Area (Dunam) Vegetables Melons 1179 Peppers 1726 Eggplant 64 Tomato 312 Watermelon 870 Herbs 70 Other 50

Fruit Orchards Figs 82 Table 3.1: Crops area in Kikar Sdom, year 2006- Dates 460 20071. Grapes 14 Source: Arava R&D station, annual summery.

As everywhere in Israel the use of water is based on water quotas. Water comes from local wells drilled in the area. The water has a high level of salinity ranging from about

600 to 4,000 ppm chlorine per liter with signs of further salinization of the aquifer

(Mekorot, Southern District water salinity reports, 2006).

1 The total amount reaches more than the value of the land itself since part of the area is cultivated in more then one cultivating cycle a year. 43

There are intensive uses of chemicals in the area for pest control, fertilizers, and herbicides. It is hard to measure the exact amount of chemicals in use over time due to the complexity of use. Different crops require different chemicals on different seasons.

The types of chemicals change all the time, the names are brand names, the quantities change according to the firm that manufactures it, the type of chemical and concentration etc. Chapter 5 includes more information on this matter.

There are a few farmers who are successfully growing organic crops in the area, but the practice is not widespread (Personal communication with Gabi Bachan, Head of Ein

Tamar Farming Association; Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar Farming Association and a farmer; Ilan Ashel, CEO of IBOAA; Dudi Kadosh, farmer).

The produce from Kikar Sdom is targeted mostly towards the export market. Most of the yield, peppers and melons, are exported to Europe and the US. A small portion of the yield is marketed locally. (Personal communication with Gabi Bachan, Head of Ein

Tamar Farming Association; Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar Farming Association and a farmer; Eitan Lerman, Head of Packing house in Neot Hakikar).

In compliance with European regulations for chemical use, the farmers are constantly reducing them and looking to methods that will reduce the affect of these chemicals

(Personal communication with Eitan Kornet, Head of Biologic Department in Agrexco).

European regulations force the farmers to look for alternatives to hazardous chemicals and often to use more sustainable alternatives. Following initiation by exporting companies, farmers in the area are currently in a process of reducing the use of pesticides as part their efforts to attain a brand name of "bio" for their products. All 44 farmers that market through Agrexco are required to have at least part of their products based on Integrated Pest Management, as appose to conventional use of agro-chemicals

(Personal communication with Eitan Kornet, Head of Biologic Department in Agrexco;

Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar Farming Association and a farmer; Ami Meduel

Head of Zohar R&D farm and farmer).

The dependence on the export market leads to a cycle in which approximately every five years there is a shift in the main crop for many of the farmers in the area (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar Farming Association and a farmer). A new crop will start out as a high value crop, very often due to the fact that it ripens faster in this region and therefore reaches the market earlier in the season and sometimes out of season. The result is less competition in the world market and higher prices for the consumers. After a few years, more and more farmers all over the country and other regions in the world begin to cultivate this high value crop and the result is a drop in the market price. Consequently, farmers will then have to look for a new crop.

This cycle is very common in the region and farmers have accepted it as a fact of life

(Personal communication with Dudi Kdosh, Head of Water and Settlement Department

Tamar Regional Council and a farmer; Asher Lozun, Heas of Neot HAkikar farmers' association). If this process continues, farmers will have to look for alternative crops in the near future. Clearly this cycle does not contribute to the sustainability of agriculture in the area as farmers cannot do any long-term planning.

As mentioned above, aside from the agriculture-based communities in the area, there is an extensive chemical industry extracting minerals from the Dead Sea. The facilities are owned by the Dead Sea Group. The industrial facility uses about 35 MCM water a 45 year (excluding water from the Dead Sea), and employs several thousand people from all over the Negev (Dead Sea Project web site, 2007). This industry produces benefits for the area by investing in infrastructure (roads) and by paying taxes to the local municipality (Tamar Regional Council). At the same time, the decline in the water level at the Dead Sea as well as the rise in the water level in the evaporation pools have created tremendous damage and threaten other development initiatives in the region

(Personal communication with Yael Maor, Head of Research and Development

Department Tamar Regional Council).

At Ein Bokek, there is a large tourist center that has about 4,000 rooms in fifteen hotels.

The tourism industry uses large quantities of water as well (about 2 MCM a year), but the same time offers employment and taxes to the local community (Dead Sea Project web site, 2007). Most of the workers, both at the Dead Sea factories as well as in Ein

Bokek hotels, come from other towns in the Negev and less from the adjacent communities.

3.2 Agriculturally-Related Institutions

The national 'agricultural institution' in Israel is constructed from a long list of institutions. This 'institution' involves various authorities, firms, ministries, municipal bodies, associations, and NGOs. The following diagram generally illustrates the involvement of the dominant bodies in agricultural practices.

46

Government • Ministry of National Infrastructure • Water Commissionaire • Mekorot Water • Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labor Land • Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development Immigrant workers • The Plant Protection and Insurance Marketing Board • Infrastructure Farmers Municipalities • R&D Farms Know how • Local Farmers’ Inputs Associations Private Sector Market • Inputs • Other financial support Marketing Firms • Banks / Financial Institutions Other • NGOs • Non- regional Farmer associations9 • Donor Agencies

Figure 3.1: Agricultural institutions in Israel.

3.2.1 Government

Issues relating to agriculture are not concentrated in the hands of a single ministry in

Israel. The reasons for this are not monolithic, and are partly political and partly professional.

At present, three main ministries have a direct influence on agricultural practices: (1)

Ministry of Infrastructure that deals with water policy, allocation, and supply; (2)

Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labor that deals with permits to immigrant workers, 47 and export. At present immigrant workers are required for many types of agriculture; and (3) Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development which regulates and supports agriculture activity. Additional governmental bodies that influence agriculture are the

Ministry of Interior that oversees zoning and land allocation, as well as the Ministries of

Environmental protection, which regulate the use of chemicals. However, the direct influence of this ministry on the daily life of farmers is more limited.

1) Ministry of Infrastructure, Water and Sewage Authority, Mekorot

Up until 1996 the management of water resources was under the responsibility of the

Ministry of Agriculture through the Water Commissioner (Tal, 2002 pg. 217). In 1996 with the creation of the Ministry of National Infrastructure the minister, at the time

Ariel Sharon, received the responsibility over the Water Commissioner. The rationale behind the change was sometimes made that a balance of power was needed to ensure that water allocation and supply not be beholden to a single sectoral interest. On

January 1st 2007 the National Authority for Water and Sewage was founded,

(commonly referred to as Water Authority). The authority was established in order to have one professional governmental body that will hold overall responsibilities over water management in Israel (Water Authority web site, 2007).

The Director of the Water Authority formally known as the Water Commissioner is responsible for water allocation to agriculture and to other sectors. Water allocation is set for individual farms or farmer associations by the Water Authority. The criteria for allocation are based on the area and crops that are farmed (Water Authority web site,

2007).

48

Mekorot is the national water company. Initiated in 1937, it is responsible for the supply of water (Mekorot web site, 2007). The company is owned by the government but functions as an independent business firm with governmental supervision following policy set by the Water Authority and Ministry of Finance. Mekorot's responsibilities include the development of water resources, production of water, treatment, and insuring water quality. Mekorot is also responsible for the charges of water payments from the consumers based on the rate set by the Water Authority. Mekorot supplies about 80 percent of the water in Israel (Mekorot web site, 2007). The rest of the water is supplied by local water associations, municipalities, Kibbutzim, and private producers.

In the area of the Dead Sea, Mekorot is responsible for water supply to the Moshavim of Kikar Sdom. Ein Gedi has its own supply and produces its own water based on a production license from the Water Authority (Personal communication with Dudi

Kadosh, Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar Regional Council; Ilan

Hamu, Makorot).

2) Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labor

Since the 1990's most of the hired labor in agriculture is migrant workers, mostly from

Thailand (Kimhi, 2004). It is estimated that there are about 26,000 agriculture workers in Israel (Kav La'Oved – Worker's Hotline web site, 2006) which the majority are from

Thailand. For farmers who compete in the world market with countries such as

Morocco, Spain, and Portugal, having cheaper labor is a necessity to survive in business. Immigrant workers from Thailand are considered to be fairly inexpensive, reliable, and professional. The Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labor, regulates the 49 hiring of Thai workers through quotas and regulations regarding payments and conditions. There is a constant conflict between farmers' associations and governmental representatives regarding quotas for immigrant workers. The debate is between having enough labor for agriculture on one hand and maintaining a certain number of work places for Israelis on the other hand.

3) Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development.

The Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development is responsible for the planning and development of rural areas. In terms of agriculture these responsibilities include development and support of farm based agriculture, veterinarian services, land preservation, etc. Among the services that are offered to farmers:

1) Training and Research: Agricultural Extension Services (Shaham) offers extension

services for farmers in various farm activities and production. The agency fosters

applicable research for farming technologies and production methods.

2) Inspection and Certification: The Plant Protection and Inspection Services (PPIS) of

Israel is a regulatory agency that is responsible for regulation, inspection and

certification of plant products. This service is vital for export and import of plants

and fresh products and assists in prevention of diseases and other threats.

3) Research: The Agricultural Research Organization (ARO) is an additional agency

that is responsible for agricultural research. ARO is responsible for planning and

execution for most of the country’s 70 million dollar agricultural research effort. It

involved an initiation of research, planning, organization, and implementing of

agricultural research.

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4) The Plant Production and Marketing Board is a farmer organization which unites

farmers from all production fields. It evolved from a number of associations that

specialized in various fields such as dairy, citrus, fruit, and vegetables. The board

was established under a national law where the management of the board in

nominated by the ministries of agriculture and commerce, and thus representing the

interests of both farmers and consumers. The board is involved in research and

development both for production as well as marketing, quality control, training,

financial support through credits, promotion of consumption, and insurance

(Ministry of Agriculture web site, Shaham web site, 2006; PPIS web site, 2006;

ARO web site, 2006).

The board unites 12,000 farmers. Its budget for the year of 2005 was about 125

Million NIS, out of which 5 Million NIS comes from governmental support and the

remaining funds are from the farmers. The rate of the fee that farmers pay is

determined by the level of production.

For most farmers the element of insurance is the most important activity of the

board and the main incentive for membership. Through membership, farmers are

insured against damages of natural conditions, i.e. drought, frost, hail, etc. This

insurance serves as a safety net for farmers and prevents bankruptcy from

catastrophic events.

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3.2.2 Municipalities

Most of the municipalities in Israel that are involved in agricultural activities are regional councils. Regional councils represent rural regions that generally consist of small settlements usually kibbutzim and moshavim. The municipalities support the farmers through various activities on issues such as infrastructure, representing the farmers facing governmental institutions, professional support, etc.

The Tamar Regional Council, which is the local government in charge of the southern part of the Israeli Dead Sea region brings together six villages, of which the three largest are farming villages. The municipality provides a few functions to support the farming community. Among them: (1) operates the Department for Agriculture and settlement; (2) supports R&D; and (3) operates the Drainage Authority. Through these functions the Regional Council concentrates on ensuring water and land rights for its citizens, investment in research and development, and investment in infrastructure to support the farmers.

Within the framework of the municipality, each of the villages is managed individually through a selected or elected secretary for Kibbutzim or farming association for

Moshavim (Agudah Haklait). The secretary / association manages the interests and occasionally the communal resources of the community. The secretary of the kibbutz or head of the farming association is the equivalent to a mayor of a very small town. Most of the activity of this 'mayor' involves defending the interests of the farmers in their community and promoting development.

52

Certain inputs that are consumed by the community are managed through the secretary / association, and therefore improving their negotiation for prices based on the strength of the 'economy of scales'. Such inputs include water, sub-contractors for transportation of products, and professional training.

It is important to point out the difference between a kibbutz secretary, in this case Ein

Gedi, and a moshav secretary who is the head of the farming association. The kibbutz is managed as one legal entity, i.e. the kibbutz is the owner of the land, the producer of the products, and the consumer of the inputs. The income goes to the kibbutz and in return the kibbutz takes care of the needs of its members. This is not necessarily the case for kibbutzim that were privatized but it remains true for Ein Gedi. In the case of the moshav, each of the farmers is an economic entity by itself. Members control their own land, produce their own products and consume their own inputs. For the benefit of all, the farming association manages certain aspects for the whole group assuming the requirements are similar and the benefits of dealing with larger numbers are considerable. Later, the association charges or credits its members based on their share used. The implication is that unlike a kibbutz (in its classical form) some members might gain more profit and some less based on their professional success, but they will all enjoy the same benefits of lower prices for inputs and better prices for sold products.

As will be presented in this research this form of co-op is one of the keys for the success of agriculture in the area. The strength that comes from the unity among the farmers is much greater then that of individual farmers. Farmers' associations facilitate better political representation as well as conveys advantage in dissemination of know-how and 53 infrastructure. It also gives it members better purchasing power and sophistication in marketing.

In addition, and separate from individual farms, occasionally the moshav also owns land for farming activity as a community. Each individual has a share of this activity and receives dividends, but the ownership and management remains in the hands of the moshav. In the case of the Israeli Dead Sea region, Ein Tamar owns date plantations in addition to the farming area of each individual farmer. In this case the date orchard is managed by employees of the 'Ein Tamar Farming association'.

3.2.3 Private Sector

Like any other industry in the Israeli market, the private sector plays a role in creating conditions that allow farming. The main activities that are in the hands of the private sector (although not exclusively) are the production and import of inputs, marketing mechanisms, insurance, and financial credits (Personal communication with Gabi

Bachan, Head of Ein Tamar Farming Association; Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar

Farming Association; Dudi Kadosh Head of Water and Settlement Department Tamar

Regional Council). The activity is divided between various bodies allowing a fair level of competition.

In terms of marketing, the Israeli market is still dominated by Agrexco and its brand name Carmel. Agrexco is the largest and oldest company in Israel and is partly owned by the government (50 percent). On top of Agrexco there are about ten marketing companies, most of them significantly smaller that specialize in certain market niches. 54

Nevertheless farmers are free to work with any marketing company and although competition is not strong it is still appears to be beneficial to the farmers.

3.2.4 Other

In addition to the bodies listed above, there are a number of NGOs, farmers’ unions, and other entities that are involved in agricultural activities in Israel. Among the main

NGOs are the Israeli Farmers' Federation which unites farmers in all sectors, IBOAA

Israeli Bio-organic Agriculture Association, sectoral groups such as the Date Farmers

Association (Dikalim), and others. The NGOs are involved in ensuring farmers' interests and developing the field.

Additional entities that are greatly involved in development of agricultural activity in

Israel are the donor organizations – The Jewish National Fund (JNF) and the Jewish

Agency. Although in recent years the Jewish Agency is no longer as involved in supporting agriculture development in the area of the Dead Sea. However its support and guidance is responsible for many investments in the area and enabling various projects. Some examples for the contribution of the Jewish Agency is the preparation of virgin land for farming. This initial investment is known to be a large barrier for development of agriculture especially in the area where land is saline and requires wash and drainage. The JNF is involved in supporting infrastructure, mainly for water resources and research and development. The support of the donor organizations in the

Dead Sea area is part of the ideology that has been the basis for agricultural development in Israel all through its modern history. It is also a policy which allows support of the periphery.

55

The following chapters will discuss agriculture practices that are in use in the area.

These practices will be examined in light of general existing policies and in regards to the criteria that were chosen. These practices reflect the level of sustainability of agriculture in the region.

56

4. Water Use and Management

The following chapter discuses the use of water for agriculture in the area of the Dead

Sea. Water is the limiting resource in arid agriculture. The Dead Sea area in specific suffers from low level of participation, with a yearly average of only 40 mm (Arava

Research and Development Center weather report, 2007) and high levels of salinity in water sources and soil. One of the basic questions that come to mind when attempting to improve the sustainability of agriculture in the desert is simply "Why should we have agriculture in this harsh area to begin with?" This research does not attempt to answer the question but rather relates to agriculture in the region as a 'given'. Sustainable practice in light of this 'given' refers to policies that offer a 'more sustainable' option for water policy.

The chapter discusses national and local policies in regards to water consumption and management. In attempt to evaluate the sustainability of the processes and policies that are described the following criteria are examined:

1) Use of water resources that does not damage the resources or other natural resources

and their ability to serve the community in the future;

2) Development of alternative, renewable water sources;

3) Equitable allocation of water regionally;

4) Suitability of agriculture to the water scarce area;

5) Use of water in the most effective, efficient manner that is commonly known; and

6) Promotion of water conservation and public awareness and engagement in it to

conserve. 57

Based on the findings in this chapter it is argued that although the general policy in

Israel is to limit the use of water for agriculture, this is not the case in the Dead Sea region due to reasons that will be presented. In fact the practice in the Dead Sea is to use as much water as needed and increase allocation to benefit development.

One of the problems that is presented in this chapter is the low quality of water and its effect on farmers and on agriculture production. Among the solutions that are tested in attempts to address the problem is the option of desalination of brackish water. This option that is currently being tested in the local research and development farm follows the rational by which a use of higher quality water will reduce the total amount that is needed (Personal communication with Ami Maduel, head of Zohar R&D farm; Dorit

Hashmonai, Zohar R&D farm). On the other hand desalination of water for agriculture carries the high energy and pollution costs that are required with the existing desalination technology.

Perceptions of water in the area of the Dead Sea are complex. Based on the understanding that agriculture in the area is required, further development of water sources receives high attention from water authorities, mostly Mekorot. At the same time there is little effort among the same authorities to assist farmers in their struggle in light of the poor water quality. In addition very little attention by authorities is directed towards promotion of water conservation among farmers.

Following is a detailed list of policies and processes that were observed in this research.

Overall, the lack of planning towards future water use indicates a certain level of 58 technological optimism. There is a sense among farmers and officials that there will be a solution to their water needs. This sense in expressed in the tendency to plan additional or alternative sources of water, as oppose to rethink consumption patterns.

In light of the geopolitical situation in the region, water management is often driven by the adage ‘use it or loose it’. Both Israel and Jordan assume that water that is not used will be lost as opposed to preserved for future use (Al-Weshah, 2000). In aspiring for more sustainable practices, cooperation must be addressed not just in agreements over water allocation but rather in dissemination of know-how and technologies, joint planning and shared investment in infrastructure.

4.1 Water for Agriculture – National Scale

As mentioned, since the beginning of the state of Israel, and even before, the development of agriculture in Israel was done hand in hand with the development of water sources for agriculture (Moshkovitz, 2000). Allocation of land for agriculture is linked directly to allocation of water where they are dependent on each other. Israel's policy regarding water and agriculture throughout the history was to allow agriculture in arid area through implementation of engineered water solutions.

