THE SYMBOLISM OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN AUSTRALIA 1965 - 1975
Gabrielle Johnstone
Master of Arts (Hons.) University of New South Wales. 1984.
I hereby certify that the wD�k contained in this thesis has not been submitted for a higher degree to any other university or institution. I hereby declare that this is my own work and that, to the best of my knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another person nor material which to a substantial extent has been accepted for the award of any other degree of diploma of a University or other Institute of higher learning, except where due acknowledgement is made in the text of this thesis .
Gabrielle Johnstone ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank Associate Professor
Donald Horne for his valued guidance and experience, given generously, during the preparation of this thesis. SUHMARY
In this thesis an attempt was made to examine the period
1965-1975, in Australia, in terms of the symbolic politics of
social change in certain fields of "protest", viz the anti
Vietnam movements, women's movements, enviromental movements,
Aboriginal movements, "permissiveness" movements
and (to a lesser extent) "ethnic consciousness" movements.
There was a concern with both the instrumental and the expressive
functions of these forms of protest.
Particular reliance was placed on some of the concepts developed by Kenneth Burke, Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Orrin.E.Klapp,
Murray Edelman, James Combs and Michael Mansfield. These concepts were used in an examination of pamphlets, petitions, editorials, letters to the editor of newspapers and magazines, books, badges, stickers, posters and contemporary accounts of the activities pursued by the movements referred to.
This resulted in a classification of various forms of protest action. Within each of these classifications there was examination of both instrumental and expressive elements - and also with paradoxes of unintended consequences. The protest forms were seen to be capable of developing a "life" of their own.
One of the main conclusions reached has been concerned with the need, on occasion, to use symbolic forms of protest/challenge in order to place new items on the agenda, or to re-define existing agenda items. However, the very theatricality of the techniques used not only attracts attention and gives reassurance to followers: it can also produce unintended consequences.
The stu closer attention Dy political scientists than it has traditionally received. There is a need to develop new methods of analysis. CONTENTS Page SYNOPSIS INTRODUCTION The Symbolism of Political and Social Change in Australia. 1965-1975. 1 CHAPTER ONE Widening the Issues of Debate Through Established Mechanism. 17 CHAPTER TWO A New Language 80 CHAPTER THREE Rituals 134 CHAPTER FOUR FESTIVALS 198 CHAPTER FIVE Dramatic Characters Within the Public Domain 245 THE INVESTIGATION OF SYMBOLIC FORMS 300 BIBLIOGRAPHY 304 SYNOPSIS The thesis is an attempt to look at the period 1965 to 1975 in Australia in terms of "symbolic politics". The meaning of "symbolic politics" is given through the use of wr:ttings dealing with theories of the use of symbolism in both political and social life. As a basis of this period, the thesis is concerned with the actions and activities pursued by a number of movements, namely: the anti-Vietnam movements, the permissive movements, the environmental movements, the women's movements, the Aboriginal movements, and the moves for a multi-cultural Australia. Each of these movements and the activities it pursued provided powerful displays within the public domain. The thesis attempts to show the way in which issues were forced onto the political agenda, the diversity of methods used and the resulting new constructions of political and social reality. In an attempt to force items onto the political agenda these groups provided a "language" of memorable images, of scenes in the public domain and dramatic characters. They provided new and diverse methods of becoming involved in political and social issues and of activating public awareness and individual conscience. These new and diverse methods of activating public awareness and individual conscience relied on the use of what will be referred to as "symbolic forms". The significance of such forms and their use is a major theme of the thesis. The examination of such forms serves to show that the style itself of protest/challenge used by many of the movements noted, was very much a part of such protest/challenge. The "symbolic forms" used became a part of the message being communicated, that is, these forms once created, then had the potential to be creative - they could take on a life of their own. Unusual "symbolic forms" as a means of affecting political and social life were not however, employed by all sections of Australian society. Some chose to use more orthodox modes of expression, forms of discourse more in line with commonly accepted standards of behaviour and established values~ and beliefs. Attention is also given to these sections of society and to the significance of the discourse employed. -1- INTRODUCTION THE SYMBOLISM OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CHANGE IN AUSTRALIA 1965 - 1975 "The use of symbolic forms of expression to develop theory and method in human studies is not new. The works of Fustel de Coulonges, W. Robertson Smith, Emile Durkheim, Bronislaw Malinowski, and A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, as well as the work of Weber, Troeltsch, and Tawney, indicate how much social thought owes to the s~udy of symbolic expression in society. But these studies and indeed, almost the whole body of sociological thought of the social bond, are based on religious expression."1· However, more recent study has attempted to pay some attention to the use of symbolic forms as a means to include a wider version of human relations, and interaction within societies. Kenneth Burke stresses that "social interaction is not a process, but a dramatic expression, an enactment of roles by individuals who seek to identify with each other in their search to create social order. George Mead, too described such enactments as foTITis similar to those in play, games and drama."2 • According to Burke, one of the foremost advocates and analysts of political and social symbolism, "men build symbolic structures on nature."3 · 1. Hugh Dalziel Duncan. Communication and Social Order, p 7, (Bedminister Press, New York, 1962). 2. Ibid., p 5. 3. James E. Combs and Michael W. Mansfield (ed.), Drama in Life. The Use of Communication in Society, (Hastings House Publishers, 1976), preface xviii. -2- Burke argues that man is the orlly animal able to conceive (and act upon) negatives and can control and structure his "actions" upon the basis of symbolic meanings that are not reducible to "natural" motives. As an example Burke says, men do not simply kill for food, but for gods and countries. "Men are then separated from their 'natural condition' by their own creation of a symbolic world which overlays the natural one. " 4 · Burke insists that man is a, "symbol using, (symbol making symbol rrrrsus1ng. . ) an1ma . 1 • .. 5. So that man and his experiences are based on the dominance of symbols in his life. Burke asks, "can we bring ourselves to realize ...• just how overwhelmingly much of what we mean by 'reality' has been built up for us through nothing but our symbol systems?"6 • He goes on to suggest, "however important the tiny sliver of reality each of us has experienced firsthand, the whole overall 'picture' is but a construction of our symbol systems."7• For Burke the inference is clear;." life is drama. Action means structured behaviour in terms of symbols, which implies choice, conflict and cooperation, which men communicate to each other. Society is a drama in which actions, in terms of social symbols, are the crucial events."8 • Such analysis comes from Burke's own paradigm, "things move, men act."9· Burke says, "the dramatistic approach 4. Ibid 5. Kenneth Burke, Language As Symbolic Action, p 16.(Berkeley and Los Angeles University of California Press, 1966). 6. Ibid., p 5. 7. Ibid 8. Combs and Mansfield, op.cit., preface xviii. 9. Ibid. -3- (into human relations and human motives) is implicit in the key term 'act·'. 'Act,, is thus a terministic centre from which many related considerations can be shown to 'radiate11'! 10 · From such a terministic centre, Burke is able to explore the possibilities. He stresses that in order "for there to be an 'act' there must be an 'agent'. Similarly there must be a 'scene' in which the agent acts. To act in a scene the agent must employ some means, or 'agency'. And it can be called an act in the full sense of the term only if it involves a 'purpose'. These five terms (act, scene, agent, agency, purpose) have been labelled the dramatic pentad; the aim of calling attention to them in this way is to show how the functions in which they designate operate in the imputing of motives."11 • In other words, for Burke these dimensions are what the "inquirer needs to understand action, whether it be in the context of a drama or in real life. Actions occur within the framework of a social scene or milieu, the action is conducted by an agent with a conception of an 'attitude', about what is 'appropriate' to the scene; the actor uses the means at his disposal to accomplish the action, and the action is done for some purpose."12 · Burke's system of "dramatism" is an attempt to show how symbols work in social behaviour. If we agree with Burke's concept that man is a symbol-using animal, "we must stress symbolism as a motive in any discussion of social behaviour."13 · 10. Kenneth Burke, Dramatism in The International Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, David L. Sills, (ed.) Vol. 7, pp 445-51, (Macmillan Publishing Co., 1968). 11. Ibid. 12. Combs and Mansfield, op.cit., preface xviii. 13. Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Communication and Social Order, op.cit., p. 114. -4- However, t h ere are many t h eor1es. o f symb o 1"1c 1nteract1on.. . 14 • Duncan says, "the problem facing symbolic interactionists who use dramatic images as models for sociological theory ••• is to say something coherent ••• assuming the model of drama as our paradigm for a model of social relations [so as to] distinguish between drama as art and drama as sociaL 1115 · Duncan proposes that, "the new relationships of our time are 'sociodramas' which are mounted daily and hourly for mass audiences ••• Sociodramas move us through the intensity as well as the diversity and range of their appeal. The great publics of our time must not be thought of as inert masses waiting to be 'triggered' into action. As members of an audience we identify, as elements in a mass we cathect or polarize. Identification is a dramatic process .•. All forms of modern mass communications reach their greatest power in their creation of sociodramas which, like art drama, are staged as struggles between good and bad principles of social order. The people do not want information but identification with, community life. I n d rama t h ey part1c1pate.. . 11 16 • For Duncan, the '.' sociodrama'-' represents one manner of seeing social interaction within societies. What is communicated through the "sociodrama11 is determined by how we communicate. 17 • 14. Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Symbols in Society, p 31. (Oxford University Press, New York, 1968). 15. Ibid., pp 30-31. 16. Ibid., pp 33-34. 17. Ibid., p 247. -5- "These sociodramas are not merely symbolic screens, or metaphors in which we clothe the reality of politics .•. They are social rea 11ty• b ecause t h ey are f orms o f soc1a . 1 1ntegrat1on.• • n18. As a form of social integration, the 11 sociodrama" provides identification with the social order. "In sociodrama we identify in~action and passion with heroes who struggle to uphold principles af social order, and in this identification with leaders and causes, anxiety, fear and l0neliness vanish."19 • The idea that social interaction through a system of symbolic constructions of political and social reality can have some meaning in political life, has been pointed to by Murray Edelman. Edelman says, "the symbolic side of politics calls for attention, for men cannot know themselves until they know what they do and what surrounds and nurtures them. Man creates po 11t1ca. . 1 symb o 1 s an d t h ey susta1n . an d d eve1 op or warp h.1m. n 20 . Edelman in, The Symbolic Uses of Politics, attempts to examine "politics as symbolic form." He says, "political forms come to symbolize what large masses of men need to believe about the state to reassure themselves. It is the needs, hopes and the anxieties o f men t h at d eterm1ne. t h e mean1ngs. . 1121. Edelman says, "there is no reason to expect that the meanings will be limited to the instrumental functions the political forms serve."22 • 18. Ibid., p 237. 19. Ibid. , 20. Murray Edelman, The Symbolic Use of Politics, p 1. (University of Illinois Press, U.S.A., 1977). 21. Ibid. , p 2 . 22. Ibid., -6- Political symbolism, according to Edelman, is a concentrated form of meanings and emotion which members of a group create and use to reinforce specific beliefs about the way in which the political 23. system operates. Thus for Edelman, "political acts are both 1nstrumenta. 1 an d express1ve. . ,24. \ 'functional' structures, nor are groups only instrumental, they are also symbolic organizations and evoke dramatic meaning and action. Hence, the collective actions of groups of leadership, the evocation of collective symbols in ritual and ceremony, the condensation of events through the 'dramatizing' filter of the mass media, indeed the history of a particular culture or society, are all dramatic."25 • The actions and activities carried out by those having, or attempting to have, some influence within society, are made up of symbolic considerations and systems together with functional systems and organizations. Politics deals with human relations, cooperation and conflict. Burke argues that human relations are best analyzed in terms of drama. "Men enact roles. They change roles. They participate. They develop modes of social appeal. They relate as actors playing roles to achieve satisfactions which only other human actors can give them. rr 26 · For those who agree with the range of possibilities offered in terms of evaluating the political and social process through theories dealing with symbolic interaction their attempts at using 23. Ibid., p 11. 24. Ibid., p 12. 25. Combs and Mansfield, op.cit., preface xxiii. 26. Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Communication and Social Order, op.cit., p 112. -7- such theories provide some insight as to what can be achieved. As one example of the use to which symbolic interpretations of "reality" can be put, Joseph Gusfield, in Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement, attempts to show that the activity and actions of those involved in the temperance movement were sustained and often motivated by symbolic considerations, rather than by "rational" or "instrumental" pursuits, although these too were present. Gusfield says, "We have argued that Prohibition and Temperance have operated as symbolic rather than as instrumental goals in American politics. The passage of legislation or the act of public approval of Temperance has been as significant to the activities of the Temperance movement as has the instrumental achievement of an . 112 7. abstinent soc~ety. Other examples as to how use can be made of symbolic interpretations of political life are, the attempt by Edward Shils and Michael Young to discuss the British coronation ceremony as an example of dramatic activity "in which society reaffirms the morals and values which constitute it as a society, and renews • d • h 1 b I f • I 1128, ~ts evot~on to t ose va ues y an act o commun~on • The coronation ceremony serves as an example in which dramatic activity merges with symbolic actions to celebrate the values and beliefs of British society. 27. Joseph R. Gusfield, Symbolic Crusade: Status Politics and the American Temperance Movement, p 166, (University of Illinois Press, 1966). 28. Edward Shils and Michael Young, The Meaning of the Coronation, in Combs and Mansfield (ed.) Drama in Life: the Uses of Communication in Society, op.cit., pp 302-313. -8- Similarly Orrin E. Klapp, in Symbolic Leaders: Public Dramas and Public Men, has attempted to give an account of the way in which leadership roles can be viewed in terms of dramatic activity. Klapp discusses the role which those in the public eye play and the manner in which they are forced into such roles, or on many occasions the manner in which ''leaders" manipulate, what Klapp calls the '-'public drama'J so as to play specific roles. 29 • No strict definitions have been given to the terms, "dramatic activi ty 11 and "symbolic action 1'. We have hinted at the fact that Burke perhaps offers the most usable interpretation of drama, dramatic activity or dramatic action through his theory of 11 dramatism". For Burke the meaning of dramatism, "invites one to consider the matter of motives in a perspective that, being developed from the analysis of drama, treats language and thought pr1mar1• •1 y as mo d es o f act1on.• u30 • The action may not directly achieve .a specific aim, but by the process can have an effect on its performers and audience. The action can then be seen as representing dual considerations, that is instrumental action and symbolic action, the latter implies a wide range of meaning. Accordingly we can determine that symbolic action is capable of serving to reinforce stability within the political and social system. It can be used to reaffirm established values and beliefs through its reliance on established symbols. However, symbolic action can similarly reinforce change or the need for change within 29. Orrin E. Klapp, Symbolic Leaders: Public Dramas and Public Men, (Aldine Publishing Company, Chicago, 1964). 30. Kenneth Burke, A Grammar of Motives, p xxii, (Prentice Hall, New York, 1945). -9- the political and social system. By participating in dramatic activity, by using symbolic action, diversity in ways of seeing can be achieved. Through such attempts to show diversity, the need for change in terms of the symbolic action used, its reliance on values and beliefs, often contrary to established values and beliefs, show how symbolic action can be used to reaffirm change, to challenge existing ways of seeing. In this regard, that is, that symbolic action can reinforce change, examples showing the use of symbolic action as a method of challenging established values and beliefs, orthodox perceptions of politics and of how political decisions can be influenced, provide new and diverse interpretations of both political and social life. In Australia, the period 1965 - 1975 provides an opportunity to look at a period of symbolic politics. It provides a better-than-usual opportunity to look at political and social events from the perspective of the new constructions of political and social reality which were created through the use of public displays of concern. Throughout this period there were numerous actions which were performed in the public domain, and which were often purposely staged to attract attention. In terms of Burke's theory it could be suggested that the performance of these actions within the public domain,was, for many of those who did participate, a part of their symbolic world. In terms of Duncan's concept of "sociodrama" these episodes can be seen as examples of "sociodrama", as new concepts -10- of social reality in which the people participated. By using the public domain to enact particular political and social concerns these concerns gained greater significance. In terms of Edelman's theory, these public displays helped to reduce the complexity of such matters to understandable experiences, which encouraged participation and provided purpose and fulfilment. As a result of the performance of particular actions within the public domain there existed diversity, creativity and originality in terms of the actions performed. The intensity of the action, together with diversity and the range of appeals made, we must remember, is all part of Duncan's 1'sociodrama". Diversity, creativity and originality were often expressed through the use of distinctive modes of political and social appeal, which became meaningful and powerful in their own right. These are Hhat we may call symbolic forms. This brings us to another of Duncan's proposals, that is, "that how we communicate determines what we communicate ••• communication occurs in forms, and these forms are publ 1c• as we ll as pr1vate.. 11 31. The use and meaning of symbolic forms such as posters, badges, bumper stickers, ''rituals" which included the demonstration, the march, rallies, vigils, sit-ins, walk-ins, together with other actions which will be interpreted as \'festivals'', helped to create new ways of seeing, and diverse interpretations of the way in which the world operates. The use and significance given to each of these symbolic forms can be seen as a part of the symbolism offered by this period. The symbolic forms provided a means of expression available to those willing to participate. The ability to express and articulate 31. Hugh Dalziel Duncan, Symbols in Society, op.cit., P 31. -11- meaning through different dimensions, which dramatize and entertain, provided for many a closer identification and understanding of political and social matters. For those who found political and social matters remote, complex and ambiguous, the "language" of these symbolic forms provided a productive alternative. The importance of the symbolic forms, operating within and creating action within the public domain throughout this period attempted to exp 1 a1n. a \1 new " v1s1on• • o f society. For some, it may have also been an attempt to establish a new identity for themselves, by associating themselves with these new modes of expression. Moreover, these symbolic forms were themselves significant. To see the forms purely as a mode of communication is too narrow an interpretation. The symbolic forms once created, then in turn have the ability to be creative, that is, once used, once released as a means of achieving an instrumentalairn, the forms take on a life of their own. The symbolic forms, the style of protest, also becomes part of the protest. The forms may create something different from what was originally intended, that is, meaning may be found not in the instrumental purpose of using a particular symbolic form, but in the response it creates from different people. The use of symbolic forms to achieve a purpose, the form employed as a method showing how to achieve a purpose can be perceived differently by different people. It can thus serve to create different "realities" for those either participating, or for others as part of the audience. Returning to Duncan's point, "how we communicate determines what we communicate", the symbolic furms seen as the "how" of -12- communication, not ~vhat is done, or sought to be done, but rather the methods used to do things by, becomes most important. In terms of the thesis, it is the very style of the symbolic forms used, their ability to create new and diverse ways of seeing as a part of the action which is significant. Collective action pervaded a great many of these actions performed in the public domain. In collective action it became simple to lose oneself. However, more importantly, it became easy to free oneself, in the sense of being organized and restricted in actions and motives. If organizations such as work, religion, school, the university and even leisure, failed to provide confidence, or a reality to which people could relate, then expression through symbolic forms helped to give meaning. I have said that the ''language'' of these symbolic forms provided a productive alternative for those who found political and social concerns remote, complex and ambiguous. Any situation which is remote, complex and ambiguous appears to be poorly defined. In situations which are poorly defined, understanding can be achieved by relying on any belief which helps to establish comfortable images to which people can relate. This is not to suggest that the "languagen of symbolic forms established fictitious beliefs, but rather emotion and one 1 s own needs and desires strongly influen~ed the interpretation of what was occurring. This too, showed the significance of, and reliance placed on the use of such forms. The "language" expressed through symbolic forms showed dramatic displays of concern, which compelled attention, encouraged -13- participation and issued symbolic manifestations of what really mattered. By associating oneself with any of the symbolic forms used during this period, a new meaning, it can be suggested, was found, first by the initial association, which may have been as simple as wearing a T-shirt with a &tencilled message, or a badge giving certification of a particular belief, and secondly by the response given by others to such actions. Often the response created may have been quite different from that intended. During this period, the new constructions of political and social reality, produced for some a world in which race and colour did not matter, where men and women were equal, or for some where women should be regarded as more than equal, where censorship was liberalized and sexual freedoms increased, where to disregard the environment became a sacrilege, and where the issue of conscript- ion was translated into one of murder. The creation of a world in which such attitudes existed could be seen as a challenge to basic beliefs and values which had previously operated and been reinforced by Australia's institutional and organizational concepts both in political and social life. However, the important distinction which must be made, is that this challenge to Australia's institutional and organizational frameworks, and to the body of values and beliefs which were a part of these institutions and organizations, was not a violent confrontation, although some were capable of seeing this challenge in a violent manner. ~bat is to be discussed in this thesis, is the manner in which basic beliefs and values, institutions and organizations were challenged. The use, meaning and examination of various symbolic forms used in this challenge should essentially -14- give the thesis its formal structure, in terms of the chapters and consequently in terms of the central themes. Despite the efforts of " original research, the value of the thesis may lie in the method of interpretation the emphasis placed on the significance of the forms used, rather than in the importance of new material uncovered. If for a moment, we stop and reflect on the period 1965 - 1975, it can be seen that there were a great many varied concerns being expressed by a number of groups. In terms of the scope which this thesis hopes to deal with, the main groups used to provide examples of the actions performed are: the anti-Vietnam movements, the "permissive" movements, the environmental movements, the women's movements, the Aboriginal movements and the moves for a multi- cultural Australia. By examining the means used by these groups it becomes evident that most, if not all of these groups and their concerns existed largely, at least for a part of this decade, outside the traditional structure which dealt with political matters. In one respect this may be seen as the cause for these groups to use diverse and unorthodox methods, since there was no established means within the political arena to deal with these concerns. Other factors are equally important when considering such questions as why these groups became involved in the use of such methods. Dramatic activities enacted within the public domain helped gain attention, encouraged participation and introduced meaning where little thought even existed. Questions concerning why these groups used these means to bring attention to their demands are not as important as questions relating to what was happening within the public domain as a consequence of the use of such methods. -15- 1965 - 1975 appears as a period in which for many there were attempts to form new constructions of political and social reality. By using diverse and unorthodox devices as a means to do so it is evident that those involved sought new experiences through collective behaviour, outside the established political process, which could not facilitate their needs. If the old ways of seeing could not accommodate the many forms of expression which encouraged individual and collective behaviour, then articulation through the use of symbolic forms offered a new vision and reassurance that their aims could be achieved. However, for those who felt their thoughts and opinions needed public expression, but lacked the desire to express them selves through unorthodox symbolic forms, other avenues, more legitimate (viz more :commonly accepted standards of behaviour and appeal) were available. By following these methods they did not challenge orthodoxy, except within the confines of existing conventions of orthodoxy. They remained within the "civic culture". 32 • For these sections of society it was right to be concerned and to display that concern, providing that it was done in a manner that did not challenge other values. We must keep in mind, however, that despite the desire to 11 play by the rules", the use of established means of protest can pass into a second phase, whereby those who use them hint at the need for greater personal involvement and the use of unorthodox forms of expression. We can say that although these established 32. G. Almond and S. Verba, The Civic Culture, (Princeton, 1963). -16- means of protest are in no way unorthodox forms of behaviour, they can be manipulated to provide the necessary stimulus for portrayals of unorthodox action. But for those who found the more orthodox means of protest inadequate, dramatic performances in the public domain served to express their desires to have notice taken of their demands. Thus by using the public domain to demonstrate and dramatize concerns~ political hopes can be articulated long before the legitimate and necessary political means are available. The entire process of publicly enacting specific demands by way of dramatic means provides a creative experience, a diversity in ways of seeing, and an avenue to dramatize political and social concerns, to express discontent, to increase participation, and to remove the barrier of remoteness which often surrounds political and social matters. -17- CHAPTER ONE WIDENING THE ISSUES OF DEBATE THROUGH ESTABLISHED MECHANISMS As is suggested in the introduction, in the period 1965 - 1975, two distinct types of action were undertaken in an effort to affect the political and social concerns of the period, Attention has been drawn to those people who sought to influence decisions made through the use ofrational and controlled arguments, and a second group who used more unorthodox methods of protest. The subjects of this chapter are those methods of influence which relied upon established practices and which can be seen as mechanisms used to widen and influence the issues of debate. For each of these issues the use of "established mechanisms" provided a legitimizing function, that is,aclaim t~ commonlyaccepted standards of behaviour and appeal, and to serious and valid questioning, as distinct from unorthodox and diverse modes of behaviour. These means referred to as "established mechanisms" included pamphlets, petitions, meetings and forums, open letters to politicans, letters to the editor of newspapers and magazines, editorials, court actions and books. As is also suggested in the introduction, the use' of "established mechanisms" is not limited only to elements of the "civic culture". They may also be used by the more impatient sections of society as an introductory point for disruptive, or more vibrant portrayals of concern. The use of "established mechanisms" is widely accepted within the political system as a legitimate means to influence debate, that is, as methods which conform to established standards of usage and of behaviour. For those who made use of these "established mechanisms" in the period 1965 - 1975, purely -18- as a means to influence debate, it made sense for them to express their concerns in this manner. The use of these "established mechanisms" for some, encouraged the right to use non-physical intervention which did not require mass action or organization in order to be effective. The use of these "established mechanisms" provided, for many, symbolic reassurance in that if they felt something was wrong, they were free to express discontent without fear of reprisal. Each of the concerns of the movements to which attention has been drawn will serve as examples of issues in which the area of debate was widened through "established me;chanisms". The use of what we have called "established mechanisms", as methods or modes of presenting arguments and encouraging debate also meant that such modes of presentation contributed to the meaning and hence to the way political and social reality was represented or conceptual- ised, or in fact created. Berger and Luckmann, in The Social Construction of Reality, speak of ''reality" as being socially 1. constructed. The reality of every day life, "presents itself as a reality interpreted by men and subjectively meaningful to them as a coherent world .•• It is a world that originates in their thoughts and actions, and is maintained as real by them."2 " Berger and Luckmann state that, "man inhabits a world 'real' to him, albeit in different degrees, he knows with different degrees of confidence that this world possess various characte:tistics."3 • The view we 1. Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality, p 13, (Penguin Books, U.S.A., 1979). 2. Ibid., p 33. 3. Ibid., p 13. -19- hold of what is ureal" - reality - "pertain to specific social contexts."4 " According to Berger and Luckmann, "the reality of every day life is an ordered reality."5 ' "The reality of everyday life appears already objectified, that is, constructed by an order of objects that have been designated as objects •.•• The language used in everyday life continuously provides me with the necessary objectifications and posits the order within which these make sense and within which everyday life has meaning .•.. In this manner language matks the coordinates of my life in society and fills that life with meaningful objects."6 ' Further to this Berger and Luckmann suggest that the maintenance of the "cormnon object- ivations" of everyday life is accomplished by "linguistic signification."7• Thus language helps to construct, conceptualize or create rea 1~ty.. L anguage mak es " more rea 1 our sub. Ject~v~ty. · · .. s. "Language originates in and has its primary reference to everyday life; it refers above all to the reality I experience in wide-awake consciousness, which is dominated by the pragmatic motive (that is, the cluster of meanings directly pertaining to present or future actions) and which I share with others in a taken-for-granted manner."9 Berger and Luckmann speak of this "ordered reality" being possible through "institutionalization" and "legitimation." 4. Ibid., p 15. 5. Ibid., p 35. 6. Ibid., pp 35-36. 7. Ibid., p 51. 8. Ibid., p 53. 9. Ibid., p 53. -20- "All human activity is subject to habitualization. Any action which is repeated frequently becomes cast into a pattern, which can then be reproduced with an economy of effort. " 10 · "Institutionalization occurs whenever there is a reciprocal typification of habitualized actions by types of actors ••.• Institutions ••• by the very fact of their existence control human conduct by setting up predefined patterns of conduct. " 11. Berger and Luckmann contend that "an institutional world, then, is experienced as an objective reality, that is, a comprehensive and given reality confronting the individual in a manner analogous to the reality of the rational world." 12 • Within an institutional reality legitimation is needed so as to allow "new meanings that serve to integrate the meanings already attached to d1sparate. institutiona1 processes. "13. "Legitimation is th±s process of 'explaining' and justifying the salient elements of the institutional tradition."14 · Thus legitimation "explains" the objectifications of the institutional order and uj us tifies" the order by providing validity. 15 · Through institutionalization and then legitimation bodies of knowledge come to be socially constructed and maintained as reality. In relation to what we have called "established mechanisms" and in view of the ability assigned to these '-'established mechanisms'-' as methods of conceptualizing political and social reality, we can 10. Ibid., pp 70-71. 11. Ibid. , p 72. 12. Ibid., p 77. 13. Ibid., p llO. 14. Ibid. , p lll. 15. Ibid., p lll. -21- say that the use of "established mechanisms 0 helps to institution- alize specific modes of behaviour in regard to debate and protest. Such behaviour is then given legitimacy, that is, explanation as to why such methods of behaviour should be used can be given and then justified accordingly. Each of the '''established mechanisms" referred to provide distinct patterns of behaviour and their own explanations and justifications for their use. In terms of Berger and Luckmann's analysis they provide their own objectifications of reality. As such, '·'established mechanisms''' provide a method of recording statements of concern and interest. In view of Berger and Luckmann's analysis concerning the construction of social reality, and keeping in mind the abilities assigned to these "established mechanisms", we can say that these 11 established mechanisms" form various discourses, that is, representations of a ''reality'' specific to its construction. A discourse is not a passive reflection of what has occurred or is occurring within a given situation. It is not merely a means of recording events. It is rather, the use of language as a method of actively representing or conceptualizing a ''reality'·'. However, reference to the use of various discourse does not only imply reference to the use of particular language. It also implies reference to "a desire to communicate with others". 16 · A particular discourse makes specific assumptions about the way in which the world operates. Any discourse can "realize forms ••. which can be recognized as ••• representat1ons. o f t h e rea1" . 17 · As an example of the way in which the 16. F. Burton and P. Carlen, Official Discourse, p 16, (Routledge and Kegan, London, 1979). 