In its earlier days, agriculture and water projects for agriculture enjoyed a strong ideological basis that supported the development of farming as an essential part of

Zionism (Tal, 2007). In the later years, since the mid 1980's political and social changes affected the local approach towards agriculture. Agriculture is no longer seen nationally as an ideological priority to the same extent as it was, but rather as an economical activity (Feitelson, 1999). 59

A parallel process to agriculture’s general loss of stature involves the increase in the standard of living in Israel. This change brought an increase in general consumption in general and in water for domestic use as well. With the change in the perception of agriculture and with the increase in water consumption for domestic uses, the shift in priority for water consumption from agriculture to domestic purposes was inevitable

(Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 2004).

The result is that the need for water in agriculture is no longer the paramount priority in water planning and policy.

The process that is described here manifests itself in Israel’s water policy in several ways:

1) Water allocation for agriculture as part of total allocation is reduced;

2) Alternative water sources for agriculture are developed, allowing allocation of fresh

water to other sectors, primarily for domestic consumption; and

3) Subsides of agriculture through water prices are not eliminated entirely, but the

prices of water increases meaningfully.

The following Figures represent the change in the role of agriculture as the main consumer of water throughout the years. Figure 4.1 represents the national water consumption in Israel from the 1950's until the 1990's and the share of agriculture out of the total consumption. Two trends are clear from this figure:

1) There was a stable increase in water consumption in Israel until the mid 1980's (the

highest amount in 1985 – 2,024.3 MCM) and a stabilization or small reduction later 60

on. The peak of 1985 repeated itself only 10 years later in 1996 as a result of

developing alternative water sources.

2) The share of agriculture in total water consumption is slowly reduced throughout the

years with a relatively steep decrease in the second half of the 1980's.

Total National Water Consumption MCM Agr Consumption 2500

2000

1500

MCM 1000

500

0

4 6 8 0 2 4 6 1958 1960 1962 196 196 196 197 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 198 198 198 1988 1990 1992 Year

Figure 4.1: National Water Consumption 1958-1992 (MCM) Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 2004.

Figure 4.2 represents the same trends from the 1990's and on. The percentage line represents the constant decrease in the share of agriculture from the total. It is important to point out that this decrease is from the total share of water regardless of water sources. In relation to fresh water consumption, the decrease affects an even larger area, as will be shown.

61

Agr Consumption National Water Consumption - Total Total Consumption and Consumption for Agriculture % of Agr from the Total (1993 - 2003, MCM)

2500 66 64 2000 62 1500 60

58 % of from Total Total from MCM Agriculture 1000 56 Consumption 54 500 52 0 50

93 97 98 99 03 19 1994 1995 1996 19 19 19 2000 2001 2002 20 Year

Figure 4.2: National Water Consumption – Total Consumption and Consumption for Agriculture (1993- 2003, MCM) Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 2004.

Figure 4.3 represents the describe trends from 1958 until 2003 (sample data).

Agr Consumption Agriculture consumption out of Total National Water Total Consumption (1958 - 2003, MCM) % of agr

2500 90 80 2000 70 60 1500 50 % of

MCM 40 1000 Water

30 Agriculture Consumption 500 20 10 0 0 1958 1966 1974 1982 1990 1998 2003 Years

Figure 4.3: Agriculture Consumption out of the Total National Water Consumption (1958 – 2003, MCM) Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 2004.

Apart from the general decrease in the water share for agriculture out of the total national water consumption, there was an even greater decrease in the consumption of fresh water (Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 62

2004). With the understanding that the natural sources for water are close to completely utilized, there was a need to find creative sources. These sources, called 'marginal sources' include treated wastewater use of brackish water and runoff catchments. These sources have been developed, with plans for further the development and utilization in the future (Tal, 2006).

The domestic consumption which, as mentioned, increases constantly with the increase in the standard of living, requires fresh water. In order to answer all sectors needs there was an intensive investment in infrastructure for alternative water sources that will serve agricultural sector.

The following Figure (Figure 4.4) represents the decrease in the role of fresh water use for Israeli agriculture.

Agr Consumption Water Consumption for Agriculture - % of fresh water from the total Agr use (1993-2003, MCM) 1600 80 1400 70 1200 60 1000 50 800 40 Agr MCM 600 30

400 20 % of Fresh

200 10 Water used for 0 0 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 Year

Figure 4.4: Water Consumption for Agriculture (1993-2003, MCM) Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 2004.

The decrease of fresh water consumption for agriculture from the total fresh water use is presented in the following Figure 4.5. As is shown in the figure, the percentage of fresh water that is used for agriculture purposes declines constantly. 63

Total Fresh Water Consumption for Agriculture Fresh Water Use out of the Total Water Consumption Fresh Water for Agr (1993-2003, MCM) % of agriculture from the fresh water consumption

2500 70 60 2000 50 1500 40

30 Water MCM from the 1000 Agr % of Total Fresh Fresh Total 20 Consumption 500 10 0 0

5 3 93 9 96 98 99 01 02 0 9 9 9 0 19 1994 19 1 1997 1 1 2000 20 2 20 Year

Figure 4.5: Fresh Water Consumption for Agriculture out of the Total Water Consumption (1993-2003, MCM) Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 2004.

The shift in fresh water use was from the agricultural sector to the domestic sector. In addition desalination of brackish and sea water is aimed to be an important source of fresh water, currently mostly for domestic use. 64

Fresh Water Use by sector – 1993, 2003

1993 2003

Domes tic Agriculture 36% 42% Domestic Agriculture 52% 59% Industry Indus try 5% 6%

Figure 4.6: Fresh Water Consumption by Sector – 1993, 2003 Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 2004.

The two processes that are presented here transpired on a national level and affected agriculture sector throughout the country. Farmers in the Dead Sea region were not as affected from this processes for two main reasons that will later be explained.

As mentioned before, recent water policy in Israel also included an increase in water prices. Although the prices still do not represent the actual price of water and in fact agriculture in Israel is still subsidized through water prices, the subsidies are far smaller than in past years and the increase in the price did affect farmers and was noticeable.

4.2 Water for Agriculture – Dead Sea Region

As mentioned in Chapter 3, water in the Dead Sea region come from two main sources:

1) For the farms in Kikar Sdom water is produced from local wells drilled in the area.

The development, maintenance, production and supervision of these sources are the responsibility of Mekorot. There are about 23 wells and two springs that serve as water sources for the moshavim in the area (Mekorot, southern District water salinity reports, 65

20062). The exact number of active wells changes according to the production, water quality and other factors. The water is used mainly for irrigation. Desalination of water from the same sources is used for domestic use.

2) Ein Gedi's sources of water are a group of springs which produce water in high quality. These springs are Ein Gedi, Shulamit, David, and Arogut. Kibbutz Ein Gedi also uses downstream water from wadi Arogut and David. The water is used for irrigation (the lower quality water mainly from the catchments of the wadis), domestic use and industry. Being that the primary industry associated with Kibbutz Ein Gedi is a water bottling factory, it requires the best quality water (Personal Communication with

Merav Ayalon, Ein Gedi). The ethical aspects of using water in an arid region for a water bottling factory is the focus of an on going public debate which will be discussed in the following sections.

Following is a list of trends and policies in regards to water management in the area.

Each section is evaluated in light the criteria listed above.

1) Overall Increase in Water Consumption

For the most part, the trends represented in the previous section did not affect the water consumption in the Dead Sea area where overall consumption increased. There are several reasons for this:

(1) Most of the farming in the Dead Sea region is done in Kikar Sdom and is based on saline water. Saline water consumption was not targeted for reduction by the Water

Commission. As a result farmers in the region did not suffer from the same decrease in water allocation as did their peers in other areas in the country; and

2 The information is taken from a report which was provided by Mekorot for the purpose of this research. The report presents data about water sources in the area and level of salinity over a period of 14 years (1990-2004). 66

(2) The water sources in the area are independent, i.e. not connected to other water systems or are part of a renewable aquifer. The result is that there are no alternative uses for the water and water that is not used flows to the Dead Sea. The perspective of water institutions (Water Authority, Mekorot) is then to use this water as needed

(Personal communications with Gabi Bachan, head of Ein Tamar farmers association;

Ilan Hamu - Makorot, Dudi Kadosh - Tamar Regional Council).

The following figure represents water consumption in the area. The trend reflected in the graph stands in contrast to that of the national trend. As seen, there is a clear increase in water consumption in the area.

Total Consumption Water Consumption Dead Sea Region Consumption for (1991-2004, 1,000 CM) Agriculture

8,000 7,000 6,000 5,000 4,000 3,000 1,000 CM 2,000 1,000 0

1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 Year1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

Figure 4.7: Water Consumption in the Dead Sea Region (1991 – 2004, 1,000 CM) Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 1992-2005.

The vast majority of the water consumption in the area is for agriculture. In fact there is no system for measuring water consumption by sector in the area. Water is assumed to be for agriculture apart from a constant supply which is dedicated (5,000 CM in Neot

Hakikar and Ein Tamar) for domestic use (Personal communication with Gabi Bachan, 67

Head of Ein Tamar farmers association). This division can be attributed to the pricing method for the water.

It is important to point out that the increase in consumption in recent years that is shown on Figure 4.7 does not manifest itself for each individual farm unit i.e. allocation of water for agriculture in the area increased in general but it was not increased in relation to each farming unit. Water allocation is directly linked to allocation of land; therefore each unit of land that was assigned for farming in the area enjoyed a certain unit of water allocation. Altogether the amount of water that is allocated for farming in the area increased. Individual farmers did not gain additional water quota per farming area, as a result of the general increase in water consumption in the area but rather it is absorbed by the demographic growth.

The following Figure (Figure 4.8) represents the division between Ein Tamar, Neot

Hakikar and Ein Gedi. Ein Gedi farm did not receive more water during this period of time, whereas in the moshavim Ein Tamar and Neot Hakikar there was a steady increase. The explanation for the ostensibly preferential treatment is the fact that in the mosahvim each family that is absorbed receives land allocation and water allocation thus the total water allocation increased along with the increase in farmed land. On the other hand, Ein Gedi, being a single unit of farm did not enjoy additional water allocation for farming.

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Ein Tamar Neot Hakikar Water Consumption for Agriculture Ein Gedi (1992-2004, 1,000 CM) 4,500 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000

1,000 CM 1,000 1,500 1,000 500 0

8 1 92 93 94 95 96 97 9 99 00 0 02 03 9 9 9 1 1 19 1 19 19 19 19 20 20 20 20 2004 Year

Figure 4.8: Water Consumption for agriculture by settlement (1992 – 2004, 1,000 CM) Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 1992-2005.

As mentioned in the list of criteria at the beginning of this chapter, in light of the limitation in sources of water the increase in consumption in the area suggests a non- sustainable practice. Indeed as will be presented in section 5, signs of degradation in water sources are already seen.

2) Allocation Equals Consumption

As mentioned, in Israel water allocation is made by the Water and Sewage Authority

(formally Water Commission – hereinafter – the Water Authority). The criteria for allocation are size of farm, crop, area and type of water available i.e. saline water receives higher allocation then fresh water (Water Authority web site, 2007) Due to the relative flexibility in water allocation in the study area an unwritten agreement between the farmers and the Water Authority allowed farmers to consume as much water as needed regardless of the official allocation. The rule of thumb was that "allocation 69 equaled consumption". Unlike other places in Israel, farmers in the region did not suffer consequences for consumption of water above allocated quotas (Personal communication Gabi Bachan; Head of Ein Tamar farmers association). Table 4.1 shows allocation and consumption in the area. It is clear from the table that there was a constant state of over consumption in the area with no attempt to mitigate it.

Water allocation and Consumption in The Dead Sea area (1,000 CM):

Ein Tamar Neot Hakikar Ein Gedi Year Allocation Consumption Allocation Consumption Allocation Consumption 1991 991 2248 1329 1992 1079 1079 2236 2226 3136 1212 1993 1122 1115 2578 2578 3436 1356 1994 1275 1154 2448 2311 3616 1462 1995 1273 1278.8 2448 2689.5 3716.1 1578.2 1996 1377 1477.8 2703 2776.4 2284.5 1555.3 1997 1776 1926.2 2703 2989.9 2567.9 1568.5 1998 1632 1720 2856 2955.2 2285.5 1581.6 1999 1632 1809.6 2856 2956.1 2285.5 1294.4 2000 1632 2011.7 2856 3147 2285.5 1331.3 2001 1632 1929.8 2907 3274.6 2285.5 1218.2 2002 No data 1994.8 No data 3345 No data 1148.9 2003 No data 2033.7 No data 3669.8 No data 1125.9 2004 No data 1886 No data 3963.1 No data 1249.6 Table 4.1: Water allocation and Consumption in the Dead Sea area, 1,000 CM Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 1992-2005.

Since the year 1999 the policy of the Water Authority (Water Commission at the time) regarding over consumption in the area has changed. Over consumption is not allowed any more. At present the moshavim are in a legal battle with the Mekorot Corporation and the Water Authority regarding fines for past cases of over consumption (Personal communication Gabi Bachan – Ein Tamar).

This kind of policy demonstrates the dilemma of water authorities between accommodating farmers' needs on the one hand, and being strict and protecting water sources on the other hand. In general, farmers in the area feel that the water institutions 70 have grown less and less friendly towards farmers. This process is manifested in the pricing system, enforcement of regulations and assistance in general. According to

Gabi Bachan, the head of the farmer association in Ein Tamar, in the past Mekorot and the water Authority's (Water Commission at the time) policy was directed towards supporting agriculture whereas the situation today is the opposite (Personal communication Gabi Bachan – Ein Tamar).

Although farmers may be damaged in the short-term by the change in policy by water authorities, the change marks a positive sign towards more sustainable practice. One of the criteria for sustainable use of water relates to reduction in consumption. The attempt to limit the use of water by reinforcing water quotas indicated positive development.

3) Paying for Water Based on Salinity Levels

An additional example of the diminished cooperation between the farmers and the national institutions overseeing water management is the pricing policy. The water sources in the area have high levels of salinity ranging from about 900 to 2000 mg chlorine per liter (with local signs of further salinization). The payment for saline water is made based on the level of salinity. Once a year, a Mekorot representative samples the water that is consumed by the farmer at the tap. The result of this measurement is the basis for the payment for that year. The following table represents the pricing based on the salinity: 71

Level of Salinity Current NIS Price Price Discount EC (s/cm) for Farmer Saline water – 0.90 NIS/CM 1000 > 2650 2650 > 3400 - 16% 0.75 NIS/CM 3400 > 4100 -24% 0.68 NIS/CM 4100 > -30% 0.63 NIS/CM

Table 4.2: Water pricing based on Salinity (for water that is categorized as saline) Source: Mekorot correspondence with Ein Tamar Farmers' Association, Gabi Bachan.

For the farmers, the salinity is a source of greater financial expenses and poses a serious limitation to the success of their production in general. Due to the high salinity of water used for irrigation, farmers must rinse the soil from salt residues on a seasonal base.

Rinsing requires more water for irrigation, thus the farmers use larger quantities of water relative to other places. The result is an overall greater financial expense for the farmers.

In addition to the high level of salinity there is also instability in the level of salinity in the water which is delivered. For instance, occasionally water for irrigation will be more saline than the average. This phenomenon happens a few times every season due to changes in the main water sources that are used or other technical reasons involving treatment. Mekorot uses a mixing pool to prevent these incidents, however occasionally it does happen. It is important to note that every incident where water is deliver with high salinity concentrations damages yield to some extent.

The main problem with the pricing method for salinity is that it does not represent the true costs for farmers of high water salinity. The sampling that serves as the basis for water prices for that year is done during a random time of the year. The measurement 72 does not relate to the average salinity or to the highest salinity level for a given year.

Since water is not sampled continuously it does not reflect peak values where agriculture damage is greatest. The water that farmers receive varies from time to time in its salinity thus the pricing tends to misrepresent the actual quality that farmers tolerates (Personal communication Gabi Bachan; head of Ein Tamar farmer association;

Asher Lozun, head of Neot Hakikar farmer association; Dudi Kadosh, Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar Regional Council). An alternative pricing systems that will be preferable by farmers and represent better the effects of salinity on yield could involves the following either taking more regular measurements or base the charges on the marginal salinity, i.e. the highest salinity level that is measured.

According to farmers, in previous years when the water price was lower, there was not much point in these negotiations. Now that the water prices are higher, salinity calculation should reflect the consequences of using more saline water. Currently negotiation with Mekorot on this matter has been unsuccessful for the farmers.

Apart from pricing problems, the saline water that is in use creates an ever greater threat due to the processes of salinization that is recorded in the area. More on this issue will be discussed in section 5.

Despite the fact that water utilized by farmers in Kibbutz Ein Gedi is of much higher quality, the charges for the freshwater supplied to Ein Gedi is significantly lower. The reason for this is that Ein Gedi produces its own water and does not use the services of

Mekorot. Ein Gedi draws water from nearby springs based on a license issued by the

Water and Sewage Authority. 73

4) Increase in Water Prices

As the price of water in Israel increased, so did the price of water in the Dead Sea area.

The price per cubic meter that in 2001 was around 0.67 NIS/CM has risen to 0.85/CM

NIS over a period of few years3 (Personal Communication with Gabi Bachan, head of

Ein Tamar farmers association). These prices are the prices that are paid by the local farmers' association (Ein Tamar and Neot Hakikar). Farmers themselves pay an additional 0.05 NIS.

As the water is subsidized by the government, present pricing still does not represent the real price of water and production in the area. All the same, the increase of about 25

% affects farmers dramatically. For a farm of about thirty dunam of peppers and melons, this increase represents an overall increase of over 8,000 NIS4 a year in the operational budget.

Despite recent increases, the water price is still heavily subsidized by the government.

The result is that the economic incentive to reduce the amount of water is lower then it could and should be. Subsidizing farmers through water prices is a policy that has been criticized numerous times in the past, however, no alternative was yet to be implemented.

3 Based on Consumer Price Index over the period of time between December 2001 and December 2006 was 8.16%. Data was taken from the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics 4 Calculated based on 30 dunam times an average consumption of 1,500 CM per dunam per year times the difference in the price of CM. 74

5) Resources Going Saline

As mentioned above the salinity of water in the area is a problem for agricultural production. Aside from the high level of salinity of the water, the variability of salinity of water is a major problem. The sources that are available for irrigation in the Kikar

Sdom area are saline and are in the process of getting more saline.

In order to examine salinization of water sources (wells and springs) in the area

Mekorot performs seasonal measurement at the source (as oppose to measurements at the farmers' end as described in Section 3). Data from these measurements were received from Mekorot for the years 1990-2006. All together 22 sources were sampled.

Figure number 4.9a represent the salinity levels of ten of the water sources in the area by year. Sources were chosen randomly from those that had continuous data for the time frame and were not in clear proximity to each other.

Salinity in Kikar Sdom Water Resources - Average Conductivity of Sample Sources 1990-2006, MICROMHOS/CM/25

5 7000 6000 5000 4000 3000 2000 1000

MICROMHOS/CM/2 0 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 Year

Figure 4.9a: Salinity Levels in Kikar Sdom Water Resources, Average Conductivity of Sample Sources (1990-2006, MICROMHIS/CM/25) Source: Mekorot, Southern District, Water Salinity Reports, 2006

75

As seen in the figure above a slow yet noticeable salinization of water resources is in process. In order to verify the results of the random measurements of the sources, the following figure (Figure 4.9b)includes all sources in the area that were monitored by

Mekorot, with the examination of sample years. The trends in the graph point to a salinization process.

Average Salinity in Kikar Sdom Water Resources (1990, 1995, 2000, 2005; MICROMHOS/CM/25)

4000

3900

3800

3700

3600 3500

3400 1990 1995 2000 2005

Figure 4.9b: Average Salinity in Kikar Sdom Water Resources, (1990, 1995, 2000, 2005; MICROMHOS/CM/25) Source: Mekorot, Southern District, Water Salinity Reports, 2006.

Beyond the slow process of salinization there is a phenomenon in which occasionally a source of water gets very saline for a limited time (a year usually) and then goes back to its average salinity. This phenomenon affects water management requirements as well as productivity and prices for the farmers.

It is important to mention that monitoring by Mekorot is not done regularly. Not all sources are monitored systematically every year or every season. Wells are monitored during different seasons every year which undermines a representative picture of things

(Mekorot, Southern District, Water Salinity Reports, 2006). 76

A few points need to be addressed with regards to the salinity level in the area:

1) The sense of farmers and water professionals in the area is that salinization of the

water sources is not a problem. Groundwater sources which come from a renewable

aquifer are more or less stable (Personal communication Dudi Kadosh – Tamar

Regional Council; Gabi Bachan - Ein Tamar; Ilan Hamo - Mekorot). This approach

affects the management of these resources including their monitoring and use.

From Figures numbered 4.8a and 4.8b, it seems that this impression is not

necessarily correct.

2) When discussing these findings with officials in Mekorot and Hydrological Service

of the Water Authority it seems that the problem is known yet nothing is being done

to address it. According to Lea Ben Asher Gilad, head of Water Quality

Department, in the Southern Region of Mekorot, when a water source becomes too

saline to use it is closed and an alternative source is found. There is no policy to

address the problem the source becomes unusable (Personal communication with

Lea Ben Asher Gilad, Head of Water Quality Department, Southern District,

Mekorot). Menahem Weiss, the hydrologist responsible for the area of the Dead

Sea in the National Hydrological Service (Water Authority) takes this notion even

further. Weiss explains that the problem is known all around the country, yet there

are no recommendations by the Hydrological Service to address this issue directly

(Personal communication with Menahem Weiss, Hydrological Service, Water

Authority).

3) Only a few of the resources tested were dramatically salinized, Two of them (Ein

Bokek spring, Neot Hakikar number 7 well) had become so salty that they could no

longer be used any more (Personal communication, Lea Ben Asher Gilad, Mekorot). 77

4) Although salinization is a slow process in the area it does happen. In light of

intentions to increase water use it needs to be addressed.

A sign that that should the subject of some alarm regarding this issue is the lack of authorities' ability, or motivation, to protect water sources. This is yet another example of technological optimism in regards to water. The 'decision not to decide' is directly link to the belief that eventually when there will be an urgent need, an alternative source of water will be available.

Presently there is a process in the area of examining options for desalination of water even for agriculture use. Using desalinated water will allow for the use of smaller quantities for irrigation and at the same time increases productivity. Effective desalination operation will also reduce or even eliminate the threat of salinization on the farmers. A few experiments at the local research and development center relate to this option with a variety of crops. Testing is being conducted for economic feasibility (see

Section 7, Table 4.3: Experiments Relating in the Zohar R&D Farm in Kikar Sdom,

2005).

6) Water Availability and the Choice of Crops

Farmers in the area feel that water is available but not allocated or managed properly.

Farmers in the region are under the perception that "the well will not go dry". This attitude affects the choice of crops that farmers choose as well as their investment in infrastructure.

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The main force that motivates the choice of crops in the area is the market potential.

Although struggling with a harsh environment and saline water, farmers do not adjust their crop selection as a result but rather seek innovative technology that allows them to grow 'normal' crops under these conditions (Personal communication Ami Maduel, head of Zohar R&D Farm, Kikar Sdom; Dudi Kadosh, Head of Water and Settlement

Department in Tamar Regional Council).

The following figure represents the division of crops in Kikar Sdom. The domination of crops that are high water consumers is clear from the figure

Crops in Kikar Sdom Melons (Dunam, 2005)

Peppers Other Watermelon Tomato 4% Dates 5% 8% Melons Dates 39% Watermelon 15% Tomato Peppers 29% Other (Herbs, eggplant, Figs, sweet potatos, zukini, etc)

Figure 4.10: Crops in Kikar Sdom (by Dunam, 2005-2006) Source: Arava R&D Farm Yearly Report, 2006.

Under the present conditions and farming paradigms, if farmers believe that they do not have enough water to produce the crops they choose, it is more likely that they will simply produce less then change their choice of crops. In order to adjust to different crops there is a need to change the way farmers and decision makers in the area think.

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7) Research and Development for Better Water Use

Part of the research and development activity in the area of Kikar Sdom and Central

Arava is focused around finding efficient ways to reduce the amount of water that is being used for the crops that are being grown. The methods that are being explored vary and relate to use of desalinated water, reuse of green house runoff, development of crops that are more tolerant to saline water etc. The following table describes some of the research projects that are focused around water consumption.

Crop Experiment Purpose Peppers Using desalinated water on Reduce the total amount of water that is various percentage of the being consumed. The lower the salinity total irrigation water is, the less water the crop demands. Peppers Using alternative soil Different types of soil around the root components for the rote system of the plans allow better holding. system Experiments designed to find the optimal protocol for implementation. Salicornia Experimenting about the The crop is very tolerant to highly saline (crop, suitability of the new crop water. herb) to the area Fruit Experimenting with various Alternative crops for seasonal vegetables orchards fruit using saline and that overall consume less water. desalinated water Melons Adjustment of peppers to Reduce the total amount of water that is desalinated water being consumed. The lower the salinity is, the less water the crop demands. Table 4.3: Experiments Relating to Water Use in Zohar R&D Farm in Kikar Sdom (2005) Source: Personal communication with Zohar R&D farm staff – Ami Maduel, Dorit Hashmonai.

The investment in research on a more efficient water use is a positive example of the sustainable approach. The acknowledgment that alternative methods need to be developed for reduction of water use is very valuable in light of the general spirit in which water resources are managed in the area. As on a national level desalination seems to be a favorite option although other options are addressed as well. Although desalination answers the problem of water availability and quality the high energetic price it demands puts its sustainability in doubt. 80

It is important to note that most of the research projects address engineered solutions to water problems. Only one experiment examines the use of crops that are simply more suitable to the area.

8) Additional Water Sources through Enlarging the Supply Network

As mentioned, the current source of water for Kikar Sdom is the rechargeable aquifer of

Neot Hakikar – Kikar Sdom. This aquifer is independent of other water sources going as far south as Idan. In order to increase water sources in the area Mekorot is in the final process of connecting the Neot Hakikar – Kikar Sdom system with a more southern aquifer in Idan-Hatzeva.

As part of development plans in the area, additional land was allocated for agriculture.

The land allocation of about 800 dunams has to be accompanied by additional water allocation. In order to meet this need Mekorot had planned to connect the two water systems – Neot Hakikar- KiKar Sdom and Idan Hatzeva.

The connection is done through a network of piping that will pump water from the southern areas in the Arava Valley to the area of Kikar Sdom. The project is one of many engineered water projects designed by the Engineering Planning Department of

Mekorot and is in the process of approval by the Water and Sewage Authority.

The financial expenditures in linking Kikar Sdom system to that of Idan Hatzeva is mainly due to the costs of the piping. The aquifer itself is fairly shallow in comparison to deeper wells located in the central Arava. The water production is therefore not as 81 complicated and expensive as in other places (Personal communication with Ilan Hamo

– Mekorot; Ami Maduel, head of Zohar R&D farm; Dorit Hashmonai, Zohar R&D farm).

9) Using Treated Wastewater

Additional water source for the area can include treated wastewater that may be used for agriculture. At the moment the amount of treated wastewater that is utilized in the area is very limited. The water is treated to a secondary stage, through the settling in sedimentation pools followed by biological treatment (active sludge). The treated wastewater can be used for agricultural irrigation purposes under limited conditions.

There are three fairly small wastewater facilities in the area – Ein Gedi, Kikar Sdom

(production of few hundreds 1,000 CM yearly altogether), and Ein Bokek which produces about 900,000 CM a year. The water from the wastewater treatment plants are used partly for gardening in Ein Bokek but mostly for agricultural operations. As the sewage treatment facilities are operated and consumed in the same regional council, and as there are fairly small quantities involved, farmers are not charged for this water

(Elisha, 2006).

10) Water Debate in Ein Gedi

During the past years Ein Gedi has been at the center of a public debate over the water bottling company which is owned by the kibbutz. Ein Gedi is located by two springs the David and Shulamit and in between two streams David and Arogut. The area is one of the most important nature reserves in Israel and serves as a habitat to many species of flora and fauna (Nature and Park Authority web site, 2007). 82

In 1997 kibbutz Ein Gedi opened a water bottling factory in partnership with Jafora-

Tabori, an Israeli soft drink factory. Prior to the establishment of the factory, kibbutz

Ein Gedi suffered tremendous damages from the appearance of sinkholes in its vicinity and had to close part of its date fields due to the threat to workers. In attempt to replace the date fields as a source for livelihood the kibbutz opened the bottling factory (Tal,

2006). The water that is used in the factory is taken from Shulamit and David springs, which also contribute to the water utilized by the kibbutz for domestic use and gardening (Teruan, 2007). Water for other users in the kibbutz (such as agriculture and to some extent tourism) is taken from the streams and being treated (Teruan, 2007).

The debate over the issue concentrates on two aspects. The first is the very basic notion of bottling water in a desert setting and shipping it to other parts of the country for purpose of economic profit. Given intense shortages of water, which characterizes desert environment and concern for the nature reserve drying up, many argued that it is inappropriate to export water. This is an ethical question which implies non-sustainable practice.

The second aspect in this case aspect involved more technical aspects. The question goes to the quantity of water that can be used without damaging the unique environment in this area and in what form. The main opponents in this debate were mostly Israel’s

Nature and Park Authority along with other environmental NGOs along with individual activists who faced off with Kibbutz Ein Gedi.

83

The total water consumption at Kibbutz Ein Gedi is currently at one of its lower points ever. Figure 4.11 presents the total consumption of water in Kibbutz Ein Gedi and the share of spring water out of this amount.

Ein Gedi Water Consumption 1991-2004, 1,000CM 1800

1600

1400

1200

1000

800 1,000 CM 600

400

200

0 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 Total Consumption Years Spring Water

Figure 4.11: Ein Gedi Total Water Consumption, 1991-2004, 1,000 CM Source: Water Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, 1992-2005.

As seen in the figure, ever since the initiation of the water bottling factory, following a short period when there was a trial run, the total water consumption of the kibbutz dropped. Out of the overall amount, water allocated for industry was 30,000 CM a year for the years 1999-2004. At the same time the reduction in agriculture consumption was about 320,000 CM a year, from an average 1,200,000 CM in the five years prior to

1999 to an average of 820,000 CM a year for the five years following 1999 (Water

Commissionaire, the Department for Consumption Management, Consumption Reports,

1992-2005). The decrease in agriculture consumption is over ten times greater then the increase in industrial use. Seemingly this would be a positive change. 84

Yet, according to the critics, the problem with the change in water consumption in Ein

Gedi was not the total amount that was consumed, but rather the sources of the water.

Water for the bottling factory are pumped from the springs, which thus reduces dramatically the amount of water that flows through the streams which compromise the needs of nature (Teruan, 2007).

In 2006 Kibbutz Ein Gedi requested and received an additional water allocation of

164,000 CM a year for industrial use. This allocation was at the expense of agriculture thus the total amount remains the same (Teruan, 2007). In order to allow for the continued operations of the factory and to protect the needs of nature a compromise was made between the Nature and Part Authority and Kibbutz Ein Gedi.

According to the present agreement the kibbutz will be able to increase its use of spring water from Shulamit and David and in return it will pump water from down stream in

David and Arogut streams up to the nature reserve thus enlarging the overall amount of water that flows in the streams for the benefit of the ecosystem. This operation will be done at the expense of the kibbutz. In addition, the kibbutz will shift its domestic consumption from the spring water to treated water from down the streams

(Teruan, 2007). This agreement is expected to be applied in 2008.

The Society for Protection of Nature (SPNI) and other environmental activist oppose this agreement. According to their perspective, the compensation mechanism by which water from the springs is overused and in return water from other sources is pumped up the stream is not reliable. According to the SPNI, the alternative source (the Arogut 85 stream) does not hold the amount of water that is expected. As a result, less water than is projected will be pumped up the David stream as compensation. In addition technical failures might create a real environmental disaster in the area (SPNI web site, 2007).

The implications of this case are important on both a practical level as well as a theoretical level. On a practical level, ostensibly a solution was found in which all parties receive what they have asked for. In addition it is an example of a very efficient water user – Kibbutz Ein Gedi that reduced its overall water consumption significantly and remained economically sustainable. However, when discussing sustainability the practical question is not sufficient. In this case the needs of nature may be compromised in a very fragile and unique environment, thus demonstrating a negative performance in regards to criteria number one – "Use of water resources that does not damage the resources or other natural resources and their ability to serve the community in the future".

In additional, question of injustice in allocation comes to mind. High quality spring water which belongs to nature, or at the very least to the general public, especially, visitors of the nature reserve, is given to a privately owned company in return for lower quality water that will be artificially pumped to the nature reserve. The interest of the wider public appears to be compromised to a usage the interests of a smaller group.

As seen, water policies with regards to agriculture in the Dead Sea area in Israel are complex. The general trend in Israel which seeks to reduce the amount of water used for agriculture or alternatively use recycled water, is a 'more sustainable' approach. It allows the continuity of agriculture in arid environment. However the approach in the 86

Dead Sea area is different. Policy in the area does not pursue reduction in amounts of water since water sources are independent. Intentions of expansion by the settlements in the area might raise a problem in regards to future availability of water. At present the issue is being addressed by importing water from Central Arava. The sustainability of this solution for the long run is questionable since it will solve the problem for only a limited amount of time.

The issue of water quality is an additional problem. On one hand, the use of water with high salinity creates a problem to the farmers. On the other hand, these sources might not be suitable to any other use. One solution could be to focus research towards alternative uses that will allow livelihood. Examples of these alternatives might be crops that are suitable for these conditions or fish ponds. The solution that seems to be the focus of research at present is in the area is desalination. Even when desalination is sustainable economically, environmentally it is still may remain very problematic due to its high energy consumption and pollution.

In regards to signs of salinization, the lack of activity by water authorities in this regard is disconcerting. The inability or lack of motivation, for protecting the existing water sources indicates a very unsustainable approach.

To conclude, following is a table that represents criteria that were examined and the findings that were presented in this chapter. For each of the criteria a general statement rates the level of sustainability as one of the following:

 Noticeable improvement, meaning positive trend; 87

 Not sufficient change, meaning not enough change or stable non sustainable

practice;

 Clear deterioration, meaning negative change; and

 Insufficient or no comparable data

A short explanation points out the reason for the grading of the criterion.

Criterion Findings Explanation Use of water resources Clear Salinization of water sources is that does not damage deterioration progressing. Involvement of water the resources or other authorities in this regard is not sufficient. natural resources and their ability to serve the community in the future Development of Not sufficient Development of alternative sources is in alternative, renewable change processes, however not all alternatives water sources focuses on renewable sources for example importing water from Central Arava. Desalination is viewed as a potential solution disregarding its high environmental costs in the form of high energy consumption and pollution. Equitable allocation of Insufficient or Water is allocated based on water quotas. water regionally no comparable data Suitability of Not sufficient Crops in the area are not suitable to the agriculture to the water change existing conditions of water scarcity and scarce area salinity.

Use of water in the Noticeable Technology for water conservation is most effective, efficient improvement implied. Local research relates to manner that is practices for more efficient water use. commonly known Promotion of water Not sufficient Attention by authorities related to conservation and public change development of water sources with very awareness and little attention to water conservation. engagement in its to Economic tools such as pricing is not conserve used as an incentive for reduction of consumption. Table 4.4: Criteria results for water management in the Dead Sea area.

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5. Use of Agro-Chemical

The following chapter discuses the use of agro-chemicals in the Dead Sea area. When discussing sustainable agriculture very often the concept of organic agriculture comes to mind. Organic agriculture rejects the notion of using artificial chemicals in the process of farming (Ettinger, 2002). It uses compost as an alternative for chemical fertilizers and bio-pesticides as a biological pest control. In addition it also uses methods such as companion planting or crop rotation as an alternative for chemical pesticides and herbicides.

The chapter further discusses national and local policies and trends in regards to chemical use. In order to evaluate the sustainability of the processes and policies that are described the following criteria are examined:

1. Awareness among farmers, consumers and agriculture institutions to the hazards of

agro-chemicals

2. Reduction in the use of chemicals in agriculture

3. Development of alternatives to chemical use

4. Development of organic agriculture

5. Governmental involvement in promoting lesser use of agro-chemicals

6. Involvement of other entities in promoting lesser use of agro-chemicals

The subjects of the study which these criteria apply to are farmers, consumers and agricultural institutions, including governmental bodies, regional authorities, and marketing firms.

89

It is argued that the most noticeable and positive trend is the change in local farming techniques that are on par with international standards and thus leading to a reduction in the use of chemicals. This process motivates additional development towards sustainability: (1) use of Integrated Pest Management instead of conventional pesticides; (2) development of organic agriculture.

As this chapter presents, the processes that are described are not lead by the government. It seems that governmental policy does not actively encourage these processes. Often the government even acts as barrier for farmers who wish to become organic.

The wide spread use of chemicals in the farming practices had been one of the characteristics of modern agriculture (Georing et al., 1993). By using chemicals, pest and weed disturbances can be controlled which can result in higher crop yields.

However, these uses in chemicals has negative effects such as reduction in the natural fertility of the soil; dependence on artificial chemical fertilizers; pollution of water sources and soil; health hazards to farmers and consumers of the products; etc.

(Adler, 2003).

As mentioned organic agriculture is not totally sustainable and nor is sustainable agriculture necessarily organic. The clearest example in this research is the approach to water consumption and conservation. Organic farmers do not necessarily consume less water even in an arid environment where water consumption is often unsustainable.