17. Ibid., p 20. -22- concept of '·1 discourse'·' works in relation to the use of what we have called "established mechanisms'·', and those who used them, we can say that much of the discourse used relied on orthodox practices of seeking to influence political decisions. That is, the values and beliefs helping to conceptualise the political and social reality of these people - the assumptions they held concerning the way in which the .political and social system worked, was related to "common sense11 assumptions of the way in which the decision making process could be influenced. Overall the discourse of these "estah!lished mechanisms" conforms to established standards of the use of pressure and of behaviour to influence political decisions. Each of the '·'established mechanisms" howev_er, provided its own discourse particular to its form. The choice involved in using any of these "established mechanisms" as opposed to more un orthodox methods seeking political expression meant that the manner in which politics was perceived was closely aligned to the notion of working through the '1 civic culture'-'. -23- PAMPHLETS The pamphlet is a small tract especially of topical interest. During the 17th century the now familiar type of polemical pamphlet became common; examples include the anti Cromwell rl 11 18. pamphlet, Ki 11ing No Mur d er • "It was not until the 18th century that the pamphlet first in the hands of Addison and Swift, and so down to Burke and Rousseau became a regular weapon of political controversy; the medium served well for a stately argument as for a bitter personalassault."19 · There is an entire history of political pamphleteering and many cases relating to the use of pamphlets in an attempt to subvert the people. The use of pamphlets for the purpose of political persuasion involved cases of libel. Often it was conceeded that the statements issued by pamphleteers were, however, not slanderous inaccuracies, but rather examples of freedom of 20. speech • "Less pugnacious and less adroit in the 19th and 20th centuries, the pamphlet has become increasingly a means of propaganda. " 21 • The discourse presented by way of the pamphlet, seeking to influence and widen the issues of debate can be seen as a legitimate means within the political system, which can be used to criticize the system and make suggestions, or more often demands, as how the system could work more ih accordance with the constructions of 18. Encyclopeadia Britannica, Pamphlets, p 167, (Encyclopaedia Brittannica Company, Loridon, Vol. 17, 14th edition, 1929). 19. Ibid 20. Arthur Waskow, The Meaning of Creative Disorder, p 52, in Mathew Stolz (ed.) J;'olitics of the New Left, (Glencoe press, U.S.A., 1971.) 21. Encyclopeadia Britannica, Pamphlets, op.cit. -24- political and social reality offered by the discourse of the pamphleteers. The pamphlets have particular social significance in terms of their reliance on democratic means to affect debate. The publication and distribution of pamphlets as a means to affect debate shows reliance on this particular form as a means to present arguments. There is a certain claim made to the principles of freedom of speech and freedom to oppose, in a democratic manner, the points of view of others, including the decision makers. Thus the choice of the pamphlet as a form of discourse relying on its claim to "democratic legitimacy", as a method of influencing debate, also helps to keep the pamphlet and the use thereof, within the category of accepted means to affect the decision-making process. For these reasons we can say that the very use of pamphlets as a form employed to widen the issues of debate can by its use tell us something of the concepts of democracy and how such forms can be used to affect the democratic process. The pamphlet provided one method by which those who felt specific issues needed widespread expression could attempt to achieve this aim. As part of such a process, and indeed as a consequence of such, the construction of the way in which the political and social system is seen to work is also communicated. Through the use of the pamphlet the demands made relating to specific issues could be transformed into pocket-sized manifestos proclaiming "the truth" about particular issues. Through the use of the pamphlet both emotional pleas and common sense tactics could be produced, as a means to persuade and inform. Although the Vietnam war caused mass demonstrations, rallies, the introduction of Australia's Moratoriums, together with many other activities performed in the streets and in which people were encouraged to participate, many had no inclination to perform in public as a means to help stop the war. For these people, more rational and sedate activities were pursued. Although these people may have been equally vigilant in their efforts to contribute to the debate on the war, they chose to carry out their efforts in a manner which related more to •.1 connnon sense''. The use of "common sense" tactics was particularly strong among those who held important positions within the community, and who felt strongly against the war, but did not wish to jeopardise theirpositions by taking part in unlawful activities which encouraged unrest. Many of these people were the instigators of actions designed to help stop the war through the use of pamphlets as a means to encourage debate. John O'Brien, the A.L.P. candidate for Maribyrong, issued a campaign pamphlet in which, eight famous people challenge you to think, should the slaughter in Vietnam be aided an d cont1nue. d : 22. Among the eight famous were; U Thant, Indira Gandhi and Pope Paul. If world leaders could appear to say "no'1 to Vietnam, surely ordinary citizens could see the sense in such a stand. Thus O'Brien's campaign pamphlet, which was circulated more widely than in the electorate of Maribyrong, contained its own built-in legitimacy. The "eight famous people0 pamphlet provided a sense of being linked with notable international figures, who as a result of their positions fostered further legitimacy and constructive evaluations of the situation in Vietnam. 22. pamphlet: Eight Famous People issued as campaign booklet for John 0' Brien:; A. L. P. candidate for Maribyrong. Emotional statements were prepared to inform people of the personal agonies suffered by Australian families as a result of continued participation in the war. Such statements issued in pamphlet form were also a part of the 0 corrnnon sense11 tradition. The "Save Our Sons'' group, originally billed as a group of mothers whose sons had been conscripted or who were eligible for conscript ion, issued a distress call- s.o.s. 23 · As individuals they realised their powerlessness, but as a nationwide movement of earnest determination they believed they could force the government to review the necessary legislation concerned with the National Service Act. They opposed "the sacrifice of Australian soldiers, . 1124. conscripts and vo 1 unteers in~an unjust war. They asked which was the greater crime - "burning draft cards or burning children?"25 • This question was a part of their strategies to use emotional pleas to encourage others to join in their activities. The Save Our Sons Movement published pamphlets with pictures of various conscientious objectors issuing the statement, I believe conscription is unjust, irrnnoral 26. and a denial of human rights. In one pamphlet the appeal to our democratic traditions, together with humanitarian statements, gave an air of legitimate concern. Conscription was wrong, 23. pamphlet: S.O.S. issued: J. Golgerth, Save Our Sons Movement, n.d. 24. pamphlet: Ask Holt to Speak Out issued: Corrnnunist Party of Australia, 1967. 25. pamphlet: Which is the Greater Crime issued: Save Our Sons Movement, n. d. 26. pamphlet: Tony McFarland (conscientious objector) issued: Save Our Sons Movement, n.d. -2]- because it is against our democratic tradition - it has been introduced without a referrendum, it selects some 20 year olds to kill and to be killed by means of a marhie in a barrel. 27 • However according to other pamphlets if you believed the information contained in such pamphlets, you would become part of the planned violence aimed at destroying the moral 28. and politica1 va 1 ues o f .. Australia. The Democratic Labor Party found no truth in emotional anti- conscription pleas, but rather saw them as a further method developed by "left wing extremists and political organizations in Australia wh 1c. h supporte d commun1st . and pro commun1st . 1n1t1at1ves...... n 29. However the Democratic Labor Party issued its own emotional statement, such as its description of Australian youth as being "under attack - in the same ways as the Nazi's attacked German youth."30 • One pamphlet produced by the Draft Resisters Movement "How Not To Join The Army- Advice for Twenty Year Olds", attempted to discourage young men from registering, by encouraging deviant ways to avo1"d conscr1pt1on• . •.31. The eight page pamphlet, which sold for fifty cents, suggested that young men could pretend to be anything from conscientious objectors to homosexuals, "psychos 11 an d d rug a dd1cts,. 1n . or d er not to b e conscr1pte . d . 32 · However, if 27. p-amphlet: Conscription is Wrong issued: Communist Party of Australia, n.d. 28. pamphlet: Vietnam: The Attack on Youth issued: Democratic Labor Party, Victoria, April, 1970. 29. Ibid •. 30. Ibid. 31. Sydney Morning Herald, June 25, 1969,p 6. 32. Ibid. -28- methods of avoiding conscription failed and one fourid oneself in the army, one was then encouraged either to nrefuse to serve11 or to "serve and sabotage". Under the sabotage rules, such things as fires were encouraged, disposing of sugar in petrol tanks of machinery, or in radio units and other equipment, could easily cause breakdowns. 33 • The pamphlet had originally come from the students at Berkeley University in California, and had been adopted to comply with Australian Military Service conditions. After five hundred copies of the pamphlet had been distributed in Sydney the Attorney General's office called for a report. 34· The use of this pamphlet can serve as an example of the use of acceptable means of protest being manipulated to present arguments contrary to those authorized by the government. It represented a direct challenge to Australia's policy of conscription. As such the pamphlet, and those who issued it might be seen as presenting a challenge to the values contained within the ''civic culture1'. As such the pamphlet could be seen as representing a direct attack on Australia's democratic institutions and established values. Such pamphlets, if they could arouse attention from government officials, regardless of the context of this attention, could also be used to stimulate arguments and help encourage debate among those who came into contact with the viewpoints expressed in the pamphlets. If government officials were paying attention to particular pamphlets this, too, may have served to draw attention to these pamphlets and the arguments they pursued. 33. pamphlet: How Not To Join The Army - Advice For Twenty Year Olds, issued: Draft Resisters' Movement, Sydney, 1969. 34. Sydney Morning Herald, June 25, 1969, p 6. -29- While the Whitlam Government, through the Woodward Commission, was attempting to inquire into the questions surrounding the consequences of allowing Aborigines full land rights, Aboriginal communities were also putting forward their own arguments. The Aboriginal Land Rights Committee began campaigning over the incident which occurred in the Mapoon area in 1963. An Aboriginal Mission had been set up at Mapoon; however Alcan, a Canadian mining company, together with Comalco, had found bauxite on the land and had asked the Commonwealth Government for permission to mine the area. Subsequently the Aborigines were moved from the Mission. In 1974 the Aborigines decided to take their revenge and move back to the Mapoon area. As part of their strategy to encourage support and as a part of the Aboriginal's reliance on democratic means, pamphlets and leaflets were issued warning that there would be no negotiation with Alcan or Comalco. 35 • There could be a reassurance, however, in such a use of pamphlets. Similar tactics had been used earlier by members of the Gurindji tribe in their battle with Vesteys. Members of the Gurindji tribe, together with supporters from the Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, had issued pamphlets calling for a total boycott on Vesteys' goods. 36 · This also was a move showing reliance on democratic tradition. The pamphlets listed the goods in question and ~he various brand names under which they were produced. This was one action which members of the Aboriginal race could partake in freely without fear of physical abuse. 35. pamphlet: The Mapoon Aboriginal Community, issued: Aboriginal Land Rights Committee, 1974. 36. pamphlet: Boycott Vest@ys:Support the Gurindji, issued: Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders, n.d. -30- The pamphlet, as a "regular weapon of political controversy", served well during this period since many of the issues to which attention was drawn via the pamphlet were highly contradictory, that is, incompatible in terms of the arguments raised by groups opposed to specific questions~and those in favour of them. However, despite such opposing views, the use of the pamphlet as means of presenting values and beliefs concerned with the way in which political and social reality operates, could still be used effectively by both sides. One question which raised a great deal of debate and indeed hot'ror was the question of '.'permissive" Australia. This new wave of '-'permissiveness" had numerous manifestations, ranging from talk of legalizing abortions, the new rights of women as equals in society, changes relating to the censorship laws and the laws relating to homosexuals. For many there was the ever present question of responsibility towards today's young Australians and their outlook in view of this new ~''permissivenessn. One body which was particularly opposed to this new "permissivenessn was the Festival of Light. In attempts to encourage others to join it in its opposition, this organisation issued a .number of pamphlets to support its view. The Festival of Light pamphlet - "The Pleasure House of so-ca11 e d V1ct1m• • 1 ess Cr1me • n37 1ssue• d 1n . oppos1t1on• • primarily to "permissive practices", constructed an eight story office block composed of the 11 eviln elements now operating in Australian society. The top floor - level eight, was the "leap-out11 - this, 37. pamphlet: The Pleasure House of So-Called Victimless Crime, issued: The Festival of Light, n.d. -31- according to the Festival of Light, was perhaps where Australian society was moving toward. f•Leap oue', - controlled departments of 'suicide and Euthanasia", level six - "the Women's Centre" took care of '·'abortion and bigamy'.!. "Sodomy'·' and Gay Bars on the 5th level, massage parlours, prostitution and drugs were also catered for. Level four held the '1Drug Store". The first floor had ''sex shops and pornography". The "pleasure house" was surrounded by a grave yard, apparently enjoying the business of the customers from level 8. For Festival of Light members, the ''pleasure housen represented the natural progression of Australian Society, a society without moral standards. The ''Right to Life Movement" which had established itself in Queensland in 1970, issued a pamphlet against abortion which was exemplary of the many anti-abortion pamphlets circulated. The pamphlet 38 showed 11 a ch1ld• II five months before birth, five months after birth and three years after birth, proving that "abortion destroys an unborn baby". The pamphlet also explained the six methods of abortion. The pamphlet urged people to think about this when deciding on "tommorrow' s Australian11 - pamphlets such as this were not confined to the '-'Right to Life Movement", Through the use of such methods it was hoped that at least an awareness of the argument that abortion did destroy a child would receive legitimate expression. There was much discussion of the sacredness of human life - that no one had the right to have their unborn babies murdered - as a principle which needed to be asserted and upheld. 38~ pamphlet: Abortion, issued: The Right to Life Association, n.d. -32- Pamphlets issued by the anti-abortion groups relied heavily on emotional statements insisting on seeing abortion as murder. For example, consider the following passage which appeared in a pamphlet "What's Wrong with Abortion?" - published by the Australian Catholic Truth Society. Up to Three Months The surgeon inserts into the cavity of the womb a large forceps, closes the bladder and drags out the baby and after birth. This is not as easy as it sounds. He must work by touch alone. He gives a tug and a tiny arm comes away. Then the other fragments of the body. The head is always difficult, the skull is crushed, the eye b a 11 s protru d e accus1ng. 1 y. 39. Such passages often were accompanied. by equally horrific photographs of the aborted. Pamphlets were also used by those in favour of abortion, stressing that a woman had a right to control her own body and that a foetus had no human life, The pro-abortionists used pamphlets to point to what they saw as the ridiculous situation which had arisen concerning abortion and the dangers which many women faced, as a result of the difficulty in obtaining an abortion under proper medical supervision. Often their arguments centred on the "termination of a non viable foetus'1 40 in preference to the use of the word "abortion", with its emotional connotations. One of the prime emotions they appealed to was that of "reason"; 39. pamphlet: What's Wrong with Abortion, p 7, (ed.) H.P. Dunn, (Australian Catholic Truth Society, Melbourne, 1972). 40. Dawn Wallace, Abortion the Phoney Silence, Overland, No. 35, November, 1966, p 40. -33- pro-abortionists insisted that since thousands of women had abortions each year, often performed by doctors in ideal surroundings, but for a high price, the law in Australia was foolish and should be changed to meet the needs of a changing society. What is remarkable about the pro-abortionist's use of pamphlets is that they placed reliance on this form. This is particularly remarkabn when consideration is given to the more unorthodox forms of protest used on many occassions by pro-abortion groups. Contrary to what may have been seen by anti-abortionists as irrational and selfish concerns expressed by pro-abortionists, pro-abortionists attempted to counter such charges through their use of pamphlets expressing concern, one pamphlet produced by the Women's Abortion Action Campaign in 1973, depicted a cartoon showing a pregnant woman lying down, standing on her were the" controllers" of society; a judge holding the scales of justice, a churchman with bible in hand, a d octor, an d a man wh o appeare d to b e a po 11t1c1an.. . . 41. F or producers of the pamphlet there was little irrationality in the suggestion that these were the people who decided questions concerning abortion- totally divorced from such questions, and in fact with little regard for the women concerned. As a means of attempting to meet the demands and needs of a society which was changing in many diverse areas, with accompanying changes to Australia's value and belief systems, the use of the pamphlet offered reassurance in established means of protest or support. The use of the pamphlet was more than a form of communicating arguments, either in support, or in opposition to 41. Abortion a Woman's Right to Choose, a pamphlet, Women's Abortion Action Campaign, 1973. -34- particular issues. The significance of the use of the pamphlet showed a continuous belief in "established mechanisms" as a legitimate manner affecting decisions related to the way in which Australia was governed. The use of the pamphlet paaced a reliance on its form as an effective manner to influence debate. It placed a reliance on Australia's democratic system and the values and beliefs which make up such a system. PETITIONS Another method which could be used by those who wanted serious consideration given to their demands, was to send petitions to those in positions to order the decision-making process. The petitions stated their claims and the number of people who held similar views and who were willing to declare those views in terms of what was written into the petition. Through the use of petitions ordinary citizens could present their personal plea for consideration. As a member of an organization, they could also present petitions. This gave their plea greater significance in terms of additional support within society. The petitions issued during this period can be seen as a plea for support and as public statements demanding attention. The petition, in many cases where group efforts were involved, represented a form of "conununity effort", demanding that those who had some direct influence infue decision-making process -35- should consider the demands of sections of the public who had little official power. The petition itself can be seen as a statement issuing intentions of further action. In many ways the petitions issued during this period can be seen as statements saying, "we care", and are prepared to show our concern and to act. The petition can be seen as a means of showing the level of consciousness of its organizers and those who signed them. The petition can be seen to represent real documentation of the number of people who were demanding changes and consideration from those who were in positions of power. The petition was a call to consider the demands made by sections of the public who found themselves neglected and their attitudes unrepresented in areas where they needed support and representation so as to have their points of view given expression. Each of the petitions issued had a "target", that is, a particular person or group of people upon which they sought to exert pressure. The use of petitions in environmental matters ranged from campaigns designed to save Australian wild life, to statements concerning the future of large stretches of natural landscape. The beauty of Tasmania's Lake Pedder, with its bush surrounds and scenic views was turned into ugly "Pedder Politics", in which those who tried to save the Lake sent petitions to all politicians, and especially to Prime Minister Whitlrnn, urging them to act on the recommendations made in the Lake Pedder inquiry. 42 • Other groups had also made use of petitions in an effort to have some notice taken of their demands. The Australian Conservation Foundation issued post cards addressed to politicians with the message: "Save The Rainforest. '.J The front of the post cards held a picture of the 42, Pamphlet: Pedder Politics, issued by: Lake Pedder Action Committee, n.d. -36- rainforest. and the message: "Stop the Logging". 43 · Petitions designed to stop the war in Vietnam and in particular conscription were also circulated. Some staff at the University of New South Wales circulated their own petition showing the names of all those on the University staff who opposed conscription. 44 · The first petition by academics was presented to the ~rime Minister in June. 1965. 45 · Such a move may have been seen as a claim to academic legitimacy. By asing their position as academics, they may have felt that they had a right to have some attention given to their demands. Moveover, it represented one method by way of which academics, who were very much a part of the establishment, could use the system to present their arguments. In 1970 when the Vietnam Moratoriums were about to take place full page advertisements were taken in some newspapers listing the names . 46 . o f some o f t h ose wh o supporte d t h e Morator1ums. This too could be seen as a form of petition demanding consideration. Late in 1969, when the Committee for Defiance of the National Service Act was formed, the committee attempted to gain the signatures of respectable members of the community to a statement which was in breach of the Crimes Act. The act of signing such a statement was to show their defiance to the National Service Act. The statement was then to be publicly paraded so as to demonstrate "their deep and abiding opposition to the present National Service 43. Postcard: Rescue the Rainforest, issued: Australian Conservation Foundation, 1974. 44. Petition: We Resist Conscription, issued: Staff, University of N.S.W.,n.d. 45. Sydney Morning Herald, June 23, 1965. 46. Sydney Morning Herald, May 7, 1970, p 7. -37- Act "47. .• The Prime Minster's Department also received petitions concerned to state a specific case against conscription. These petitions, issued by the members of the .. Save Our Sons" group were a plea to the Prime Minister to end conscription and Australia's involvement in Vietnam, if only for the sake of the sons of these mothers. The petition read: "For the sake of our sons, for the s ak e o f our c h 1"ld ren, g1ve• us peace i n V1etnam • t h 1s• Ch r1stmas• II , 48 • In September 1968, members of the Victorian "Welfare and Decency League" organized a petition addressed to the Victorian State Parliament against the selection of optional books for reading by matriculation students. The options included: D. H. Lawrence's "Sons and Lovers", James Baldwin's, "Go Tell It On the Mountain". and "The Fringe Dwellers" by N. Gair. 49 · The petition stated: The dangerous and morally destructive influences can be seen in the decline of moral standards, the upsurge of venereal disease, the increase of sexual crimes among the young, and the fact that 56% of babies born to mothers within the 15 - 19 age group were exnuptial or premaritally conceived. 50 · Through the use of petitions, those who took part in gathering signatures, or signing petitions may have felt that they had contributed significantly to the manner in which the area of concern would be viewed by those to whom the petition was directed. 47. Sydney Morning Herald, July 4, 1969, p 7. 48. Petition: Mr Prime Minister, issued: Save Our Sons Movement, ri.d. 49. Sydney Morning Herald, September 7, 1968, p 7, 50. Ibid. -38- For some organizations the use of petitions provided them with additional methods of attack. It gave them continuous means to be actively involved in specific issues. By putting one's signature to statements concerning a specific cause one was making an important declaration of who one was and what mattered. As a means of attempting to have notice tt:~.ken of particular ways of seeing things, the use of the petition offered a belief in the right to demand attention. Petitions, especially to Parliament, can seem a prime example of the democratic process. As such, petitions serve to affirm and to provide reassurance concerning the legitimacy of the system. The discourse offered by the petition served as a means to call into question current practices, to challenge those practices and their validity. It also served as a form attempting to lift the level of awareness within society a kind of consciousness-raising exercise in which all could participate. But at the same time it "remained within the system". MEETINGS Throughout this period a number of public meetings were arranged to deal with the discussion of specific issues. These public meetings, as a means of discourse, served functions in relation to communication and information, the orderly gathering of large numbers as a means of showing support to opposing bodies, a forum for debate and concern and as a method of encouraging -39- continued protest and action. The use of public meetings as a means of contributing to the current issues under debate often provided its own gratification for those who attended. The meetings on environmental issues were particularly successful in "getting the nuinbers". Often is could seem as if a great war had begun between those opposed to environmental concerns and those who sought to encourage consideration for the environment. Not only were politicians caught on one side of this war if they appeared concerned, but all those who attended meetings or other activities designed to foster an awareness of environmental issues, were seen as being on the side of the environmentalists or conservationists. When five hundred attended a Sydney meeting held by the Myall Lakes Committee, which called for a full enquiry into the future of the area, it could seem as if some part of the battle 51. had been won. The meeting ended in a resolution calling for the New South Wales government to issue a stop work order on the companies engaged in mining and associated activities in the proposed National Park area?2 • Residents and all those interested in the future of the Rocks were often called to open public meetings. In August 1972, one such meeting was chaired by Tom Uren, another by Jack Mundey. Both meetings had attempted to encourage people to consider "our national heritage, to keep the 51. Sydney Morning Herald, October 8, 1971, p 8. 52. Ibid. -40- Rocks low rise and to remember that cities should be lived in. " 53• Perhaps one of the largest meetings attended as a means to attempt to legitimately influence those in positions to order the decision making process was held in the Sydney Town Hall. This was a protest meeting held against the Clutha Development Company, which was operating in the Wollongong district. Clutha's coal mining activities and the pollutants, associated with such activities were seen as threatening the residents of the area. SCOOP, the South CoastOrganization Opposing Pollution, and ACAC, the Anti Clutha Action Committee, had combined forces with other environmental groups and the New South Wales Council for Civil Liberties in order to "stop Clutha". Opponents of Clutha had claimed that the "issue was basically one of civil rights and there has been such a gathering of forces opposed to Clutha that it is blowing up as a maJor. con f rontat1on. . ..54. What the members of the meeting had hoped to achieve was at least a change in plans as to how Clutha would mine the coal. The gathering represented a "black mark" against Clutha's image, and a show of power for the advocates of environmental protection. Such public meetings show how debate and genuine support could be brought to the attention of opposing bodies. Meetings which attempted to inquire into the needs and opinions of particular groups could attempt to influence the level of debate and the need to encourage awareness and often acceptance of the concerns of specific groups. Lake Pedder showed many examples of the use of the public meeting. 53. Pamphlet: Future of the Rocks Protest Meeting, issued: The Rocks Resident Action Group, Sydney, 1972. 54. SCOOP and ACAC DON'T LIKE CLUTHA, The Bulletin, April 10, 1971, p22. -41- After a select committee from the Tasmanian legislative council had approved the plans for the destruction of Lake Fedder, to make way for an immense hydro-electric scheme, a vigorous campaign was fought by both sides. "Continuous interest in the Lake was emphasised when a public meeting in the Hobart Town Hall in March, 1971, was attended by five hundred people, who emphatically declared that the people should be given the right to decide the fate of 55 Lake Fedder by referendum." From the Town Hall meeting the Lake Fedder Action Committee, was formed. The committee continued to push for alternative means of providing electrical power for Tasmania in an effort to "save the lake". The committee had asked that a five year moratorium be placed on the decision concerning the future of the lake. Such action, it was hoped, would allow for a "full, detailed and dispassionate examination of alternative schemes. " 56 • Although the action in terms of saving Lake Fedder was rendered futile, the lake was drowned, it served to show the level of consciousness surrounding environmental matters. From the Hobart Town Hall meeting, a committee was established which not only could call on membership throughout Australia, but persisted for years in an effort to effect the future of Lake Fedder. Public meetings such as those held by groups made up of private citizens, helped to encourage debate in a maimer which was acceptable and rational. The form of discourse involved in using public meetings as a means to secure particular demands provided reassurance for those who took part in the activities. The 55. The Lake Fedder Case from May, 1967. Origin, Volume 5, Number 1, October, 1971, pp 18-19. 56. Lake Fedder Bulletin, No. 14. 1973. -42- meetings served as an example which could be singled out to show the amount of support pEople were willing to give to a specific cause, and the orderly manner by which such support could be brought together to debate issues and offer solutions. Moreover, the gathering of all those who were concerned with a specific issue, in public, and in a manner which was acceptable to the common standards of behaviour, could provide powerful arguments relating to the way in which such people believed the political and social system worked. The discourse offered by the use of public meetings lent special significance to the meaning of the right to assemble in public and the power of such assemblies. WORKING THROUGH THE LEGAL SYSTEM One method by which groups sought to have real consideration of their demands recognized was to attempt to obtain legal sanctions which could bring their concerns into the court-room, where they could be presented by barristers and judged by magistrates or other representatives of the Crown. The use of the legal system in terms of preparing cases and having them presented, could provide the participants with judgements favourable to their concerns, in which case they could continue to pursue their activities in a lawful manner or serve as a means to condemn their actions as "unlawful", but nonetheless attract attention -43- to their claims. Often groups and individuals did not choose to bring their concerns before the courts, but were forced to do so. In these cases the best use was made of the situation as a means to attempt to win not only the case, but support through publicity surrounding the case. But since the legal system offers its own discourse, a world which few may effectively understand, but nonetheless place faith in its ability to operate, by using the legal system as a method of widening the issues of debate, a belief in the "democratic legitimacy' of the legal system, as a means capable of effectively gaining results was also implied. Some groups attempted to use the legal system for personal considerations. This was particularly the case in relation to the continuing court battles faced by those opposed to the National Service Act and the Vietnam war. All those who were conscripted but who held a "conscientious objection'' to war were compelled to pursue their beliefs through the court system. Others, who refused to comply with the National Service Act and who attempted to "dodge the draft" were also forced into the court room. The system of determining a person's conscience was highly arbitrary. There were no set rules which could be used to carry out the examination. Each judge was allowed to pursue his own line of questioning and to determine his judgement accordingly. 57 • The atmosphere in which the conscientious objector faced the legel system had been described as "an ordinary courtroom, onewhich might 57. Monty Dennison, Trials of William White, The Bulletin, November 2p' 1966' p 24. -44- be found in any city or state. Yet in this courtroom the conscientious objector is subjected to "the coldest public scrutiny and one of the most delicate of all legal operations. The examination of consc1ence.. uS 8. In 1966 there was only one court in New South Wales which dealt with applications by conscientious objectors; only 15 exemptions had been granted by the court at that stage, with 33 in Victoria and 28 in Queensland. 59 One of the most celebrated cases pursued by a conscientious objector w.as the action involving William White. White's experiences were exemplary of the legal procedures surrounding the conscientious objector. Conscientious objectors, such as White, could obtain the right to appeal against the court's judgement and apply again for exemption. In White's case he was held at Holsworthy Military prison while he waited for the next hearing. Another of the conscientious objector's who gained attention was Simon Townsend, who, like White, suffered imprisonment at Holsworthy and was sub Jecte. d to 1n . h umane treatment. 60. Conscientious objectors, although compelled to pursue their cases through the legal system may have hoped that the traditions which backed such a system would work to their own advantage in discovering the basis of their beliefs. The conscientious objectors may have placed some faith in the legal system as a means to provide them with the necessary certification 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid. 60. Sydney Morning Herald (editorial) Military Madness, May 28, 1966, p 2. -45- of their stand. This need for certification through legal sanction won in the courtroom was similarly pursued by Aboriginal groups. These groups were compelled to use the legal system in the same manner as conscientious objectors. The Aboriginal was compelled to obtain legal sanction, if he could, in order to prove his rights not to conscience but to land. The test case for the right to reserve land came with the case concerning the Aboriginal reserve at Gove. 61 · The Yirrkala Aborigines sought legal sanctions to stop the mining of bauxite on reserve land by Nabalco. In 1970, through the use of money supplied by the Federal Government, the Yirrkala people took their case to th e Supreme Court 1n. Darw1n. . 62. While the case was heard, Nabalco continued to mine. In March, 1971, the case was lost by the Yirrkala people. But the hearing of the case brought much useful publicity not least because it showed Aborigines using court action. In cases involving censorship battles none surpassed both the use of the court system and the right to be heard as did the cases which involved Wendy Bacon and her associates. Bacon's cases might be seen as test cases in how far the legal system could be " pushed". More importantly, it can be seen as an attempt to de-legitimize court action. After publication of "Thorunka" and "Tharunka", Bacon and her associates had managed to collect "a total of 41 charges 61. Hannah Middleton, But Now We Want the Land. A History of the Australian Aboriginal People, (New Age Publication, 1970) p 123. 62. Ibid. -46- dealing with possessing and selling an indecent publication and delivering indecent matter."63 • Throughout the trials the main issues revolved around the question ofobscenit~. that is, as far as the charges were concerned. Bacon, however, after a number of appearances on similar charges had developed her own methods of dealing with what she called "a political trial". 