With regards to chemical use in farming, organic agriculture, which bans artificial 90 chemical use, altogether, follows a very sustainable approach. In fact it probably sets an ideal to which farmers can aspire.

In practice, presently more farmers and initiatives for sustainable agriculture opt for a more moderate solution in the topic of chemical use. These solutions take many forms, one of which is in Integrated Pest Management (IPM). Integrated pest management is a method by which chemical pesticides are replaced with various types of pest control measures such as net houses, biological pesticides, companion planning and when needed, chemical pesticides for local problems (Australian Academy of Science web site, 2007).

There is a growing awareness in the world about the health hazards that arise from use of chemical pesticides. Residues of various types of chemicals that are used in the pesticides industry are present in the food chain and create a risk to humans (Stokalsky et al., 2007). With the growing awareness, there is also a growing demand in the market for agricultural products that are produced with limited amount of chemicals.

Standards and regulations regarding chemical use in agriculture appear and are enforced mostly in Europe and USA. These regulations quickly become a standard for those who wish to export to these markets.

Israeli farmers see the European and USA markets as a target markets for their agriculture production. Thus the EU standardization for pesticide residues is likely to eventually affect agriculture production. The effect is already seen in Israel among many of the farmers and products. This chapter discusses trends in chemical use in agriculture in Israel in general and in specific in the Dead Sea area. 91

5.1 Use of Agro-Chemicals – National Scale

1) Organic versus Conventional Agriculture

Organic farming is well known alternative to conventional agriculture production that uses intensive chemical fertilizers and pesticides. The Israeli Bio-Organic Agriculture

Association (IBOAA) promotes organic agriculture among farmers, consumers and governmental bodies. IBOAA is a farmer association, founded and owned by the farmers (Personal Communication with Ilan Ashel, IBOAA).

Although organic farming in Israel accounts for about 1.05% (Kachal, 2007) of total agricultural production, it accounts for approximately ten percent of fresh export.

Organic agriculture has become one of the fastest growing sectors achieving an annual growth rate of 25%. In 2006, 400 farmers cultivated about 7,000 hectares of organically-grown crops (Personal Communication with Ilan Ashel, IBOAA).

From a survey of European markets conducted by the Department for Markets Surveys in the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development it appears that Israel is the main source of organic vegetables in the European market. On leading vegetables such as potatoes, carrots, tomatoes and peppers, Israel is the source for more them 50% of the import of these products to Europe (IBOAA Organic Newsletter, 2007).

Increase in organic farming production during the past few years is steady. The following figure (Figure 5.1) represents the increase in the years 2003-2005. Due to the 92 disengagement5 export in year 2006 was damaged however a growth is expected for the year 2007 (Kachal, 2007).

Organic Agriculture in Israel: Export (1,000 Tons)

40 35 30 Other 25 Citrus 20 1,000 Tons Fruits 15 Field Crops 10 Vegetables 5 0 2005 2004 2003 Year

Figure 5.1: Organic Agriculture in Israel: Export (1,000 tons) Source: Kachal, 2007.

The following table and figure represents the steady increase in the organic market in

Israel. This increase includes consumption both domestically and internationally.

Sales Rate of Change in Comparison to Year (Million NIS) Previous Year 2000 15-25 2001 17-27 8%-12% Increase 2002 18-28 2%-6% Increase 2003 20-30 7%-11% Increase 2004 21-31 2%-6% Increase Table 5.1: Estimation of Total sales in the Organic Market (Millions NIS) Source: Organiton, May 2005.

5 The area of Goush Katif Which was abandoned during the disengagement had about 800 dunam of organic greenhouses (Kachal, 2007). 93

There is no doubt that the potential market of organic products sets as an economic incentive for farmers. High awareness among consumers leads to market demands which later on leads or will lead in the near future to supply.

2) Governmental Involvement in Organic Farming

The Law for Organic Farming in Israel has recently been passed after years of discussions. (The Law for Managing Organic Products; 2005). The Israeli organic standard follows the standards instituted by the EU, home of its main target market.

Organic production in Israel is certified in order to comply with EU 2091/92 regulations and International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM) standards.

The Plant Protection and Inspection Services (PPIS) of Israel's Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development is responsible for inspection of fresh organic produce through certified Inspection & Certification bodies (Ministry of Agriculture and Rural

Development, The Israeli Standard for Organic Product, 2006).

All organic growers in Israel are members of the Israel Bio-Organic Agriculture

Association (IBOAA), an IFOAM-affiliated member. The IBOAA promotes, disseminates and develops local organic know-how through courses, field trips, extension activities, and marketing. It had set a goal for organic agriculture to reach

10% of total agricultural production within the next ten years (Personal communication with Ilan Ashel director of Bio-Organic Agriculture Association).

The demand for organic produce is increasing steadily in Israel, and organic produce is available in most of the cities, just recently, in the past 1-2 years, conventional 94 supermarkets started marketing organic products as well. In addition, two “health food store” chains were introduced to the market and are opening branches all around Israel.

From experience world wide it seems that the main force for the increase in consumption of fresh organic products is the increase it their availability in the market

(Kachal, 2007).

The recently declared Law for Management of Organic Products (2005) regulates the use of standards for organic production. Apart from the low governmental institutions play a minor role in the development of the organic branch and even set barriers. The lack of support by the government is inconsistent with a governmental decision from

May 2003 that declared that Israel's government activities will be based on principles of sustainability. Part of this decision relates specifically to the development of organic agriculture (Decision no. 246, Strategic Planning for Sustainable Development in Israel,

2003).

Very little activity in the field is financed by the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural

Development in terms of research and development in organic farming. There are usually no more then four to six out of twenty grants requests that are financed by the ministry regarding organic agriculture. The rest of the organic research is financed through the private sector or research funds (Personal communication with Ilan Ashel director of Bio-Organic Agriculture Association).

Table 5.2 specifies elements of organic agriculture and governmental policy in regard to them. As is shown governmental policy does not support organic practice and even 95 discriminates organic farmers in comparison to conventional farmers, for example in the case of professional consultancy.

Item Explanation Governmental Policy Investment of In order to be recognized Although there is a mechanism for tax 2-3 years in as organic farm, farmers deductions for investments in agriculture the process of must practice organic for farmers, there is no recognition in the switching to agriculture for two to process of switching from conventional organic three years (depends on farming to organic. The result is that the crop), i.e. not use farmers have to bear the costs of this conventional chemicals. process. The costs are a result of the fact During this period the that organic production is usually smaller products are sold as in quantity of product per dunam then conventional products. conventional for the same area, but the price remains as the price for conventional products, i.e. lower then organic. Professional Professional consultancy Conventional agriculture expert is paid consultancy by expert agronomist is by the government 80% of the cost of partly covered by the guidance and 15 km travel costs. The government for experts farmers pay 20% of the costs. Organic that work with the agriculture expert is paid 40% by the Ministry of Agriculture government, the farmer pays the or other recognized remaining 60%. institutions. Research R&D farms, Volcanic Limited support in research and Institute. development in the organic production. Governmental No involvement. regulation on local market for organic products Permits for Organic agriculture often Ministry of Industry, Trade and Labor immigrant requires more labor, recognizes special requirement for few of workers therefore quotas of the organic crops and allows special workers permits should quotas. For the rest of the crops there is address it. no recognition and consideration. Table 5.2: Policy Elements of Organic Agriculture Source: Personal communication with Ilan Eshel director of Bio-Organic Agriculture Association and Udi Adler, Organic Farming Instructor, IBOAA, PPIS.

The number of organic producers in Israel increases gradually over time. The area of

Gush Katif had about 7,000 dunams of organic farms and was responsible for 40% of 96 the organic exportation from Israel. (Organiton, June 2005). Following the disengagement the market remained in demand and other farmers sought to adopt this approach and enjoy the economic and ecological benefits of organic agriculture.

Organic farmers benefit economically from higher prices that the products are worth.

The higher prices allows them to maintain profit despite the fact that for most organic crops yields are lower (in tons) and the requirement for inputs and investments are higher. These pricey investments include expensive compost instead of chemical fertilizers, bio-pest management instead of conventional pesticides, and more intensive labor requirements (Kachal, 2007).

Experts foresee the increase in the market share of organic products and in parallel a decrease in the market prices of these products (Kachal, 2007). The question is raised of whether or not lower prices will still allow economic sustainability for the organic farmers. A scenario in which organic farming is no longer beneficial economically is possible due to the entrance of many farmers to the market and an increase in supply.

Optimists will argue that at the same time continuous development in techniques for organic farming will bring an increase in the production (in quantity) thus the lower price will no longer affect the overall revenue of the farmer.

As seen, although governmental involvement does not actively encourages organic farming or alternatively reduction in the use of agro-chemical in conventional agriculture, the trend to do so is in process. Public demand leads the positive development this matter thus answering main criteria positively. The demand is a result of increasing awareness to the hazards of chemical use in agriculture. 97

3) Integrated Pest Management (IPM)

The existence of organic alternative has affected the practices of conventional agriculture as well. Alternatives to chemicals used in organic farming are gradually penetrating the practices of conventional agriculture. The result is that many products that were developed for the use of organic agriculture are now commonly used for conventional agriculture as well (Personal Communication with Ami Meduel, Head of

Zohar R&D farm; Dudi Kadosh, Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar

Regional Council; BioBee Sde Eliyahoo web site, 2007).

There are several reasons for this:

(1) Growing awareness of health hazards related to pesticides. The ability to reduce the

chemical hazards without affecting production is a good alternative for many farmers;

(2) Market demand. There are many market standards that demand limited use of

chemicals in the production process. Alternatives to chemical pest control answers

this demand; and

(3) The effectiveness of chemical pest control products is not sustainable because of

potential resistance to chemicals that the pests can develop over time. Often, the

alternatives do not allow pest to develop resistance at the same rate or at all. For

example the use of natural enemies or construction of physical barriers to pests (for

example net houses) will not allow pests to become resistance to chemicals (US EPA

web site, 2007).

Israel’s international produce marketing firms, Agrexco in particular but not solely, instruct farmers on the list of chemicals they can use in order to qualify for marketing 98 standards. These lists are updated on a regular basis. The marketing companies enforce these rules with inspections to verify that there are no residues of the ban chemical in the marketed products (Personal Communication with Eitan Kornet;

Agrexco web site, 2006).

5.2 Use of Agro-Chemicals – Dead Sea Region

Agriculture in the Dead Sea area is very much oriented towards foreign markets (see more on this topic on Chapter 6). The processes that were described on the national level apply regionally. Based on this trend the demand for less chemical use in agriculture production affected practices among farmers in the area.

Chemical use also brings with it a considerable cost for farmers. However alternatives to the conventional materials for fertilization and pest control will not necessarily reduce the overall cost. The expenses on alternative fertilizers, infrastructure and labor, very balance the savings on pesticides and even create a greater expense. The following table presents sampled data regarding farmers' expenses on agro-chemical and other components in the production process. The table compares expenses for growing one dunam of peppers in a net house in a conventional way and organic. It is important to mention that the 'conventional' peppers are addressed for export thus answer al the limitations of pesticide use.

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Conventional Practice NIS Organic Practice NIS Fertilizers 5 Cubic Meter of 1,650 10 CM compost 1,834 compost 100 Kg Guano 1,200 Liter of 7*3*7 500 liter Organ 3000 150 kg Feather Flower 2 liter Leaf Feeding 10 liter Hyumic acid Pest Control 80 liter of Edigan 1,865 IPM package 700 Pest control package Labor 8,500 10,875 Table 5.3: Selected Inputs Items in Production of Conventional and Organic Peppers Source: Arava R&D Farm web site, Economic Calculation, 2007.

As shown on Table 5.3 the expenses over organic fertilizers and labor is higher in organic agriculture whereas the expenses over pest control products is lower. In terms of revenue – the revenue for conventional pepper for export was 5,000 NIS per ton.

The revenue for organic peppers for export was 7,900 NIS per ton. All together profit for the organic farmer was higher.

1) Use of Pesticides and Fertilizers Based on Estimation of Needs

Although technology for applying fertilizers through computerized irrigation system is available, it is not widely used (Personal Communication with Dudi Kadosh, , Head of

Water and Settlement Department Tamar Regional Council and a farmer). Many private farmers often avoid the use of controller and apply fertilizers based on guidance from farming instructors and the performance of the plants. The choice of whether to use technology to control the use of fertilizers or to use farmer's personal evaluation is up to farmer's choice. The use of too little fertilizers have a cost in term of lower production.

On the other hand overuse of fertilization will result in over salinization of the roots of the plants. Farmers need to wash the soil to avoid high concentration of salts which result from the use of irrigation and fertilization. Over fertilization will result in 100 requirement for additional washings (Personal communication with Dudi Kadosh -

Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar Regional Council and a farmer).

In the local research and development farm there are few research projects that examine techniques for better management of fertilization. Examples that are currently being researched include the use of feeding cannels (ditches with enriched soil) and raised soil beds (disconnected bedding). These techniques use 'imported' soil in which the plants are grown. By doing so farmers use a more fertile soil thus require less fertilization

(Personal Communication with Dorit Hashmonay, Researchr, Zohar R&D farm, Kikar

Sdom). In Ein Gedi these techniques are implemented in the mango orchards and herb fields (Personal communication with Eilam Raz, farmer, Ein Gedi).

The demand for chemical inputs changes according to the time of the year, crop type, method of growing, and how common the crop is in the area. For example, melons have a shorter season then peppers and therefore use less pesticide. Extensive crops, such as peppers tend to have more pest outbreaks which require treatments. Crops grown in net houses demand less pesticide use than crops grown out in the open air

(Personal communication with Ami Maduel, Head of Zohar R&D Farm and a farmer,

Kikar Sdom). However, regardless of the ongoing daily use that is driven by the vicissitudes of the moment, a trend towards reduction of chemical inputs over time is widely reported (Personal Communication with Ami Maduel, Head of Zohar R&D

Farm and a farmer, Kikar Sdom; Dudi Kadosh, Head of Water and Settlement

Department Tamar Regional Council and a farmer; Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar

Farming Union and a farmer).

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2) Reduction in the Use of Chemical Inputs Due to Export Limitation

As was described on the national level in the Dead Sea area there is an active process of reducing the use of chemicals mostly due to the requirements of the target markets. The process is apparent in the Kikar Sdom area as well as in Ein Gedi.

Kikar Sdom agricultural products are largely directed for the export market making

European residue standards extremely germane (Personal communication with Asher

Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar Farming Union and a farmer; Eitan Kornet Head of

Biologic Department in Agrexco). In addition there is a slow but noticeable process of farmers switching to organic practices which reduces even more the overall consumption of chemical in the area.

The use of IPM requires investment in special infrastructure, mainly net houses or special equipment for the 'usual' green houses. These methods serve as a front line that will prevent some insects from getting to the plants thus damaging it. Know-how for the use of IPM is common in the area and Zohar R&D farm (Kikar Sdom) is involved in promoting these low-chemical practices. Promotion is done based on local research and guidance from the marketing companies as well as local guides from the research and development farm. Yair R&D farm6 offers a yearly course for organic farmers as well as instructors that work with the organic farmers in the area of Central Arava and Kikar

Sdom.

6 The local research and development farm (Arava R&D Farm) is constructed from two research stations; Yair station, located in Hatzeva and Zohar station, located in Ein Tamar. In Zohar farm research focuses on issues that relate to the special climate and conditions in the Dead Sea area. There is a strong cooperation between the staff in Zohar R&D farm and local farmers in the Dead Sea area. Issues of arganic farming is researched and taught mostly in Yair station. More details about research and development in the area can be found in Chapter 3. 102

The process that was described in a national level and manifests on a local level, answers positively a few of the criteria regarding a more sustainable practice.

Awareness among consumers increased which created a higher demand for products with less agro-chemical. Farmers follow this demand and reduce the use of chemicals by apply alternatives. The development implementation of these alternatives will be described in the following sections.

3) A Slow Increase in the Organic and IPM Practices

A slow increase in farming land for organic and IPM methods is in process in the area.

Ilan Eshel, CEO of IBOAA predicts a major increase in the organic farming land in the next ten years and IBOAA target the area of Kikar Sdom to become fully organics within ten years (Personal communication with Ilan Ashel, director of Bio-Organic

Agriculture Association). This goal was not vocalized by officials in Kikar Sdom although they do recognize the expected increase in organic farming in the area.

The largest marketing company that is active in Kikar Sdom is Agrexco. The company is in the process to making designated areas that will be considered "semi organic" by using practices such as IPM. Agrexco plan to brand these products as higher quality products in comparison to conventional products. Under this strategy all farmers that are associated with Agrexco will have to start farming at least part of their fields within a limited time in net houses using IPM technique. The goal of this strategy is to have

70-80% of the farm area deemed 'semi organic' and therefore achieve higher revenues.

The exporting companies and the PPIS are partially subsidizing this process (Personal communication with Eitan Kornet, Head of Biologic Department in Agrexco).

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As of 2006 there are seven farmers in Kikar Sdom that practice organic farming, and some of which are in the processes of becoming organic. In Addition areas that are in the process of being prepared for farming are expected to have larger sections put aside for organic farming (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Farming

Union Neot Hakikar). As mentioned the processes of becoming organic involves a financial investment by the farmer in the shape of profit loss. Unlike other investments in agriculture that are credited for tax reasons or even receive partial support by the

Ministry of Agriculture, this investment is all at the expenses of the farmers. Indeed farmers who grow organic in the area are successful financially; however the risks, as well as the credit limitations are preventing other to join. Starting an organic farm on

'virgin' land, i.e. land that was not practiced before, averts the need for this investment since there is no adjustment period.

In Ein Gedi farming is managed as a cooperative so that decisions are not done individually but rather by the farm managers. Ein Gedi grows three main crops – dates, mangoes, and herbs. Out of the common crops in Ein Gedi, two are organic. The date trees are organic and so is the herb farm. Mangoes are not organic but due to the method of growing (feeding cannels) require little chemical inputs (Personal communication with Eilam Raz, farmer Ein Gedi).

The considerations for farming organic or non organic appears to be purely market driven. As shown in the example with mangoes. Mangoes in Ein Gedi are grown with very little chemical inputs. However the switch to full organic is not economically feasible. The mangoes in Ein Gedi ripen early in the season and receive a very high price as a conventionally grown produce. Organic mangoes will not draw higher 104

revenue and therefore do not warrant the investment or drop in yield (Personal

communication with Eilam Raz, farmer and head of Mango orchard, Ein Gedi). On the

other hand restrictions regarding chemical residue standards for herbs are so restrictive

that a total organic practice is easier and more efficient economically (Personal

Communication with Eilam Raz, Ein Gedi).

In conclusion, it seems that growing awareness worldwide to the damages and risks of

the use in chemicals is affecting market demand and farmers. A slow yet steady

decrease in the use of chemicals is in processes. Other, more sophisticated means are

integrated to answer problems of pests' outbreaks. Farmers in the Dead Sea area are

part of the trend and implementing either organic farming or use of IPM methods. The

place the products from the area have in the markets abroad allows farmers to invest in

new methods and technologies. Altogether that change is beneficial to the health of

consumers, farmers, and the environment.

Chemical use in agriculture is a good example to how public demand can influence

sustainability of the environment. Awareness of consumers in Europe and USA affect

farmers practice thousands of miles away. In this case the environmental benefits as

well as the well being of farm workers and consumers are a direct affect of market

forces.

The following table summarizes the criteria that were in question in regards to chemical use, and the findings as were presented in this chapter. A short explanation points out the reason for the grading of the criterion.

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Criterion Findings Explanation Awareness to the hazards of agro- chemicals:

 Among Noticeable Growing awareness among consumers leads Consumers improvement market.  Among Farmers Insufficient or There was no clear indication to farmer's no comparable thought on the matter. data  Among Not sufficient All activity from authorities was as an answer Governmental change to consumers demand as appose to a clear Authorities awareness among decision makers.

Reduction in the Noticeable A reduction in the use of agro-chemicals as a use of chemicals in improvement result of market demand. Alternatives are agriculture seen in the shape if IPM products and to a lesser level in organic production. Development of Noticeable IPM methods are commonly used. Locally alternatives to improvement conducted research examines alternatives to chemical use chemical use on a regular basis. Development of Noticeable Slow yet noticeable development in practice organic agriculture improvement of organic agriculture. Financial barriers prevent many farmers from switching to organic farming. Governmental Not sufficient Very low involvement by the official involvement in change institutions involved in agriculture. promoting lesser Occasionally governmental policy use of agro- discriminates organic production. chemicals Involvement of Noticeable Processes are motivated by marketing farms other entities in improvement and NGOs. promoting lesser use of agro- chemicals Table 5.4: Criteria results for use of agro-chemicals in the Dead Sea area

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6. Economic and Social Security

In order to study sustainability of agriculture in the Dead Sea area, this research examines elements of economic security and social conditions among farmers and local farming communities. These issues include the economic prospects for farmers and the viability of the community as a whole. In this work the issue was divided into two main subjects: market and livelihood. In this chapter relevant national and local policies as well as trends in regards market and the socio-economic state of farmers and farming communities are discussed. The following criteria are used as a tool to evaluate the sustainability of the policies and trends in this chapter:

1. Stable and profitable market

2. Sufficient livelihood for farmers

3. Economic security for farmers

4. Viability of farming community

5. Social equity

It is apparent that an overall process is happening in which farmers cannot support themselves any more based solely on their farm at its original size. Many farmers have abandoned farming altogether or seek additional incomes to contribute to their livelihood. Those farmers who continue to practice agriculture as the main income usually have to enlarge their farms by renting land from their neighbors. This process is seen all over Israel as well as in the Dead Sea area. The farms that remain economically successful are usually larger and more specialized. This chapter presents the details of this trend in Israel and in the Dead Sea area. 107

It is also argued in this chapter that basing livelihood on an export markets allows farmers in Israel and in the Dead Sea area to maintain economic viability due to the high revenues in foreign markets. Producing crops for export markets, however demands adjustments by farmers to the high standards in those markets. The adjustments are done by the farmers with the support of the government and marketing companies. Although exports offer economic viability, the overall sustainability of food export is being criticized all around the world. Shipping food across the globe demands high investment of energy pollutes and uses high amount of packaging which later on becomes solid waste.

This chapter claims that the viability of communities in the Dead Sea area is in a fragile state due to their dependence on agriculture. However, as will be shown, the communities adjust to the limitation and focus future development on alternative sources of income. Socially the community is strong and viable with a fair level of renewal through absorption of new comers and future plans for development.

The Dead Sea factories and large hotels play an important role in the economy of the area through the provision of local tax money. The high budget that the regional community enjoys translates into high levels of services and provision of employment for many of the residents.

Ein Gedi is a different community in regards to many of the issues discussed in this chapter since it is no longer based on agriculture. To some extent, it would seem that it is further ahead of the Moshav communities in its economic development. Most of the 108 processes that are described regarding agricultural sustainability do not affect residents in Ein Gedi.

6.1 Socio-Economic Sustainability of Agriculture – National

Scale

6.1.1 Target Markets for Agriculture Products

1) Growing for Export Market

The export market has played a significant role for Israel's agriculture for many years.

It has been an important source of income for farmers and tool for development. Since the 1920's, with the famous Jaffa citrus (Tal, 2002, pg. 52). All through the years,

Israeli farmers have grown high quality products for export, mostly to the European market. The current share of local products that is exported to the foreign market is roughly twenty five percent with yearly changes (increase or decrease) of a few percent

(Israel Central Bureau of Statistics web site, 2007).

In recent years, the most common export produce has shifted from citrus to other crops.

Weather conditions along with technology know-how and high standards of production have allowed Israeli farmers to grow and sell premium products such as flowers, vegetables, and fruits to European and US markets (Personnal communication with

Eitan Kornet Head of Biologic Department in Agrexco, 2006).

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The following diagram (Figure 6.1) presents the shift in the main export products in the past twenty years. It is clear from the diagram that while the focus in the 1980's was on citrus and field crops, by the year 2004 the main focus is on vegetables, potatoes, and melons. Figure 6.2 presents the constant increase in export of these crops since 1990.

Export Value of Main Products in % of Total 35

30

25

20 15

10

% of Total Export% 5 0 Livestock Field Crops Citrus Fruits Flowers Vegetables, (excluding Potatoes and 1984 Citrus) Melons 1994 Product Groups 2004

Figure 6.1: Export Value of Main Products (In % from Total) Source: Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistic- Cal # 52; 2007. 110

Exports of Selected Products: Vegetables, Watermelons and Sugar melons, Potatoes

450 400 350 300 250 200 150 1,000 Tons 100 50 0

0 5 6 7 8 1 3 5 6 9 9 9 0 0 0 0 99 99 999 000 19 1 19 1 19 1 2 20 2002 20 2004 20 20 Year

Figure 6.2: Export of Selected Products: Vegetables, Watermelons, Sugar melons and Potatoes, 1990- 2006 Source: CBS, Statistical Abstract of Israel 2007.

In order to maintain a share in the market farmers have to adjust to the needs and tastes of the target markets. Marketing Department in the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural

Development in the Israeli government and marketing firms such as Agrexco, support farmers in their continuous attempts to adjust. Target markets and potential future markets are being researched constantly. Marketing firms offer guidance to farmers about the choice of crops, standards required, and packaging. Marketing firms also activate quality control and take action against farmers that jeopardize the reputation of

Israeli products in those markets (Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development web site, 2007; Agrexco web site, 2007).

Most of the marketing is done by Agrexco, a fifty year old company owned partially by the government. Agrexco operates branches in Europe and North America and cooperates with leading marketing networks. Using its own fleet for transport (by land, sea or by air) Agrexco offers transport service from the field to the supermarket, thus 111 allowing consumers to enjoy fresh products even when it originates thousands of miles away (Agrexco web site, 2007).

In addition to Agrexco, there are smaller marketing companies that focus on export.

Usually these firms offer special products with smaller market niches.

Exporting products to wealthier countries (European Union and USA) allows Israeli farmers to receive higher revenue for their work and thus they are more sustainable economically in light of the reduction in profit in the local markets (more information on the reduction in profits is offered later on this chapter). In addition, due to the nature of the work with the buyers from abroad, very often products are sold even before production had started which offers security and stability to farmers (Personal communication with Eitan Kornet, Head of Biologic Department in Agrexco).

Worldwide, however there are criticisms of exported food and other goods. These criticisms are based on the fact that this kind of export is an unsustainable practice due to the high negative effect related to transportation. The term 'Food Miles' is used to describe the distance food products are transported from where it is grown to the consumer. In the USA it was found that 'conventional' food, i.e. food that is not marked as sustainable or local, had passed 27 times as many food miles as local food - 1,494 miles (Pirog et al., 2003). In regards to this research it is clamed that although export of agricultural product abroad opens markets and livelihood possibilities to Israeli farmer, as a whole it is not sustainable.

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6.1.2 Socio–Economic of Farmers and Farming Community

1) Less Profit for Farmers

One of the problematic processes that happened in Israel over the years is a steady decrease in profit for farmers (Feitelson, 1999). The main reason for this decrease in profit is high capital investment and the market demand of high quality products, while at the same time, stiffer competition in the market lowers the prices of products

(Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Farming Union in Neot Hakikar).

Figure 6.3 clearly presents this decrease in farmers' profits. The decrease in income per farm is one of the main reasons for the following processes that are described in this chapter.

Figure 6.3: Farmers' Revenue in Comparison to the Value of Production, Billion NIS Source: Israel Central Bureau of Statistics, Statistic- Cal # 52; 2007.

2) Size of Farm Increases, Number of Farms Decreases

As mentioned in chapter one, currently the number of farms in Israel has decreased from 43,450 in 1981 to 25,900 in 1995. However, each of the remaining farms has 113 increased in size over the years (Kimhi, 2004). This trend is happening worldwide as a result of the decrease in profit per unit of farm, the high cost of expensive machinery, and the need to make production processes more efficient.

Figure 6.4 present the change in the size of the farm from 1971 to 1995. It is clear from the figure that the number of small and medium size farms has decreased over the years whereas the number of larger farms has increased. Farmers who no longer tend to their farm lend their property to their more successful neighbors or other farms and benefit from the rent money.

Figure 6.4: Size distribution of Active Farms in Moshavim (dunam) Source: Kimhi, 2004.

At the same time as increase in farm area, an increased specialization of crops also occurred. In order to fully utilize the larger farms and enjoy the benefits of economy of scale, farmers tend to specialize in a single crop or a few crops, as opposed to a larger 114 variety that was common in the past. In addition specialization of crops on larger farms enables farmers to maintain a market niche (Kimhi, 2004).

Figure 6.5: Specialization distribution of active farms in Moshavim Source: Kimhi 2004.

3) Making livelihood out of Agriculture

The sustainability of agriculture is dependent, among other things, on whether or not farmers can sustain themselves and their family from practicing agriculture. By its nature agriculture is a risky field of practice, economically speaking. Each season the capital investments farmers must make are required long before any yield is available.

As a result, farmers often depend on credit. Through the years, crises frequently happened when production failed. This kind of misfortune can be a result of acts of nature -- for example frost or extreme heat -- or acts of men -- such as market overflow.

In case of these emergencies, Israel offers subsidized insurance to farmers through The

Plant Production and Marketing Board (see more in Chapter 3).

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Even without dramatic events or misfortunes, the yearly income of farmers is not stable and predictable. The following figure presents the trends in annual income for farmers.

To show the contrast, the graph is presented with the average income of employees in industry. This figure clearly shows the fluctuation in yearly income of farmers over time. Needless to say this fluctuation offers a risk for the farmers who cannot foresee the next crisis.

NIS NIS

Year

Figure 6.6: Annual income of self-employed in agriculture and alternative income in the industrial sector. (1,000 NIS of 1995) Source: Kimhi, 2004.

To find a solution to the fluctuation in income farming families had to find additional incomes to sustain their livelihood. By doing this the source of income of the family is more diverse, not dependant merely on the farm, and is thus more stable. Figure 6.7 presents the additional sources of income in farming families. As seen in many 116 farming families the alternative source of income for the family comes from off-farm employment.

Figure 6.7: Work status changes in Moshav villages: 1971-1995 Source: Kimhi, 2004.

As farms become larger and more specialized the element of risk increases even more.

The dependence on a single crop increases the risk if this crop is not successful that year. An additional source of livelihood in these conditions whether by the farmer or another family member, becomes more important to the stability of the farming families.

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6.2 The Dead Sea Area

6.2.1 Target Markets for Agriculture Products

Local farmers in Kikar Sdom rely on export sales where about 50% of production is targeted for foreign market (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of

Farming Union in Neot Hakikar). In order to address the requirements of foreign markets, farmers keep high standards in production, use of chemicals, packaging and transportation. Most of the export from the area is done by Agrexco (Personal communication with Eitan Lerman, Head of Packing house in Neot Hakikar and farmer).

The following figure presents prices of products in the export market as opposed to local market prices. The dramatic difference in the revenue serves as incentive for farmers to make a greater investment by adjusting to the needs of the foreign market.

Product Foreign Market Price Local Market Price Peppers (in greenhouse) 5,000 NIS per ton 2,200 NIS per ton Spring onion 12,500 NIS per ton 3,200 NIS per ton Melons (fall season) 3,300 NIS per ton 1,800 NIS per ton Cheri Tomato 7,000 NIS per ton 4,500 NIS per ton Table 6.1: Selected Prices for Items in Foreign Market and in Local Market Source: Arava R&D Farm web site, Economic Calculation, 2007.

The high level of adjustment to foreign markets can be seen, inter alia, in the investment in research that is aimed to address the needs of these markets. One example is a research by local extension and R&D centers that focus on ways to plan the ripening of 118 the fruits according to a certain date that will suit market needs in Europe. Harvesting on a particular date, for example just before holidays, will allow farmers to achieve optimal revenue. Other researches investigate types of crops (variety of peppers for example) that are more popular in the market or uses of alternatives to chemicals whose residues are heavily regulated in Europe (Personal communication with Dorit

Hashmonay, Researcher, Zohar R&D farm, Kikar Sdom).

An anecdote that demonstrates this approach is the introduction of small watermelons.

Up until few years ago small watermelons were not seen in the markets in Israel. Due to the decrease in the size of families in Europe and the demands for aesthetics of marketing which prevents selling half of watermelons, there was a need to market smaller watermelons. The smaller watermelons are suited to a two to three peoples' family as is common in the destination markets. The small watermelons were introduced to the farmers and became a success both abroad as well as in Israel

(Personal communication with Asher Lozun Head of Farming Union in Neot Hakikar).

Every few years farmers have to adjust their main crops to the needs of the market.

After a few successful years with particular crops, competitive producers become involved in the market and the increase in supply reduces the prices and the profitability of the crop. This reduction in market share forces farmers to find a different crop in order to achieve more competitive prices. This process happens gradually with a cycle of about five years (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Farming

Union in Neot Hakikar).

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At present the leading crop for export in Kikar Sdom is a variety of peppers. Up until few years ago, the main crop was watermelons and sweet melons (see following figures). Some farmers argue that there is already some decrease in the profitability of peppers and an alternative crop will be dominant in the area in few years (Personal communication with Dudi Kadosh Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar

Regional Council). This process is not monitored in an organized fashion. Individual farmers follow their own information and intuition and decide accordingly on what crops to invest in. Figures 6.8a and 6.8b shows the main crops in season 2001-2002 in comparison to season 2006-2007. 120

Crops in Northern Arava By Donums, 2001-2002

Tomatoes Eggplant Watermelo 3% 1% n Other 23% 2% Peppers 9%

Onion 1%

Zucchini 1% Figure 6.8a: Crops in Northern Melons Arava, season 2001-2002 60% Source: Arava Research and Development Farm, yearly report.

Crops in Northern Arava By Donums, 2006-2007

Watermelo Tomatoes Other n 7% Eggplant 3% 20% 1%

Melons Peppers Figure 6.8b: Crops in Northern 28% 41% Arava, season 2006-2007 Source: Arava Research and Development Farm, yearly report.

Analyzing the sustainability of this process in complex. On one hand, it allows farmers to adjust to the market and maintain high profits. By adjusting to market demands and creating new specializations, farmers in Kikar Sdom can continue competing successfully with other places. Some of the Israel’s competitors have better conditions for production, including, for example, cheaper labor in places such as Morocco, or better fiscal conditions, such as Spain or Portugal, where there are no taxes and tariffs to the EU market. On the other hand, changing the main crop every few years prevents 121 farmers from planning more then few years ahead and reduces the level of professionalism farmers gain over time.

6.2.2 Socio–Economic of Farmers and Farming Community

It is clear at the Dead Sea area that the same economic processes that were described at the beginning of the chapter, occur in the local moshavim as well. Many of the residents have ceased practicing agriculture and rented their land to their neighbors.

Others increased the size of the land they are cultivating, by themselves or in partnerships, and actively farm lands that are up to five times larger then their original plot (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar Farmers' association and a farmer; Gabi Bachan, Head of Ein Tamar farmers' association). All together there are fewer active farmers in Kikar Sdom but many of those who remained in business have larger farms.

In Ein Gedi the case is different. There are three farms and each specializes in a crop or variety of crops – date trees, herb farm, and mangoes. The community no longer acts as a farming community. Most of the members in the kibbutz are no longer active in agriculture (Personal communication with Eilam Raz, Ein Gedi).

1) Fewer Farmers, Larger Farms

In Ein Tamar, out of the original 34 farms 13 farmers retired from agriculture and at least half of them did so for financial reasons. In Neot Hakikar 19 out of 67 family farmers no longer practice agriculture. Those that no longer practice agriculture make a 122 living (at least partially) from the money they receive from renting their land (Personal communication with Dudi Kados, Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar

Regional Council and a farmer). Most of the new residents in Kikar Sdom do not practice agriculture (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Farming

Union in Neot Hakikar and a farmer).

The reason for the shift in the occupation of residents is the fact that the profit per unit of land decreases over time. There are few proposed solutions to address this process.

The obvious solution is to increase the standard plot area for each farmer (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Farming Union in Neot Hakikar and a farmer). Kikar Sdon received an allocation of additional land for farming, however, it was decided that this land would be allocated towards development and support for new community members rather then increasing farming plots for existing residents

(Personal communication with Dudi Kados, Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar Regional Council and a farmer).

2) Specialization

The attempt to reach maximum efficiency in farming along with the adjustment to export market needs has brought farmers to specialize in a limited variety of crops. As was discussed before, this kind of monoculture holds many risks to the farmers and to the environment. Pest outbreak, market overflow, and extreme weather which may affect certain sensitive crops, are just few of the risks that jeopardize the livelihood of the whole community.

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3) Alternative Sources of Livelihood

Apart from increasing the size of the farm there are a few alternatives that may offer a solution to the low revenue of each farming unit. These solutions include an increase in the efficiency of production and investment in better crops that give better yields

(Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Farming Union in Neot Hakikar and a farmer). Local research and development extension centers focus constantly on finding better crops which will produce more and better yields thus bear better revenue.

Other experiments examine better production methods which will reduce farming costs

(Personal communication with Dorit Hashmonay, Researcher in Zohar R&D farm,

Kikar Sdom).