64• Bacon insisted that the idea of "community standards" in regard to obscenity was only one of the "community standards" which the law acknowledges and that "different things are obscene to different 11 65. people. Bacon's performances, both within and outside the courtroom, were perhaps the most telling episodes which challenged the entire legal system. In her earliest appearances in February 1971, Bacon refused to comply with the charges confronting her and took a stan d o f II m1n1ma• • 1 part1c1pat1on• • • II 66 o By October of the same year and after spending a week j_n prison, Bacon adopted more of a ''maximum" participatory style. Throughout subsequent trials, some of the tactics adopted by Bacon and her associates included her wearing a nun's habit, inscribed with a poem which Bacon claimed referred to "the sexual nature of virgins" 67 · Circulars were sent to all lawyers and judges containing the poem, with the message above it that this was not an obscene publication. (Bacon was acquitted on charges levelled against her purporting that the poem was an obscene publication.) Demonstrations were held outside the court when Bacon made appearances, issues of "Thorunka" were 63. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Case of Wendy Bacon. The Bulletin, February 26, 1972, p 22. 64. Elisabeth Wynhausen, Across the Sexual Badlands and into the Counter Cultures, The Bulletin, March 4, 1972, pp 26-27. 65. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Case of Wendy Bacon, op.cit. 66. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Ri~ht to be Obscene. The Bulletin, October, 28, 1972' p 22. 67. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Right to be Obscene, op.cit. -47- also distributed autside the courthouse. 68 • Within the court, Bacon had first attempted to comply with the conditions of answering questions put by stating that she was, "treated unfairly • • • • I don't think the law operates to encourage people to defend themselves."69 • "I choose to defend myself so I could put my views as best I'm able ••• and was accused o f 1 not p 1 ay1ng• t h e game 1 • II 70 • Through, the use of the legal system and its procedures for court appearances, Bacon had attempted to challenge not only the question of censorship but the law. She said, "we did not challenge a lot of things the prosecution said - we didn't want to stop t h em f rom com1ng. out 1n . t h e court. 11 71. Bacon and her associates had attempted to adopt procedures which were designed to show that "the atmosphere of this court and the behaviour of the people in it,"72 • contributed to the "sexual structure of society which upholds the establishment." 73 · During one of the trials Bacon had called upon a priest to give testimony with regard to the line from the poem pinned to her habit. He described the line from the poem as an, "explicit statement o f t h e re 1at1ons . h" 1p b etween nuns an d t h e1r . sav1our. . " 74 • Such tactics were a part of Bacon's insistence that her appearances 68. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Case of Wendy Bacon, op.cit. 69. Ibid. 70i Ibid. 71. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Case of Wendy Bacon, op.cit. 72. Ibid. 73. Elisabeth Wynhausen, Across the Sexual Badlands and into the Counter Cultures', op.cit. 74. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Right to be Obscene, op.cit. -48- in court were in part "not only for distributing allegedly obscene material, but also for their association with a publication that is unabashedly critical of the establishment. u?S • The participants of each of the cases of this period had hoped that through the use of legal procedures and their appearances in court they could convince others of the need to consider their demands and if they were successful the legal status of their actions. Bacon's case perhaps provides the best example of attempt- ing to have the discourse offered by the anti censorship movement challenge the discourse of the legal system. However, this was done in such a way so as to seemingly use the world of legal procedure and technique ~o her own advantage. Appealing to the rigorous discourse set by the legal system as a method of attempting to put a group's arguments might appear as one of the most reasonable ways in which to affect debate. The discourse offered by the legal system has an almost unquestionable inbuilt legitimacy. As such, those who made use of the legal system as a means of seeking acceptance for specific issues, may have also hoped to obtain legitimacy or in Bacon's case, delegitimize the entire system, as a means to challenge its legitimacy. 75. Elisabeth Wynhausen, The Case of Wendy Bacon, op.cit. -49- EDITORIALS In 1970, an editorial in the Sydney Morning Herald, spoke 76 o f t h e opportun~t~es. . an d "f avourabl e omens " · facing Australia in the '70s. The editorial had described the '70s as a period of "perilous challenge and change", 77 · Newspapers, like governments are sometimes concerned with change, and editorials are, as it were, important weather vanes. Although not read by many newspaper users, editorials - at least the editorials in some newspapers- are taken seriously bymany 'lnfluentials" in society. At periods of change, editorials can be part of the general reinforc- ing process. This can also happen in unintended ways - editorials can seem "reactionary" or "old fashioned'' so that counter productively they can also be part of the reinforcing processes for change. Together with this editorials are of course one of the reminders of democracy, dramatising the idea of "public debate". The form ofdiscourse is enhanced, it is given significance in terms of the reliance placed on it as a legitimate means to affect the decision-making process. When it came to matters relating to censorship and its associated considerations, editorials presented some of the arguments, particularly with regard to the need to lift restrictions. There has been a long tradition in Australia of newpaper opposition to censorship. In 1965 many of the actions concerning censorship revolved around the lists of banned books, books which were "prohibited imports" and therefore were excluded from entry in Australia. In January, 1965, the number of books on this list, according to the Commonwealth Government Gazette, stood 76. Sydney Morning Herald, Editorial, January 1, 1970, p 2. 77. Ibid. -50- at about 200. 78• Often books which were hailed as serious works of merit were banned, and this was seen by many as making a mockery of our culture. Australian censorship laws were maintained in an effort to prevent Australians from being subjected to, at least II II 79 • theoretically, a flood of pornography . In 1966, when the New South Wales Minister for Customs, Mr Willis, planned to II supplement the proposed Commonwealth - State Board of Literary Review" with a State Board empowered to rule whether local material submitted to it was fit for publication, the Sydney Morning Herald wrote: Mr Willis should abandon his proposal. It is unnecessary, it is repugnant to liberal principles, and adds to Australia's reputation for a kind o f pan1c. k y pru d ery. 80. The editorial had stated with unquestionable forcefulness its opposition to Australia's censorship laws and by implication support for change to the censorship system· Then by playing its part in reinforcing new attitudes within Australian society environ- mental concerns and the manner in which the rights of women were treated provided other good examples of how attitude changes could be reflected in editorials. They also provided a good example of the manner in which new ''realities" could be given attention and democratic legitimacy through the concept of "public debate" as offered by editorials. In 1967 the Sydney Morning Herald reviewed the rights of women in terms of representation on juries within New South Wales. 78. Sydney Morning Herald, January 8, p 5, 1965. 79. Sydney Morning Herald, July 13, p 2, 1966 (Editorial) , More Censors. 80. Ibid. -51- The Herald commented that it was "20 years since women had received the right to sit on juries within New South Wales and yet very few have actually done so". 81 • By 1972, however, the tone of editorials had changed from considering the rights of women designated by State legislation to the demands women were making for themselves not only with regard to legal restrictions and/or sanctions, but in all areas of life. In November, 1972, the Sydney Morning Herald's editorial, "Women's Lib" attempted to review the moves which had been made with regard to the rights of women and the purpose of a Royal Commission set up by Prime Minister McMahon, which was to inquire into ways of "improving the status of women in Australia". 82 • Questions raised were no longer concerned with what sections of society thought of the position of women, rather they were concerned with what women were demanding from society and the attitudes held towards women. By the early 1970s, women had begun to question the attitudes and traditions which had existed for hundreds of years and this was reflected in terms of changes in comment in editorials. These same changes in terms of new attitudes and changing values were also reflected in the comments made concerning the envi ronmen t. It could often seem as if the environmentalists and those opposed to environmental concerns would never agree on the importance of such issues. The S~dney Morning Herald in an editorial had remarked that nthe initial reaction of many critics to the p~omotion of pollution and quality of life issues was to 81. Sydney Morning Herald, October 13, 1967, p 2. (Editorial) Good Women and True. 82. Sydney Morning Herald, November 16, 1972, p 6. (Editorial) Women's Lib. -52- accuse the politicians involved of attempting to divert attention f rom oth er b 1tter. 1 y d"1v1s1ve . . 1ssues. . ..83. And yet in keeping with the idea of dramatising "public debate" the editorial had continued. warning, that "pollution and other related problems are likely in the course of this decade to be seen in a very different light. Already ••• they are looming large in Australia's political scene as storm u84. centres o f controversy. However, tfiis was in 1970. But in 1966 the Sydney Morning Herald index held only one article on pollution; by 1970, forty- t h ree art1c. 1 es were 1"1ste d • 85 • "In 1972, in terms of editorial space and emotive pull the greatest threat seems to have been pollution."86 • In periods of change, as part of the general reinforcing process, editorials could attempt to question the morality of decisions made. As part of a series of comments which had appeared in Overland, concerning environmental questions, Evan 1.Jalker87 • had written, "the origins of conservation consciousness are widespread. They range from a world awareness of future necessity to limit the use of non-renewable resources to an individual awareness of the need to reinforce 'liveability' in one 1 s own neighbourhood or town. nBS. The editorial's ability to contribute to, and dramatise "public debate" while simultaneously serving as a reminder of 83. Sydney Morning Herald, The Politics of Pollution, Editorial October:27, 1970, p 2. 84. Ibid. 85. Donald Horne, Time of Hope: Australia 1966-1972, p 77, (Angus and Robertson, 1980). 86. Ibid., pp 10-11. 87. Evan Walker, A Comment to Stokes, pp 63-64, Overland, Spring, 1974. 88. Ibid. -53- democracy, could be seen to have been used effectively with regard to Aboriginal concerns • . In an editorial in August, 1966, the Sydney Morning Herald had called the Aborigines the "forgotten people." 89 · The editorial had asked how much equality of opportunity is offered to the Aboriginal. The editorial hadasserted that the Aborigines were an nunderprivileged minority with no chance at all of attaining the standards of living which other Australians regard as their 11 r1g. ht • 90. Such comments served to remind al~ of the principles of democracy - principles which it could seem were denied the Aboriginal people. By 1972, however, there was no longer talk of recognizing the black Australian, but rather recognizing his claims to Australian land. By 1973, although the question of land rights was foremost on the list of Aboriginal demands, other considerations, important to the Aboriginal people, were also being given editorial space. In April, 1973, the Herald had spoken of the needs of the urban Ab or1g1na. . 1 • 91. Although Australia had experienced a number of changes in government over this period, concern was now shown for the need to provide areas which had become more-or-less total Aboriginal urban communities with recognition and funds for develop- ment. Commenting on the Whitlam Government's policy of "racial integration", the Herald had praised moves to redevelop housing in Redfern, where conditions "ranged from poor to appalling, 89. Sydney Morning Herald, August 26, 1966, p 2. 90. Ibid. 91, Sydngy Morning Herald, April 17, 1973, p 6, (editorial) Redfern's Aboriginals. -54- as a move recognizing the Aboriginal community's cohesiveness and pr1"d e. 1192. Another issue surrounded by much ambiguity, was again raised when Australia agreed to fulfill military commitments during the Vietnam war. Editorials were relied upon as both a legitimate and democratic manner to sort out inconsistencies concerning the war and then the issue of conscription. As early as March, 1965, the Sydney Morning Herald, had praised the National Service Act and the intentions of both the Army and the government to continue, despite eonscription, to make sure our National Service men ''measure up" to the virtues of Military . 93. S erv1ce. The editorial had congratulated the Army on its insistence that the "weeding out" process would be applied to maintain the high "physical and aptitude" requirements set by the 94. A rmy. The editorial commented that those who survive the "weeding out" process and "make the grade" could take proper satisfaction. It continued "there was further satisfaction, in that there is no more honourable service that that which they Cthe conscripts] are called upon to perform. n 95 · However, by 1967, when Australia was preparing to increase the number of battalions going to war, the Herald had to concede that "at a time when public opinion not only in Australia but throughout the world is becoming more perturbed about the course of 92. Ibid. 93. Sydney Morning Herald, The New National Servicemen, (editorial) March 19, 1965, p 2. 94. Ibid. 95. Ibid. -55- the war, the Government was attempting to show courage. " 96 • At this stage there was talk of the growing need for Australia to help our powerful ally - America. In the editorial the Herald had also stated that'Australia would not have much sympathy for allies who would turn on America just because she is in trouble - 97. that is not the path of honour. 11 However, these were perhaps "early days" and much of the opposition concerning the war itself and then conscription had not surfaced. By April, 1970, one editorial in the Herald had conceeded that "there is a case to be made against conscription for Military Service, though not for breaking the law to avoid it. "98• The editorial had insisted that if "we are going to have a debate on National Service let us get our facts right."99 • Suggecstiuns relating to the need for debate might be interpreted as part of the editorial's function as a counter productive force, that is, by suggesting in 1970, that debate was needed concerning Vietnam and conscription, some may have regarded such ideas as having been long overdue. By 1970, it was not so much debate which was needed, but rather immediate withdrawal from Vietnam. Editorials as acceptable forms capable of playing a significant role in the general reinforcing process during periods 96. Sydney Morning Herald,_ (editorial) Double or Oui t, October, 18, 1967, p 2. 97. Ibid. 98. Sydney Morning Herald, April 1, 1970, p 2, (editorial) National Service. 99. Ibid. -56- of change can help to provide reassurance in the democratic process. Although it has been suggested that part of the role which editorials play in the general reinforcing process may be counter productively achieved, this does not necessarily detract from the form as an orthodox method in which strong reliance can be placed. Rather, it gives added significance to the form, showing it as representative of democratic principles in terms of freedom of speech and "public debate". LETTERS TO THE EDITOR One method by which a cross section of Australian society could attempt to influence decisions made concerning political and social issues was through the writing of letters to the editor of newspapers and magazines. As already stated newspapers are some times agents of change. Through the publication of letters, some indication of what issues affect a cross section of society can be gained and in itself this can seem to provide a demonstration of the liberal nature of Australian society. One of the strongest effects of publishing letters to the editor can be a demonstration of the right to dissent, that is, the right to appeal, to offer criticism and alternatives. As such, letters to the editor provided a reassurance of rights within a democratic society. The use of letters to the editor as a means of encouraging "open "debate in the hope of making some changes to the -57- the political agenda, through legitimate channels, showed that people were prepared, and at times eager, to express their opinions publicly. This may have been a reflection on the lack of formal representation experienced by many people in diverse spheres. By writing letters valid criticism of this lack of "voice" could also be expressed. Moreover, such attempts to affect the political agenda in this manner, that is, attempts to "open" the areas of debate, also showed that people were concerned with their right to express opinions relating to the way in which they were governed. In areas where governments had developed few policy proposals, the use of letters urging consideration and change proved vital. Discussion and agenda-changing offered by letters could provide cues for those in positions to order the decision- making process. As a means of attempting to present the concerns of a cross section of society, letters used in this way functioned so as to stimulate debate and encourage both the decision makers and ordinary citizens to participate. Perhaps the most famous letter from this period was that written to President Johnson, by Gordon Barton, a Sydney business man. The letter which appeared in the Sydney Morning Herald, was a direct appeal to the President's position, his authority and power. The letter stated Barton's opposition to the warftl • 100 V1etnam. In part the letter had stated that the "thoughts, comment and actions of our government have reflected very little of this disagreement, [concerning Australia's involvement in Vietnam] nor indeed much awareness of what is involved."101 100. Sydney Morning Herald, October 22, 1966, p 11. 101. Ibid. • ·< -58- Substance was given to Barton's claims when about one thousand . . 102 peop 1e wrote to h1m agree1ng. As a further part of his assault Barton formed the Liberal Reform Group. The Group represented a policy opposing the Vietnam war - but kept an orthodox free enter- prise approach to economics. The important consequences of Barton's actions may have been "in making opposition to the war respectable. Even cap1ta. 1'1sts cou ld b e aga1nst . 1t. . " 10 3 • Together with this Barton had also made a direct appeal to an established authority figure as a means to affect the considerations involving the war. The use of lettersexpressing the right to dissent came through most strongly in relation to Australia's involvement in the Vietnam war. The issue of the war itself and then conscription had instigated powerful attacks against the Australian government's policy. By using letters, those who disagreed with the government's policy could express their dissatisfaction in a manner which was acceptable to established values and beliefs. These people saw it as their right to voice opinions contrary to official governmental policy. In other areas governmental policy also received criticism. This too was expressed through the right to dissent in the form of letters. When it came to the performance of the Moratoriums, a great many who did not actively particpate, gave their support by writing letters. This was one form which those who agreed with the 102. Donald Horne, Time of Hope Australia, 1966-1972, p 54, op.cit., (Angus and Robertson, 1980). 103. Ibid. -59- aims of the Moratoriums could use, without actually taking to the streets, to express their dissatisfaction with governmental policy. Often the letters represented a form of praise for all those who did actively participate. Simultaneously this kind of praise served as a rebuke to government opposition and condemnation. One letter stated that, "those who participated in the recent Vietnam Moratorium did so wi~h but one objective ••• to protest against our involvement in the war and to demonstrate their desire for its rap1"d cone l us1on. . 11 104. Anothercsaw the Moratorium as a "solidarity to end the war and our participation in it."105 • After the September Moratorium had taken place, the question was no longer about praise or acceptance of the aim of the Moratorium people. For those who agreed with the performance of the Moratoriums it seemed that their right to dissent had been confirmed, if only in their own minds. The question which now was to receive attention concerned the treatment of the Moratorium people at the hands of the authorities The issue had now to do with provocation and violence. One letter from staff and students from the University of New South Wales, questioned the justification of such methods by the authorities. Their letter showed the significance of how important the right of individuals to be permitted to dissent really was. Their letter stated, "we who where present at the march, on our own observation witnessed police provocation, use of unjustified acts and indiscriminate arrests."106 • 104. Sydney Morning Herald, May 18, 1970, Letters to the Editor, p 2. 105. Sydney Morning Herald, July 6, 1970, Letters to the Editor, p 6. 106. Sydney Morning Herald, October 2, 1970, Letters to the Editor, p 2. -60- The letter questioned the principles of democracy and institutional power, and their use within Australian society. Letters concerned with the provisions of the National Service Act relating to conscription, similarly showed the willingness of some people to speak out against government policy. One letter, signed by "thirteeen resisters" had simply stated their opinion by saying, "we remain as implacably opposed to conscription as ever and will continue to refuse to comply in any way with the 11107. National Service Act. The letter was remarkable as an example of defiant opposition to Australia's policy of conscription. However, such attitudes did not go unnoticed by those who placed some faith in Australia's Vietnam policy. One letter strongly suggested that there "might well be plans for a demonstration in Sydney which will show the sponsors of the Moratorium that they are not liked, wanted, or appreciated and that the concerted opinion of Australia is that our government is fulfilling our wishes and the desires of all free people. " 108· The letter questioned the right of any person to disagree with official governmental policy, regardless of the form of discourse used. It questioned the right of individuals to dissent. The use of letters as a means to employ the right to dissent, offered a picture of Australia's democratic values and the reliance placed on these values, especially in times when the 107. The Australian, September 6, 1971. 108. Sydney Morning Herald, April 28, 1970, Letters to the Editor, p 2. -61- community was divided over specific issues. By using letters to the editor for the purpose of registering criticism or condemnation of official policy, by relying on the form of discourse offered through letters, a particular significance was placed in the use of letters as a legitimate form to be employed in the right to dissent. The significance of the right to dissent expressed through letters to the editor often represented a constructive attempt to ask for alternatives, or policy reconsiderations in areas where both confusion and division existed. One example of both confusion and division, with an almost overriding preoccupation of the right to dissent, was the area of censorship. On matters relating to the censorship of books and other printed material, the community was divided between the opinions of II book bannersII and t h e opinions o f II free read ers II . 109 • In 1971, the Sydney Morning Herald, received a letter which used the right to dissent most forcefully. The letter suggested that the entire censorship system should be "scrapped and intelligent officers at present a d min1ster1ng. . 1t . b e put to more gain f ul employment. ,.110. Others, however, sought to attack such liberal attitudes. One "book bannern had protested to the Herald to "stop trotting out nonsense about basic civil liberties and free speech, every time an attempt is made to do something about the garbage being thrown at t h e rea d1ng. publ' 1c. 11 111. The Bulletin, received a complaint from a Queensland reader. The cover of one of the issues of The Bulletin112 showed a woman's crossed bare legs. The reader threatened subscript- 109. S;ydne;y Morning Herald, January 26, 1967, Letters to the Editor, p 2. 110. S;ydney Morning Herald, March 9, 1971' Letters to the Editor, p 6. 111. Sydney Morning Herald, January, 26, 1967, Letters to the Editor, p 2. 112. The Bulletin, April 17, 1971' cover page. -62- ion cancellation, "if similar breaches of good taste'' appeared on Th e Bul 1 etin 1 s cover 1n• t h e f uture. 113. However, a Victorian reader congratuiated The Bulletin, "knees up on your imaginatively 11 114. simple cover pic - a most te 1 ling piece o f pictorial sculpture. Reliance placed on the use of letters as a form providing a legitimate manner in which to show opposition and criticism, in the form of the right to dissent, could also be extended to include opposition in the form of issuing warnings, that is, letters could be used as a means to express concern in the form of predicting adverse consequences of particular actions. Letters used to make appeals to society to consider the consequences of the actions performed by the decision-makers showed a particularly determined attitude; on occasions almost a warning of disaster. The use of letters in this way, as a form of appealing to all to consider carefully their actions has the ability to force an imagined world of, stark consequences on to the political agenda. Letters threatening retribution for actions hastily conceived functioned so as to question the rationality of the decision makers and by extension, of the principles of democratic participation. With regard to the attitudes expressed concerning abortion, both anti- and pro-abortionists appealed to all to consider the question carefully. A letter which appeared in The Bulletin stated, 11 man forgets, God forgives but nature will not forget or forgive. The selfish, irresponsible decadence that abortion 113. The Bulletin, May 1, 1971, That's What You Say. 114. Ibid. -63- on demand brings will destroy the human race."115 • Others had not gone so far as to make threats involving divine judgements. Some called into question the right of legal and governmental controls and the resulting infringement on civil liberties and the consequences to be faced. In a letter to the Sydney Morning Herald in August, 1971, a professor of medicine at Sydney University stated, "the acceptability. of abortion involves moral judgement for the individual or for the individual's church if he is one who chooses to delegate his moral decisions to an organization. Church pressure impedes government action. But governments in Australia are secular. There is no established church. Responsible secular government should legalise the appropriate availability of abortion for those whose moral judgements do not find it repugnant, when such people form a s1gn1. . f.1cant part o f t h e commun1ty. . 11116 This letter had in fact raised the question of where governmental responsibility lay. It also questioned the stand secular governments took on abortion. Warnings issued through the use of letters often pointed to the injustices which some groups suffered as a result of hastily conceived governmental attitudes, or procrastination by the decision makers in areas where immediate attention was needed. One letter from a migrant had warned that if the Australian government did not adopt a more just attitude towards migrants and their concerns then as "history has often proved ... a substantial minority of second- class citizens plays a disruptive role in a society which denies llS. The Bulletin, That's What You Say, April 3, 1971, p 6. 116. Sydney Morning Herald, August 16, 1971, Letters to the Editor, p 6. -64- l."t Jus. t"1ce. 11 117. Although such comments could not be taken to represent a real threat to the stability of Australia in terms of race relations, they did show that many were concerned with the existence of racial tensions Nnd were prepared to show this discontent. The indignation which many felt concerning the disregard shown by governments to questions involving the environment similarly brought warnings of the consequences which governemtns would be made to face. Milo Dunphy as Secretary of the Colong Committee wrote to The Australian describing the possible destruction of Lake Fedder as "nothing more than a plain bloody outrage .•. being perpetrated by the most philosophically backward and arrogant bureaucratic machine in Australia - the Hydo-Electric Commission. " 118• Dunphy warned that, "conservationists would not only vote against, but will actively campaign against, politicians who support the use of federal funds for environmental savagery. " 119 • Environmentalists, like many other people, found insensitive those in positions to order the decision-making process. Th;rough the use of letters to the e'ditor , people could attempt to influence debate on specific subjects by revealing their own personal attitudes and opinions. The letters served as a mode of presenting political and social opinions for those who wished to contribute to debate on specific subjects, and as a means of making others take notice of their appeals. By using 117. The Australian, October 23, 1967. 118. The Australian, January 19, 1972. 119. Ibid. -65- letters, by making public declarations and appeals some reassurance of their position and their rights in a democratic society was gained. If one wanted to attack specific questions and the opinions of others including our decision makers, this could be done by way of letters to the editor. If one wanted to show support for either popular or, in some case~, minority views this could be achieved by way of the letters. Letters to the editor provided a form of collage of opinion, points of view, public appeals, bias and intellectual argument, which was created by people from diverse and often incompatable areas of society. The letters provided an overview of current concerns and one manner in which people were willing to become involved in such concerns. All this confirmed that Australia was a democracy. It showed that commonly accepted means could be used to appeal to our concepts of, and the meaning of democracy and of democratic participation. BOOKS Through the writing and publication of books, a 11 social world", can be created. A "social world" in the manner described by Berger and Luckmann reveals a "comprehensive and given reality (which] confronts the individual in a manner analogous to the reality of the rational world."120 · As such, and with further reference to Berger and Luckmann, the "social worldM created through 120. P. Berger and T. Luckrnann, The Social Construction of Reality, op • cit. , p 77 . -66- the use of books is institutionalized, "it gains in massivity in the course of its transmission"12 1. to new generations and requires legitimation, that is, ways by which it can be "explained" and . . f. J ustl. 1e d • 122. Books might be seen to provide one manner of achieving a new ''social world"· Books provide thought and feeling, by way of factual accounts or imaginative writings, and thereby influence debate on particualr subjects. Throughout history books have contributed to, . reflected and influenced the development of societies. Books serve to articulate arguments, opinions and debate already present within society. They provide a means of collecting knowledge and presenting it in a fashion which can be held as a record of events. Books not only provide a record of events, but often a reinterpretation of events or the creation of a new "social world" providing its own legitimation. This is particularly important. By means of collecting material, and providing new emphasis "old'' situations or events can be seen in an entirely different manner more pertinent to the current considerations being explored. Often books which were written during this period, provided authority on subjects hitherto left undiscussed. They provide an accepted and legitimate means of disseminating knowledge which could be singled out, quoted and paraded and accepted as truth, whether they were or not. The books written relating to specific issues of this 121. Ibid. , p 79 . 122. Ibid. -67- period provided a means to allow new and continuing interest in areas little discussed. There were attempts to redefine the role of women in society. These attempts were aimed at a total face lift of the way in which women were viewed, how they behaved, their roles, attitudes and values both in the past and for the future. This attempt to totally redefine women came on occasions in books, the best known of which was Germaine Greer's The Female Eunuch. Greer's book had been described as "the best Feminist book so far, brilliantly written, quirky and sensible, full of bite and insight ••. yet d evo1"d o f po 1"1cy proposa 1 s f or t h e f em1n1st . . movement. 11123 • Critics welcomed Greer's book after what many had seen as the "indictment of patriarchal male supremacy" contained in Kate Millet's Sexual Politics. 124· Millet had shown that, "sexuality was political, in that a power relationship exists between two groups -d e f ine db y b1rt. h. r1g h t. "125. Greer, however, had approached her subjects very differently. On reviewer remarked, that Greer "caters to men and castigates women for the sexual disabilities . 11 126. o f our t1mes. Greer in The Female Eunuch, had stated that the book was not designed to answer questions concerning the role and place of women but to ask them in a more proper way. Greer said, "for 123. Evelyn Reed, Feminism and the Female Eunuch, Direct Action, August, 1971, pp 8-10. 124. Ibid. 125. Liberating Women: A Review of Kate Millet's Sexual Politics, Nation, September 19, 1970, pp 21-22. 126. Evelyn Reed, Feminism and the Female Eunuch, op. cit. -68- whatever reason women have begun to speak out and to speak to each other, the sight of women talking together has always made . nk ub • 11 12 7 • men uneasy; now-a-d ays ~t means ra s vers~on. What Greer had offered by way of her book, was an Australian woman challenging male values and dominance, through a literary work. Greer's book, although widely acclaimed had been in some ways the forerunner to more serious works by women concerning the history and treatment of Australian women. Late in 1975 three new books were about to be published. Miriam Dixon's The Real Matilda, Anne Summers', Damned Whores and God's Police: The Colonization of Women, and Beverly Kingston's My Wife. My Daughter and Poor Mary Anne: Women at Work in Australia. Kingston's book was a reflection of the new wave of writing on the history of Australian women at work with special reference to urban areas. Although the work covered only a narrow time span, 1860s to 1930s, it considered the occupations of a broad range of women from diverse backgrounds. 128• Summers, by her work, had attempted to "reinterpret Australian history, and present society in the ' f . . 11 129. li gh t o f resurgent em~n~sm. However, for all of this, there seemed to be some agreement that Summers had. chosen a difficult task and had imposed an inadequate and artificial construct on the history of the female sex. 130 · Summers had been criticized for attempting to "set up the grand dichotomy of D-amned Whores and 127. G.Greer, The Female Eunueh~ pp 12-13. (MacGibbou and Kee, London, 1971). · 128. Ann Curthoys, Towards a Feminist Labour History, pp 88-95 in Women at Work, Anne Curthoys, Susan Eade and Peter Spearritt (ed) (Canberra, 1975). 129. Kay Saunders and Carmel Shute, Walloping Matilda, Hecate, Vol. 2, January, 1976, pp 97-99. 130. Ibid. -69- an d Go d ' s p o 1'1ce an d t h en f"1t 1n. everyth" 1ng accor d"1ng 1y. 11131. Nevertheless she opened up a new debate - viz the re-writing of Australian history. Dixson began her discussion on the role of Australian women, with these words, "It's 1975 now and we must exorc1se. t h e g h osts o f yester d ay " • 132 . These "ghosts of yesterday" dealt with the manner in which women were treated~ "with contempt 1n· 1ts· many var1at1ons· · an d o f ten w1t· h b ruta 1"1ty " • 133 ' Dixson maintained that this contempt for women still exists within the d om1nant. cu 1 ture. 134. Her book attempted to explore not only the role of women but their identity within Australia. Thus it also contributed to widening the area of debate in terms of new versions, or more correctly, revisions of Australian history. As with the works by Greer, Kingston and Summers, each book had broken new ground, since the authors, all women, had concentrated their efforts on the way women felt and were treated. Despite the criticism surrounding the works which had come from this new wave of feminism, each was successful in providing comprehensive examples concerning the need to re-evaluate the role of women. Such works not only provided new arguments, they also provided new forms of knowledge, new 11 cognitive images". In this sense they were changing perceptions of the world. In 1971, Dennis Altman contributed to the use of books as an acceptable means to discuss matters relating to homoseiDJality. Altman, a political scientist and homosexual, had written a book, 131. Lee Shrubb, Those Damned Whores, Quadrant, February, 1976, pp 74-77. 132. Miriam Dixson, The Real Matilda - Women and Identity in Australia 1788- 1975, p 13, (Penguin Books, 1976), 133. Ibid., p 12. 134. Ibid. -70- Homosexuality Oppression and Liberation, in ivhich he encouraged other homosexuals to declare themselves. 135 · Altm~n spoke of the need for more open discussion with regard to homosexuality and the lack of genuine acceptance of homosexuals "as a valid sexual and social lifestyle."136 · Altman had spoken of the oppression of homosexuals as a part of a general repression of sexuality. He said, "Our liberation can only come about as a part of a total revolution in social attitudes. To achieve liberation will demand a new morality and a revised notion of human nature."137 · Altman's call for a new morality and a revised notion of human nature was echoed by many seeking liberalization of censorship lawsand sexual freedoms. Altman had attempted to point to homosexual individuals and entire communities as real elements within society. He had attempted to give expression to the realities of the homosexual world as part of a larger order. This act of using traditional means to raise attention to the demands of homosexuals, a highly unattractive strand in conventional Australian society, might be seen as remarkable. In 1965 homosexuality was seen by some as "Australia's greatest menace." In an article in The Bulletin, C.J.B. Delaney, New South Wales Commissioner of Police, had termed homosexuality as II t h e greatestmenace f ac1ng . Austra 1.1a. " 138. The stereotype of "an effete pansy type, a mincing gait, feminine mannerisms and ,.139. was a lisping voice- the antithesis of natural maleness, still persistent in Australian society. 135. Dennis Altman, Homosexuality: Oppression and Liberation, p 1, (Dutton, New York, 1971). 136. Ibid., p 43. 137. Ibid. pp 57-58. 138. Gordon Hawkins, Homosexuality- Australia's Greatest Menace, The Bulletin, May 8, 1965, pp 21-22. 139. Ibid. -71- However, Altman by his book had attempted to present a scholarly account of the way in which homosexuals lived and related to society and society to them. Although his material was drawn largely from American experiences, he had attempted to present a view of an entire community either ignored by societies or ostracised for their patterns of behaviour. It was an attempt to gain some recognition for the homosexual communities as groups who should have the same basic rights as other individuals who held hetrosexual preferences concerning sexual relations. In matters relating to censorship of books and films this ideal of "community standards" was given specific attention. In 1970, Australia's Censorship Crisis140 · had attempted to crystalize what was seen as an "urgent public feeling that censor- ship procedures and current actions in all art forms do not accord with the 'community standards' now held by the young and yet mature majority of Australians." The book was an attempt to challenge secret or anonymous decisions made by political and legal institutions in the name of "the community". The book a symposium of essays from various people, plus some excerpts from banned novels, films and plays, attempted to test the validity of decisions made in the II commun1ty• 1 s 11 name. 141 Others also had spoken out through the use of serious publications to test the validity and absurdity of Australia's censorship laws. Campbell and Whitmore's Freedom in Australia142 · 140. G. Dutton and M. Harris (ed), Australia's Censorship Crisis, p 6, (Sunbooks, Melbourne, 1970). 141. Ibid. 142. Endin Campbell and Harry Whitmore, Freedom in Australia, (Sydney University Press, 1967). -72- was essentially concerned with Australian censorship law as it effected the liberty of individuals. Peter Coleman's Obscenity, .. 143. Bl asphemy an dsde 1t1on, produced a record of the rise and gradual decline of government censorship on printed material. A debate between Peter Coleman and Wendy Bacon was produced by the 11 On Trial Series 11 , Censorship - Wendy Bacon versus p eter co 1 eman. 144 • Bacon advanced the argument that "censorship occurs when speech, printed matter or any other f orm o f communicat1on. 1s . suppresse d" • 145. Coleman, on the other hand saw censorship "not as a matter of literal protection or suppression" but "a technique for publicly labelling and stigmatising propaganda for sadism, violence and inhumanity". 146 · Bacon questioned the meaning of "depravity and corruption" together with what constitutes "community standards" which seemed to be the current test for obscenity, Coleman called for censorship. He said, "the case for censorship is that the continued expansion of the contemporary public pornography without any restriction by censorship can only coarsen and brutalize society an d u lt1mate • 1 y con t r1'b ute to 1ts• d 1s1ntegrat1on• • • II . 14 7 • From books attempting to provide new ways of seeing, with regard to sexual freedom and Australia's censorship laws, there had come other expressions of a.sexually permissive society through mass sale magazines such as Playboy and Cleo. Although Playboy had emerged in the United States of America during the 1950's, by 143. Peter Coleman, Obscenity, Blasphemy and Sedition - One Hundred Years of Censorship in Australia, (Angus and Robertson, Sydney, 1974). 144. Ann Turner (ed.) Censorship- Wendy Bacon versus Peter Coleman, (Heinemann. Educational. Australia, 1975). 145. Ibid., . p 8. 146. Ibid. 147. Ibid., p 55. .-73- the 1970s · the Australian market was well established. Cleo however, began publication in late 1972 and attempted not so much to offer wome_n the equivalent of the Playboy "world" - but rather an informative and educating index of what the new liberated woman wanted or at least should want. Playboy's ultimate claim was the need for a hedonist approach to sex- sex made life meaningful, that is, if it could be enjoyed. Playboy "created a world which is a sort of long late night party, at which the most pleasant an d amus1ng. game 1s . sex" . 148. However, the essence of the Playboy world was not aimed at sexual revolution which women's liberation groups had hoped to secure. Rather, Playboy used the accepted nature attributed to the playboy and attempted to combine sexual freedom within the existing framework of society. Other magazines, attempting to interest those dissatisfied with what established newspapers and magazines had to offer, notably Oz, sought to provide information or stories left untouched by the established papers. "Oz began in Australia on April Fool's Day, 1963, as a monthly magazine of satire and opinion." 149 · Its co-ordinators were Richard Neville, Richard Walsh and Martin Sharp. Neville described Oz 150 • as, "a gutsy mixture of satire, graffiti, and radical features. n 15 1. However, when charges of obscenity were laid against the editors, one Sydney magistrate saw Oz in very different terms. He said, "In my opinion, this publication would 148. Roger Uren, Notes on Playboy Magazine, Checkpoint, May, 1970. 149. Richard Neville, Playpower, p 138, (Paladin, Great Britain, 1970). 150. Ibid. 151. Tony Palmer, The Trials of Oz, p 20, (Blond and Briggs, Great Britain, 1971). -74- deprave young people or unhealthy minded adults so injudicious as to fancy it as literature. and so misguided as to cultivate the habit of reading it. " 152 · Despite the court battles which involved the editors, centring most obviously on charges of obscenity and depravity, Oz f'Ontributed significantly as "a desperate alternative to I" f ] • ~Austra 1 ia s pur1tan h ang-over an d monopo 1"1st1c . me d"1a structure. 11153. It was partly responsible, through the use of its production techniques for the "huge growth of posters and interest in poster . 11154. d es1gn. Although Oz had remained on the periphery of Australian society's established values and beliefs, it had in some respects attempted to permeate this value system with its very ideas. By the early 1970s many of the concerns of the Aboriginal Australian had reached significant positions in terms of becoming publicly known, perhaps not accepted, but at least spoken of and held as examples of injustice and discrimination. In some ways it could be argued that after black Australians aaa made white Australians take notice of their claims and demands, white Australians did begin to publicly recognise the need to re-evaluate the Aborigine. One way in which this was done was through the publication of new books on Australia's Aborigines and the problems which faced them in white Australia. 152. Ibid., p 21. 153. Richard Neville, Playpower, op. cit., pp 138-139. 154. Tony Palmer, The Trials of Oz, op.cit., p 19. -75- In 1970, Professor C.D. Rowley of the University of Papua New Guinea had published the first volume of a three part study on the history of Australia's Aborigines. The first part 155 d ea 1 t T.MthThw~ e Des t•rue t'10n o fAb or1g1na.. lS.oc1ety, · part t wo; Th e Remote Ab or1g1nes. . 156 • an d t h e t h'1r d part; 0 utcasts 1n. Wh'1te . 15 7. Austra 11a. Rowley had attempted to establish the facts concerning the Aboriginal life-style before the white man came and then the treatment the Aborigine received once Australia began to be colonised. One review of The Destruction of Aboriginal Society had remarked that it was aptly named, "The Destruction, although not systematic murder, but tuition and authoritarian management of the Aboriginal" which he could not cope with. 158· The review had also stated that Rowley's efforts had "removed any . . .. 159. excuse f or wh 1te 1gnorance. In each of his volumes Rowley had spoken of experiments designed to "help" the Aboriginal people. First there were the initial attemtps at trying to find a "solution to the Aboriginal problem (which) would come when he (the part Aboriginal) disappeared altogether into a fl wh 1te• II commun1ty• w1t• h out co 1 oure d enc 1 aves. 160 ' Rowley had attempted to influence public debate concerning the Aboriginal by detailing his existence from the time of the white man's first encounters with the Aboriginal tribes to the present day situation of urban frustration experienced by some Aborigines. 155. C.D. Rowley, The Destruction of Aboriginal Society, (Australian National University Press, Canberra, 1970). 156. C.D. Rowley, The Remote Aborigines, (Penguin Books, Ringwood, Victoria, 1972). 157. C.D. Rowley, Outcasts in White Australia, (Penguin Books, Ringwood, Victoria, 1972). 158. Tom Roper, The Australian National University Series on Aborigines, The Review, July 23, 1971, p 1165. 159. Ibid. 160. C.D. Rowley, The Destruction of Aboriginal Society, op.cit., p 3. -76- Included in this history were many of the policy suggestions, their failures and successes which the Aboriginal people had continuously been subjected to. In 1971, Frank Stevens, also an academic, had edited a three part study on racism in Australia. In the first book, Racism the Australian Experience, Stevens had spoken of the need for Australians to accept racial difference, to ignore ideas of racial intolerance which had resulted in "singular cultural an d rac1a. 1 1n . h er1tance . " • 161. The volumes edited by Stevens were not concerned solely with Australia's Aborigines. These works had also taken into consideration the problems experienced by Australia's "new arrivals'', our migrants. But, like Rowley's, they gave Australians new ways of imagining their history and their society. In terms of attempting to create new "social worlds" , books could reassure many that the ideas and beliefs which they held were also entertained by others. Books as such seeking to examine and justify new lines of thought could provide evidence of changes to behaviour patterns, and acceptance, although limited, of such changes. In terms of discussion and transmission to areas where new lines of thought had not been taken seriously, the publication of books could help to create, at least initially, topical interest. 161. Frank Stevens (ed.), Racism the Australian Experience, (Australia and N.Z. Book Company, 1971). p 2. -77- WITHIN THE CIVIC CULTURE The "civic culture" according to Almond and Verba's analysis stresses "the participation of individuals in the political input process .••• High frequencies of political activity, of exposure to political communications, of political discussion, of concern with political affairs .•. More important, in the civic culture participant political orientations combine with and do not replace subject and parochial political orientations. Individuals become participants in the political process, but they do not give up their orientations as subjects nor as parochials ..• The maintenance of these more traditional attitudes and their fusion with the participant orientations lead to a balanced political culture in which political activity, involvement, and rationality exist but are balanced by passivity. traditionality, and a commitment to parochial values". 162 • In terms of the significance to be found in the forms of discourse discussed throughout this chapter, we can see as Almond and Verba suggest is the case within the civic culture, "the roles of subject and narochial have not been displaced. The participant role has been added to the subject and parochial roles. This means that the active citizen maintains his traditional, nonpolitical ties, as well as his more passive political role as subject."163 · Accordingly both "parochial and subject orientations modify the intensity of the individual's political involvement and activity."164 • In order that other attitudes and values can be maint 11m1. . t e d • 165' In this way it can be seen that through the use of 162. G. Almond and S. Verba, The Civic Culture, pp 31-32, (Princeton University Press, 1963). 163. Ibid., p 474. 164. Ibid., p 475. 165. Ibid., p 475. -78- "established mechanisms" and the various forms of discourse employed, some balance is maintained between political participation arid established views of acceptable political behaviour. Almond and Verba suggest that within a civic culture there are cycles of citizen involvement, elite response and citizen wJ..t. hd rawa 1 . 166. Such cycles are an "important way of maintaining t h e b a 1 ance d J..nconsJ..s. . t encJ..es . b etween actJ..VJ..ty. . an d passJ..VJ..ty. . . 1116 7. Through the use of ''established mechanisms" and orthodox discourse significant issues which -arise allow a degree of political involvement/participation. If the decision makers can respond to citizen participation in this form an "equilibrium can be maJ..ntaJ..ne. . d b etween cJ..tJ..zen . . J..n . fl uence an d government J..n. fl uence. 11168 . Moreover, such occasions allow a belief in one's own political competence an d J..n. t h at o f th e d ecJ..sJ..on . . rna k ers to b e reJ..n . f orce d • 169. (Although it is conceeded that much of what is presumably citizen participation/influence, is in reality elite anticipation, that is, elites may anticipate possible demands - then act responsively - not as a result of citizen participation/influence in terms of making demands, but to keep them from making such demands.) Participation in the form suggested, that is, through the use of uestablished mechanisms" then places a great deal of reliance on the competence of the various forms of discourse themselves, as a means of being politically active. As such 166. Ibid.,p484. 167. Ibid. 168. Ibid. 169. Ibid, pp 484-485. -79- not only is a belief in the need for political activity reinforced, but more importantly, the methods of such activity, the forms of discourses are also reinforced. They are seen as being significant. However, this conception of political activity, involvement, participation, applies to those people who seek to influence decisions made by working within the limits of a'" civic culture". As has been suggested there were many who found the limits of such forms of displaying concern inad~quate. For these sections of society, more vibrant portrayals were undertaken in an attempt to influence and seek changes. -80- CHAPTER TWO A NEW LANGUAGE During the period 1965-1975 diverse groups attempted to give artistic expression to their particular values and beliefs through the use of popular symbolic forms. These forms included posters, badges and bumper stickers. Posters and badges as such, are not new. It was not the use of such forms that produced a new language, but the particular use made of them. The use of such f arms gave r1se. to a f arm o f " v1sua. 1 1 anguage ,l. wh ic h mass audiences could understand. The slogans contained on the poster, the badge and the bumper sticker, together with their visual images were produced primarily from the icons of this generation. In addition to this, a new vocabulary was developed, which could explain the concerns of groups who found inadequate established words and phrases to explain their concerns. Each of these symbolic forms to be discussed told of specific values and beliefs which existed in Australian society. What is most important is that all could affect the political agenda by their very identity and the energy and vigour which was part of an almost savage explicitness. The use of each of these symbolic forms was directed towards particular audiences. For those who supported the sentiments contained in each of these forms, they served to reassure them of their position. For the unconverted, but potentially convertable, they served as a message to remind them of particular struggles, and to become involved inruch struggles. In terms of their opposition, the symbolic forms to be discussed served as a means to blunt contradictory arguments and to counter 1. John Barnicoat, A Concise History of Posters, p 16, (Thames and London, 1972). -81- attempts to isolate supporters. The primary interest of this chapter is the recognition of such forms mentioned as elements affecting and/or illuminating specific values. The chapter will attempt to focus on the agenda setting function which these forms did perform, and their ability to lead to the creation of new symbolism, both visually and verbally in an attempt to dramatize particular values and beliefs. A NEW VOCABULARY WITH NEW CONNOTATIONS In an editorial in the Sydney Morning Herald, it was reported that "the eruptive politics of the sixties have created a whole new vocabulary of jargon."2 " A new means of expression in terms of the spoken word was surging into the everyday experiences of Australians. The political and social demands which provided diverse experiences and confrontations called for new and significant means of expression. Since the habits of Australian society appeared to be changing, there was a need for significant expressions which could explain these changes. At any rate, most groups which instigated new habits, or forms of behaviour, had also given specific expression to their actions. The many groups which had attempted to influence the decision making process could also attempt to capture attention in this manner. 2. Sydney Morning Herald, June 16, 1969, p 2. -82- This "new vocabulary" had particular significance as a method of reinforcing the actions performed by numerous groups within the public domain. By participating in demonstrations, sit-ins, women's liberation meetings and their other activities, together with any one of the numerous episodes which brought attention to particular demands, vivid images of those episodes could be revived by issuing words or phrases associated with the action. The creation of these new words and phrases, some of which were "old" words given new meaning, might be seen as ful filling multiple functions in terms of explanation of particular events, and changing patterns of expression to fit the changing behaviour patterns which were taking place. By far, the majority of new words and phrases had come from groups protesting against the established order. However, a number of new words and phrases had also been instigated by the actions of those who held legitimate positions of power. In a society which relies heavily on electronic communications, the creation and use of these new words and phrases to be discussed, helped to provide images which could then be produced either through the use of the poster, the badge, the bumper sticker or the electronic media. As a result of this, we can say that the language created by various groups and in a variety of circum stances also provided new images attempting communication and persuasion. Australia's involvement in the Vietnam war had resulted in the use of numerous expressions which were directly connected to the activjties of those both opposed to the war, and those in favour of its continuance. A number of new words -83- and phrases were used to describe both the people who actively opposed the war in the public domain, and the activities in which they participated. It could seem as if some people could now be categorized in terms of the interests they pursued in relation to the Vietnam war. Of the new words used to describe those opposed to the war, the more popular included: "draft dodger", "draft resister", "conscientious objector", "peace activist", "Vietnam protestor", and "Vietnam demonstrator". Each of these words dealt with displays of active resistance towards the war. For the duration of the war, those who found themselves placed in one of the above categories could almost declare themselves,say,for example as a "draft dodger", as if it were a full time occupation. For such people it may well have been. The term "draft dodger" and "draft resister" are self explanatory. Both tags were simply applied to those youths who refused to register for National Service. However, if one were to declare oneself a "conscientious objector", special requirements had to be satisfied. The Sydney Morning Herald had asked, "how should the state recognize the individual's right to refuse to serve in a particular war."3 ' It had warned, "the whole procedure, [for deciding the sincerity of a conscientious objector] is beginning to look dangerously like a primitive form of trial by • II 4, f 1re • The "conscientious objector" differed from the "draft dodger", (although the "draft dodger" tag could be applied to 3. Sydney Morning Herald, Conscience (Editorial), June 10. 1968, p 2. 4. Ibid. -84- "conscientious objectors" by those who had no sympathy with their stand), in that the "conscientious objector", after having registered for National Service, would then apply to the courts for exemption. Even if their appeal were refused, these men were not prepared to agree to serve in the Army in non-combatant positions, but were prepared to go to jail in defence of their beliefs. 5 • The "peace activist", the "Vietnam protestor", and the "Vietnam demonstrator", might be likened to the defenders of the "draft dodger" and the "conscientious objector". They were opposed, not only to the Vietnam war, but to the treatment the "draft dodger" and "conscientious objector" received. These people were "anti-Vietnam", which could mean, to those not opposed to the war, that they were only "the noisy fringe of anarchist rebels."6 • However, since a large number of those who participated in activities designed to help stop the war were people who held prominent positions within the community, it is doubtful that all were "anarchist rebels". When it came to public activities, such as the Vietnam "moratorium" (another word which was given special meaning), those "who stood up to be counted came from innumerable small social groupings - on the job, in the universities and schools, in organizations and local areas - where much larger numbers had discussed and considered, questioned and pondered, accepted or rejected"7" the questions surrounding Vietnam. 5. Sydney Morning Herald, Mr Bury and the Conshies (editorial), February 25, 1969, p 2. 6. Ibid. 7. Moratorium: What Went Right? Outlook, Volume 14, Number 3, June, 1970. -85- "The silence of the 1950's was shattered by the noise of marches, the rhetoric of sit-ins and teach-ins" 8· and the performance of the "moratorium". The performance of each of these episodes could create situations opposed to legitimate political power. Each had resulted in introducing new methods of affecting public debate and the political agenda. The performance of the "moratorium" was to create a 9 situat1on• 1n• wh 1c• h t h ere was II a suspens1on• to b ns1ness• as usua 1" • • Similarly, both the "sit-in" and the "teach-in" were attempts to suspend the usual functioning of particular places and to direct attention toward the concerns of the Vietnam war. The images which these episodes created were of the need for political re-education. Neither the "sit-in", the "teach-in" or the "moratorium", were purely protest forms. Each attempted to create an awareness of the situation, stimulate interest and evoke participation. Each was an attempt to make the uncommitted take notice and to reconsider their position. Each provided an image of the arguments against the Vietnam war. The words themselves were part of the struggle. By voicing any of these words, scenes of mass participation and responsible commitment were at once brought to mind. The new words and phrases associated with the Vietnam war lent special significance to the image of Australia at war. It was a vastly different image compared to that which confronted Australian society during the First and Second World Wars, although it may have had some parallels, (if only minor) with the Boer War. 8. Mathew Stolz, Politics of the New Left, p viii, Glencoe Press, U.S.A., 1971. 9. Leaflet: Vietnam Moratorium Campaign, issued by the Vietnam Moratorium Campaign Organizing Committee, 1970. -86- Not only had the passage of the years brought natural changes in terms of warfare used, but there was a marked change in the values expressed. For many the Vietnam war was an "immoral" war. There was nothing to be gained by intervening in the fight between the Vietnamese people. Those opposed to this "immoral" war could attempt to introduce some form of morality in the form of the "vigil", (another word which was given specific meaning). The "vigil" had been defined as "a quiet, but insistent expression of concern a form of non-violent action, in that it seeks a confrontation with one's adversaries and with the issues, but I • 1110 o accepts one s opponent as a genu1ne person. Each of these new terms were a part of the energy which was directed towards the issue of the Vietnam war. Their use was very much a part of the activities performed in public places, but with the advantage of having a continuous relevance and serving as a reminder of episodes played out in the public domain. As such each of the new words had particular relevance within the public domain as resources capable of shaping and reflecting changing patterns of behaviour. "Women's liberation" was another new phrase which attempted to explain the increasing demands which women in Australian society were embarking upon. "Women's Liberation" had originated in the United States of America, in 1967, within the "Student 11 11. Left Movement • The idea of "Women 1 s Liberation" was an 10. Newsletter: Issued by students from the University of New South Wales (no title, n.d.). 11. Anna Yeatman, The Liberation of Women, Arena, Number 21, 1970, pp 19-25. -87- attempt by women to "refuse their second class citizenship ... and extend the humanist claims advanced for the Negr·GY and the 1112. Vietnamese to themselves. Although there were many episodes which may have fallen under the explanation of "Women's Liberation" manoeuvres, the entire idea had originally set out to invite women to take part in "consciousness raising". "Consciousness Raising" was another new phrase which had specific meaning. The main purpose was to question the value system, social conditioning and the moral taboos which influended and governed the lives of women."13 • It was hoped "Consciousness Raising" sessions would achieve a change in perception of roles and then the abolition of roles ••• and the socialization patterns which structure an oppressive differential between male and female." 14 • It could prove relatively simple to find many who were willing to give precise definitions of what "Women's Liberation" and "Consciousness Raising" was all about. However, such definitions could give a false impression of a movement which in reality was not "itself quite sure what its aims, campaigns or met h o d s o f organ1zat1on• • s h au, ld b e. II 15 • There was much agreement that the publicity "Women's Liberation" did receive treated them as a "lunatic fringe and one for laughs."16 • This sort of reaction 12. Ibid. 13. Consciousness Raising, What's it all About? (Sydney Women's Newsletter, November, 1974). 14. Leonie Campbell, Women's Liberation, Arena, Number 27, 1971, pp 31-36. 15. Sydney Morning Herald, Women's Liberation Explains Itself, Or Does It? (Women's Section, January 28, 1971, p 4). 16. Ibid. -88- may have stemmed from reports of "Women's Libbers" who had taken off their bras in public and destroyed them. This was another activity of "Women's Liberation" which was given the new expression of "bra burnings". Some may have been inclined to think that "Women's Liberation" was really concerned with a "sexist revolution" directed against the "male chauvinist" since both these new words became "the twin propaganda concepts of the 'Women 1 s Liberation 1 movement •.• 'sexism' is the persuasive equation of women with their value as sexual instruments [objectification] and 'male chauvinism' is the male expectation of dependence and inferiority from women which rests on and supports his own conviction of sexual dominance 11 17. and power. It was the "male chauvinists" and perhaps society generally who treated women as mere "sex objects" and who appeared to be the cause of inequalities for women in society. Treating women as "sex objects" (another phrase which was given new meaning) meant depersonalizing them into an object by giving them a function, defining them, and justifying their existence, practically in terms of their function. "They are dehumanized into masturbatoriums •.• mere sexual toys."18 · However, "Women's Liberation" was not all talk about "Consciousness Raising" and "Bra Burnings 11 or "male chauvinists" and "sex objects". Other new words which the Women's Movement had thrown up included "fertility control", "abortion law reform", ''latch key children", "day care facilities", "desecregation" and 17. John Edwards, The Sexist Revolution- Beauty and the 100 hour Week Confront.theMale Chauvinist,· Financial Review, September 9, 1970, pp 2-3. 18. Susan Ryan, Sexism - The Role of Women Today, Honi Soit, July 2, 1970, pp 8-9. -89- "equal opportunities". For some, the period 1965-1975, had produced an Australia in Which almost anything seemed to be acceptable. It could appear that suddenly "R-movies" with "four letter words", "full frontal nudity" and "communal sex" was standard entertainment required by the "massage parlour" visiting client. Whether this is true or not, it would be difficult to assess, but the very use of the words had significance: public (verbal) announcement of the existence and enjoyment of the above and more, were all a part of a new "permissive" Australia. It may be safe to suggest that to many "permissive" Australia meant sex, drugs, relaxation of film censorship laws and more sex. Many may not have looked beyond the introduction of "the pill" in 1961, as "as symbol of sexual independence"19 · in Which the word itself, as signifier, connoted a great deal more than the physical object, "the pill", itself, and the introduction of the "R certificate" for films in 1971, as an exciting innovation allowing "adults to see unexpurgated adult scenes 1n• f'l1 ms 11 • 20. Other new phrases of this new, "permissive", Australia were words such as "homosexual law reform", "abortion law reform", "coming out", "see through" (applied to dresses) and "mini" (applied to skirts) which were themselves not new, but which now 19. Angela Rossmanith, The Pill, Liberator or Oppressor, Woman's Day, August 17, 1982, pp 54-57. 20. Sydney Morning Herald, February 16, 1971, p 3. -90- connoted an openness in confronting the publicly established and accepted practices and values of Australian society. As such this openness could seem like a defiant attack against "Australia's respectable wowsers, who had been trying to protect us against smut, filth, and other works of the devil for the past one hundred years. " 21 • What the "permissive" society, with all of its ingredients gave us, was a new image of the possible values which some Australians had willingly accepted. These values were expressed openly and explicitly in public and :in personal relationships, through, at least to some extent, the introduction of a new vocabulary. From the images that were thrown up by Australia's Aboriginal community, it was clear that they too wanted recognition as a viable part of Australian culture. In terms of the rhetoric they offered it could be argued that their redefinition of their place in :society and their fight for new rights were aimed or directed towards action bold enough to make White Australia pay particular attention. Each of the "new'' phrases introduced by Aboriginal's were aligned to action episodes played out in the public domain. As such the voicing of these phrases brought to mind a picture of Aboriginal attempts to claim recognition for their own people. The Aboriginal "Freedom Ride" and Australia's "Aboriginal Embassy" were attempts by Aborigines t.o seek equality and justice for their people. The "Freedom Ride" was an attempt at trdesegregating" parts of outback Australia, and the "Aboriginal Embassy" a protest for "Land Rights" and "Black 21. Don Aitkin, Saving Us All from Smut is a Juvenile Needless Occupation, National Times, March 26-31, 1973, p 13. -91- Power". Most of the attempts by Aborigines to have particular demands recognized could be summed !JP by the phrase "Black Power". It was also a phrase which lent spec'ial significance to members of the Australian "Black Panthers 1 Party". In fact the "Black Panthers'" had defined 11 Black Power" as, "the freedom and power to d e t ermLne. the d es t"Lny o f t h e Bl ack communLty . II 22 · By asserting their right to "Black Power", Aboriginals were concerned with "the twin notions of Aboriginalness and Power". 23 • This could be taken to mean the preservation of Black Australian culture, even in cases of extreme differences with the White Australian culture, together with an equal share in the access and use of power in Australia. The importance placed on the term "Black Power" could be met with equal vigour by the demands of "Land Rights Now" (another new phrase). The demands for land rights had come together under a five point plan drawn up by the participants of the "Aboriginal Embassy" in 1972. 24 · Again the emphasis and use of the phrase was an attempt to establish the people's right to the practice of their own culture, which meant that land preserved for sacred sites would have to be reclaimed together with a demand for mining and title rights to particular areas and existing Aboriginal reserves. 22. Black Panther Party of Australia: Platform & Programme, Newsletter on Aboriginal Affairs, January, 1972, pp 6-7. 23. Cheryl Buchannan, Black De-Schooling in H. Mayer & H. Nelson (ed). Australian Politics a Fourth Reader, Chapter 34, (Cheshire, Melbourne, 1976). 24. John Newfong, The Aboriginal Embassy: Its purpose & Aims, IdentitL, Volume 1, No. 5, July, 1972, pp 4-6. -92- The signifi.cance of the "new" terms introduced by Aborigines, perhaps particularly with regard to "Black Power", and "Land Rights", were part of vital steps by Aborigines to demand truly equal civil rights. By the use of such phrases "Aboriginal groups [were] resisting the exploitation of their traditional tribal lands by mining companies and directly play[ing] a part in the f 1g.. h t aga1nst . monopo 1.1es an d 1mper1a . . 1" 1sm. 1125 . What significance these demands had for average White Australians, beyond bringing them to their attention, it would be hard to say. However, drawing attention to Aboriginal demands by the utterance of these phrases could itself be a meaningful beginning. At least, in 1971, when Prime Minister, John Gorton declared that, Australia should be a "multiracial" society (another new phrase), many people took notice. Gorton's remarks were directed not only towards White Australia's treatment of Aboriginals, but also its treatment of migrants. One author wrote that by so committing Australia tothe path of "multiracialism" he, Gorton had, "smashed an old mould of conventional wisdom, without really creating a new one, but his very act of destruction has been creative; or at 1 east g1ven. ot h ers t h e opportun1ty. to.. create new att1tu. d es. 1126. "Multiracial" and tlmulticultural" Australia, were two new terms which crept into our vocabulary. Obviously these terms applied to Aboriginals and migrants, but one might suggest that they 25. Hannah Middleton, But Now We Want the Land Back: A History of the Australian Aboriginal People, (New Age Publications, 1970), pp 125-126. 26. Donald Horne, Right! We're to be a Multiracial Society. What Do We Do Now? The Bulletin, February 6, 1971, pp 22-24. -93- went further than this, and at least attempt~d to say something of our attitudes, treatment, concern and humanity towards migrants and Aborigines. The idea of establishing a "multicultural" or "multiracial" Australia, was an attempt to establish an awareness of the needs and concerns of all nationalities within Australia. It was an attempt to establish an "ethnic consciousness". "Ethnic consciousness" (another of the new terms) was developed firstly in the United States of America, in the middle sixties when the three big movements came to the fore ••.. the anti-war movement, 27 the Black Power movement, and the Women's movement," but, like many other new pharses developed in the United States, it migrated to Australia. What these new terms in our vocabulary meant was that some people were attempting to move away from the idea of an "assimilated society, where every person, or group of migrants would become a part of a melted, unified and homogenized culture", 28 • and into a "integrated" society which would show Australia, not as a "monolingual, monocultural society, ..• but ..• a society made up of different groups each one of which feels a particular identity and distinctiveness, different but Australian nonetheless."29 • The moves towards a "multicultural" Australia, where non-English speaking people would no longer be referred to in derogatory terms, 27. Franca Arena, Summing Up the Seventies: A Review of Australian Society in the Seventies from Various Perspectives, (A paper presented to the Australian National University, November, 1979). 28. Ibid. 29. A.J. Grassby, Credo for a Nation, (An address by the Minister for Immigration, A.J. Grassby, Sydney Opera House, June, 1974). -94- but as Australians from various "ethnic" backgrounds, were aided by the establishment of bodies such as the Ethnic Communities Council, founded in 1975. However, all this is not to suggest that by 1975, Australia had suddenly become a "multicultural society", but that by the very use of this term, the possibility might have been increased: with the introduction of moves to establish a greater tolerance, and perhaps in some respects an attempt to truly understand people of d1fferent ethnic backgrounds, Australia might be gradually moving toward a "multicultural society". At least the use of these words made a declaration of this possibility. As Franca Arena commented, "if the sixties was the age of Acquarius, t h e sevent1es. was 1n . many ways a 1 so t h e age o f et h n1c1ty . . II • 30 . I n 1975, Al Grassby still had to tell people, at least those who were listening, that, "one of the great Australian myths is that we have been a homogeneous society. This has been the biggest single obstacle to building a united family of the Australian nation, because it has tended to divide the community between "them" and II II 31, us • Througout the period 1965-1975, a new awareness and concern for Australia's natural landscape, and wildlife, together with the state of our cities, also became one of a number of concerns which fell into the category of "quality of life" issues. Something had to be done, and done quickly about our "choked cities, filthy coasta1 waters an d our su 111e• d country s1"d e 11 , 32, 30. Franca Arena, op.cit. 31. A.J. Grassby, Australia's Multicultural Society, (Community Relations paper, No. 8, 1975, p 2). 