The job opportunities for the residents in the area who have stopped practicing agriculture are limited. Three main sources of income are tourism, mostly local initiatives such as family bed and breakfast, working for the regional council, or local business -- mostly businesses that support agriculture. Many farmers that do practice agriculture hold on to another position in order to earn additional income (Personal communication with Asher Lozun, Head of Farming Union in Neot Hakikar and a farmer).

The Regional Council employs many of the local residents. In 2005 it employed 111 people (see Table 6.1). In fact it is the largest employer for residents in the region7. The number of employees that work for the municipality is few times higher then the neighboring regional council (Ministry of Internal Affairs web site, yearly financial reports, 2007). For many of the families in the area, holding a position in the

7 It is important to point out in this regards that larger employers in the area are the Dead Sea works and the hotels. However, most of the employees in these sectors are not residents of the area but rather people who travel from Dimona, Arad, and other Negev towns. 124 municipality allows stability and financial security that could have not been reached otherwise (Personal communication with Dudi Kados, Head of Water and Settlement

Department in Tamar Regional Council and a farmer).

The local municipality enjoys a very high budget in comparison to other municipalities with its number of residents. For the year 2005 the budget of Tamar Regional council was 79 Million NIS. Table 6.1 presents this amount in comparison to the neighboring municipalities as well as other municipalities of approximately the same numbers of residents. The main source for this budget is from the tax collected from the Dead Sea

Works and large hotels in Ein Bokek area (Ministry of Internal Affairs web site, yearly financial reports, 2007). The high level of employment is translated to a high level of services that is offered to the residents. Because of the large distance between the settlements in the region the municipality has two schools and offers a variety of educational and cultural services.

Ramat Northern Tamar Megilot Alona8 Negev Arava Number of 1,247 937 4,420 2,675 1,456 Residents Budget (2005) 79,787 13,714 34,531 26,459 9,650 1,000 NIS Municipal Tax 64,411 3,385 21,658 9,760 1,585 1,000 NIS Salaries Section of the expenses 18,521 2,533 5,311 8,774 4,552 1,000 NIS Number of Direct Employees 111 16 29 63 33 1,000 NIS Table 6.2: Selected Budgetary of Regional Councils. 1,000 NIS, year 2005 Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs web site, yearly financial reports, 2007.

8 Alona Regional Council is located in the Coastal Area. It is presented in Table 6.1 due to the similarity in number of residents with Tamar Regional Council. 125

It is important to mention that the regional council is committed to high level of services to the hotel area and the Dead Sea Work and thus bear more costs then other regional councils. The services that are offered manifest, among other, in positions in the regional council.

Lately the mayors of Dimona and Arad, proximate Negev towns, have challenged

Tamar regional council for its jurisdiction area. According to them, the fact that Tamar, a council with a small number of residents, holds the area of the Dead Sea Works, with its high tax revenue, represents a serious injustice.

The injustice comes from two main aspects; (1) The Tamar regional council is one of the smallest in Israel in terms of number of residents, yet it holds one of the most profitable shares of land in terms of tax revenue; (2) Workers in the Dead Sea factories are mostly residents of Dimona and Arad, thus it makes sense that their communities should benefit from the taxes.

The two mayors claim through lobbying and a public campaign that the jurisdiction over the land will be changed and Dimona and Arad will receive the authority over the area. The campaign is supported by the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow which is an NGO that deals with injustice in land allocation (The Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow web site, land, 2007).

It is not clear whether this campaign will be successful for Dimona and Arad, however, it challenges a major part of the economical basis of the community in the Tamar

Regional council. The dependence of the community along with the indirect 126 dependence of the residents offers a risk to the economic security of the region in light of these political circumstances.

It is important to point out that although the municipality enjoys a high budget and some would say wealth, this is not necessarily the case for the individual residents.

According to the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics Tamar Regional Council is rated number 18 among 54 regional councils in the socio-economic standards. This standard examines socio economic criteria of individual residents using a statistical calculation that takes into account level of income, education, age groups, and transportation.

Number 18 on the list represents less then the median (Israel Central Bureau of

Statistics web site, Municipalities, 2007).

4) Future Development of the Community

At present the Kikar Sdom community holds about 4,000 dunam of farming land which represents a ten percent increase in the past ten years. Due to the nature of the community as farming community, there has been no option to absorb new comers without allocating land for potential farming or other livelihood options. This limitation had changed in the past few years as will be discussed further on.

After a long process of negotiation and lobbying the community received an additional allocation of 700 dunam that was approved in 2006 (Personal communication with Dudi

Kadosh, Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar Regional Council). This land is planned to be allocated to new residents. The overall plans for the community are to have 350 families in Kikar Sdom that will rely on farming, tourism, and small scale industry. 127

New residents to Kikar Sdom and Ein Gedi are vital for the future of the community.

The average age of the member in Kikar Sdom is 45-50 year (Personal communication with Dudi Kadosh, Head of Water and Settlement Department in Tamar Regional

Council). In order to achieve the target of 350 families in Kikar Sdom, local authorities are making effort to receive allocation of resources (land and water) and develop alternatives employment opportunities. Among the options that are being pursued are biotechnology initiatives, establishing a research institute, and promotion of tourism

(Personal communication with Yael Maor, Head of Research and Development

Department in Tamar Regional Council).

In addition moshavim are adjusting their guideline for accepting new residents that are not farmers. Since each moshav is a farmers association, there needs to be some adjustments of the rules to accept non-farmers (Personal communication Gabi Bachan,

Head of Ein Tamar Farming Union). Thus far, within the limitations of land availability and livelihood options, the communities in Kikar Sdom were successful in attracting new residents and successfully absorbing them (Personal communication Gabi Bachan,

Head of Ein Tamar Farming Union, Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar, Eilam Raz,

Ein Gedi). All together about twenty families were successfully integrated in Kikar

Sdom in the past eight years. At least ten of them are children of members of the community (Personal communication Gabi Bachan, Head of Ein Tamar Farming Union,

Asher Lozun, Head of Neot Hakikar farmer association).

Altogether the community had reached a fragile yet workable balance to maintain its socio-economic sustainability. The dependence on foreign market along with the 128 structural changes in agricultural practice allows farmers to maintain their livelihoods.

The awareness on the fragility of their role in these markets motivates constant research and improvements. The community is well aware of the risk of getting old and invests in creating opportunities for new residents in order to maintain its social and economic viability.

The large dependence on tax money from the neighboring factories serves as a risk to the community as well as to the many employees among the residents. It seems that the debate over land allocation between Tamar Regional Council and Dimona and Arad is far from being decided, underscoring the incompatibility of this dependence with long- term economic sustainability.

To conclude this chapter the following table presents the leading criteria for the socio- economic sustainability in the area and the findings in regards to them. The criterion that relates to social equity was not graded due to lack of existing information on the matter. 129

Criterion Findings Explanation Stable and Insufficient or Through constant adjustments farmers maintain profitable no their share in foreign market, thus enjoying fairly market comparable high revenues for their yield and maintaining data sustainability of their livelihood as active farmers.

Clear On a global level the extent of export that is in deterioration practice is not sustainable in terms of the full environmental expense due to the high energy consumption and pollution it creates. The environmental consequences might threaten the practice of export for the long run.

Sufficient Clear Profits of family farms are in the process of livelihood for deterioration declining over the years. Farmers must enlarge farmers their farm and change their practice in order to survive. Many farmers no longer practice agriculture. Economic Clear Income from farming fluctuates dramatically from security for deterioration one year to the other. Farmers that wish to remain farmers efficient must practice monoculture which serves as an additional threat. Viability of Noticeable The community focuses on future development farming improvement basing an increase in number of residents on community alternative sources for livelihood. Younger families are being sought and integrated. Not sufficient The current situation in which employment of change many of the community members is based indirectly on tax revenue from neighboring industry is threatened which might create a problem in few years time.

Social Equity Insufficient or no comparable data Table 6.3: Criteria results for socio economics state for farmers in the Dead Sea area

More than other issues, in this chapter there are cases in which the same criterion is graded differently with regards to the different points of views that are examined. For 130 example, the extension of export sustainability to the local community is ranked positively since it enables the maintaining of agriculture in the area. At the same time environmental sustainability on a global scale is affected negatively. The issue is related to the findings of this chapter. 131

7. The Jordanian Side

The past few chapters have pointed to the precarious situation of Israeli agriculture in the Dead Sea when evaluated according to sustainability criteria. One strategy for improving this situation involves regional cooperation and increased interaction with the agricultural community lying to the east.

The Jordanian side of the border is home to a large farming community which cultivates an area of about 40,000 dunams. Although the climate and environmental conditions regarding agriculture in the Israeli and Jordanian sides are similar, their methodologies are different. Cooperation between the two communities can have an enormous potential that can benefit both of the communities, the nations and the environment.

The following chapter offers a review of the situation in agricultural community on the

Jordanian side of the border. For the purpose of this review same criteria were examined in Jordan as they were on the Israeli side. Following is a description of practices and policies which relate to sustainability of agriculture in the area. It is argues that cooperation can be used to utilize the strength point of both communities based on the criteria for sustainable performance.

It is important to mention that the availability of quantitative information in Jordan is much lower than in Israel, especially for an Israeli researcher. There are a few reasons for that: (a) language barrier; (b) the tendency of institutions not to share information with the public; (c) computerized systems that allow tracking historical data are recent 132 and are only partially implemented; and (d) political issues that prevent citizens to access certain data. This chapter therefore has less numerical data then would have been optimal. In places where numerical data are missing this chapter attempts, as much as possible to replace it with qualitative information from various sources.

Many similarities exist between the Israeli and Jordanian agricultural community near the Dead Sea. Apart from the environmental conditions of water scarcity, high temperature and saline environment some of the social and economical conditions are similar as well. The following points show these similarities.

– Agriculture in Israel and Jordan are both export oriented either to foreign markets,

or to local markets in the same country but in different regions. In Israel the focus

on external export markets mainly Europe and USA, is much more noticeable than

in Jordan.

– For the farmers / residents of the area, agriculture is one of very few employment

options; there are limited alternative options for the local population. Based on the

subjective reporting of the communities in the area, one can say that both

communities perceive themselves as peripheral to the center of their country in

terms of social status.

– Both communities live along side an intensive mining industry and tourism

attractions. In Israel the proximity of tourism is noticeable and beneficial for the

residents. Jordan is in the processes of developing extensive tourism in a similar

model to that in Ein Bokek.

However, it is the differences between the communities that offer the greatest potential for cooperation. The following is a short list of examples of these differences. These 133 issues will be further discussed in this chapter along with recommendations for cooperation. Among the differences are:

1) The high technology and sophisticated know-how Israeli farmers use;

2) Availability of market connections and reputation for Israelis in Europe and USA

along with supporting export infrastructure. Alternatively, Jordan has a connection

to alternative markets in the Arab World;

3) Labor cost in Jordan is much cheaper then in Israel;

4) The availability of land for agriculture in the Jordanian side is much greater then in

Israel;

5) Water on the Jordanian side is better in quality and available in larger quantities

(locally) than in Israel. However water scarcity in Jordan, as a whole, is worse than

in Israel;

6) Infrastructure in Israel is more developed for production and marketing of

agriculture products. This includes a wide use of green / net houses, packing

houses, and local research and development farms.

Tables 7.1a and 7.1b present characteristics of the nations and of agriculture by the

Dead Sea. Table 7.1a presents criteria of development for Israel and Jordan. Table

7.1b presents criteria of agriculture by the Dead Sea in the Israeli side in comparison to the Jordanian side. These tables present the strengths and weaknesses of each of the areas. When discussing potential cooperation and mutual learning it is important to bear in mind these differences.

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Nation Wide:

Criterion Jordan Israel GDP $4,688 US, $22,382 US, GDP Annual growth 0.5% 1.9% (1975-2004) HDI (Human 0.760 0.927 Development Index) Rank number 86 Rank number 22 Population 5,561,000 6,601,000 Table 7.1a: Development indicators of Jordan and Israel Source: UNDP Development report 2006 (Data from 2004), UNDP web site, 2007.

Dead Sea area:

Israel Jordan Area ~4,200 dunam (Ein Gedi, ~38,000 dunam (Ghore Kikar Sdom) Alsafi) Water Use 8.5 MCM / year 58 MCM / year Population 1,100 16,522 (year 2004) Dominating crops Melons, peppers, seasonal Tomato, seasonal vegetables vegetables, bananas, fruit orchards and more Agriculture practice – Green and shade house – 40% small family farms – Technology based with non-mechanized – Agro-business methods of farming orientation – 60% larger agro-business – Export oriented farms Additional sources of Tourism and services Potash factories, textile livelihood for residents industry (for women), army, and local services. Table 7.1b: General characteristics of agriculture in the study area, Israel and Jordan Sources: On Area and Water use Dead Sea Project web site, 2007; On Population Jordanian Department of Statistics web site, Data for year 2,004; On Dominating crops Afaneh, 2005; On agriculture practice Nims, 2005a.

The differences in agriculture practice offer a particularly strong basis for cooperation.

When being addressed, however, it is important to understand some fundamental differences between these two nations which influence the ability of the communities to develop.

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7.1 Agriculture in Jordan

Three quarters of Jordan's landscape is desert. The climate is described as arid to semiarid and rainfall is intense but for short periods of time (Nims, 2005a). Most agricultural activity in Jordan is concentrated into two areas: (1) The 'High Land'- the northern and central areas in high elevation which holds approximately 44,100 hectares

(Jordan Water Authority web site, 2007). The area, also knows as the 'plateau', enjoys some rain and agriculture there is partly rain fed. Cultivations in the high lands are cereals of mainly wheat barley and other field crops such as tobacco, lentils, and chick- peas. Olives, partly for export industry, are also produced in this region (2) The Jordan

Valley with some 33,000 hectares of farmed land (Jordan Water Authority web site,

2007). The Jordan River valley area is spread from the Sea of Galilee in the north to

Ghor Alsafi in the south by the Dead Sea. The area is highly fertile and produces over

60% from Jordan's agricultural produce (Jordanian Embassy Washington DC,

Information Bureau web site, 2006). The Jordan River valley receives little rain, and the main source of irrigation water is the East Ghor Canal. The Canal was built in the

1960's with assistance of foreign aid from the USA. The Canal transfers water from the

Yarmuk River to the southern part (Metz, 1989).

The Jordanian government through the Ministry of Agriculture is active in promoting their agriculture products in international markets. The 'Department for Agriculture

Marketing' is a quasi-governmental body that is responsible to promoting this agenda.

Promoting is done mostly through research (Jordanian Embassy Washington DC,

Information Bureau web site, 2006).

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The Ministry of Water and Irrigation in the Jordanian government coordinates all aspects of Jordan’s water sector. It is in charge of water supply, wastewater treatment, policy, research and development, and the promotion of projects that involve development and management of new water sources (Jordan Ministry of Water and

Irrigation web site, 2006). The Jordan Valley Authority (JVA) works as part of the

Ministry of Water and Irrigation and is executing body in the Jordan Valley area

(Jordan Ministry of Water and Irrigation web site, 2006; JVA web site, 2006).

With the intention of developing the agricultural sector, the government encourages greater involvement of the private sector mostly through foreign investments but not solely. Key areas that are targeted by the government are production and export of high value products (Jordanian Embassy Washington DC, Information Bureau web site,

2006).

The Jordanian private sector is involved in the marketing and production as well as the import of inputs for agricultural use. Most of the business activity surrounding agriculture is done through the main market in Amman. Small scale farmers are often excluded from market competition and are forced to sell their products and buy their required inputs from agents that work in their area (Personal communication with

Suliman Salme Almahradat, National Hashemite Fund office Alsafi). Needless to say, this situation undermines the profitability of small farmers.

Like many of the countries in the Middle East, Jordan is faced with chronic water scarcity. With limited sources of water and a population growth rate of 3.4 percent

(The Hashemite Kingdom web site, 2007) Jordan is facing an imbalance between 137 supply and demand of water that grows continually worse. In fact Jordan is rated among the 10 poorest countries in terms of water resources (UN Food and Agriculture web site, World Water Resources by Country, 2007). In order to address the problem,

Jordan attempts to develop and utilize new water sources as well as promoting conservation of water. These challenges are addressed through investments in better infrastructure, rehabilitation of water distributing systems, reuse of wastewater, and construction of dams and reservoirs for water harvesting (The Hashemite Kingdom web site, 2007).

Since about sixty-seven percent of Jordan's water is utilized for agriculture (The

Hashemite Kingdom web site, 2007) attempts to conserve water must focus on the agricultural sector. Figure 7.1 presents the reduction in water for irrigation during the years 1996 to 2002. It is shown that water use in the Upland (Plateau) remained more or less the same throughout the years. At the same time, the amount of water that is consumed in the Jordan River Valley has been reduced over time. Over all, a reduction of over ten percent was achieved in a period of seven years (Teha et al., 2004).

138

Upland Jordan River Valley Water for Irrigation Total (1996-2002, MCM)

700

600

500

400

MCM 300

200

100

0 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Year

Figure 7.1: Total water for Irrigation in Jordan (1996-2002, MCM) Source: Teha et al., 2004.

The reduction in water consumption was done through a series of activities that were implemented by the government. Among these actions were restrictions on private well drilling and equipping those wells that were in use with meters, investment in more efficient water transportation techniques (conversion from surface to pressurized networks) and reinforcement measures against private producers of water that faild to pay for their water use (Teha et al., 2004).

One of the water resources which is available for irrigation is recycled water from municipal wastewater treatment plants. The amount of treated wastewater used in irrigation had risen from 59 MCM (10% of total amount of irrigated water) in 1996 to

70 MCM in 2002 (16%) nationwide. This increase in use was due to the progressive replacement of fresh water with treated wastewater (Teha et al., 2004). Based on 139 national plans by year 2020 there is an expectation to use 237 MCM of treated wastewater for agriculture (Teha et al., 2004).

Although required for future development, the wide use of treated wastewater still suffers from cultural barriers. Many farmers reject the notion of using treated wastewater for irrigation. Among the reasons for this is the sense of 'inherit right' farmers have to water resources. An additional reason is the mistrust farmer have towards authorities’ ability to supply a clean reliable source of water from sewage

(Nims, 2005b). Nevertheless the government implemented and is promoting a series of water reuse facilities as well as public awareness campaign that is addressed to answer the publics' hesitancies towards wastewater use (Water Authority of Jordan web site,

Water Reuse Projects, 2007).

One of the issues that needed to be addressed by the government in terms of publics' rejection of wastewater is the Islamic requirement for the water to be 'pure'. As part of the public awareness campaign for the water reuse projects fatwas (religious ruling) were published in which Islamic scholars authorize the use of this water for any use including ritual purification and drinking if such is allowed by authorities (Water

Authority of Jordan web site, Water Reuse Projects, Religious grounds, 2007).