32. Sydney Morning Herald, January 5, 1970, p 2. -95- "Pollution", a newly perceived evil and a word given new meaning, was beginning to dictate the terms of future enjoy- ment of our environment. "Polluti()n", a man-made filth which threatened planet earth, was strongly denounced in all manner of terms. The Sydney Morning Herald, had referred to the threat of "pollut!Lon" as, "a threat as potent to the continuance of man on earth as a nuclear holocaust". 33 · The president of the Academy of Science, Dr David Martyn, had likened "pollution" to "a cancer in the human body, when the cells proliferate and run r1o. t" • 34. He said, "in the same way 'pollution' is spreading a 11 over the g 1 ob e an d t h reaten1ng• to d estray 1t• 11 • 35 • By the end of 1969, the chief statistician of the Commonwealth Roads Evaluation Bureau, had claimed that, "660 Australians may die from the effects of 'air pollution' ..• and that 800,000 man days could be quite easily lost from the same cause". 36 • In June 1970, a Senate select committee made its recommendations on the efforts needed to preserve our water resources from "pollution11 • "Rivers, streams, lakes, coastlines and underground water courses were being polluted in all states and territories and some waterways could no longer be used except as sewers". 37 • By April 1972, the Prime Minister, Mr McMahon, had announced that a new advisory committee would be set up on environ- mental matters to co-ordinate and advise on state and industry actions 33. S~dne~ Morning Herald, September 18, 1969, p 1. 34. Ibid. 35. Ibid. 36. Sydney Morning Herald, September 2, 1969, p 8. 37. S:ldney Morning Herald, June 12, 1970. p 2. -96- against "pollution". The leader of the Labor Party, Mr Whitlam, had also promised that if his party were to win power, it would set up a separate Department of the Environment, to control among other things, "pollution". The whole concept of "the environment" had taken on new connotations during this period. This may have been the result of various episodes and the efforts of various groups, who had come together to seek preservation or protection for many parts of the environment. A number of new words and phrases all dealing with environmental protection had resulted directly from the imposition of the first "green ban". The word "green ban" itself was a very effective and dramatic interpretation of trade union members becoming involved in social issues, and it had a pleasant, "natural" feel about it compared with "black ban". The imposition of "green bans" by members of the Builders' Labourers' Federation, (B.F.L.) particularly the New South Wales branch, under the leadership of Jack Mundey, had none of the sinister connotations which the tradition of black bans had established. The black ban, "triggered in the public consciousness the image of a union strike for indiscriminate radical and communist activities, the real purpose of which was simply industrial disrtiJ.ption. By turning black bans green, reflecting their new environmental as well as social significance, Jack Mundey hoped to make Australians take a fresh look at the reason behind non related union boycotts". 38· However, the "green bans" did not only involve action by union members. They were largely significant, as a combined 38. R.J. Roddewig, Green Bans: The Birth of Australian Environmental Politics. A Study in Public Opinion and Participation, (Hale & Iremonger, Sydney, 1978) p 12. -97- effort by union membersliip and "resident action groups", ( a phrase with pleasantly suburban connotations) which had formed in numerous suburbs as a form of pressure group willing to take action. The combined efforts of union members, together with "resident action groups", was one of the most remarkable attempts showing "community involvement" (another of the new phraseswith pleasant connotations). The idea that ordinary residents, from ordinary suburbs, could influence governmental decisions on questinns involving their community, may not seem, at first glance such an excitable occurrence. However, considering that if "resident action groupsu and their alliance with the B.L.F. was needed to allow residents to have some say in matters that directly affected them and their community, their ability to so achieve, or at least attempt to achieve a part in the decision making process in this unusual manner was remarkable. The establishment of "resident action groups" and the use of the "green ban" had also given new meaning to the interests of the Australian Council of National Trust, which had been founded in 1965. By the 1970s "National Trust Classifications", which had been "stamped" onto historic or significant examples of architecture, were now being seen as having something of a legitimate right, almost an authority to remain untouched. The phrase itself was important as a comforting seal of approval. The significance of a "National Trust Classification", received wide publicity in the battle between developers and "resident action groups" in Victoria Street, Potts Point. Initially the B.L.F. had placed a "green ban" on the demolition of a row.of terraces in Victoria Street, while awaiting a "classification" for the houses from the National Trust. The B.L.F. then intended to reconsider its ban depending on the decision. When the Trust did give Victoria Street, a "classification", -98- newspaper headlines declared, "Trust Joins Battle of Q'ictoria St. On Side of Preservationists."39• "National Trust" itself had enlarged in connotabion. In terms of those who attempted to protect and secure our natural environment for future generations of Australians, there appeared an entire host of words and phrases to explain their aims and to create new images or ways in which to view the natural environment. For those concerned with both the natural envrion- ment and man-made structures which needed protection, the phrase "Environmental Impact Statement" was developed. In late 19 72, the Federal Liberal Government, under the leadership of Mr McMahon, had decided that "Environmental Impact Statements" would be necessary before Federal action could be taken in matters affecting the environment. In February 1973, the Whitlam Government decided to continue the "Environmental Impact Statement" policy, 40 b ut w1t• h Wl• d er rang1ng• concepts. • Th e p h rase II Env1ronmenta• 1 Impact Statement" had a reassuring flavour suggesting that this type of activity could produce effective results when parts of the environment were being directly threatened by proposals that in some way would change, or destroy existing areas. By the middle of the 1970s, it was clear that the images dealing with the Australian landscape, both natural and maa-made, had changed. Forests, and the various types of trees that they supported, wildlife, including insects, water, including lakes, rivers, reefs, beaches, and streams, mountains and caves, all now had some connection with the 39. Sydney Morning Herald, April 14, 1973, p 3. 40. R.J. Roddewig, op.cit., pp 92-94. -99- word "conservation". According to the "conservationists", the idea was to preserve as much of Australia's "natural environment" as was practically possible. However, sometimes it could appear totally impractical, and very often, impossible. Such were the obstacles which the conservation "guardians" were prepared to face, if OI,llY to preserve the "quality of life". This too was another phrase, which by 1970, was becoming a standard reference to matters concerning both the natural and structured environment, and the manner inwhihh efforts were being made to appreciate the advantages they could offer. A considerable vocabulary, with resonant connotative power, ,had been built up against the old and well established connotations of "national development'!. Each of the new words and phrases which gained wide spread usage in the period 1965-1975, had proved capable of providing an additional vitality to the displays which took place in the public domain. Each of the activities pursued by numerous groups, and to which new words or phrases were applied, could provide images of the action by verbal expression. Most of the new words and phrases could be signalled out and expressed as a form of declaration to honour the episodes which had taken place. Above all, each of the new words and phrases can be seen as providing images which reflected the changing behaviour patterns and values of Australian society during this period. -100- ICONS AND SLOGANS Throughout this period a number of new icons which were created were confined to specific issues. The aim of those issuing statements in this way, that is, through the creation of new icons, "technically speaking, is to override old symbolism, substituting new associations, or to invent wholly new symbols or images" 41 • From the creation of new icons, many people, may have found themselves "thinking in pictures" as a means of associating images with specific causes. Herbert Read has labelled "thinking in pictures, as the first step of icon making". 42 · The word "icon" comes from the Greek word "eikon" meaning image. Icons are said to provide "the external expression of 1nterna. 1 conv1ct1ons. . 11 • 43 • As objects, "icons must not embarrass or confuse, they must remind [us of] and reinforce"44 · a set of values and beliefs. "Icons consistently reinforce meaning by the· repetitious visual bombardment of the observer with ideas encapsulated in consistent form" 45 · "As objects they can be approached objectively, but for those who believe in them, they operate on an emot1ona• 1 1 eve 1 - t h e 1 eve 1 o f 1 ave an d reverence II • 46 • As such icons can be seen as "sensitive indicators of who we are, where we come from and where we intend to go". 47 · 41. Gary Yanker, Prop. Art, p 19, (Studio Vista Publications, Great Britain, 1972). 42. Herbert Read, Icon and Idea: The Function of Art in the Development of Human Consciousness, (Schocken Books, New York, 1965) p 3. 43. Marshall Fishwick and Ray B. Browne (ed), Icons of America, (Popular Press, Ohio, 1978). 44. David Gerald Orr, Icons in the Time Tunnel, Chapter 2, pp 13-24, in Icons of America, op.cit. 45. Ibid., p 16. 46. M. Fishwick and R. Browne (ed) Icons of America, op.cit., p 3. 47. Ibid. -101- Thus when we speak of icons, it is.the images which best represent a set of values and beliefs relating to particular areas of life that are of the greatest interest. Icons are associated with the beginnings of human civilisation. "The step from thinking in pictures to making icons is one that was taken in the prehistoric period". 48 · Since that time the use and meaning given to icons in various periods of history, together with their present use in Eastern Orthodox Churches and Western Christian Churches has provided their own meaning and significance. But as a result of the long history and use of icons in varying circumstances, the use of the word needs particular qualification, as is suggested above. However, this should not deter us from using the word, since "it still seems to be the most fitting word to use when we try to understand the power that images exert over us to reveal and shape our loyalties and faiths. 49 • In connection with the 1965-1975 period, icons must be seen as performing certain functions if they are to be judged as being capable of arousing and sustaining important values and beliefs. These functions can be determined from our definition. First, the icon must be seen to represent a movement's internal convictions, that is, its most sought-after ideas and ambitions. Second, the icon must be seen as an element reminding and reinforcing particular values and beliefs. Thirdly, the icon must carry an emotional or subjective element, and finally, the icon must serve as an indicator of a movement's progress, its successes and its failures. 48. Herbert Read, op.cit. 49. Gregor Goethals, Sacred Secular Icons, Chapter 3, pp 24-35, in £cons of America, op.cit. -102- It has already been stated that hhe icon can appear on any object once it has achieved specific meaning encompassing particular values and beliefs. Many of the icons of this period were used as a part of tlie posters, and on badges and bumper stickers produced by the var~ous movements. Often the icon would be included on badges and bumper stickers which revealed a slogan pertaining to the meaning of the icon and simultaneously giving the icon added significance. For this reason it is beneficial to consider the use of the icon in conjunction with the use of the badge and the bumper sticker, which contained both icons and slogans. However, first a word on slogans. The slogan, "the 1150. r h yme d prase h ..•. attempts to o£fer only very strict and limited arguments relating to the icon and its body of associated values and beliefs. "The apparent effect ts not so much to compress information or to simplify for ease of expression and persuasion as it is to make no generalization or simplification at all. In effect, the uttered or typographic slogan becomes a part of a larger field of perception and is designed not to obtrude with d1stract1ng, . 1n, f ormat1on . 11 • 51. The use of the slogan in conjunction with the icon might be seen as sharpening the effect the two forms can have when produced simultaneously. Both forms attempt to focus attention on a single argument and thereby filter out arguments 50. Paul Corcoran, Political Language and Rhetoric, p 199, (University of Queensland Press, 1979). 51. Ibid. -103- which cause distractions and opposition. For those who were willing to display a continuous and personal interest in the demands of a particular group, political badges and bumper stickers provided a practical means of doing so. The use of the political badge and bumper sticker has been described as a miniature Trojan horse, upon which the propagandist can transport his message~'. 52 • Both forms serve similar functions.* As a result of the size of the badge, and its fixture to an individual's clothing its message is given a greater personal commitment. The wearer of the political badge can go anywhere, and do anything, while proclaiming a particular comment. A similar function is served by pasting the bumper sticker to one's car, motorcycle, school bag, shopping bag, school books or lecture pad. This function which both the badge and bumper sticker serve, is said to lead to a "saturation effect", 53 • by way of which the political badge and bumper sticker's message is seen everywhere, and may be interpreted as an attempt to foster a continuing awareness within public view. Each of the badges and bumper stickers which contained both the icon and slogan of a particular movement had the power to evoke an almost instant identification of particular issues. They could serve as a continuing reminder that certain issues needed support and resolution. If we support the argument that badges and 52. Gary Yanker, op.cit., p 78. * Other forms were also used, particularly T-shirts with stencilledmessages, this is discussed in Chapter Four. However, most of the other forms used the same message as contained on the badge and bumper sticker, and it is therefore more logical to deal, in this chapter with only the two noted above. 53. Gary Yanker, op.cit. p 78. -104- bumper stickers did provide a "saturation effect" this argument tends to agree with previous suggestions that the images as a part of the various icons contained on the badge and bumper sticker, (together with the poster) became accepted images, which fulfil the requirements set in our definition of icon. As an image representing a movements' internal conviction, reminding of and reinforcing the values and beliefs of a particular movement, an icon is given greater diversity by its inclusion on badges and bumper stickers and even posters, which were displayed by those seeking active involvement. Although the icon, and the badge and bumper sticker which incorporate both the icon and a slogan, have varying functions, each might be seen to add to the significance of the other. In other words, the icon and the slogan presented as symbolic images combine to provide a powerful means of introducing the aims of a movement and the values and beliefs associated with such aims. Of the icons which gained tremendous support, both in Australia and internationally, the peace sign (figure 1) may have been unsurpassed. It was used as a statement against war, particularly the Vietnam war, although it had not been designed for this purpose. The search to establish the origins of the peace sign has resulted in conflicting opinions. "In February, 1958, the British Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament was preparing to demonstrate by marching to the atomic centre at Aldermaston. The leaders of the organization wanted a visual sign which would shmy to everyone what the march as all about. They finally designed the peace sign. The design was based on the letters "N" and "D", -105- denoting Nuclear Disarmament. Their efforts had resulted in a clear and powerful sign, easy to remember and easy to reproduce. In short an excellent propaganda symbol". 54• However, other accounts of the design differ from the above. Some suggest that the sign represents a bomber encircled so as to denote views concerning the use of such weapons. This view is given added weight when those not opposed to the use of any kind of military weapons, use the image to signify a loaded bomber ready for action. 55 (Figure 2) Whatever its origins, the image has come to mean more than just nuclear disarmament. The image has come to be recognized, as a symbol of pacificism. During the period of the Vietnam war, the image was used almost exhaustively as a visual cry to stop the war in Vietnam and as a signal relating to the need for harmonious relationships between all countries. It has also been used by various groups as a means to demonstrate their genuine intentions in personal relations, or with the whole of society. Numerous groups whose aims were very diverse used the peace sign as an inidcation of the way illn which they intended to pursue their ideals. Such groups may have included the peace sign in their repertoire of images as a means of giving special significance to their cause. The peace sign appeared on posters, badges and bumper stickers. It also appeared as a medallion which could be worn on a chain which would bang around the peace- 54. Sven Tito Achen, Symbols Around Us, p 218, (Van Nostrand Reinhold- Australia, 1978). 55. Gary Yanker, op.cit., p 58. Figure 1. Peace Sign. Achen. Symbo"ls Around Us. Figure 2. Peace Sign as Loaded Bomber. Yanker. Prop Art. -106- activist's neck. Since the peace sign was such a widely used image, and since this image was simple to reproduce, it became a popular image which could be reproduced instantly by harld. The old "V" for victory from the second world war, was turned around and used as a formation of the peace image. For those who used the image in this way, it may have had special significance, as does a salute for members of the armed forces, or the sign of the cross made by Christians. With icons such as the peace sign, their appeal relates more to society generally. Any group could use the icon as a statement of the manner in which it sought to establish its ideals. However, other icons reveal a more selective nature. The emphasis and meaning is directed towards and appreciated by a specific audience. Of the icons which were created and which revealed a certainselectivity in terms of issuing statements relating to a specific cause, the Vietnam moratorium symbol and a number of icons produced by the women's movement, provide good examples. Although the Vietnam war had caused arguments and heated debates between many individuals and groups, the moratorium icon as a symbolic form demanding an end to war, also instigated harsh reactions. The moratorium icon had been especially designed for the celebration of the moratorium. However, before the actual celebrations were to take place a number of episodes had given the icon notoriety. -107- The moratorium icon, which was a collection of "Vs" pointing inwards, (figure 3), had been marked by Ilford Films, as being in breach of the copyright act. Ilford Films, both in Australia and England, had been using a very similar symbol for years, representing to them a sunburst sign. The company had written to Dr Jim Cairns, as chairman of the Moratorium Organizing Committee, to 1n. f orm h 1m. o f t h e1r . c 1 a1ms . b ut rece1ve . d no rep 1 y. 56 • But what established the notoriety of the moratorium badge were episodes such as the following: In September, 1970, a nurse 57 resigned after having been told to take off the badge; • high school students were being repremanded for wearing the moratorium 58. b a d ge; even our politicians were criticised for having the affront to wear the moratorium badge in the national parliament. During a debate in the parliament some Labor-members had accused Mr Snedden of having a moratorium badge on his lapel. Mr Snedden replied, "that this is the national badge, not the badge of the Commintern, (referring to the moratorium badge) which is worn over t h ere. 59. In the New South Wales parliament, W.G. Peterson, a Labor member of the Legislative Assembly, for Kembla, defied the State Liberal government and took his seat in the House wearing a moratorium badge. His actions were described as "traitorous and disloyal",60• by members of the State Liberal party. 56. Sldnel Morn in~ Herald, Column 8, May 12, 1970, p 1. 57. Sldnel Mornin~ Herald, September 18, 1970' p 1. 58. Sldnel Mornin~ Herald, April 28~ 1970' p 5. 59. Sldnel Mornin~ Herald, May 8, 1970' p 1. 60. Sldnel Morn in~ Herald, September 3, 1970, p 5. Figure 3. Mor-atorium. Vietnam Moratorium Organizing Committee, 1970. -108- The power which the moratorium icon had, can be seen by these accounts of the objections and dissatisfaction which it caused between individuals and within institutions. This power which the moratorium icon can be seen to have possessed stemmed from the beliefs and values of those who opposed the Vietnam war. The icon could serve as a constant reminder of the arguments opposing the continuance of the war and those values and beliefs associated with such arguments. As such, the rep~oduction of the image which appeared on posters and stickers, together with the badges, provided a dominant image used to oppose the war which could also counter-productively, be, for those who supported the war, a symbol of the evil of their opponents. Although the moratorium icon was by far the most recognized image used to oppose the war in Vietnam, other images were also used which provided effective reminders that the war was still continuing. An entire collection of slogans, protesting against the war, many of which were not accompanied by icons, appeared on badges and became popular catch cries, particularly as a result of their use at demonstrations. Perhaps the most famous slogan, issuing sentiments of the need to continue the fight in Vietnam, came from the Prime Minister, Harold Holt. Holt 1 s "All The Way With L.B.J.", was a "slogan which lived to haunt him ••• Even though issued as an aside, said with genuine charm at the end of a speech, and virtually contradicting the main thrust of his speech". 61 From Holt's phrase had come slogans such as, "None Of The Way With L.B.J.", and "Go Away L.B.J."62 • 61. Sydney Morning Herald, The Guide, October 11, 1982, p 1. 62. Pamphlet: All The Way To Where? issued by: Australian Quaker Peace Committee, 1967. -109- A perfect example of counter-productivity. Other slogans which were used as a part of the visual and verbal attack on those who supported the war included: "Children Burn While Students Learn", 63 • "Stop the Draft", "Give Peace A Chance", "l•Je Don't Want Your Bloody War", "Out Now", "Holt 'fhis Is Your War Not Mine", "Holt You Murderer", "Draft Beer Not Kids", and "Ho, Ho, HoChi Minh" , 6 4 • One of the slogans included on the badge and the bumper sticker had particular relevance to Australia, "Lynch Bury, Bury Lynch". 65 • The slogan was a tricky verbal protest directed against Australta's minister for Labour and National Service, Mr Bury, and the Minister for the Army, Mr Phillip Lynch. The badges and bumper stickers protesting against the war carried a universal theme. Their widespread use and effectiveness seemed to show the urgency of their message. There was no mistaking what the demands of, "Out Now!" and the pleas of "Give Peace A Chance!" meant. As with the use of the images, once they have gained recognition for a special purpose and have passed into the realm of icmnic objects, they can be seen to carry a strong emotional relevance for those who believe in them. As such the use of these forms by various individuals showed that many were prepared to make a personal commitment to help stop the war by displaying their concerns wherever they went. Consequently, they also showed the disruptive effect such demands 63. Pamphlet: Follow Your Principles Not Your Principals, issued by: Secondary School Students Moratorium Campaign Committee, 1970. 64. G. Henderson, Vietnam and the Victorian Universities, Twentieth Century, September, 1969, pp 5-15. 65. Sydney Morning Herald, June 25, 1969, p 6. -110- could have for some, and perhaps the awakening of consciousness for others. The icons produced by the women's movement also fit into a very selective category. In fact, the use of icons by the women's movement, it· might be suggested, has been almost totally selective. "Few images have come from the women 1 s movement. The essential reason for this, is that these women are deliberate iconoclasts; their purpose is to break the images of women in their traditional roles. The single recurring image, other than the female symbol which is an assertion of worth, personhood and identity, is the strike first, a symbol of power. Often the two symbols are intertwined with the strike fist rising from the bottom of tl:J:e female sign" 66 • To suggest that members of the women's movement were "deliberate iconoclasts", does not mean that their icons were not important to them. What is important to note, is that such icons were established with a view to overturning established and traditional images of women. This is readily seen by considering the purpose >Y"hich their "new" icons attempted to fulfil. As already noted the female sign was, by far, the most powerful and prominent icon used by members of the women's movement. The female sign, or the "mirror of Venus", has its origins in Roman mythology. To the Romans, Mars represented the god of war and Venus the goddess of love. The name "mirror of Venus", is said to have been given as an explanation of the form 66. Edith Mayo, Ladies and Liberation. Icon and Iconoclast In The Women's Movement, pp 224-225 in, M. Fishwick and R. Browne (ed) Icons of America, op.cit. -111- of the sign. "The round disk, with what looks like a handle under it, can suggest a hand mirror, and since Venus, as the embodiment of all that is feminine, may be assumed to take pleasure in looking in the glass, the device was simply called the 'mirror of Venus"'. 6 7 • However, with the upsurge in the cause of equality for women, and the birth of the women's Liberation movement, the old classical explanations took on new meaning. No longer is the female sign used to denote femininity per se. The icon most often appeared with an equals sign placed in the centre (figure 4) or a strike fist smashing through the mirror's glass, an act declaring; equality, anger, power, muscle, and the despisal of vanity and over feminine emphasis. (Figure 5.) Since the "mirror of Venus", became the image most often used by members of the women's movement, it was not surprising to find it incorporated in nearly every piece of literature produced by the women's movement. Together with this the icon was used on posters to advertise the concerns of the women's movement, to encourage support and active participation. As a means to advertise International Women's Day in 1974, the women's movement issued the icon as a part of reminders calling for support and participation. They had chosen a theme to celebrate, "woruen in a violent society", by way of forums and discussions. As a part of International Women's Day members of the various women's groups had urged all women to 67. Sven Tito Achen, Symbols Around Us, op.cit., pp 214-216. -112- consider their position within society and the effects on them and their children of a violent society. In 1975, the celebration of International Women.' s Year, had seen the production of a number of leaflets, posters and other miscellaneous information sheets, all of which contained the icon of the "mirror of Venus". As a part of International Women's Year, the United Nations Peace Council had issued a new icon which incorporated the "mirror of Venus", placed inside a dove. The use of these two images may have been seen as an attempt to urge peace and humanity for all women in every society. A special icon was released in Australia to celebrate International Women's Year. This icon, although not as widely used as the "mirror of Venus" with its various additions, did appear on a stamp issued in 1975. (Figure 6.) The icons used by the women's movement were particularly blunt. Their claims often appeared to amount to a plea for instant recognition of their demands. As such there was little need to restrict the demands of the movement, or to use superficial language on any of the items which were produced to further their cause. At any rate this may have appeared to be out of character with the movement as a whole. Since it was most evident that members of the women's movement sought a restructuring of established traditions which they felt worked against t~em, many of their badges, bumper stickers and posters were related to power. Some of the more popular slogans used on the badge, the bumper sticker and the poster, and which used the "mirror of Venus" icon and related to the desire for power included; Figure 4. Women Now. Images of an Era. Figure 5. Mirror of Venus With Strike Fis Figure 6. Yanker. International Prop Art. Women's Year. 1975. Designed by Leonora Howlett. AUSTRAUA 10 -113- "Better Dead Than Wed", "Women Unite",68 • "Sisterhood Is Powerful", 69 • "A Woman's Right To Control Her Life", "Repeal All Abortion Laws", "Abortion On Demand", 70 • "W~man P~wer", 71 • "Make War Not:i Love", 72 • and "Out From Under". 73 • "Such symbols of power speak meaningfully for a drive to obtain power, individually over their lives and as a class at all levels of 4 publ 1. c l"f1 e " • 'l • However, such statements were met with equal vigour, in the form of badges and bumper stickers produced by groups opposed particularly to abortion and the demands of the women's movement, especially related to abortion. In South Australia, "a bitter rejoinder to the abortion laws came in the form of a bumper sticker which read, 'Welcome To South Australia - The Abortion State ' " • 75 • In 1973, when an abortion bill was once again brought before the New South Wales parliament, the Right To Life Association issued the following slogans; "Kill The, Bill Not The Baby", "Will You Say No For Them" and "Unborn Babies Are Defenceless". 76 • Despite the use of the strike fist by the women's movement in conjunction with the "mirror of Venus", the movement 68. Pamphlet: Women's Commission, 1973 69. Leaflet: Women, issued by Radical Publications, 1975. 70. Leaflet: International Women's Year, 1975. 71. Edith Mayo, Ladies and Liberation: Icon and Iconoclast in the Women's Movement, op.cit., p 225 72. Sydney Morning Herald, Women's Section, Women's Liberation Explains Itself, Or Does It? January 28, 1971, p 4. 73. Ibid. 74. Edith Mayo, Ladies And Liberation: Icon and Iconoclast in the Women's Movement, op.cit., pp 209-27. 75. Sydney Morning Herald, November 7, 1970, p 13. 76. Booklet: The Horror of Abortion, issued by The Right To Life Association, 1973. -114- did not hold a monopoly on the iconology which the strike fist could suggest. Members of Australia's Aboriginal population, specifically those who were members of the "Black Panthers'" group, similarly used the str1ke fist as an indication of "Black Power". However, Australia's Aborigines also had more powerful icons, which were more specific to their cause, and which were original Australian creations, that they could rely upon to demonstrate their values. When Australia's first "Aboriginal tent embassy" was set up on the lawns opposite the national parliament, in January 1972, Aborigines introduced the beginnings of their most powerful image to date. From the "embassy" two Aboriginal flags could be seen fluttering in the 1reeze. The flags attracted comment and attention. It is not the flags themselves which are of interest in terms of presenting an icon, rather it is the images which were contained on the flags. Of the flags on the original "embassy" in 1972, one depicted three coloured stripes, "green, symbolic of the land, red for the bloodshed of Aboriginals and black for the people. The other depicted a tchringa, four men s~atcd in conference around a camp fire, a spearhead, and the colours were those of a bark painting, brown, black and white". 77 (Figure 7.) However, neither of these images contained on the flags of the first Aboriginal "embassy" survived long enough to be used on subsequent "embassies". The subsequent "embassies" carried a different image presented on the flag, one which became 77. The Aboriginal Embassy Canberra, pp 3-5, Newsletter on Aboriginal Affairs, April 1972. -115- widely accepted and remains as the main icon of the Aboriginal people and their demands. The new flag depicted three colours, "the upper half black, representing Aboriginal people; the lower half is red, for the land which once belonged to Aboriginals; 78. and the yellow circle is the sun, uniting the land and the people". The same icon appeared on bumper stickers and badges and remains the main icon of the Aboriginal people today. (Figure B.) The design of the flag was the work of two Aboriginals, Gary Foley and Harold Thomas. "They hoped that such a flag would unify the various groups seeking Aboriginal 'rights', but did not . d . n 79. f oresee t h e tremen d ous acceptance o f t h e~r es~gn • Again it must be stressed that the image contained on the flag is of central importance in terms of presenting an icon of the Aboriginal movement, not the flag itself. It is the image which offered the arguments which surrounded the Aboriginal demands for equality and land rights. The icon presents the values and beliefs associated with Aboriginal attempts to gain recognition. Within the icon the history of the Aboriginal people is present. The colour "red" stands as a reminder of the deprivation Aboriginals suffered, and the loss of life as a result of attempts to defend their right to particular areas of land. The "black" can be seen as a declaration of personal worth and pride. The "yellow" might be interpreted as a source of hope, "the sun", powerful enough to remind not only the Aboriginal people, but all Australians, of the mistakes of the past and the possibilities of the future. The image as an icon 78. The Aboriginal Flag, Aboriginal Newsletter, March 1983, p 5. 79. Ibid. Figure 8. Aboriginal Land Rights Flag. Figure 7. Aboriginal Tent Embassy and Original Flags. Identity. July, 1972. -116- can be seen as a clearly defined argument of the personal concerns of all Aboriginal people. It is an open expression of their most cherished beliefs, their anger and frustrations of past inequalities and injustices, and their hope for the future of their race. The iconology which any of the images used could suggest, or perhaps enforce, served as a continual reminder of demands being made by diverse groups. More than this, the icons of the period could be seen as one of the main vehicles to transport and articulate the beliefs and values of; those who used them. There was nothing pretentious about the icons and slogans used. In fact, the most unassuming could provide the most powerful attacks. When it came to urban development, re-development or destruction, one slogan, according to some, said it all, 80 II Under Concrete an d Gl ass s y dn ey ' s D.1sappear1ng . F as t . " • Th e claims of this slogan were reinforced by others relating;to specific areas. "Save The Rocks", 81 • 17People Before Profit", 82 · "Save Victoria Street", 83 · "Buildings For Need Not Greed", 84 · and "Builders' Labourers' Care About People". 85 · Each of these statements were a part of the campaigns fought by the New South Wales branch of the Builders' Labourers Federation and Resident 80. Bumper Sticker: Under Concrete and Glass Sydney's Disappearing Fast, (no organization named, n.d.). 81. Leaflet: Future of the Rocks Protest Meeting, issued by Rocks R.A.G., October, 1972. 82. Pictorial Pamphlet: Why Green Bans, issued by Builders' Labourers' Federation, October, 1973. 83. Leaflet: Save Victoria Street, Victoria Street Resident Action Group, n.d. 84. Leaflet: Victoria Street- Some Crucial Elements, Victoria Street Resident Action Group, n.d. 85. Leaflet: Support the Builders' Labourers~ issued by Glebe Resident Action Group, 1973. -117- Action Groups, in an attempt to "save" parts of Sydney through the use of the "green ban". In environmental matters the "saturation effect" through the 9onsistent use of slogans and icons may have been particularly well employed. This is especially a strong probability, if we consider that by May 1971, there were an estimated three hundred and twenty groups concerned with environmental matters, most of which had some form of slogan or image produced on a badge or bumper sticker,in order to create attent1on,. st1mu . 1 ate awareness an d cont1nue . concern. 86. Environmental groups often set out with a vengeance to protect particular areas. This was well illustrated by the "Fraser Island Defence Organization", who used the image of a snarling boxer dog, "fido", on their badges and bumper stickers as a watch dog, and as a deterrent to further mining of Fraser Island. Parts of Fraser Island were 'being leased by the Queensland government to sand mining companies. The saad mined from the Island was rich in silica and rutile, minerals used for the manufacturing of rockets. HowPver, for those involved with "F.I.D.O.", Fraser Island was more valuable for its natural beauty. "One side of the Island was a seventy mile surf beach, on the other side there were sheltered coves with calm water in between coloured sand cliffs, swamps, gorges, freshwater lakes, dense rainforests, winding rivers, basalt cliffs, soft dunes and deserts". 87 • "Such was the natural beauty for which 86. Peter Manning, Conservation, What, For Whom, Where and Why? The Bulletin, May 8, 1971, pp 26-27. 87. Who Gives a Dam about Fraser Island? The Women's Weekly, May 19, 1971, pp 26-27. -118- 'fido' had been created to protect. Through the use of badges and bumper stickers, 'fido' had become the association's symbol."88 • "Fido" also appeared on the front cover of Moonbi, a magazine which the organization hailed as the '~ncynlopaedia of Fraser Island."89 • Its connotations were entirely companionable. Members of the organization were not content to use only badges and bumper stickers of "fido" as a means to affect public awareness. The organization sold shares in the Island, at least a number of "ginnnick share certificates". 90 • The idea was to encourage people to buy "shares in the largest sand island in the world, with dividends not in cash, but in the form of a beautiful natural unspoiled wilderness". 91 · Bumper stickers were also issued by the Department of Environment, Housing and Community Development, which urged people to "help save Fraser Island". Through the use of icons and slogans attempting to reinforce values and beliefs while simultaneously providing new associations and symbolic images, some understanding of the power which these images could exert is gained. Each of the icons and slogans provide a form of symbolic declaration as to what values, beliefs, loyalties and faiths particular groups and individuals held and were prepared to display publicly. Each of the icons and slogans served as indicators of what values 88. Ibid. 89. Moonbi, July 10, 1972, No. 9, p 3. 90. Who Gives A Dam About Fraser Island? op.cit. 91. Ibid. -119- and beliefs were held. The images represented were not simply isolated attempts at arousing interest. Moreover the icons and slogans of this period can be seen as examples of diverse experiences and specific expectations which were attempting to expand the range of political and social concerns. THE POSTERS Although the existence and use of the poster as we know them, dates back to 1866 in France and the works of Jules Cheret, such posters have been hailed as objects of art, remark a b 1 e pr1mar1. "1 y f or t h e1r . art1st1c . . qua 1"1t1es. . 92 • The use of signs as a means to announce or advertise might be as old as civilization itself. It was only with the development of the printing process that posters, as we know them began to be produced. For this reason, Barnicoat says, "technically one can trace the poster's evolution through the printed page". 93 • Although we can accurately attribute the modern poster form to Cheret, in the 17th and 18th centuries, both theatrical perform- ances and governmental decrees used poster like objects to advertise. Together with Cheret other notable Frenchmen, such as Toulouse Lautrec, also contributed further to the development of the poster. In England well known artists such as Aubrey Vincent Beardsley also practiced poster design as an art form. 92. John Barnicoat, op.cit., p 7. 93. Ibid., p 8. -120- In the 20th century posters were used all over Europe, and in Spain to advertise bull fights and fairs. In the United States of America, the first posters were used to advertise theatrical performances and the circus. A natural progression of the purpose to which the poster could be put included its use in advert~sing everything from magazines to clothing. The use of the poster as a means to affect political expression reached great peaks during the first World i\lar. "The very necessity for war, making it the concern of every last citizen, had to be sold to the people. This put all governments into the advertising business, and the principal advertising medium was t h e poster " • 94. A more recent and significant development which emphasised the use of the poster as a means affecting the political and social order was the student risings in Paris in May, 1968. During this time, the poster, "suddenly appeared as a young, virile medium in the city where it had first been developed". 95 • Regardless of the circumstances in which the poster has been used, it remains in all instances, "an indicator of culture ••• In addition to its intended purpose, 1t• te 11 s us someth 1ng• o f 1ts• soc1a• 1 an d po 1"1t1ca • 1 c 1"1mate II • 96 • Barincoat has labelled "advertising and propaganda" as the "prescribed function" of the poster. A natural consequence of the use of the poster as a means of advertising and spreading propaganda, in the sense of spreading ideas or beliefs, which may not necessarily be deceptive, is its ability 94. Ervine Metzl, The Poster Its History and Its Art, p 87, (Watson Guptill Publications, New York, 1963). 95. Barincoat, op.cit., p 244. 96. Images of an Era: The American Poster 1945-1975, p 10, (National Collection of the Arts, Washington, 1975). -121- to attempt to persuade its audience. As a form attempting persuasion, questions concerning just how persuasion might be brought about arise. The poster is said to perform a "cultural function"97 • that is, posters "cannot be considered mainly as instruments for communicating something whose normative form is information •.• What is recognized as an effective poster 1s. one t h at transcen d s 1ts . ut1"1" 1ty 1n. d e 1"1ver1ng . a message " . 98 · When we speak of the poster as a symbolic form, it should be remembered that we attribute to the poster the ability to do more than just advertise or propagate. This "cultural function" adds to the "life" which the poster is capable of creating and sustaining. A number of posters issued during this period may simply be seen as a means of advertising. However, if we look a little more carefully, it can be said that the poster is possibly responsible for encouraging active participation and interest through its advertising function. As a part of this advertising function and in an attempt to persuade, the political poster must remain clear. Its message should be readily discernible. It is for this reason that often the poster (as has been shown to be the case with icons), incorporates a slogan as a part of its form. "Experience has taught us the danger of ambiguity and the necessity of incorporating slogans as an integral part of that design. Sincerity, fantasy, are only effective when they interpret and reinforce the 97. Gary Yanker, op.cit., p 40. 98. Ibid. -122- attack made by the slogan'!. 99 • There is a necessary rapport between word and image that one might call the key in defining 100. a poster. However, "as a consequence of its very form the poster can only reveal an abbreviated message rational and extended arguments cannot be communicated through the use of the poster" lOl. In this way, the poster, as with the icon, can serve as a continuous reminder of things which need to be done. The poster can reinforce previous debate by issuing a single image and slogan. The use of the poster in this way can also overcome the problems concerning the access and payment for more expensive and technical methods of communication. The use of simple, yet well understood images and slogans provided creative expression of unmistakeable ,political ideologies. Posters designed to encourage young men not to register for National Service, made particular use of these techniques. Some carried slogans such as, "Before You Register For National Service-Think", 102 · or "Don't Learn This Trade". 103 · The images used on these Anti Vietnam posters were desig~ed to show the horrors of war, the bnutal destruction of children, even babies and the grief of those left to continue the fight. The message, not to register for conscription, was the first step in preventing further destruction. In the poster, "Don't Learn This Trade", the "trade" suggested by the images shown was one of murder and destruction. A baby with a bayonet stuck through 99. J. Barnicoat, op.cit., p 244. 100. Max Callo, The Poster in History, p 218, (Hamlyn Publishing Group, England, 1974). 101. G. Yanker, op.cit., p 18. 102. Poster: Before You Register for National Service - Think, issued by: Committee in Defiance of the National Service Act, n.d. 103. Poster: Don't Regist6!r for Conscription - Don't Learn this Trade, issued by: The Draft Resisters 1 Union,Sydney, 1972. -123- his body is hardly a very patriotic act. It was however, according to the poster, the act which conscription encouraged. 104• Often a direct attack was made on conscience through the use of slogans contained on the poster. One poster issued by Anti Vietnam groups asked, "whose side are you on, the Vietnamese kid With his guts blown out, or the soldier who j)'ulled the 'lt'rigger?" rhe poster showed an old Vietnamese father, old, perhaps in comparison to his years because of the war carrying his dead son through the rubbish and destruction left by the fighting. A woman's hands can be seen, perhaps the boy's mother's, taking hold of the dead body. The images suggest the personal suffering brought to millions as a result of the war and the death of innocent children caught in the brutality of a si taation they could not understand. 105 · After stories such as the My Lai massacre, many posters attemp-ted to attack, or at least challenge, the manner in which people were still inclined to view the war. After the My Lai incident, the following poster, which was especially released, revealed the stark reality of what 106. had taken p 1 ace. (Figure 9.) The poster simply asks if babies too were massacred, and answers its own question, vividly. The image of untold numbers of babies bodies lying in blood, half destroyed by bullets and other weaponary, all in colour was a frightening sight. Such simplicity when placed beside other posters, which carried similar themes, could not be misinterpreted. More cynical attacks through the use of slogans contained on the poster 104. Ibid. 105. Poster: Before You Register For National Service - Think, op. cit. 106. Images of an Era, op.cit., p 17. Figure 9. Q. and Babies? A. and Babies. Images of an Era. -124- could also prove effective (figures 10 & 11). Both posters, II Baby With Dog Tags I I , 107 • an d t h e poster questioning t h e p h 1•1 osoph y of the armed services and their ability to "build" or "make" men, 108· provided "savage visual puns", 109 · which were J.mmistakeably clear. In the case of each of these posters there was no need to be familiar with tremendous volum2s of background information. The posters were more than adequate to allow a common understanding of the situation. Together with the use of slogans, the style of the poster must comply with the need to rely on simplicity so as to be clearly understood by all. "The style that will be most effective in general, is the style that is understandable to the broadest mass of people •..• The style finally adopted by a political group can tell much about the kind of appeal that it 11 110 • wishes to ma k P. • The poster as a symbolic form used during this period had little chance of success if it was to be too extreme. Therefore in order to make a wide appeal a "cool modern design" 111 · provided the most favourable results. Stark simplicity is a_ways'1 a success in a politica1 poster. 112. One of the most effective posters of this period, complete simplicity, backed by a straightforward, yet powerful s 1 ogan, came f rom t h ose oppose d to t h e V1etnam. war 113. ~ - "V.1etnam 107. Marion MacDonald, Posters As Entertainment, The Bulletin, March 4, 1972, pp 37-38. 108. Ibid. 109. Ibid. 110. G. Yanker, op.cit., p 48. 111. Ibid. 112. Images of an Era, op.cit., p 17. 113. Poster: Vietnam The Continuin~ War, issued by: Mobilization to end the war Committee, 196 . Figure 10, Baby with Dog Tags. Images of an Era, Figure 11. The Army Builds Men. Images of an Era. -125- the Continuing War", The poster contained none of the horror depicted in other posters issued as statements against the war, and Australia's invo~vement in Vietnam. In this poster it is the Vietnamese, the simple farmer who suffers the harsh realities of the war. The poster almost suggests that long after the war has ended, the Vietnamese will continue to struggle regardless of the victor 1 s gains. As the war continued to be waged by powerful nations, the Vietnamese remained captives forbidden escape. The slogan served to reinforce the length of the war, and the need to establish an end to the drawn out aggression. By way of both slogans and images the poster could be used as a means to publicise the concers of many groups which had little hope of gaining media attention. By making use of simple slogans and well understood images, many groups obtained the ability to mount most poignant attacks on their "oppressors". When women who were lesbians decided that it was time to protest at the treatment they received in society, they did sc effectively by showing in poster form, the "Secret Life Syndrome", practiced . 114. b y most 1 es b ~ans. The poster which was used by a group in Melbourne, the Australian Media for Lesbian Political Action, provided a succinct reminder of their grievances. With the slogan, "Lesbians are ··everywhere", and the image of a split personality being forced upon them by the "laws" of society, their feelings were given some expression, not through the mass produced communications, but through alternative means of communication. 114. Poster: Lesbians Are Everywhere, issued by Australian Media for Lesbian Political Action, Melbourne, n.d. -126- As a form providing powerful reminders of the grievances of some groups, the poster could be used extensively by all those who felt that their concerns needed to be continuously aired. One poster issued by the National Aboriginal Day organizing committee, "Just This Or Justice", was an attempt to plea for equality in all areas of life. 115 · Utter desolation is suggested by the images in the poster; the face of the buildings shown in the poster are bare and dirty, the doors and walls are dull the paint is either stripped off or is peeling off. The Aboriginal children who appear in the poster are poorly dressed, two have no shoes, there are no toys amongst them. They are strolling outside on a dirty footpath, in the wet; this is perhaps where they play. The poster could serve as a brutal indictment on the living conditions of some Aborigines, including the children, or perhaps mostly the children and the lack of facilities which surround them. Through the use of the pas ter the Aborigines asked, "Advance Austra1 1.a. Wh ere.?"116. Together with images of their most concerted efforts to gain recognition, the establishment of the Aboriginal Tent "embassy", which remains as a reminder of the Aborigines' arguments and attempts at action, this poster also depicts images similar to those in "Just This Or Justice". However, on this occasion it is the Aboriginal adults who are seen as victims of the same situation. The inclusion of the image of the tent "embassy" can also be seen as a reminder of Aboriginal attempts to fight against such conditions. 115. Poster: Just This Or Justice, issued by National Aboriginal Day Organizing Committee, July 1975. 116. Poster: Advance Australia Where? issued by National Aboriginal Day Organizing Committee, July, 1972. -127- Unlike television or radio, the message contained on the poster allows its audience more time to consider its purpose. The audience can then act defiantly, by defacing the poster or tearing it down and replacing it with a poster proclaiming their own beliefs. The very act of displaying a poster in the first instance is an act issuing one's own political statement. The poster can transcend its utility in delivering a message by causing active participation and mass responses, by fo1::cing items onto the political agenda so as to allow the poster to take on a ne~.r dimension and the issues it speaks of added significance. On occasion the poster used conventional symbols that "looked good" to make a cause seem attractive. The idea of displaying something that "looked good", in order to encourage support could be used to enhance the image of a particular person, and the concerns with which that person was associated. If the production of the poster had resulted from the need to advertise apolitical meeting, either of a political party or an interest, or pressure group, which•had been newly formed, or an established group which needed to call on its supporters, the visit of a political personality, or some cause with which a particular person was involved, and who was a well known member of the community, his or that person's picture in poster form may have been seen as a strong persuasive element. Such posters which rely on a particular person's image are nothing new of course;, they are particularly prevalent at election time. In 1972, the Labor party used the figure of its leader, Gough Whitlam, and the slogan "It's Time" in order to encourage -128- support. vJhitlam "look good" in a business suit; he appeared the embodiment of capable, strong and secure government. The slogan, "It's Time", could almost seem like a command to the Australian electorate. However, the slogan was to generate more of a celebratory kind of participation, rather than a dutiful response to the party's urgings. In fact it could mean anything that people wanted it to mean. The election poster had relied strongly on the image of Whitlam to encourage support. (Figure 12.) "Looking good", the image of Whitlam could seem to reassure people that a Labor Government would be, in certain basic ways, just like any other government. In this reassuring environment the ambiguity of the "It's Time" message also allowed reassuring interpretations. The appearance of cult figures as a means to advertise support for a particular cause went beyond politics and became widely used on the poster reproductions. If photographs of the personalities were not used, their names were often used to encourage participation at meetings or rallies. This was an effective means of strengthening the association of certain people with a popular cause. But, compared with official politics, they did not necessarily have to "look good" (be reassuring). Thus Mike Matteson, one of the most well known "draft dodgers". often figured prominently in advertising posters put out by the Draft Resisters' Union. 117 · By making an example of Matteson, and the injustices he seemed to suffer, support was almost guaranteed. It could be argued that by using Matteson as an example of the 117. Poster: Eighteen Months Goal for Something He Didn't Do - Support Michael Matteson, issued by The Draft Resisters' Union, Sydney, 1972. Figure 12. It's Time. Australian Labor Party. 1972. -129- treatment conscientious objectors received from those in favour of the war in Vietnam, a more personal commitment by thoser opposed to conscription could be sustained. Of course the same technique of using popular figures was employed by legitimate authorities to advertise special occasions and thereby_s timulate participation. When President Johnson visited Australia in October, 1966, a number . . . ll8. o f posters were prod uce d to commemorate h 1s v1s1t. Since the poster's style and design does place emphasis on simple symbolic and/or dramatic forms, its use as a means to advertise and at the same time persuade, also meant that the poster became a part of the atmosphere or the environment. Many of the posters used during this period could be seen as decorations covering the various parts of the city. This decorative aspect, or this decorative function of the poster, can be seen as an extension of the poster's advertising function. However, it was not only posters which gave decorative elements to the city. Attacks made on the blank walls of buildings, hoardings and city monuments, by graffiti writers or "artists" also contributed to the decoration of the city. Since both posters and graffiti did serve this decorative function, and as already noted, the act of posting a poster is a method of making a political statement, the use of graffiti can also be seen in this manner. It is believed that, "thought patterns discernible in many graffiti may have sociological significance •.. They often seem to shed light on cultural attitudes and conflicts . • . and 118. Poster: New South Wales Welcomes President Johnson, issued by The Sydney Organizing Committee, 1966. -130- reflect our social problems". 119 • The same can be said of the poster once it has been posted in a strategic position. It may be worthwhile to consider some of the graffiti which appeared in this period in terms of the comments made in relation to current political and social concerns. Slogans used on posters and placards, and as a part of the demonstration as chants, were also painted on buildings and walls as a method of immortalization. In Melbourne anti Vietnam slogans were painted in the foyer of the Department of Labour and National Service. 120 • Police watched students paint anti conscription slogans on the hoardings outside Chifley Square and on a fountain which was under construction. The slogans included: "Repeal The National Service Act", and "This Society Is . tl 121. UnJUSt , One student was jailed for three months for his part 1n. pa1nt1ng . . a "F ree Zar b" s1gn. on a b r1 . d ge. 122 . The jailing of conscientious objector, John Zarb, had resulted in numerous acts of graffiti demanding his release. Today one still remains on the corner of Railway Square and George Street, Sydney. The moratorium sticker also has at least one'lmmortai' spot. The State Library of New South Wales has a sticker pasted to a photocopy filing box still intact. All those who set out to leave a relevant piece of graffiti as their statement of a particular issue may not have 119. Ernest L. Buckley, The Handwriting On 'fhe Hall: Towards A Sociology and Psychology of Graffiti, p 19, (Greenwood Press, United States of America, 1977). 120. Sydney Morning Herald, March 25, 1971, p 3. 121. Sydney Morning Herald, March 13, 1969, p 4. 122. Ibid. -131- felt that they could change anything. However, they could state t h e1r. f ee 1 ings in a manner wh" 1c h was b ot h d e f"1ant an d express1ve. . 123 · Perhaps one area which served as a kind of monument to the "scribblings" of graffiti writers, was the row of terraces in Victoria Street. This area provided colour, decoration, and more ~mportantly, explicit political statements concerning the views of all those who had become involved in the battle surrounding Victoria Street. As a part of the philosophy held by the numerous squatters who had gone to Victoria Street, either as a stand against the re-development project, or as a means of obtaining cheap, though uncertain accommodation, a graffito painted on the door of number 59, spelt out their views. It read: "The first proof of existence 11 12 4 o is to occupy space . Such a statement could be taken as a warning to the developers that those concerned with the future of Victoria Street were not only proving their existence, but more importantly, their determination. The proof of existence by those in Victoria Street was further enhanced by other graffiti, notably the declarations of support which the Builders' Labourers' Federation and other unions issued. Painted on the door of another house was: "These premises are protected by the B.L.F. and the Seaman's Union". 125 • This graffito stood as a claim to wide support for the purposes and aims of all those involved. Such graffiti, can be seen as an example of attitudes and conflicts present in regard to current issues. They offered, 123. Nigel Rees, Graffiti 2, p 7, (Unwin Paperbacks, London, 1980). 124. Sydney Morning Herald, June 22, 1973, p 3. 125. Sydney Morning Herald, January 4, 1974, p 3. -132- as did the use of the poster, a simple means of expression attempting persuasion. However, as has been shown, the poster was more established in the techniques of persuasion. Posters as a form attempting persuasion were capable of showing some of the values which were present in Australian society. As a form attempting to influence the concerns and demands being expressed by particular groups, the poster became a new form of ammunition used by these groups. It became what Yanker calls, "an ideological weapon which seeks to gain broad support by minimizing ideological arguments, appealing to attitudes and concentrat1ng. . on spec1.f. 1c 1ssues. If 126. As such it can be argued that the poster is a reliable indicator of both the political and social climate. It could be used as a form of guide to the values which some groups felt needed expression, but who lacked the necessary access to enable mass media coverage. The use of the poster as both a communicating and provocative device, often seemed to result in a genuine attempt to create an awareness which would stimulate enthusiasm. It has already been noted that the use of the poster was partly responsible for the introduction of a "visual language". As such the use of the poster as a means to stimulate awareness and arouse support through this "visual language", can be seen as a means for providing important information, not in terms of statistical evidence, but in terms of supplying images, and connotations. Many of the posters which have been reviewed attest to this suggestion. Images played an important part in 126. G. Yanker, op.cit., p 40. -133- communicating the demands of those who used the poster as a means ~o affect the political agenda. Images produced and reproduced on poster after poster, could have a powerful impact on all those who came into contact with them. They could provide an effective means of passing information onto the observer, one that was in no way over demanding, in terms of time or attention. By doing so the poster as a means to provide information and connotations through images, could simplify complex episodes. The use of images through symbolic forms such as icons and slogans, posters and the creation of a new language, as a means to affect political discussion, must be attributed some "power". The images which each of these forms helped to create and circulate throughout society provided a significant means to articulate important political and social concerns by groups who found other means of communicating their demands inadequate. The images which permeated society during this period attempted to provide specific issues, and the beliefs and values of those who fought for those issues, with a new means of affecting political discussion. Part of the reason behind the creation and use of new images may have been attempts to dismiss established images and the arguments which supported them. By so doing the values and beliefs which supported the new images attempted to offer a threat to established ways of seeing and helped to create new contexts of political and social reality. At the same time, to those who opposed change, the new images could remind them of this danger. -134- CHAPTER THREE RITUALS To define the concept of 11 ritual" is extremely difficult. The task produces even greater difficulties if "ritual" is to be used and applied to activities devoid of even a remote supernatural character which are performed in a modern industrial society. Anthropologists and sociologists, when attempting to show the nature and meaning of ritual, point to primitive societies as a means of providing examples. The action which characterises many rituals deals with the motor activities performed by the participants. These activities are not performed in isolation, they are a part of a traditional and well established system of beliefs which relates to the performance of the ritual. Rituals, as such, are a method of getting things done, and a means of expression. As a method of getting something done, rituals can be seen to have an instrumental or manifest function, (and also, of course, latent unintended, and sometimes, contradictory functions). As a means of expression, the symbolic significance of the participants' joint actions also performs important functions. By using Merton's theory of latent and manifest functions 1· it can be argued that the symbolic action of ritual serves a latent function. When a ritual is performed, whether it be a tribal dance before battle, or a demonstration calling for an end to war, its intention is the realization of the demands being acted out. 1. R.K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, pp 73-138, (The Free Press!M:icmilTan Publishing Company, New York, 1968 edition). -135- This is the ritual's manifest function. In the case of a demonstration calling for an end to war the manifest function is clear. However, the latent functions of the same action, for example, the gathering of large numbers to participate, encouraging others to participate in the demands and increasing awareness within the community are issued in terms of the symbolic action involved in a demonstration. This action is an underlying consequence of the intention being pursued. The participants may not even realize the implications of their intentions. In the rituals surrounding the burial of tribesmen in primitive societies, the participants may claim that they "perform mortuary rituals so that the dead man's spirit will go to the place of spirits and not come back to trouble us, but they certainly would not say ••• they perform mortuary rituals to meet the need for reassurance in the face of death."2 • This reassurance is gained through collective participation in the symbolic aspects of the mortuary ritual. It can be seen as a latent function of their foremost intentions. Initiation ceremonies provide numerous examples of ritual in operation, as do incidents of birth, marriage, death and war. Whether they be held in primitive societies or modern societies, most have recourse to actions involving self decoration, recitations, physical activities, and the belief in the presence of some form of god. Ritual, performed in any society, "as soon as it receives a traditional form .•. becomes a standard of reference."3 ' Individuals know how to act and how to participate. 2. L. Mair, An Introduction to Social Anthropology, p 37, (Oxford University Press, 1972). 3. Ruth Benedict, Ritual, pp 396-397, Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, V. 13- V.15. (MacMillan Company, New York, 1962). -136- There exists a complex relationship between the values and beliefs of a society and the performance of ritual. The ritual serves as a method by way of which collective action by a tribe, group, or community, is aimed at achieving something, whether it be a victory in battle, or a good crop for harvest. As such it can be seen by the participants as a method of attemtping self preservation. But it was not only the material desires of the primitive societies that many anthropologists and sociologists connected with the performance of the ritual. Many were determined to point to the magical, metaphysical or supernatural aspects of the ritual in which the action was meant to please the 11 gods", so as to receive specific requests. However, there has also been discussion of 11 particular rituals as having an exclusive "social character • Guenon says, "there are rites which partake of a purely and exclusively social character, a civil character one might say."4 " Rituals providing a social character are devoid of any religious connotations. It is these rituals, displaying a social character which are more readily found in industrial societies today, and in which the public can openly participate. A ritual performed by a tribe before going to battle, may have its equivalent today in the form of a trade union rally before the onset of strike action. The concept that rituals perform both manifest functions, and latent functions which relate strongly to symbolic action, can be seen to operate in Edelman's discussion on voting in elections as a political ritual. Edelman's discussion can also be used as 4. Rene Guenon, Introduction to the Study of Hindu Doctrines, p 99 (Luzac and Company, London, 1945). -137- an example of ritual with an exclusive social character. Within our political system, voting in elections serves to show the ritual in operation. Edelman points to voting in elections as the most obvious example of political participation in which most individuals take part. In order to demonstrate his point of the functions of the ritual, Edelman says, common sense assumptions taught concerning the purpose of voting, that is, control over politicans and policies, are not realized. Instead other functions can be seen to be more readily fulfilled. The ritual of voting, rather than allowing citizens to have an active part in the formation of policies, serves to draw attention to common ties and to the important and apparent reasonableness of accepting the public policies that are adopted. The key point is that elections could not serve this vital function if the common belief in direct popular control over governmental policy through elections were to be widely questioned. 5 • By voting in elections people, however, do see themselves affecting the political order. In other words, regardless of whether the act of voting does result in control over governments and their policies, people do see themselves as having taken part in choosing their government. This is the instrumental function of taking part in the ritual of voting. The ritual of voting serves to offer those who participate a sense of being actively involved in the election of their government. Although their choice for government may be defeated, they have satisfied their own ambitions by voting, and acting out their concerns in the company of others who share similar beliefs. Symbolically the action demonstrates a belief in the parliamentary system and the political and social order upheld by that system. 5. M. Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics, pp 2-3, (University of Illinois Press, U.S.A., 1977). -138- Rituals performed throughout the period 1965-1975, or more correctly, the incidents which will be interpreted as rituals displaying a social character, can be seen as generally related to the ambitions of particular groups who attempted by specific methods to have particular demands realized. In each case their endeavours to achieve their demands can be seen as the manifest function of the episodes to be interpreted as rituals. Together with this, the range of feelings and desires of the period, which can be seen to be linked to the values and beliefs of those who participated in the rituals, play an important part in determining the latent functions of the rituals performed. The performance of the rituals might be seen as providing a means of articulating political and social experiences in Australian society. The manifest functions of the rituals to be discussed included criticism, agenda-setting and public statements of particular beliefs but the performance of the ritual also created a new style of political action, by way of which there was an attempt to change Australian society. The performance of some of these rituals attempted to interrupt normal street life, to re-order, temporarily the business of the streets, to introduce drama into the routine of street life. Each of the rituals was an expression of political passion. For many the rituals became the participant's 11 art" - a merging of action and passion to produce a conscious commitment to a particular cause. They provided a new "theatre" in which the political and social demands of any group became the billed performance. As a part of this new "theatre", offered by ritual and played out in city streets or other non traditional surroundings, dramatization of political and social concerns gained widespread attention. -139- THE PURSUIT OF FREEDOM AND REASSURANCE Rituals such as demonstrations, marches and rallies were a call for freedom of action. Apart from the specific demands issued by the demonstrators, each demonstration as a consequence of its form involved a plea for freedom and hence creativity and diversity within the action. There existed within the action equality in participation. Anyone could participate in any manner within reason. Although the rituals had a deliberate purpose, equality in terms of the desire to join the action was rarely ' restricted. Within the action those who participated were equally compelled in their combined efforts to "overthrow" the existing order. This equality in participation within the ritual represented a communal sharing by participants. The participants shared beliefs, these beliefs were then acted out "in the street". Although the street marchers' manifest function was to disrupt the normal business of the streets in the pursuit of their demands, a latent function was freedom of expression, freedom from legal restrictions, and this was freedom seldom experienced in their regular lives. This could lead to a feeling of social or political euphoria, even if the euphoric experience might have been short-lived. Combined with equality, this freedom often manifested itself in the action. Despite the fact that participants left themselves open to attacks by the law and those who found their performance intolerable, they gained confidence symbolically, by their numbers. Symbolically the participants could feel less vulnerable, and gain reassurance. When 2,000 Anti Vietnam supporters in December 1970, decided to show their opposition toward the war in Vietnam they -140- participated in a "tell it in the streets" campaign, during which they distributed leaflets and talked to people about the war. 6 • Although the campaign did not begin with a march or rally, groups of people paired off to inform others of their views. They did this with the satisfaction and reassurance that others were performing the same actions throughout the streets of Sydney. In March 1972, when an estimated crowd of between two and four thousand people, mostly women, marched through the streets of Sydney, it was difficult to doubt that this march represented a new sense of liberation, of equality for women, and of a willingness to bring the demands of the women's movement out into the public arena. The march resulted in the first appearance w·ithin the public domain of a new women's group, the Women's Media A ct1on. Group. 7. The participants included Germaine Greer, teenage girls, mothers with babies and grandmothers, all supporting ideals that "sisterhood is powerful", "I stick up for women" and the right to equal pay, equal job opportunities, education, free child care, abortion on request and free contraceptives. 8• As with all of the participants involved in any of the rituals, there appeared a sense of hope that something could be achieved by collective action. Reassurance by the presence of others provided a comfort 6. S;ydnel Mornin~ Herald, December 9, 1970. p 6. 