Through the years the Jordanian government has been assisted by various international donor organizations to support the development of water projects. The support was manifested in research and development and investment in infrastructure of engineered water projects. Among the leading donors are the US government with the USAID 140 fund, the World Bank, Japan Foreign Aid, and European projects (Jordanian Embassy

Washington DC, Information Bureau web site, 2006; Dalal, 2002; Ministry of Foreign

Affairs of Japan, 1998; Water Authority of Jordan web site, Water Reuse Projects,

2007).

7.2 Agriculture by the Dead Sea

The agricultural area in the southern part of Dead Sea on the Jordanian side is called

Alsafi. Alsafi contains twelve villages, each of which is inhabited by a separate tribe.

The tribes consist of two larger families, Awisha and Machlaf, who are descendants of nomadic tribes. Control over the land was given to the tribes by the government of

Jordan in its attempt to settle them (Nims, 2005a). Each village has a mukhtar (leader) who manages the internal issues of the tribe and a nominated mayor. The tribes cooperate among themselves (Personal communication with Suliman Salme

Almahradat, National Hashemite Fund office; Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of

Ashibat tribe in Alsafi). The rural farming community in the area has around 16,522 inhabitants (Jordanian Department of Statistics website, data for 2004) cultivating about

38,000 dunams. The amount of water used for agriculture is approximately 58

MCM/year (Dead Sea Project web site, 2007).

Most of the farms are of similar size, roughly 30 dunams. Larger farms are held and managed by 'outsiders', mostly urban élite and members of the Jordanian monarchy.

These farms are operated by employee managers who are appointed by the landowners

(Nims, 2005a). The absentee owners ('outsiders') hold about sixty percent of the 141 cultivated land in the area in very large plots (up to 1,000 dunams) and focus on high revenue crops such as bananas (Nims, 2005a; personal communication with Suliman

Salme Almahradat, National Hashemite Fund office Alsafi).

In 1984, the Jordanian government allocated additional land for agriculture in Alsafi through a process of parcelization. Prior to the process, smaller plots of land were divided over and over through inheritance and were no longer able to support the families that relied on them. The government reallocated larger parcels from the cultivated land and added additional area. The added area is considered to be less fertile

(Nims, 2005a; personal communication with Suliman Salme Almahradat, National

Hashemite Fund office Alsafi).

Tomato is the dominant crop that is cultivated in the region, making up about forty percent of the total cultivated irrigated area (Nims, 2005a). Tomatoes are considered easy to grow, have high yields, and allow for expeditious production. Local farmers consider tomatoes to be their preferred crop because of these benefits (Personal communication with Suliman Salme Almahradat National Hashemite Fund Alsafi;

Nims, 2005a). Other crops that can be found in the regions are beans, eggplant, pepper,

Jew’s mallow, corn, broad beans, okra, garlic, melon, and watermelon (Afaneh, 2005).

Tables 7.2a and 7.2b show the common crops and their land range in 2001. It is shown that there is a variety of crops that are grown in the area with many of them are not grown on the Israeli side.

142

Vegetables Crop Area ( dunam) Summer Winter Tomatoes 624.2 22,398.60 Sweet melon 5,525.80 0 Watermelon 1,526.40 0 Squash 157 0 Eggplant 0 989.4 Cucumbers 29.9 51.6 Hot Pepper 0 25 Sweet Pepper 0 17.5 Peas 170.3 3561 Jews mallow 5,440.80 0 (Molukhia) Okra 273.9 0 Snake cucumber 110.2 0 Total 13,858.50 27,043.90 Table 7.2a: Area cultivated of vegetables in Alsafi, year 2001 Source: Afaneh, 2005.

Fruit Trees Crop Area Bananas 10,146.10 Citrus 420.3 Olives 144.6 Grapes 206.8 Apples 13.5 Pomegranates 4.5 Guava 272.7 Dates 92 Other 20 Total 11,321.00 Table 7.2b: Area cultivated of Fruit trees in Alsafi, year 2001 Source: Afaneh, 2005.

The contrast between the very different varieties of crops in the Jordanian side and the specialization of crops on the Israeli side can be the basis for corporation. Through specialization, the Israeli farmers gained knowledge about some crops and an understanding of the superior varieties of the crop. This information can be shared with the Jordanian side, thus helping farmers to grow better peppers, melons, watermelons, 143 and dates. From the Jordanian side, the variety of crops that are used in Jordan can be the basis for research in Israel to examine their suitability and potential in European markets.

7.2.1 Water Use and Management

The total annual consumption of irrigation water by Jordanian farm communities along the Dead Sea area is 58 MCM (Dead Sea Project web site, 2007). Ironically, this area, which has a very poor soil quality, unlike other areas along the Jordan River Basin, receives very high quality irrigation water (Nims, 2005a). The water is collected and supplied by the Jordan Valley Authority (JVA) through a pressurized system. The main water source for Alsafi agriculture is the dammed Wadi Hussein; water is piped from the spring and transferred to Alsafi (Nims, 2005a).

1) Water Allocation by Size of Plot and Water Availability

Allocation of water is managed by the Jordan Valley Authority. The price of the water increases incrementally: the more farmers consume (within their quota), the more they pay per cubic meter. The basic quota for a thirty dunam field is approximately 25,000 -

30,000 CM per year (Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer,

Alsafi).

Although water allocation constitutes a "right" for Jordanian farmers, in cases where there is severe drought the JVA limits the use of water and thus reduces its allocation to farmers. The largest sources of water are reservoirs from dammed wadis. These sources of water are completely dependent on precipitation. Hence, farmers receiving this water 144 are extremely vulnerable to fluctuations in rainfall. For example, because of the low rainfall in the Jordan valley during the winter of 2001, the JVA decided to leave roughly

10,000 dunams fallow for one year. Water for fruit trees were reduced by 50% and summer crops were completely cut from March until September of 2001(Dalal, 2002).

The allocation policy during years of drought seems to follow the precautionary principle which suggests a relatively high level of sustainability. On the Israeli side the criterion for "Use of water resources that does not damage the resources or other natural resources and their ability to serve the community in the future" has revealed clear deterioration. In this case a lesson can be learned from the Jordanian experience.

In spite of the fact that this policy might be positive for the maintenance of water sources, in the short-run, it is very damaging to the livelihood and security of farmers, in particular, small family farms. One solution that can assist in addressing the threat this policy poses to small farmers is the creation of a cooperative insurance fund that will compensate farmers is cases of drought and the subsequent reduction in water allocation.

A model that can serve as an example for this kind of fund is the Israeli Insurance Fund for Natural Disaster operated through the Plant Production and Marketing Boards of the

Ministry of Agriculture. This fund offers a 'safety net' for farmers in cases of severe damages caused by 'acts of nature'. The fund is supported by membership fee that farmers pay to the plant Production and Marketing Board and partly by the government

(Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development web site, 2006).

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2) Water Prices

As in Israel, water prices in Jordan are subsidized where the price is determined by the government as a tool for supporting agricultural sector. The current rate of water for farmers in the Jordan Valley follows an incremental pricing scheme as follow:

The first 1000 CM costs 8 fils for CM (fils equal 1/100 JD9)

Next 1000 CM – 15 fils, approximately 20 US cents

Next 1000 – 20 fils, approximately 28 US cents

Next 1000 35 fils, approximately 50 US cents

(Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi).

The quantity of water for a land unit of thirty dunam is about 250 CM per 24 hours of watering. Watering is done twice a week for 24 hours. The total irrigation sums to be about 2,500 CM a month of water consumption. The cost of the water based on the prices listed above for a typical family farm is 33 JD a month or 400 JD a year which is approximately 560 $US (Bani Hani, 2005; personal communication with Hadra Alian

Mardat, farmer, Alsafi).

The incremental price scale suggests that farmers have incentive for conserving water, but in fact this is not the case. As will be shown in the next section the technical limitations on the allocation method prevent farmers from using parts of their quota, thus eliminating the options to conserve water.

9 One Jordanian Dinar equals approximately 1.4 $US. Based on exchange rate from October 2007 146

3) Limited Control of Farmers over Water Quantities Consumed

The technical execution of the water allocation by the JVA is rather simple. Each plot of land has a valve, property of the JVA. When a farmer buys land they buy the right to the valve as well and to the associated water allocation. Each plot has access to water two times a week for 24 hours. The water current is regulated by the JVA. On a given time that is pre-scheduled, JVA representative arrives in person to the valve, opens it and comes back again to close it after the provided allocated time. The opening and closing of the valve can only be accessed with JVA key, thus allowing only the JVA personnel to control utilization (Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi; Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of Ashibat tribe in Alsafi and a farmer).

By having a JVA personnel open and close the valve farmers have no realistic ability to control the water quantities they consume. Farmers cannot use part of the allocation, i.e open the valve for just few hours instead of the full 24 hours. In cases of severe heat, rain or any natural condition that requires either additional water in a given time or no need for water, the farmer has little or no control. In practice, the options of the farmers are either to consume or not the full amount they have been allocated.

The mechanism for water allocation limits the use of part of the water quota, thus limiting options for conservation of water by farmers. This limitation, in practice, cancels the effect that might have been achieved through the incremental water pricing system. In addition regulating allocation through a valve rather then a meter opens the opportunity for water theft that is done simply by opening the valve on additional times 147 to those of the JVA allocation. This is done either by stealing the key or by bribing the

JVA representative (Personal communication with Suliman Salme Almahradat, the

National Hashemite Fund, Alsafi office).

These listed technical constraints of water allocation mechanism limit the ability of the government to promote water conservation as well as prohibit the farmers from conserving water even when economical incentives exist. Consequently, alternative mechanisms for enforcing water quotas should be implemented, in order to achieve high performance in regards to the water efficiency criterion.

4) Choice of Crops and Water Availability

For the most part, farmers do not appear to be affected by water availability considerations in choosing the crops they grow. The crops that are common in the area are tomatoes, melons, Jews mallow, bananas, peppers, and others. See Table 7.2 for more details. In terms of water consumption, none of the dominating crops are suitable for arid climate's limitation of water.

Crops in Alsaffi Area (Dunam, 2004)

Jews mallow Watermelon (Molukhia) 3% 11%

Sweet melon Tomatoes 11% 44%

Other 11% Bananas 20%

Figure 7.2: Crops in Alsafi Area (dunam, 2004) Source: Afaneh, 2005. 148

Banana growing is regulated due to its high demand of water. For family farms, regulations limit the bananas to five dunams out of thirty dunam farm (Personal communication with Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of Ashibat tribe in Alsafi and a farmer). Currently, there appears to be no mechanism for systematically introducing crops that are suitable to arid environment conditions. Apart from anomalous cases, the mechanism for introduction of new crops is simply by learning from each other.

As in Israel, national water policy in Jordan seeks to find a balance between the need to reduce consumption and allow substantial water supplies for agriculture. It seems that some of the Jordanian policies are more sustainable in the sense of protecting water resources and encouraging water conservation. Israel can learn from the Jordanian policy on the matter of conservation. The most important lesson is the adjustment to water availability rather then over utilization of resources as is currently practiced in

Israel.

An additional point that should be addressed is the methods of water pricing. Indeed, in

Jordan the attempt to reduce water consumption through incremental water pricing it is not very successful because of the limitation of the water allocation technique that is mentioned above. By adjusting to the use of water meters and enforcement of quotas using other means, incremental water prices can serve as a powerful tool for water conservation through economic incentive.

Jordanian farmers can learn from the Israeli experience in the use of technology for more efficient water use (especially in the area of drip irrigation) on water recycling and 149 cooperative research for more suitable crops for the region. Technology that can be marketed in Jordan will benefit the producers in Israel as well as create an ever greater market for the development of additional means for conservation of water.

7.2.2 Use of Agro-Chemicals

In the processes of researching agro-chemical use in Jordan, on a national and local level, it became clear that there is little or no monitoring or central management of this issue. Chemical use for agriculture including pesticides in its various types as well as fertilizers is managed by private companies based on market demand and supply.

The lack of attention which translates to lack of information indicates a problem by itself. One of the foundations of sustainability is the presence of ongoing monitoring.

Lack of information, lack of guidance and lack of involvement in a market which clearly uses these materials constitutes a barrier to sustainable use of chemicals in agriculture.

The motivating forces that drive involvement of institutions in the issue of chemical use in Israel do not affect the field as much in Jordan. Israel's attempts to comply with

European and USA standards with regard to chemical control have led Israeli farmers to reduce the amount of pesticides it uses. But, this is not the case in Jordan where very little attention is given to this issue by farmers or by authorities in Jordan.

From the information that does exist, it seems that there is a steady increase in the use of pesticides in Jordan over the past years. The increase is both in quantity as well as in 150 the variety of products that are available on the market. Figures 7.3 and 7.4 present this trend.

No. of Recorded Pesticides (Year)

1000

800

600

400 pesticides 200 Number of recorder of Number 0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Year

Figures 7.3: Number of Recorder Pesticides by Year Source: Jordan Department of Statistics.

Rodenticides Local Use of Pesticeds Herbicides Locally Produced and Imported Acricides (1998-2002, Kg/Ltr) Fungicides Insecticides 1,200,000

1,000,000

800,000

600,000 Kg / Ltr / Kg 400,000

200,000

0 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 Year

Figures 7.4: Local Use of Pesticides by Type, Locally Produced and Imported (1998-2002, Kg / Ltr) Source: Jordan Department of Statistics.

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Dead Sea Area

1) Chemical Inputs Set a Financial Burden

Apart from the well known environmental problems and health hazards that exist as a result of chemical use in agriculture, farmers in the Alsafi area face economic problems that are also strongly linked to the use of chemical agricultural inputs. Farmers in the area buy their agriculture inputs, including chemicals from agents of the main agricultural market in Amman. The prices of the inputs are controlled by market brokers with very little consumer power in the hands of the farmers, if any. These same brokers later on will buy the final produce from the farmers. In a sense they control both ends of the deal. Fertilizers, as well as pesticides, are considered an expensive input. The dependence of farmers on the brokers both for inputs as well as product prices serves as a serious economic burden (Personal communication with Hadra Alian

Mardat, farmer, Alsafi).

2) Government’s Limited Role in Reducing the Use of Pesticides

For most cases, governmental institutions are not intensively involved in guidance and supervision of chemical use in agriculture. Practices are shared by farmers with each other; when one farmer's success is clear, neighbors learn the practices he or she is using (Personal communication with Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of Ashibat tribe in Alsafi and a farmer and Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi).

Even in cases where governmental instructors are involved in training and advisory regarding chemical use, there is very little confidence by Jordanian farmers who usually 152 will not follow instructions unless they have already proven to be successful by their neighbors (Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi). One example that took place in the area of Alsafi regards the use of methyl bromide.

With the support of the government, a local campaign was initiated to stop the use of methyl bromide as a soil sterilizer. Agents from the Ministry of Agriculture instructed farmers who wished to join the project on alternative crops that do not require soil sterilization with bromide, such as watermelons. The instructors distributed suitable seeds to encourage farmers to try the suggested alternative (Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi; Hasan Kaneenah El masha’lah, farmer,

Alsafi). Government attempts to modify these methods through guidance were not fully accepted among farmers (Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer,

Alsafi). However public relations for the project drew attention to the issue of chemical use in farming.

3) Use of Materials Which Are Widely and Cheaply Available

Farmers everywhere tend to prefer the same materials with which they are familiar. In order to experiment and become acquainted with other types of chemicals the farmers have to take a certain risks. Any willingness to take unnecessary risks in farming is not wise. However, there is a willingness to experiment with less harmful alternatives to the common chemicals in use, if those are supplied free of charge by an outside agency

(Nims, 2005a). Such an agency could be an NGO, a donor organization, the Ministry of

Agriculture or others.

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While there are NGO's that are involved in agricultural development in the area of the

Dead Sea, most of the time they pay more attention to developing technologies, markets, infrastructure, and water sources then to the environment. There is very little attention paid to sustainable chemical use by these NGO’s. Thus, the result is that farmers still rely largely on the chemical materials that are widely available and sold sold in the market (Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi;

Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of Ashibat tribe in Alsafi and a farmer, Alsafi).

Like in Israel, organic farming in Jordan will be economically feasible if it produces crops that will be exported to wealthier countries. For Jordanian farmers, potential markets for organic products could include the Persian Gulf Countries, Saudi Arabia and the European Market (Personal communication with Udi Adler, Organic Farming

Instructor, IBOAA, PPIS). This can follow the example of other countries in the

Middle East which have been successful in organic markets such as the Palestinian

Authority (mostly for olives and olive oil), Egypt, and Morocco.

Unlike Israel, the Jordanian performance in terms of sustainable agro-chemical use is rather poor. Even without fully organic production in order to enter European markets,

Jordanian farmers will have to implement alternatives to the chemicals use. Apart from know-how some of the solutions require investment in infrastructure such as net houses.

In order to adjust their crops to higher standards Jordanian farmers will be required to invest either by themselves, or with the support of outside entities such as supporting agencies, government, private investors or environmental NGOs. The know-how and required products can be imported from their Israeli neighbors.

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7.2.3 Market and social and economics

Economically and politically speaking Jordan is a highly centralized country. The forces that dominate the market as well as the center of political power is located in

Amman (Honeya et al., 1989). Agriculture being a small contributor to the GDP with only a 3.3 percent contribution for the year 2005, is ultimately, a marginal economic activity. (Metz, 1989; CIA web site, The World Fact Book, 2006). Although the agricultural share of the GDP has been in constant decline since the 1960's, the agricultural role as a whole remained important in Jordan and production in absolute number increased (Metz, 1989). Conversely, according to some calculations, the actual contribution of agriculture to the GDP is much higher. Products that are associated with agriculture, such as the chemical industry and retail, transportation, inputs manufactures and other activities which allows agriculture to exist, increases its true share in the economy of the country (Nims, 2005a).

For rural communities, employment opportunities are limited. Many Jordanians abandoned farming and moved to other positions in Jordan or abroad. Many work as soldiers in the Jordanian army or even in foreign armies such as Saudi Arabian military or those in the Persian Gulf states. Others work as employees in industry such as the

Potash factories, textile factories (mostly women workers) or industries abroad (Metz,

1989; Personal communication with Suliman Salme Almahradat, National Hashemite

Fund office Alsafi). However, farming is still a basis for livelihood for many people in the rural area (Metz, 1989).

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The Jordanian government regards agriculture as a tool for development in rural Jordan.

Through development of agriculture and turning it into a prosperous export oriented sector, Jordan hopes to achieve more rapid economic development (Jordanian Embassy

Washington DC, Information Bureau web site, 2006).