7. Sldnel Morning Herald, March 12' 1972, p 5. 8. A. Summers, Now Is the Time for All Good Women, National Times, April 3-8, 1972, p 40. -141- for those impatient with pleading for recognition. By participating in the ritual each individual takes a step into the "world" of the extraordinary, where anything might happen and commitment is deepened by the inspiration and action of those who share the experience. The women's demonstration might be seen to have dramatized the existence of their demands and to show their eagerness to have these demands met. By the use of rituals such as the demonstration, this relatively new group in society, which many may have considered composed mainly of lesbians and ratbags, were asserting their rights as an official element of Australian society to have serious notice taken of their demands. Women Lib- erationists did not consider themselves some form of fringe dwellers who existed outside the concerns of Australian society. BY using the ritual of the demonstration march, women were participating in a creative "attack" on the symbols of sexism, with a hope to undermining the authority of such symbols. Although some sections of Australian society may have longed to dismiss the demands of the Womerrs Liberation groups as of no consequence, the time had come when no group who wished to have its demands aired in the public arena could effectively be prevented from doing so. -142- THE FREEDOM RIDE Many of the concerns dealing with the pursuit of freedom, equality in participation and the need for reassurance which participants attempted to ·fulfil, might be seen to have come together in the Aboriginal "freedom ride''. Although not an original Australian venture ("freedom rides" had originated in the U.S.A. in 1961 as an attempt to stop discrimination against blacks in the Deep South) they had a brief Australian currency in a journey by bus from Sydney to North and North East of New South Wales and to the South of Queensland, conducting surveys and staging demonstrations concerned with the treatment of Aborigines. But the "freedom rides" nevertheless provided a visual image of concerted efforts to investigate the plight of the Aboriginal people in particular areas. Unlike the American n freedom rides" they had not set out to conquer social injustices, but rather survey this injustice. The handful of organisers of the "freedom ride" , including Jim Spigelman as Secretary and Charles Perkins as Chairman, "rode" under the name of "S.A. F .A." pronounced "suffer" - "Students Action for Aborigines''. The organisers operated from what used to be one of the rooms of a funeral parlour in Sydney. Those who took part in the "freedom ride" totalled thirty five. They were all white . 9. except P erk 1.ns. In terms of the ritual the "freedom rides" provided the participants with a sharing of active concern. A "romantic" picture of the "freedom riders" is not hard to imagine. Picture a number of people with enthusiastic hopes, setting out on 9. Sam Lipski, The Freedom Riders. The Bulletin, 20 February. 1965, pp 21-24. -143- the journey, singing songs, exchanging stories, psyching themselves up for their "mission". For some, the "freedom riders" could seem like a great band of "saviours" coming to spread the "good news", sanctifying the ground they stop at. For others, they may have been trouble makers, and stirrers, interfering in areas where they were not wanted or needed. A positive response to the idea of "freedom riders" conjures up images of men on horseback, leaping out from clouds or mountains, to strike a blow for freedom. It connotes a magical existence of brave invincible persons who do their job and ride off into the sunset, leaving the places they have stopped at to live their lives in freedom and justice. The power of the "freedom ride" as a ritual, provided those concerned, with an opportunity to dramatize suspected injustices of Aboriginal people. As a result of the actions involved, the "freedom ride" gained news treatment and provided the organizers with an opportunity to plead their case for understanding. At a time when little serious treatment concerning the needs of Aboriginal people existed the "freedom ride" served, by way of its dramatic form, to inform others that serious discussion was needed. The entire idea of the "freedom rideu, as borrowed from its American counterparts, was an expression of an emotional plea to at least reconsider the situation. This emotional plea might be seen to have dramatized the not-too-widely circulated argument of the need to re~evaluate the position of the Aboriginal race. As "freedom riders", the participants were demonstrating that a conflict did exist between white and black Australians. The '·'freedom ride" as a ritual provided an alternative form in which -144- to express this conflict and gave others the opportunity to, at least, take a look at the situation. Despite the use of dramatic methods to reveal social and political tensions, media coverage may be withheld. One of the news reports concerning the "freedom ride" concentrated on an accident in which the bus was involved, and used this story as a legitimate means to introduce the story reporting the activities of the participants of the "freedom rides". lO. Although the "freedom·rides" were successful in gaining media attention as a consequence of their methods, the Sydney Morning Herald, still may have regarded the story a little too sensitive to stand on its own. If we are attempting to interpret some of the. episodes of this period as rituals, performed in the pursuit of freedom and reassurance, not only can elements of these pursuits be found in demonstrations, marches, and the Aboriginal "freedom ride" , but in most, if not all of the episodes which were performed in the public domain. However, since many of the episodes lent their activities to categorizations with a specific nature, not all will be discussed under this subtitle. At any rate another important episode which can be seen to be strongly concerned with the ideal of freedom and the need for reassurance so as to foster co-operative efforts and sustained participation, played a major part in the politics of this period. 10. Sydney Morning Herald, February 16, 1965, p 1. -145- CO-OPERATIVE ATTEMPTS AT INTRODUCING FREEDOM INTO THE DECISION-MAKING PROCESS UNDER THE BANNER OF THE "GREEN BAN". The decade of the 1970s signalled an awareness of a perceived need for environmental protection. A new wind was rising, intent on sweeping through the parliaments of Australia. It became a time when no political party could afford to ignore environmental concerns, most of which had come from outside the political parties. Destruction of the natural environment and of historic architecture in order to allow Australia continual high rise development and "national development" was now called into question·. The traditional policies ~f large scale develop- ment were scrutinised and rejected in a number of cases if environmental destruction was to result. The rituals which surrounded environmental concerns often involved resident action groups, composed of those concerned with protecting particular sections of the environment, and trade union members who shared the residents concerns, and who had the potential power to prevent environmental destruction. Rituals surrounding environmental questions displayed a particularly dramatic and emotive form. When rational argument and petitions failed to prevent possible developmental destruction, dramatic enactments, employing the devices of ritual were used. The battle over environmental protection resulted in the rise of a new dramatic phenomenon, the "green bann . The imposition of "green bans" to prevent environmental destruction was in itself a sanctioning ritual, which articulated the demands of a coalition between trade unions, primarily, though not only, the New South Wales branch of the Builders'Labourers' Federation, (B.L.F.) and Resident Action Groups (R.A. G.). Often the imposition of the "green ban" was a forerunner -146- to rituals performed by R.A.Gs. At other times the ritual seeking environmental protection was played out without the sanction of a "green ban", in which case the "green bans" imposition was imminent. As such the "green ban" proved to be a powerful weapon used to fight institutional pressure and the monetary concerns of large scale developers. The "green bans" as rituals had as their manifest purpose the desire to stop "uncontrolled" and irresponsible attempts to develop and/or re-develop parts of the environment with no concern for all those who were to be directly affected. Simultaneously, they can be seen as rituals whose manifest purpose was to allow ordinary citizens to have some say in the decision-making process which affected their environment. The latent function which such action provided might be seen to relate to the real need for public participation and action in particular areas where govern- ments either did not care, or were unable to make effective contributions. The actions performed by those outside the decision-making process, might be seen as symbolic of the frustrations which many confronted. By attempting to gather together all those who held similar views, and by formulating a plan of action, reassurance could be gained by way of the enthusiasm of those involved and the activities which they pursued in a determined manner. Before discussing individual examples of the use of rituals in an attempt to save the environment, some discussion of the "green ban" as a sanctioning ritual is needed. The use of the "green ban" was an attempt to thwart "rapacious behaviour", 11 11. Jack Mundey, The Bans Enjoy Wide Support, Current Affairs Bulletin, Vol. 50, No. 7, December, 1973. pp 27-28. -147- by developers who had little regard for the environment. More importantly the "green bann was symbolic of a shared connnitment between diverse elements of the community. "In a society which had managed to severely curtail much political freedom and stifle originality or meaning in most work, the "green ban" demonstrates the real potential of co-operative effort between people11 • 12 · As such the "green ban" was symbolic of a diverse form of political action, "directed not towards Utopia, but towards survival". 13 • Despite the varied attitudes regarding the imposition of the "green bans" they were in fact contrary to the legitimate methods of protest. The ltgreen ban" had arisen outside the legitimate planning processes of government. However, this was one of the major reasons for their birth. Governments and developers were unconcerned with the environment in the early 1970s. As a consequence of the non legitimate nature of the "green ban", members of the B.L.F., particularly Jack Mundey, who was seen as the creator of the bans, were criticised for attempting to destroy not only the decisions, but the legitimacy of established institutions. David Griffin, a former Lord Mayor of Sydney, had stated, Far too much attention is being paid to the preservation of historic buildings and far too little being paid to the preservation of our precious and even more historic institutions 14. o f government. 12. G.M. Stokes, Conservation and Consciousness, pp 60-62, Overland, Spring, 1974. 13. Evan Walker, A Comment to Stokes, pp 63-64, Overland, Spring, 1974. 14. David Griffin, The Action is to be Deplored, Current Affairs Bulletin, December, 1973, pp 29-30. -148- For those who saw the need for environmental protection, the "green ban" provided the perfect means to prevent destruction. If unions refused to work on particular sites, the only work which could be carried out would be further negotiations. As a sanctioningritual the "green bans" provided reassurance to the environment-conscious; it meant that they were not alone in their fight. As such the ''green bans"' showed effective results, if only for a limited time. By May 1973, projects amounting to $2 , 500 m1'11' 1on, h a d b een bl ock e d b y t h e 1mpos1t1on• • • o f II green b ans II . 15 • Each of the sites which came under the protection of "green bans" had its own story. However, the most indicative of what could be achieved stemmed from the first 1'green ban'·' at Kelly's Bush. The action by a group of middle-class women who had called themselves, "The Battlers for Kelly's Bush'' remains exemplary of what could be achieved under the banner of the '·'green ban". Kelly's Bush, consisting of twelve acres of natural bushland, in Hunter's Hill, Sydney, came under the scrutiny of A.V. Jennings' developers. Jennings had hoped to use about half the land for a new housing scheme. By December 1970, they had achieved local council approval of their plans. The "Battlers", all residents of Hunter's Hill, were opposed to the use of the bushland for the scheme. After prolonged confrontations with the local and state governments, the "Battlers" requested the help of the trade unions. The B.L.F. decided to take up their claims. As with many of the "green bans" imposed, the R.A.Gs. were left to provide most of the dramatic enactments which displayed 15. Marion MacDonald, Tin Hat Aesthetes, pp 34-38, The Bulletin, May 12, 1973. -149- their willingness to protect whatever it was they were fighting for. The "Battlers" had begun this tradition by staging a number, of what they called, "boil the billy" events in Kelly's Bush, in or d er to attract publ 1c. an d me d'1a attent1on.. 16. The "boil the billy" episodes, as staged events, provided occasions for ceremonious addresses which would encourage support, and active participation. The "Battlers" remained true to the Australian tradition of the "Battler" as a stereotyped figure. When the time came to prevent what the "Battlers" thought was the moving in of the bull- dozers, they went into action. The women prepared themselves for sacrifice; if the bulldozers began to work, they would lie down in their path. Th e act1on. was not w1t. h out an au d.1ence. 17. Together with other supporters, the "Battlers" had called media crews~to the site. Kelly's Bush, with its possible intriguing connection to Ned Kelly, was to remain the battleground of the II green revo 1 ut1onar1es• • II 18. aga1nst• 1 eg1t1mate• • auth or1ty.• As a result of the "green ban" and the action of the "Battlers", Kelly's Bush became one of the new "sacred sites" of Sydney. This had little to do with the natural bushland and unique features of the land. Kelly's Bush was symbolic of concerned citizens attempts to make their presence felt in local and state government decisions concerning their livelihood. As a desperate attempt to save their own piece of land, or bush, the "Battlers", had signalled the birth of resident action groups as a new form of pressure group 16. Richard J. Roddewig, Green Bans: The Birth of Australian Environmental Politics~ (Hale and Ironmonger, 1978) p 7. 17. An Interview with Jack Mundey, Australian Left Review, December, 1973, pp 15-25. 18. Marion MacDonald, op.cit. -150- seeking to influence the decisions of governments. Together with this, the Kelly's Bush episode had displayed the potential power of the "green bans". Kelly's Bush stood as the birth place of an original Australian form of protest. The success of the "Battlers for Kelly's Bush" in their co-operative project with the B.L.F., led to a number of petitions being presented to the union by other R.A.Gs. The B.L.F. set up their own criteria for deciding what projects could be subject The second requirement demanded a public meeting showing support for the union's intervention. The B.L.F. had also established its own committee of planners and architects to make decisions concerning the residents requests. The imposition of the "green ban" as a.sanctioning ritual of resident action and concern was steeped in its own ceremonious aspects. The imposition of the "green ban" came only after an orderly and public expression of feeling by those concerned. The ceremonious aspects helped to dispel "rumours" that the communist-run union was simply imposing "green bans" as a part of their struggle against the Australian 20. processes o f government. "Rumours" are seen here as a sudden emergence of information, which may or may not contain elements of truth, which explain by way of their exclusive knowledge, situations in which there is some uncertainty. For those who could not accept the idea that the B.L.F. was a trade union with a social conscience, using the power it had to help sections of society, the 19. Richard J. Roddewig, Green Bans: The Birth of Australian Environmental Politics, op.cit., p 15. 20. David Griffin, op.cit. -151- "rumour" that the "green ban" movement was a communist plot, may have become their firm belief. In some cases the coalition between the B.L.F. and R.A.G. provided particularly dramatic consequences; they therefore gained widespread media coverage. Two of the most sustained rituals involving the "green ban'' were played out in the confrontation over the redevelopment of Sydney's Rocks area and Victoria Street, Kings Cross. Both projects involved long and drawn out battles between the developers, the State government and the "green ban" supporters. As early as 1963, tenders had been called, by the then State Labor government, for the redevelopment of the Rocks area. All the plans submitted called for the total demolition of the entire area. The Rocks had been hailed ·as the "cradle of our city"; 21 • the area held some of theoldest buildings in Australia; the characteristics and colour of the old world remained in the form of sandstone surrounds, its Georgian houses, churches and colonial buildings, Argyle Place, the Bond Stores and its drinking fountains. They were all a testament of Australia's past customs and values. But the Rocks was not only rich in historic monuments, but also in manifestations of community spirit and neighbourhood strength. The formal establishment of the Sydney Cove Redevelop ment Authority (SCRA) in January 1971, signalled the beginning 21. Sydney MQtDing H~rqld, July 14 (editorial), 1967, p 2. -152- of plans to redevelop the Rocks. The Authority, composed primarily of political, business and civic figures, was to be responsible for all plans concerning the Rocks area. Residents were to have no say, since most were tenants only renting their homes. The SCRA were now the new landlords, they had replaced the Maritime Services Board, and in the traditional style of villainous landlords, they had planned to neglect their tenants. The tenants, however, had formed their own "authority", under the leadership of a lifelong resident of the Rocks, Nita McRae. They called themselves "The Rocks Rag" (resident action group) and planned to fight the SCRA an d 1ts. p 1 ans f or t h e1r . h ames an d t h e ent1re . R· oc k s area. 22 · In November, 1971, "The Rocks Rag" sought help from the B.L.F. in opposing the SCRA and its plans. The agreement between the B.L.F. and the residents was to be the B.L.F. 's third "green ban", the first in a low cost inner city housing area. Public interest surrounding the Rocks controversy had been limited to th±s point. In January 1972, the first open confrontation between the opposing groups took place. Non B.L.F. workers had started to bulldoze part of a site in Glouster Street, at 5.30am. About thirty women and children fl'om "The Rocks Rag" had blocked the site's entrance with a station waggon and refused to let heavy equipment into the area. After talks between the B.L.F. 's president, Bob Pringle, and a representative from the Federated Engine Drivers and Firemans Association, (the bulldozers drivers' union) the FEDFA decided to support the B.L.F.'s "green ban". 23 · 22. Sydney Morning Herald, January 15, 1972, p 3. 23. The Rapier, Defending the Rocks, p 8, 1973. -153- The action of the B.L.F. and the Rocks residents, in terms of the ritual, achieved their manifest purpose, at least temporarily. Their action was instrumental not only in encouraging the FEDFA to join their ban, but other unions, including the Amalgamated Metal Worker's Union. Symbolically the early morning confrontation offered a picture of monster destruction. The bulldozers symbolized the power and the wealth of the muscle behind the SCRA and its plans. In the shadow of such power stood the Rocks residents with their children. The presence of women and children in confrontation with the SCRA and developers, represented by their machines, served to show the indifference of these people to the real concerns of community and family life. The courage the residents gathered, symboltsed their indignation at the attempt to destroy the spirit of their community. Not only did the confrontation show the residents to be guardians of their own community's concerns, but also of the Rocks heritage. The Rocks residents concern for the future social needs of the area gained momentum as a result of the successful and sustained determination of the coalition between themselves and the B.L.F. The coalition had found added support from the Coalition of Resident Action Groups (CRAG). The declared primary purpose of CRAG was to achieve a better standard of life through resident participation in planning schemes. The Rocks People's Plan Committee, comprised of planners, architects and academics, joined with the Rocks residents to formulate a "peoples' plan" for the preservation of the Rocks area. The plan had recommended that any development of the area, "should conform to the style and mass of the area". The "peoples 1 plan" had called for openness by the SCRA in allowing residents, tenants and all those interested, to -154- participate in the future decisions concerning the area. 24 • These new coalitions between "The Rocks Rag" and the B.L.F. helped to disperse new "rumours" that the B.L.F. was simply "jumping on the environmental band waggon'' in order to rid itself of its "malodorous reputation". 25 • The new formations, provided all groups concerned with added legitimacy, particularly for their claims that insufficient debate surrounded the question of the Rocks future. Together with this additional support, members of "The Rocks Rag" and the B.L.F. participated in what could seem like the final clash between the SCRA and its forces. On October 24, 1973, at about 4am, members of "The Rocks Rag", the B.L.F. and other resident action groups, totalling about eighty people, moved into a row of buildings in Playfair Street, and readied themselves for the assault. They had brought with them hot drinks, food, musical instruments, radios and their children. By Sam police were b reak 1ng. t h roug h t h e b arr1ca . d es; t h ey t h en b egan rna k.1ng arrests. 26 . Among those arrested were Mundey and B.L.F. secretary, Joe Owens. Many of those gathered for the Playfair clash refused to move and had to be carried away by police in front of the television cameras. Others had climbed into trees and remained there, until members of the police rescue squad climbed up and brought them down. The entire scene of mass evictions, caused by the residents' sit-in, in a bid to prevent the use of non-union labour to demolish the 24. Rocks People's Plan Committee, A Peo12le's Plan for the Rocks, p 8, (Sydney, 1972) .. 25. Sydney Morning Herald, August 11 (editorial) , 1972' p 6. 26. Sydney Morning Herald, October 25, 1973, p 1 + p 3. -155- Playfair buildings, was serious. As a direct result of the Play- fair episode and the use of non-union labour, all B.L.F. members 27. walked off building sites in Sy d ney. Depending of course, on which side one sympathized with, the explosive confrontations as a result of the Rocks "green ban" could provide a number of answers concerning the decision-making process on environmental questions. The manifest significance of the "green ban" meant that residents in co-operation with the B.L.F. had found a successful method of demanding a part in the decisions which directly concerned them. Unlike the ban at Kelly's Bush, which resulted in an undefined situation, the Rocks ban provided a challenge to the decision makers concerned with urban development. It proved to be a challenge which they could not ignore. For some, those who supported the "green bans" may have seemed a mob of ratbags, communists and anarchists, attempting to hold the SCRA to ransom. These people stood in the way of high rise development and the benefits it brought. The clash at the Playfair buildings was evidence of their unruly methods and behaviour. For those who supported the "green bans", however, the action of the Rocks residents served as a testimonial to their vigilance. There was depth and authenticity in their fight to preserve what they could of their community. If only momentarily, they could seem the new heroes of Australian democracy. Supported by members of their own area, and others outside the 2 7. Ibid. -156- area, the rituals attempting to achieve self preservation were encouraging. Many of the "green bans" which received widespread community support and provided a public display of concern centred around the future of well established and notable sites. The diversity in areas or objects which aroused sympathetic pleas for their survivalserved to show the increasing awareness which some Australians had towards environmental matters. No longer would people stand by and allow what they saw as conspiracies by those in positions of power to determine the future of our environment. Instead they brought their concerns into the public domain, and acted out their grievances for all to see. In New South Wales, Centennial Park, the Royal Botanic Gardens' Moreton Bay figs, parts of Uoolloomooloo, Dunbar Park, the Regent Theatre, the Congregational Church in Pitt Street, together with other areas and structures, were all the subject of "green bans". In other states a •number of "green bans" were also imposed; however, the Sydney bans seemed more "radical" as a result of the personalities involved, the wide ranging objectives pursued and the monetary value of the projects which 28. were stoppe d • Of the bans imposed, most dealt with the preservation o f h istor1c. b u1'ld' 1ngs an d w1t . h t h e d eve 1 opment o f t h e 1nner . c1ty. . 29 • 28. Richard J. Roddewig, op.cit .• p 32. 29. Margaret Camina, Public Participation -An Australian Dimension, :The Planner, June, 1975 • p 232. Camina attempts a classification of 43 "green bans" which were classed according to their underlying purpose. The bans imposed to preserve historic buildings and bans to prevent inner city development received the highest total. -157- However, the moral issues of environmental protection were extended by the B.L.F •.to include social issues in particular cases where the B.L.F. was indirectly involved. The use of the "green bans" in social issues served to display the multi-faceted nature and widespread purpose which the ritual of the "green bans" could perform. Work by union members at Macquarie University and Sydney University was brought to a halt after students from the Representative Councils had asked the B.L.F. to intervene. At Macquarie University, the B.L.F. was involved in work on the University buildings, when a student at one of the University's residential colleges was expelled because he was a homosexual. The B.L.F.'s policy of support for homosexuals was put into practice. They stopped work on the University buildings until the student was reinstated. 30 At Sydney University the B.L.F. 's "green ban" formula was used as a result of claims that the Department of Philosophy would not allow a course in women's 31. studies to be con d ucte d . Both these incidents served to show, in the public domain, the diversity of areas to which the "green ban" could be applied. The potential of a coalition between a union with a social conscience and a community ready to concern itself with what it saw as real needs, which were often overlooked by those in positions of power, was applauded by many sections of Australian society. 30. Jack Mundey, Green Bans and Beyond, p 106, (Angus & Robertson publishers, Sydney, 1981). 31. Ibid. -158- As rituals providing their own drama, the "green bans" were designed to protect Australian landmarks and landscapes. It was significant that the action itself originated in Australia. In terms of the symbolism offered by the "bans", it served to show the frustrations of many sections of the community, and the extent to which people would tempt physical injury to have their demands heard. Many of the most dramatic confrontations surround- ing the imposition of the "green bans", and the sustained commitment of those involved, were seen as physical battles for survival. By way of media reports it was seen how determined the supporters of the "bans" could be. Equally determined, on occasions, were those who opposed the "bans". As a rule, their determination was aided by the use of legitimate authority, in which case the clash between the opposing groups was made to seem all the more "revolutionary". During the time of one of the most bitter struggles between the "green revolutionaries" and their opposition, a great many underhand intriguing episodes took place. The battle over Victoria Street, which ran from Potts Point through to Kings Cross, remains a legendary experience. Behind the barricades the squatters waited. It was early morning, January 3, 1974. Five months earlier the squatters had established themselves as the new residents of Victoria Street. They had "liberated" Victoria Street, from the developer's destruction. A notice on one of the doors stood as their motto, "the first proof of existence is to occupy space."32 · Why had the squatters been allowed to re1aain committed to this illegal occupation for five months? and why was their occupation now the subject of intense action?. The "wrecker's" knock, or rather, 32. Sydney Morning Herald, June 22, 1973, p 3. -159- smashing blows of their sledgehammers, crashed through the doors, barricades reduced to rubble, the struggle began. Insults were shouted; fruit, rubbish and paint were hurled at the police and the developer's "strong men" in orde,_ to stall their actions. Squatters were dragged and pulled into police paddy waggons. Some climbed onto the roofs, one chained himself there. They remained perched against the chimneys until forcibly removed. The confrontation lasted two hours. Forty-four were arrested. 33 • All this occurred in an area which the Director of the National Trust had called the "Montmartre of Sydney". 34 It now seemed that the fully grown shady trees which lined the roadway, the rows of terrace houses set against the background of Sydney harbour, would be pummelled by the "wreckers". Certainly the peaceful character of Victoria Street would forever remember the sequel which resulted from the imposition of a B.L.F. "green ban" and resident action. The drama witnessed in Victoria Street had occurred as a consequence of redevelopment plans proposed by the company, Victoria Point Pty Ltd, owned by Frank Theeman. After two unsuccessful attempts to have plans for redevelopment approved, Theeman had submitted a third proposal which included plans for the restoration of a row of twenty two terraces, previously . . 35. mark e d f or d emo 11t1on. At the beginning of the struggle in April, 1973, Theeman had begun to evict the four hundred tenants, whose homes stood in the way of his plans. By June 1973, twelve 33. Sydney Morning Herald, January 4, 1974, p 1. 34. Sydney Morning Herald, May 4, 1974, p 1. 35. Sydney Morning Herald, April 14, 1973, p 3. -160- o f t h e or1g1na. . 1 tenants rema1ne. d . 36. Spurred on by the efforts of the Victoria Street Resident Action Group, those who remained were sustained in their commitment to "save Victoria Street". Mass occupations by squatters connected with the resident action group took place throughout 1973. The squatters were determined to remain in order to protect the buildings for low income earners. Members of the resident action group had decided to rent out the row of terraces to those in need of cheap housing. Rents which totalled less then two hundred dollars per week were collected from the squatters and paid into the developers bank account. At the same time it was believed that Theeman was paying about twelve thousand dollars per week in interest charges to CAGA finance, for money he had borrowed for the redevelopment . 37. proJect. The resident action group had been so bold as to place advertisements in daily newspapers offering accommodation with "exciting possibilities" and "rents in proportion to income" 38 They had also issued their new tenants with a "squatters manual" d es1gne. d to h e 1 p t h em 1n . t h e event o f 1 ega 1 act1on. . 39 · Vigilante groups were formed to patrol the area after a number of reports 40. concerning van d a 1 s an d vagrants were rna d e. Although the action had brought a diverse group of supporters, they formed a homogeneous neighbourhood in pursuit of the preservation of Victoria Street. 36. Sydney Morning Herald, June 6, 1973, p 3. 37. Sydney Morning Herald, June 21, 1973, p 3. 38. Ibid. 39. Sydney Morning Herald, June 11, 1973, p 2. 40. Sydney Morning Herald, April 14, 1973, p 3. -161- The actions of the Victoria Street squatters had involved an entire series of mysteries. There were stories of hired stand- over men, used to evict tenants, court cases by residents in an attempt to remain in their homes, reports of isolated fires and widespread ransacking of the houses. 41. Mic k Fowler, a resident and seaman, had returned from a voyage to find his possessions missing. Despite warnings and beatings by unknown persons, Fowler was determined to remain in Victoria Street. He was instrumental in seeking the support of the Seaman's Union to help protect the residents of Victoria Street. Fowler, together with Juanita Nielsen, remained synonymous with the mysteries which surrounded Victoria Street. These mysteries have literally, became legendary: two feature films have been based on them. ASSOCIATION WITH SYMBOLIC CENTRES In each of the rituals there is an importance in setting the scene for the performance of the participant's "art". In the case of the demonstration, the march b~gins at or near one of the city's established and recognized symbolic centres. The choice of the centre, the meeting place, is pre-arranged, and the time for the beginning of the action is stated. The march parades through the city streets, disturbing normal routine and issuing symbolic threats, and/or hopes. The march ends, again at an established symbolic centre. 41. Ibid. -162- The symbolic "capturing" of the city's established institutions might be seen as having fulfilled the participants' desires. Once the demonstration had begun, the ritual of shared action performed, it could seem as if great hurdles had already been cleared. Each of the demonstrations and marches which occurred during this period, whether they were Women's Liberation groups attempting to build counter-offensives against a male dominated world, Aborigines claiming equality and land rights, Anti-Vietnam demonstrators, those concerned with environmental matters, homosexual groups, or abortion groups, all who had participated in the demonstration and performed in the ritualistic actions, had struck their own blow which would aid in the achievement of their demands. Reports covering most demonstrations during this period state something to the effect that the demonstrators had "taken over" a particular area. In 1967, reports from an Anti-Vietnam march had estimated that a procession two miles long had formed in Liverpool and College Streets, Sydney. 42 • The streets had been blocked by the numbers of demonstrators, and little could be done. If nothing else, the demonstrators had successfully created a visual image of commitment, and disruption of normal street life. Similar reports concerning Anti-Vietnam demonstrations in more important areas were frequently given. A "wild melee" in Martin 43. Place had blocked the area for more than an hour. It had then moved on to Chifley Square so as to demonstrate outside the Commonwealth Office Block, seen as the headquarters of the National Service Act. 42. Sydney Morning Herald, October 23, 1967, p 3. 43. Sydney Morning Herald, July 3, 1968, p 1. -163- The symbolic significance which the participants found in particular establishments served to convert these establishments into "theatres" for a new form of drama. As such, numerous establishments became the targets at which the actions of demonstrations were aimed. When the Australian Broadcasting Commission dropped a segment to be shown on "Four Corners" concerning abortion, demonstrators took their plea for freedom of speech to the A.B.C. building in Elizabeth Street, Sydney. With placards which read; "Mr Duckmanton - Don't hobble Four Corners" and "A.B.C. censorship- is abortion too hot to handle", everyone who passed knew that the A.B.C. was temporarily under siege. 44 · Channel Ten studios were similarly invaded by demonstrators from the other side. Members of the Australian Festival of Light Association, carrying placards, "Right and Exodus Exalts a Nation", and "Jesus Gives Real Love", demonstrated with others carrying a coffin- "The Bqx", which was a reference to the network's "decadent" serial "The Box". Members of the Festival of Light were particularly angered over the network's attempts to boost its ratings by decadent publicity methods, which exploited even valid cr1t1c1sm. . . o f t h e1r . programmes. 45. However, such publicity methods were operating even during the demonstration; studio staff were ordered to run electricity cables out to the demonstration, so that the protest might be amplified. To "attack" establishments which provided leisure and recreational activities was one thing. However, to "attack" institutions which conducted the business affairs of sections of 44. Sydney Morning Herald, March 24, 1972, p 8. 45. Sydney Morning Herald, February 13, 1974, p 2. -164- Australian society, could appear a little more serious. The Bank of New South Wales, in Hobart Place, Canberra, was invaded by students from the Australian National University, who had marched to the bank to close the Abschol account, in protest over the granting of mining leases at Gove in the Northern Territory to Nabalco. Nabalco was a company in which the bank of New 46. South Wa 1 es h e ld a percentage o f s h ares. By marching in defence of Aboriginal land rights, the students, by the choice of their target, might be seen as calling into question the economic basis of Australian society. At least for those involved in the action, they would have no part of a financial institution devoid of moral conscious on the question of Aboriginal land rights. They sought to persuade others to take a similar view. The Chevron Hotel, the Metropole Hotel, and the Wentworth Hotel, were all targets of demonstrators opposed to the Vietnam war. The Chevron, a well-known resting spot for American servicemen on Rest and Recreation (R & R) leave became well-known not only to G.I.'s but to demonstrators opposed to the war. In 1967 the Metropole's Independence Day dance was disrupted by angry scenes outside the hotel. Similarly the Wentworth's 4th of July Ball was "celebrated" by demonstrators hurling rocks and fire- 47. crack ers. Each of the hotels had little to do with the actions of the demonstrators. However the function which each hotel served in terms of its association, however remote, with America's involvement in Vietnam, provided the necessary stimulus for the arousal of ritualistic attacks. 