Dead Sea Area

1) Marketing

One of the goals for the development of the agricultural sector is to increase the share of high value agricultural products that are exported to countries outside of Jordan and the

Arab world. The Agricultural Marketing Organization is a governmental body established in order to increase Jordanian share in agriculture exports to international markets. The organization is involved in a number of activities aimed to increase productivity among farmers as well as to improve the suitability of their products to international markets. At the same time, the Agricultural Marketing Organization seeks to increase awareness within the international market about the potential of the

Jordanian products. The organization is involved in training farmers, creating contact and trial marketing shipments with buyers, and promoting high value horticultural crops

such as green beans, hot and green peppers,and flowers (FAO web site, 2006; Sigma

One Corporation web site, 2006; Jordanian Embassy Washington DC, Information

Bureau web site, 2006)

Marketing is one of the weaknesses for farmers in the Dead Sea area. Most of the products from the area are sold in the central market in Amman. The selling is done either through a middleman or directly by the farmer. Occasionally farmers will sell 156 their produce directly to local traders from Irbid or from other areas. Some of the products are sold within Jordan and some are exported to markets such as Syria and other neighboring Arab countries. Farmers do not necessarily know where their product is sent to and do not benefit from the higher revenues of export (Personal communication with Suliman Salme Almahradat, National Hashemite Fund Alsafi).

In that sense the Israeli experience could be highly valuable to the Jordanian farmers.

In Israel through farmers associations, individual farmers have a stronger negotiation position when dealing with authorities and with marketing firms. The price for the crop is set and is the same for all the farmers in the community. Naturally individual farmers are weaker when facing outside entities than an organized group of farmers. Jordanian farm operators could adapt this method by forming local farmers' associations and connecting with the market in Amman as a group. This association could also assist on initiating development of infrastructure, sharing knowledge and experience, introducing new crops, and promoting local products in additional new markets.

2) Socio-Economic Characteristics

Due to the weakness of individual farmers in the market and the relatively low level of competition due to high supply of the same crops, farmers often receive very little revenue for their products. Profits for Jordanian farmers in the Ghore Alsafi region have dropped since 1991. As for recent years, 2004 was the best year economically for farmers for two reasons:

(1) The return of the Iraqi market as a consumer of Jordanian products created additional demand; and 157

(2) Bad weather in the north (frost) opened the market to products from the south.

(Personal communication with Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi). The farmers' dependence on brokers from the central market in Amman creates an inferior position for them which translates into low profitability and low economic security.

Although the good year benefited Alsafi farmers, from personal observation it seems that signs of poverty are very common in the area. When interviewed, local farmers admit there is very little income in agriculture (Personal communication with Hadra

Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsafi; Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of Ashibat tribe in

Alsafi and a farmer). The low income and lack of financial security push younger people away from agriculture to look for a more stable and profitable livelihood.

However other opportunities outside of farming in the area are limited.

Like their neighbors in Israel, people in the area feel ‘left out’ of the socio-political sources of power due to them being a peripheral region (Personal communication with

Suliman Salme Almahradat, National Hashemite Fund, Alsafi). One recurring complaint and probably one of the major barriers to the development of the farmers is the lack of power that farmers have in the central market in Amman. This lack of power does not allow them to profit greatly from their farming or establish economic sustainability (Personal communication with Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of

Ashibat tribe in Alsafi and a farmer).

In conclusion, it seems that both communities in Israel and in Jordan have much to learn from each other. The political border that separates them is easy to cross. All along the border there are examples for cooperation between neighboring industries. The closest 158 example is the cooperation between the Israeli Dead Sea Works and the Arab Potash

Factory who arranged for a border gate for their use. Another example of agriculture cooperation is between the Eilot Research and Development farm and agricultural community in Rahme (southern Arava).

In order to address issues of cooperation there is need to not only bridge the political border but also the cultural differences and the suspicion that comes along with it. In addition farmers, especially in Israel, might feel that cooperation will only result in greater competition from their eastern neighbors. By mutual learning and efforts to develop additional options for both communities the positive potential might be greater then the risk.

Table 7.3: offers a summary of the potential benefits of cooperation and their role in overcoming present dynamics which lead to poor sustainability.

159

Potential Benefits of In Jordan In Israel Cooperation Precautionary principle Cases of water source Israel could implement applied in allocation policy salinization which are not the Jordanian during years of drought. The addressed by authorities experience in this result: use of water indicate an un-sustainable matter. resources that does not approach. damage the resources and their ability to serve the community in the future. Dramatic reduction of water Cooperative insurance fund Jordan could allocation in years of serves as a safety net for implement the Israeli drought jeopardize farmers' farmers and offer greater experience in this livelihood. stability and economic matter. security in bad years. In order to adjust their crops Israeli farmers have Through cooperation to the high standards of experience in marketing to Jordanian farmers can foreign markets Jordanian premium markets, along with improve their farmers require better know- suitable infrastructure. production and market how and facilities. it along with the Israeli products in Europe and USA. Cooperation might benefit Israeli farmers in access to other markets in the Arab world. Individual farmers have In Israel through farmers Jordan could weak standing when trying associations, individual implement the Israeli to sell their products in the farmers have a stronger experience in this market or when buying negotiation position when matter. required inputs for dealing with authorities and production. with marketing firms. Table 7.3: Summary of issues that offer potential benefits through cooperation for Israeli and Jordanian farmers

The weaknesses in sustainability of practice in the Israeli side and those in the Jordanian side are more likely to be overcome through uniting of knowledge and resources. The proximity of the two communities offers a potential to follow past precedent and cooperate. For the Israeli farmers the strength that will come with the size of the united community will enable to invest in further development, enlarging their position in target market and diversifying their area of activity. For the Jordanian farmers the 160

Israeli technology, experience and know-how along with better access to suitable facilities will help upgrade agricultural practices to a level that is common in the more developed world.

161

8. Conclusions

This research examines and estimates the level of sustainability of agriculture by the

Dead Sea area. The uniqueness of this research is the holistic approach that was taken to tackle the issue of sustainability in agriculture. Despite the fact that sustainability by definition relates to an overall performance of a system, very often analysis of sustainability relates to just one or a few aspects. In this research there has been an attempt to include a variety of aspects and thus present a holistic overview of agriculture in the study area.

The scope of this work cannot relate to all of the potentially relevant issues. Therefore, four main issues were chosen as criteria for sustainability: water, chemical use, market, and socio-economics of farmers and farming community. Each of these issues was analyzed using a list of specified criteria.

The application of these criteria of sustainability was based on an evaluation that includes trends and policies on both a national as well as local level. All together this research considered 16 criteria. The result and discussion in this research relates to about thirty different data sets which describe policies. Data related to both the regional as well as the national level using quantitative and qualitative information. The research explored a list of national policies and processes and examined how they are manifested or influence on a regional level.

Following the principles of sustainability one cannot relate to agriculture in the study area in Israel in separation from the large agriculture community located just few kilometers away in Alsafi, Jordan. Cooperation between Israel and Jordan already 162 exists in various spheres. Being neighboring countries, it is logical that cooperation and mutual learning will take place between the two agricultural communities on both sides of the political border. This kind of cooperation exists in other areas in Israel such as

Eilot Region in Israel and Rahme in Jordan. At present it does not exist along the Dead

Sea. This research examined aspects of sustainability in the Jordanian agriculture community and suggests a basis for cooperation and mutual learning.

8.1 Agriculture in the Dead Sea Area

The research examined the following list of criteria in the area of the Dead Sea. The findings are presented in the following sections.

1. Water use and management criteria:

a. Use of water resources that does not damage the resources and their

ability to serve the community in the future;

b. Development of alternative, renewable water sources;

c. Equitable allocation of water regionally;

d. Suitability of agriculture to the water scarce area;

e. Use of water in the most effective, efficient manner that is commonly

known; and

f. Promotion of water conservation.

2. Criteria regarding use of agro-chemical:

a. Awareness among farmers, consumers and agriculture institutions to the

hazards of agro-chemicals;

b. Reduction in the use of chemicals in agriculture; 163

c. Development of alternatives to chemical use;

d. Development of organic agriculture;

e. Governmental involvement in promoting lesser use of agro-chemicals;

and

f. Involvement of other entities in promoting lesser use of agro-chemicals.

3. Socio-economic criteria:

a. Stable and profitable market;

b. Sufficient livelihood for farmers;

c. Economic security for farmers; and

d. Viability of farming community.

The systematic application to conditions around the Dead Sea indicate that agriculture by the Dead Sea area on the Israeli side, in many areas is moving along the path towards more sustainable agricultural practices. These practices include chemical use and development of the communities. On the other hand, criteria that relate to water use and water management in the region, suggested non-sustainable practices. The following sections summarize issues of sustainability as were described in the research.

8.1.1 Water

The issue of water was presented in this research from various points of view relating to quality of water, quantity, availability, use, pricing and mechanisms for conservation of water. The findings lead to the following conclusions:

1) The approach towards allocation and use reflects a technological optimism which is

based on the assumption that additional water sources will be found. Indeed 164

additional water sources are constantly developed, however, the economic price,

and more importantly the environmental price of these new sources becoming more

and more expensive. Examples are the plan of network of piping connecting Kikar

Sdom aquifer with central Arava wells (Idan Hatzeva) and desalination as a future

solution to the deteriorated quality of water.

2) Water pricing that is subsidized does not reflect the real value of the resource.

Optimal water pricing can be used as a tool for water conservation by creating an

economical incentive to consume less. However on a national level, government

policies do not support this. In addition, within the Dead Sea area prices are

expected to reflect the low quality of water and the damage to agriculture it can

cause. Mechanisms of pricing prevent this compensation for low quality and the

result is a sense of unfairness among farmers in regards to water prices despite the

fact that they are paying a price far less then the actual cost of water.

3) Water sources in the area of the Dead Sea are becoming more saline. Official

policies at Mekorot and the Water Authority appears to be doing nothing until

facing an emergency. The dilemma between reduction of water use (and thus

preventing farmers from receiving the full amount they require on one hand) and

risking salinization of wells on the other hand, was decided by 'not deciding'. The

Water Authority as well as Mekorot do not relate to the threat as a problem under

the assumption that by the time it requires treatment a solution will be found,

probably in the shape of desalination.

4) Various technologies and methods of practice attempt to conserve water. A range of

studies in the local research and development farm examine potential practices for

reduction of water use. In addition, the use of efficient water system among farmers

also indicates an understanding of the need and attempts to address it. However, 165

despite the attempts to conserve water, the very decision to support farming in the

area to begin with, and the choice of which crops to farm, prevent a real sustainable

solution.

Jordanian policies relate to several issues that can be described as weak points in Israel thus offering Israeli authority an option to learn from the Jordanian experience. In

Jordan the protection of the water sources is such that authorities choose to dry part of the fields on years of drought. The result is the causing of considerable economic difficulty for the farmers. In this case, the understanding that water sources might go saline leads to the use of the precautionary principle. For the sake of future generations,

Israel must treat its water sources with more precaution than it does now.

8.1.2 Chemical Use

The amount of chemicals used in agriculture serves as an example of how market forces can lead to a more sustainable practice. Following growing awareness about chemical residues in produce in the European and USA markets which export from the Dead Sea, a decrease in the use of chemicals has begun. The decrease was achieved by adopting alternative methods such as IPM. The result is a better product with fewer side effects to the environment and human health.

Organic farming serves as a chemical free option. Products that are grown organically receive high revenue that can compensate for the lower yield. Governmental policy does not encourage organic production and in some cases even discriminates against 166 organic farmers. This policy serves as a significant obstacle for farmers who wish to change their practice to organic but cannot afford to do so.

The process of reduction of chemical use as a result of market demand is not seen in

Jordan yet. With the Jordanian intention to enter the European market the demand for chemical free produce will rise. With guidance from Israeli farmers in regards to IPM alternatives, Jordanians can make valuable steps in improving their products. Jordanian farmers would gain from the improvement and Israelis will gain from the additional buyers of their IPM products and knowledge.

8.1.3 Market

The issue of market reflects a dilemma between sustainability on a regional level and sustainability from a global point of view. On a regional level the ability of Israeli farmers to maintain their share in the international market allows them to sustain a dignified level of livelihood and remain farmers. However, export of food products on a global level is not sustainable because it creates a high level of pollution and wastes and consumes enormous amounts of energy. This research does not suggest an answer to this dilemma but rather points out the two sides of the quandary.

8.1.4 Social and Economical Aspects

The Dead Sea farming community on the Israeli side is powerfully motivated to pursue regional development. There is an understanding among community members and officials that the existing structure of the community is not sustainable. The basis for this understanding is the weakening of farming as a primary livelihood source along 167 with the aging of community members. The community prepares to absorb new members by developing alternatives for livelihood as well as creating infrastructure in the form of land and water allocation. Indeed it seems that new residents are joining the community and the plan has a real potential for success.

There is a great dependence of the regional council in tax money from the Dead Sea

Works and Ein Bokek hotels area. This tax is utilized for high level of services, but creates a real dependence in the form of the high numbers of people that work as employees in the regional council. For many of the people that work for the regional council there are no alternative livelihoods. The regional council is being challenged by the neighboring towns Dimona and Arad for jurisdiction over the area of the Dead Sea

Works. The request that Dimona and Arad presents has some basis in social justice.

The regional council is one of the smallest in Israel in terms of number of residents and it receives extraordinarily high revenues due to its expansive area and high taxes paid by the mining and tourist industries. In addition the workers in the Dead Sea Works are mostly residents of Dimona and Arad so it seems fair that their communities would be those that profit from the taxes.

At present the issue is in public debate and seems to be far from resolved. Any changes in the status quo might shatter the fragile balance on which residents in the Dead Sea area depend for their sustainability.

8.2 Cooperation with the Neighboring Jordanian Community

From the survey that conducted in the neighboring Jordanian community living along the Dead Sea, it seems that there is a strong potential basis for cooperation – and this 168 cooperation might strengthen the sustainability of local agriculture. Cooperation can be done by mutual learning and by joint initiatives. Jordan's aspiration to enter European market as exporters of agriculture products can be guided by assistance from Israeli's experience. For Israel, this is not necessarily a threat for several reasons; (1) the smaller area in Israel and cutting-edge technology that is used is suitable for the development of niche markets, that should allow a maintenance of a reasonably exclusive role in the target markets; (2) cooperation with Jordan will open a market for Israeli technology, knowledge, products and services supporting agriculture; and (3) through cooperation with Jordan Israeli farmers might gain access to additional prime markets such as the

Persian Gulf and Saudi Arabia.

It is important to be aware to the trap of economic cooperation between 'developing' and

'developed' countries. Very often this kind of relationship manifests in the form of wealthier landowners on one side and cheaper labor on the other. One can argue that this is the case with many of the joint industry initiatives that have already been established between Israel and Jordan, for example in the textile industry.

Following are a few ideas for potential cooperation:

1) Issues that can be mutually learned by Jordanian and Israeli farmers include crop

exchange, methods for reducing chemical use, implementation of international

standards and mechanisms for quality control.

2) Use by Jordanians of facilities that exist in the Israeli side -- for example top

standard packing houses, transport infrastructure, laboratories for research and

quality control and more.

3) Israelis can benefit from the Jordanian experience of conserving water sources. 169

4) Jordanians should learn from the Israeli model of farmers' association. By uniting,

farmers in Alsafi can strengthen their position in the market and as buyers of

agriculture products.

8.3 Is Agriculture in the Dead Sea Area Sustainable?

Sustainability is a complex concept that needs to be examined from various angles at different levels. The same practice can be sustainable on one level and very damaging on another, for example the focus of Israeli farmers on export markets. It strengthens economic sustainability but damages international environmental sustainability. In order to determine whether or not a practice is sustainable a holistic approach should be implemented, taking into account environment, economics, and society.

A perfectly sustainable practice probably does not exist. Every activity one takes has a cost. The aspiration therefore is to achieve a 'more sustainable practice' rather then a perfectly sustainable one.

In order to achieve a more precise understanding of agriculture sustainability in the region and evaluate potential development, further research should be done on aspects that were not addressed in this study. These aspects include:

1) Land fertility – examining yearly yield of selected crops and soil fertility criteria;

2) Energy consumption – Assessing energy input in agriculture practice;

3) Consumption of physical inputs in agriculture which later on become solid waste

such as green houses, irrigation systems, net houses, and packaging;

4) Labor – how many workers are required for present practice? Who are they? What

is the kind of work they do and what are their working conditions? 170

5) The influence of agriculture on the immediate environment. Issues such as the

effect of agriculture on biodiversity, invasive species, water for nature, salinization

of soil, and water sources for nature.

6) The health of farmers and workers;

7) Future economical security of farmers, and more.

These elements and other were not examined in this research due to the limited scope of the work and lack of data. Monitoring various issues over time could point trends and offer warnings if needed.

Research question cannot be answered in one word – yes or no. With adjustments,

Israeli agriculture in the Dead Sea area has been practiced and sustained for over 50 years. Of course there is no room for nonchalance. Threats that exist must be addressed. Development in the area should follow principles of sustainable development, such as lower water consumption, protection of natural resources, justice in allocation of resources, continuous reduction in the use of chemicals and the building of a diversified social and economic basis for the community. 171

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179

Personal communications

Ami Maduel, Zohar R&D Farm and a farmer, Kikar Sdom, June 2006.

Asher Lozun – Neot Hakikar, Head of Farming Union and a farmer, June 2006.

Dorit Hashmonay, Researcher, Zohar R&D farm, Kikar Sdom, May 2006.

Dudi Kadosh - Tamar Regional Council, Head of Water and Settlement Department and a farmer, June 2006.

Eilam Raz, Ein Gedi Farmer, May 2005.

Eitan Kornet, Head of Biologic Department in Agrexco, September 19th, 2006.

Eitan Lerman, Head of Packing house in Neot Hakikar and farmer; June 21st, 2006.

Falah El Ashaibat, former Mukhtar of Ashibat tribe in Alsaffi and a farmer, Alsaffi, August 3rd, 2005.

Gabi Bachan - Ein Tamar, Head of Farming Union, May 2006 (in person and in correspondence).

Hadra Alian Mardat, farmer, Alsaffi, August 3rd, 2005.

Ilan Ashel, director of Bio-Organic Agriculture Association, December 6th, 2005.

Ilan Hamu – Head of Information System Department, Southern Region, Makorot, June 22nd, 2006.

Lea Ben Asher Gilad, Head of Water Quality Department, Southern Region, Mekorot, June 22nd, 2006.

Merav Ayalon, Kibbutz Ein Gedi, (by correspondence), September 2006.

180

Menahem Weiss, Hydrologist Responsible for the Dead Sea area, Hydrological Service, Water Authority, through phone conversation, October 16th, 2007.

Suliman Salme Almahradat, National Hashemite Fund office Alsafi, August 3rd, 2005.

Udi Adler, Organic Farming Instructor, IBOAA, PPIS, January 9th, 2006.

Yael Maor, Tamar Regional Council, Head of Research and Development Department (In Focus Group Meeting – 22/9/2004).