46. Sydney Morning Herald, May 8, 1969, p 6. 47. Sydney Morning Herald, July 5, 1967, p 1. -165- Opposition against "all things American" often culminated in demonstration marches to the various U.S. Consulates. On July 4th, 1967, American Independence Day was "celebrated" in five Australian cities with large marches to each of the Consulates in Canberra, Sydney, Melbourne, Brisbane and Adelaide. 48• Each demonstration was an attack against America's commitment in Vietnam. Martin Place, Sydney, was another of the symbolic centres which dem0nstrators could "attack" with the intention of giving their actions particular relevance. Although it was not the centre of Sydney, it did attract numerous crowds and provided a convenient locality for easy identification. In "capturing" Martin Place, demonstrators could use it, if only temporarily, for their own purposes as the central position from which to conduct their strategies and disrupt the routine activities of the city. For Anti-Vietnam demonstrators, Martin Place had special significance: as the "holy ground" which held the Cenotaph, it was the scene of Anzac Day marches and services and as the scene of some of the central activities of Coral Sea Week and numerous other military ceremonies, it provided demonstrators with a legitimate setting to "attack" militarism and its philosophies. Each of the demonstratiofis conducted in Martin Place, and which were opposed to the Vietnam war, had an identical purpose: the method of demonstration, however, often contained diverse elements. In June, 1968, an estimated one thousand people held theirprotest by poster. This group was reported as, "quietly patrolling" Martin Place. The protest by poster was largely 48. Sydney Morning Herald, July 5, 1967, p 1. -166- remarkable as a protest held on "hallowed ground", which had witnessed not only the pomp and ceremony of military celebrations but also the active anger of more vocal demonstrations opposed to war. Some of the posters used during the demonstration read: "Abolish Conscription", "Bring Back Human Rights", "Killing is an Un-Australian Activity", (perhaps as opposed to suggestions that it was becoming an American activity) and "Where Have All The Twenty Year Olds Gone?"49 · Martin Place as a strategic position from which to conduct rituals was used by many groups of demonstrators. A demonstration by Aboriginal groups demanding, by poster, to "Give the Gurindji 500 sq. Miles of Future", held "court" in Martin Place. 50 · Although the numbers were small, the demonstration could be seen as an attempt, by those who participated, to evoke questions concerning theGurindjitribes' fight for land in the Northern Territory, and what they saw as the unfair treatment of the Aboriginal people over questions concerned with the right to particular sections of land. On numerous occasions, once the demonstrators had regrouped in Martin Place they would continue their march to Chifley Square to demonstrate outside the Government Office block. It was from here that most of the Government paperwork, which restricted their freedom, was issued, so to halt the work performed in the office block, or at least to slow it down a little, might be seen as a significant attack on a symbolic centre. 49. Sydney Morning Herald, June 1, 1968, p 4. 50. Sydney Morning Herald, June 20, 1968, p 1 + p 6. -167- (On one occasion, Anti-Vietnam demonstrators had managed to lock-in the staff of the National Service Registration Inquiry Office. When asked if the female employees could leave, even though it was half an hour before finishing time, the students agreed on the proviso that the women received another half hour off the next 51. d ay. ) The State and Federal Parliament Houses were frequently confronted by demonstrators demanding all kinds of changes. It could be imagined that such establishments housed the real power; by "marching" on Parliament Houses demonstrators could symbolically "capture" the centre of power. By recounting the localities which demonstrators attacked it could seem as if they were the true networks and centres of power. Many may have seen these established national and state institutions as such. However, a better explanation for the concentration of demonstrations on these particular establishments can be found. The Parliament is symbolic of much which is legitimate in politics, of the politicians' position, of the laws and administrative decisions made concerning all Australians and of the continuing institutional power and authority of the government. Parliament is symbolic of the existing beliefs and values in the Australian polity. In the midst of unsettled and disruptive circumstances, such as those that occur during, and are a large part of the demonstration, Parliament Houses provide a perfect backdrop as a stable or perhaps stagnant structure, symbolizing such stability or stagnation; for these reasons it provides the demonstrators with a perfect motive to "attack" them. 51. Sydney Morning Herald, June 27, 1969, p 1. -168- In December, 1965, Aboriginal demonstrators performed two demonstrations by poster outside Parliament House, Canberra. 52 · The demonstrations, devoid of chanting and other vocal disturbances, entailed keeping a line of demonstrators standing outside the Parliament. Their only statements were placards which read; "Make Us One People". The dynamics of such a demonstration might be seen to centre around the lack of "voice", of the Aboriginal people as opposed to the audibility of state- ments issued by politicians through the Parliament. In 1965, there had certainly been plenty of talk about the Aboriginal people's plight, a great deal of it within the Parliament, but little had been done. The demonstration by poster was a silent ritual, performed in public by committed Aboriginal people. It was perhaps symbolic of their lack of access to the communication system within Australia. Even if Aborigines did speak, who would notice? By 1974, Aboriginal demonstrators had "attacked" the Commonwealth Parliament on numerous occasions. In October, 1974, they shouted down the Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam. By this time they had ventured as far as the steps of Parliament House. One woman sitting on the steps asked, "Goughy baby, Goughy baby, wenh are you go1ng. to g1ve . us a go.?"53. In 1971, the New South Wales Parliament was invaded by pro-abortion demonstrators. As the demonstrators shouted and held up banners, the House adjourned. The banners, held in the back of the public gallery read: "Askin babies are a disgrace", and 52. Sydney Morning Herald, December 1, 1965, p 1 + p 6. 53. Sydney Morning Herald, October 31, 1974, p 1. -169- "Politicians, Clergy, lay off forcing pregnancies" 54 · This invasion brought a temporary end to Parliament. Symbolically, the demonstrators had gained the "right" to take the floor of the State Parliament to have their demands heard. The invasion of Parliament by the demonstrators can be seen as a ritual attempting to ensure that the concerns of the pro-abortion groups were well displayed when the members of the Parliament voted on a petition calling for the legalization of abortion. Although the Parliamentary ritual of presenting petitions had failed to gain acceptance (the Bill was defeated 79 to 15)55 · the demonstrators had been successful in presenting their own "petition" to the Parliament through the use of the dramatization of action provided by the ritual. A similar ritual took place in May, 1971, this time outs1"d e t h e House. 56 · Women dressed in smocks, with painted slogans of; "Children by Choice", "Every Child Has The Right To Be Wanted" and "Abortion On Request", 57 · hoped to influence the Parliament's decision to accept another motion to receive a petition calling for legalized abortion. On this occasion, the women, all members of the Abortion Law Reform group, were joined by a man, dressed in an academic gown, carrying a "cruel law book". 58 • 54. Sydney Morning Herald, April 21, 1971, p 2. 55. Ibid. 56. Sydney Morning Herald, May 7' 19 71, p 13. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid. -170- THE ABORIGINAL TENT "EMBASSY" Perhaps one of the most sustained "attacks" on the Federal Parliament came when the MCMahon government announced on Australia Day 1972, that Aborigines would not be granted ownership of their tribal lands. This "attack" on the Parliament, was a great deal different from those which had previously been pursued, it provided an example of a long term commitment. On January 26, a small number of Aboriginals decided that they would not only claim a piece of land for their people, but that it would be the "choicest" piece of land available, the well kept lawns opposite the national Parliament. From January 27, to July 20, 1972, the lawns were to be occupied by Australia's first "Aboriginal Embassy". The presence and occupation of the "embassy" can be seen as a continuing ritual performed throughout the six months that it stood., Some may have instantly dismissed the "embassy" as an "ingenious piece of direct action gimmickry, of no enduring political significance, and of limited symbolic effectiveness". 59 · However, others saw the "embassy" as "a protest from the heart", 60 · a peaceful symbolic gesture, designed to claim land rights for Aborigines. As a continuing ritual the "embassy's" manifest function was to seek the granting of full land rights to Aborigines. This aim was included in a five point plan drawn up by the occupants of the "embassy". The plan included; control of the Northern 59. Alan Ashbolt, Australia's Blacks on the March, p 218, New Statesman, August 18, 1972. 60. Labor Member of Parliament for Western Australia, K. Beazley, as quoted in the Sydney Morning Herald, August 16, 1972, p 8. -171- Territory as a state within the Commonwealth of Australia, the parliament of which was to be dominated by Aborigines, title and mining rights to all the land within the Northern Territory, legal title and mining rights to all other existing reserve lands and settlements throughout Australia, the preservation of sacred sites and financial compensation for loss of particular land. The original plan was signed by the "High Commissioner", care of the "Aboriginal Embassy", Canberra61 • By establishing their "embassy" of tents, the Aborigines has signalled their emergence as a pressure group intent on achieving results. As a consequence of the strategic position of the "embassy", it stood as a monument to remind people that the Aboriginals had grievances with the McMahon government, which did not appear to be receiving consistent attention. As such the "embassy" could be seen as questioning the moral integrity of successive governments, which had faltered on questions concerning the future of Australia's Aborigines. The tent "embassy's" occupants had taken "vows" to persist in their protest indefinitely, or until their demands were granted. Within days of its founding eleven tents had been erected, the "embassy's" flags unfurled, and an "ambassadorial" staff established. The expressive elements offered by the ritual served to provide a clear picture of Aboriginal grievances. Set against the background of the national Parliament, and in the national capital with its international embassies, the tent "embassy" offered a symbolic reminder of the Aboriginal race. The tent "embassy" 61. John Newfong, The Aboriginal Embassy: Its Purpose and Ai~, Identity, Volume 1, Number 5, July~ 1972, pp 4-6. -172- lacked the grandeur, and gracious architecture of Parliament House and the embassies of Canberra. However, like its legitimate counter-parts, it offered a vision of its particular culture; camped precariously on the edge of white society, trespassers and vagabonds in their own country. The citizens of Australia watched and wondered as the black men and women sat around kerosene 62. h eaters. The Sydney Morning Herald, had described the "embassy" as a J1 m1n1-s• • h anty town 11 . 63, However, this shanty town was in revolt, for what the occupants saw as the cause of such conditions. As such the "embassy" symbolized, "a national upsurge in spirit, black 11 64. d e f iance an d courage en masse. A tent conference was held on the opening day of Parliament. "Embassy" staff, together with Whitlam and other members of the Labor Party attended. The conference was something of a climax for those members of the "embassy" who saw Whitlam as the next Prime Minister, since it resulted in promises by Whitlam that his government would reverse the policies of the McMahon government; with something of a promise of land rights. As a tourist attraction life was added to the tent "embassy" as a protest form. Cr0wds came to "have a look", take photographs and lend support. Politicians came looking for possible explanations to the Aborigines' demands, media people conducted interviews and provided an avenue to allow millions to see Australia's first "Aboriginal embassy". Its conspicuous position imposed its demands on visiting 62. Ashbolt, op.cit. 63. Sydney Morning Herald, February 12, 1972, p 7. 64. Pelican (University of Western Australia, student newspaper), July 18, 1972, p 17. -173- "V.I.P.'s", such as the Indonesian President, Suharto. Sympathetic residents of Canberra brought food and drinks, forty congratulatory telegrams from unionists and academics were received, and a petition was set up for visitors and those who wished to show their support. 65 · However, the enthusiasm created by the "embassy" was scorned by the McMahon government. The longer the "embassy" remained, the greater embarrassment it may have been seen to cause. Yet to dismantle the tents and dissolve a peaceful symbol of Aboriginal concerns could be difficult. For some the removal of the "embassy" may have been outrageous. Others may have seen the "embassy" as defacing Australia's national Parliament. --For them the "embassy's" presence defiled the sanctity of the green lawns surrounding Parliament House and by implication the authority and power of the Parliament. By June, the symbolic power which the "embassy" commanded was beginning to fade. The bitter cold of winter did little to help waneing morale. The seasonal changes were but a small part of the "embassy" staff's battle. Although the "high commissioner" had left, the number of staff members fluctuated, and the crowds who initially came to the "embassy" dwindled, the "embassy" remained committed. In May the McMahon government had introduced an ordinance law which would prevent people from camping in public places. This was to be the symbolic weapon used to destroy Aboriginal hopes. Despite threats from members of the Labor party, who said they 65. Sydney Morning Herald, February 12, 1972, p 7. -174- would link arms and stand as a guard between the "embassy" and the agents of the McMahon government, this did not happen. 66 · When the clash between the authorities and the "embassy" staff finally came, a ritual of open warfare, surrounded by ceremonious addresses, was played out. The ritual began with the "embassy" staff being shown a copy of the new ordinance law, and told to move. The "embassy" staff and their supporters were then addressed by Gordon Bryant, and Kep Enderby. The protestors then sent up their "Land Rights Now" chant. Police formed a flying wedge and ploughed through the protestor's circle and into the tents. The last tent to be removed carried the "embassy's" flags. None of the Aboriginals or their supporters who were arrested were charged under the new ordinance Act. 67 · The dismantling of the peaceful Aboriginal "embassy" could seem like the ritualistic re-enactment of earlier destruction and violence which the Aborigines had been subjected to. Standing in front of the gr·eat Australian Parliament, the rebellious "black man" was again "beaten" into submission. The close-knit exsistence of the tribe or the "embassy" was torn asunder, and the Aborigines left to "lick their wounds". In acting this way, the government had helped the Aborigines make their theatrical performance. Throughout July a number of symbolic re-enactments of the establishment of the Aboriginal "embassy" were attempted. On all occasions the tents were removed. However, the re-enactment rituals served as a continuing reminder that conditions for Australia's Aboriginal population had not changed. On July 31st, police allowed protestors to leave a tent standing for more than three hours. When 66. Sydney Morning Herald, May 13, 1972, p 2. 67. Sydney Morning Herald, July 21, 1972, p 1. -175- police decided it was time for the tent to come down, nine Aborigines sat beneath it holding their arms up in a victory salute. The nine Aborigines then stood up and held above their heads a tarpaulin with the "embassy" sign attached. 68 · It appeared to be a good joke played on the police. However, more importantly, this action was symbolic of Aboriginal determination. It provided a good "showing" within the public domain. The first Canberra "embassy" can be seen as more than just an isolated attempt by Australian Aboriginals seeking land rights. In September, 1972, a reborn "embassy" was erected. However, it stood for only nine hours. The stand made by the "embassy's" participants, both in January and in September, was not completely without gains. Before the "embassy's" rebirth, there had been talk of establishing a permanent Aboriginal centre in Canberra. The initial commitment shared by the "embassy" staff from January to July, 1972, served to deepen their insistence and to express publicly their demands for recognition as identities within Australia. The first Aboriginal "embassy" in 1972 had begun a tradition for Aboriginal activists. "Embassies" were established in Perth, inJune, 1972, in the grounds of State Par 1 lament. House, 69. and in Brisbane in May, 1974, in Brisbane's . 70. c1ty square. Both "embassies" were a protest over the need for housing for Aboriginals. The establishment of the tent "embassy", was consequently to become more than a way of asking for land rights. Although as a form of protest, the tent "embassy" had passed into usage by other groups- a women's "embassy" was set up outside 68. Sydney Morning Herald, July 31, 1972, p 3. 69. New Era, July, 1972, p 7. 70. Sydney Morning Herald, May 16, 1974, p 3. -176- Parliament House, Canberra, in May, 1973. 71 • The symbolism of the tent "embassy's" form, that is, tents erected outside powerful establishments, manned by occupants who risked persecution, was to remain almost entirely specific to the Aboriginal people and their cause. From 1972 to 1975, Aboriginal "embassy" establishment ceremonies became a part of the landscape outside the national Parliament. The tent "embassy" had grown to become the most dramatic form of protest used by the Aborigines for most of their demands. In October, 1973, an "embassy" was set up as a protest over the removal of Gordon Bryant as Minister for Aboriginal Affairs and indirectly, the part he was playing in the negotiations concerning land rights. In March, 1974, an Aboriginal "embassy" st0od proclaiming the need for Aboriginal land rights. February, 1975, signalled a resting period. At this stage the "embassy" which occupied the lawns, was to come down, but only for two months, while Aborigines waited for a decision from the Whitlam government on their land rights claims. As a symbolic form, the Aboriginal tent "embassy" provided an effective method by way of which Aborigines were able to attract attention to their claims. Traditional media policies of reporting Aboriginal concerns unfavourably, or in the context of fun, or not at all, were not competent to deal with the presence and demands of the "embassy". As a symbolic form providing, initially, novel media reports, the "embassy" gained attention. 71. Inge Disney. The Women's Embassy, Australian Humanist, March, 1974. -177- As the demands of the "embassy" staff became more insistent, and its spokesmen more radical, the media helped to create a picture of the "embassy" and its radical spokesmen as the epitome of the land rights' extremists, intent on violence. Media reports which captured land rights' extremists in the final violent clash between authorities and the "embassy" staff and supporters, in July, 1972, served to change the "embassy's" symbolism, from that of a genuine peaceful protest, to that of an example of black violence in action. RITUALS OF TEMPORARY OCCUPATION A number of episodes which could be seen to be related to the "attacks" made on symbolic centres took place within the public domain. As in the case of the continuing ritual of the Aboriginal tent "embassy" these "attacks" entailed occupying areas, temporarily, so as to draw attention to the demands being made by those who participated. Of the many temporary occupations which took place during this period, few were successful in terms of having demands met. Yet success, by way of creating public awareness through the performance of the ritual served to stimulate reaction. The rituals of the temporary occupations, such as "sit-ins", "be-ins", "walk-ins", "lie-downs" and vigils might be seen to have characteristics common to the aims of the American "Yippies" movement, (Youth International Party). Throughout the late 1960's and early 1970's, the "Yippies" concentrated on staging "happenings", with the primary purpose of exploiting media publicity. The "Yippies" temporary occupations of centres included, "mass sit-ins", a mass "stall-in" of vintage cars on Chicago streets, the suspension of stock exchange trading -178- wbilethey distributed free dollar bills, and turning up before the UnAmerican Activities Committee, dressed in guises ranging from a gorilla outfit to Father Christmas. 72 • As with the Yippies "happenings", the rituals of temporary occupation played out throughout Australia, although passive, had as a central aim the direct challenge to authority, whether through impeding traffic flow, preventing office procedure, or holding university administration, employers or staff to ransom. The joy found in the rituals of temporary occupation often stemmed from the participant's ability to imagine things differently. Whether the participants were expressing concerns related to conscription, the war in Vietnam, women's rights, homosexual demands, or Aboriginal pleas for equality, all experienced exhilaration through mutual commitment and encouragement. By gathering in numbers to occupy "restricted" areas, the participants were able to create appropriate moods to sustain them in their action. One of the most notable temporary occupations occurred during President Johnson's visit to Australia, in October 1966. When the President's motorcade rolled through Sydney a number of people lay down in the street. The "lie-down's" instrumental function was to disrupt and prevent Johnson's "show" from continuing so as to display anger against Johnson's policies in Vietnam. By staging the "lie-down" the participants were prepared to make the sacrifices of possible injury and inevitable prosecution. 72. April Carter, Direct Action and Liberal Democracy, p 15, (Harper and Row, San Francisco, 1973). -179- In terms of the symbolism offered by the "lie-down"~ the participants, had prepared themselves for the sacrifice, they approached the sacrificial altar, the road, with the knowledge, that their possible "destruction" was for a greater good. As it turned out New South Wales Premier, Sir Robert Askin's humorous aside, "Ride over the bastards", 73 · became so well known that the incident became legendary, almost as if this had been a real sacrifice. At times the aim of the temporary occupation was not an attempt to halt particular business, but rather a display of alternatives. When Sydney University students, represented by the "Students for a Democratic Society", held an "all night, anti-draft, be-in", within the University grounds, they attempted to encourage participation by advertising the "be-in" as a "mind shattering experience", combining "culture plus your own thing". 74 · The "be-in" provided those opposed to conscription with the opportunity to express their opposition publicly, and in their own terms. Held in the grounds of an established institution, the "be-in" was a rebuke to institutional measures. It provided individual freedom of expression and action. Of the many temporary occupations held with the purpose of protesting against the Vietnam war and conscription, some of the most spectacular actions centred around the activities of students. 73. Sydney Morning Herald, November 29, 1982, p 7. 74. Leaflet: All Night Anti-Draft Be-In, issued by: Students for A Democratic Society, Sydney University, n.d. -180- By 1970_, both Monash and Sydney Universities, had served dual functions as educators of many of the prospective conscripts, and as refuges for "draft dodgers". Both Universities had been declared "sanctuaries" after students had barricaded themselves into the Student Union Buildings. 75 · For many this could appear as if some great seige was about to take place. The use of a little imagination, together with dramatic accounts of the action given by media reports, could lead to assumptions that the entire University administration was being held to ransom and authorities taunted, and dared to move in and arrest the "draft dodgers" inside the "santuaries", all of which would lead to a great battle. For students involved in ithe occupation, of the University buildings, all night rosters were arranged, so that any attempt by the authorities to invade the premises of the "sanctuary" would be met with student retaliation. The actions of students and their supporters in establishing draft "sanctuaries". served to display a sustained commitment to their cause. The establishment of institutions of a kind intended to protect draft resisters, to the same extent as legitimate institutions attempted to persecute them, provided those opposed to conscription with a feeling that they had their own power bases, from which they could defy their opposition and draw reassurance. For some of those most involved, it offered some of the drama of a wartime resistance movement. When delegates to the "Women in Politics Conference", held in Canberra, found an editorial in the Canberra Times to contain "sexist comments" one hundred and fifty of them took 75. Sydney·Morning Herald, July 20, 1972, p 3. -181- over the Canberra Times' editorial office. 76· They demanded the opportunity to reply to the editorial. The delegates achieved equal space to reply. Similarly, trading at the Brisbane Stock Exchange was brought to a halt in May, 1972, by anti-Vietnam protestors, who threw bottles of blood over the trading floor of 77. t h e Exc h ange. The action was symbolic of the blood shed in Vietnam, which by implication, a number of the companies were making huge profits from the war. Media organizations, financial institutions, and even the churches were not spared the ritual of temporary occupations. St. Mary's Cathedral,, Sydney, became the target of homosexual groups conducting an all night vigil on the steps leading to the Cathedral's doors, 78 · when the Catholic Board of Education dismissed a· teacher who had declared himself a homosexual in a television interview in 1975. At times it could seem as if the days when the suffragettes chained themselves to public places, for their cause, had been revived. In June, 1970, five women protesting against the war in Vietnam; chained themselves to the railings of the public gallery in the national . 79. Par 11ament. One of the temporary occupations by women from the "Save Our Sons" movement sparked off an entire sequence of events. In April, 1971, five women from the "S.O.S." movement were sentenced to jail for wilful ttrespass into the offices of the Department of Labour and National Service. Fifteen of the five women's children began a vigil outside the Fairlea jail complex. 76. Sydney Morning Herald, September 6, 1975. p 4. 77. Sydney Morning Herald, May 16, 1972. p 12. 78. Liftout, Homosexual Newspaper, 19 75. 79. Sydney Morning Herald, June 12. 1970' p 1. -182- They were soon joined by others~ including Jim Cairns. A protest rally was held outside the jail, it began with a church service which was amplified so as to allow inmates to partake. The rally was then followed by a march to the city square, where participants began a vigil, which would continue until the five mothers were 80. release d . It is one thing to temporarily occupy places in a "momentary" ritual, and another to attempt to sustain the occupation. A deeper commitment is needed if a sustained attempt at occupation is envisaged. When Aborigines from a number of cattle stations in the Northern Territory decided to occupy Wattie Creek, in March, 1967, and claim it for their own, they acted out their deep commitment to their claims for equality and land rights. Wattie Creek had traditionally been seen by the Aborigines as the land owned by the Gurindji tribe. The land held several important sacred sites. The action of the Gurindji stemmed from the decision by the Commonwealth Conciliation and Arbitration Commission in 1966, concerning the appeal by th North Australian Workers' Union, that clauses governing awards related to the cattle station industry, which discriminated against Aborigines should be 81 removed. The Union's application was opposed by the Northern Territory Pastoral Lessees' Association and the Northern 80. Sydney Morning Herald, April 9, 1971, p 1. 81. Hannah Middleton, But Now We Want the Land Back: A History of the Australian Aboriginal People, pp 111-120, for an account of the Gurindji Action, (New Age Publishers, 1970). -183- Territory Cattle Producers' Council. In March, 1966, the Commission's decision did remove the discriminatory clauses. However, a "slow worker" clause was installed, by way of which Aborigines could be classed as "slow workers", by employers, and therefore paid less than the award wage. In protest Aborigines from the Newcastle Waters station, the Wave Hill station, and a number of other Vestey stations, the majority of whom were Gurindji people, left their work and set up camp near the Wave Hill Welfare Settlement. Although the "walk off" by the Aborigines could be interpreted in the same manner as any other strike over awards, for some it could also seem as if the Aborigines had left to plot against the station owners, to prepare plans for revenge. For others, the strike may have been interpreted ,!iS the Aborigines "gone walkabout'.'. However, for the Gurindji, their action was symbolic of their continuing struggle for equality, the methods of which were now radically changed. The Aborigines, through the action of the Gurindji people, were no longer pleading for equality. They had left their jobs, camped at Wave Hill, reorganized their strategies and then marched to Wattie Creek. The action of the Gurindji attracted widespread media attention. Initially trade union support had been strong. However, the unions failed to realize the Gurindji's claims beyond the wage dispute. The occupation of Wattie Creek sparked large demonstrations, vigils and protest rallies. The "walk off", and the dramatic claiming of Wattie Creek as their own, provided the Gurindji with the satisfaction of expressing their desire to own and manage their own land. The entire action undertaken by the Gurindji displayedan orderly expression of their demands for equality and land rights. -184- The Aborigine is seen as having a special relationship with the land, "it is the most enduring and tangible expression of his place the country through which mythical beings wandered ... . . . d . 11 82. ~nst~tut~ng customs an r~tes ••• As such the occupation of Wattie Creek could be seen as the return of the Gurindji to their sacred sites, to perfonm their religious ceremonies, and'to re-establish, permanently, the sacred essence which the land held for them. The symbolism offered by the Gurindji's action showed that Aborigines were no longer passive to indifference or neglect. Their actions were militant, in the sense that any walk off and illegal occupation of land is militant action. However, for the Gurindji, this militancy signalled the development of Aboriginal consciousness in remote outback areas. The ritual had begun when Aborigines withheld their labour from the station employers. In one sense, this labour was used to help the growth of their own peoples' consciousness. The action of the Gurindji provided a beginning for public displays of concern through symbolic forms. RITUAL BURNINGS Of the rituals which were performed throughout this period not all were elaborately staged, in terms of the numbers involved, 82. R.N. Berndt, What Does Land Mean to the Aborigines, p 30, The Territorian, December, 1966. -185- as was the case during the demonstrations, marches and "attacks" made on symbolic centres. However, most involved elements of spectacle which attracted attention, gave instant recognition to the concerns being expressed and prompted active participation. As in the rituals performed in older societies, single objects could become the central focus of the participants' activities. Throughout this period, a number of rituals concerning the destruction of particular objects by fire, served to cause great concern in some quarters. They also served as a means which enabled the participants to show their anger and concern in a manner which was unmistakeably clear. CARD BURNINGS The ritual of burning objects such as National Service Registration Certificates ("draft car.ds"), and American flags, by those opposed to the war in Vietnam, displayed elements of anger and defiance. During these rituals, draft cards were seldom, if ever, burnt in isolation. Encouraging others to join the action was a part of the ritual. By February, 1966, about sixteen youths had burnt their cards in public. 83 • The burnings were an open ritual in which anyone could participate. If you did not have a draft card to burn, participation in the ritual was by observation, or enthusiastic response to the actions. The draft card burnings were a form of protest which had originated 83. Sydney Morning Herald, March 26, 1966, p 1. -186- in the United States. In its simplest form the card-burnings were an overt act of defiance against the National Service Act. The ritual usually began with one card set alight, which served as the 11 fuse", the other cards were then lit from the "fuse". By setting their draft-cards alight the participants were rejecting their enrol- ment in the Army. The act of burning not only constituted an act of destruction by fire, it symbolized a desire to have no connection with the National Service scheme. It was a rejection of the National Service Act, its authorities, their values and beliefs and especially the war in Vietnam. To have the cards consumed by fire symbolized the participant's belief that their possible restoration was beyond human capabilities. The act of burning a draft card could lead to possible prosecution by the Commonwealth Police and Officers of the Department of Labour and National Service. According to regulations set out in the National Service Act, youths who had registered were required to retain their cards until they were 26 years old. In the event that they were not called up, the cards were to be returned within 14 days of turning 26. 84 • Those who destroyed their cards were liable to fines of one hundred dollars and threats were made concerning the cancellation of deferments if those who had gained deferments were found to be involved in card burning activities. In May 1968, Sydney University was the scene of a card burning ritual involving about 500 participants, during which 84. Sydney Morning Herald, March 26, 1966, p 1. -187- five members of the gathering burnt their draft-cards. The ritual was held as a protest over new stringent National Service Legislation, which included an increased fine for card-burners of two hundred dollars. 85 · Of the five who had burnt their cards, one student said: I did it to encourage people to engage in clandestine activities to help 20 year olds . . 86. escape conscr1pt1on. The ritual proceedings of the card burners hardly constituted "clandestine activities", particularly when students gathered outside Prime Minister Holt's house in Melbourne to b urn t h e1r. car ds. 87. Within the card-burning rituals expression of feeling was largely symbolic. For those who participated the cards were a symbol of all that they hated, the National Service Act, the atrocities of the Vietnam war and their own possible involvement in the war. To destroy the cards by fire in public meant not only putting an end to the "life" and purpose of the cards, but the use of fire perhaps generated hopes of power for the burners and an eagerness to have new light shine on the question of the Vietnam war. For Australians, one wonders to what extent the card burnings were taken seriously as a threat to the National Service Act. Serious discussion to prevent the burnings did occur 85. Sydney Morning Herald, May 8, 1968, p 5. 86. Ibid. 87. Sydney Morning Herald, March 26, 1966, p 1. -188- in some quarters. At least some had come to the conclusion, if only with tongue in cheek, that the solution lay in distributing 88. non-flammab 1 e draft car d s. FLAG BURNINGS While the destruction of draft-cards was directed mainly against the Australian Government, ritual burnings of the American flag combined the joint rejection of the Australian Government's policies and those of the American Government's. The American flag is, among other things, a symbol of American patriotism and national identity. By burning the American flag, participants attempted to degrade America's stand in Vietnam. The American flag might be seen as a "holy" object; to most Americans to defile the flag, by setting it alight was a grave action, equivalent perhaps to a religious sacrilege. The burning rituals involving the faag served to brand the American flag, and by implication, the American Government, as charred and worthless. Since any nation's flag can evoke sentiments of love and pride, the action of destroying such an object might be seen as "criminal" The American flag when unfurled on ceremonious occasions causes people to stand. It requires a salute from servicemen, 88. Sydney Morning Herald, Molnar Cartoon, May 11, 1968, p 2. -189- on commemerative occasions, such as the death of great Americans, the flag flies at half-mast. It is often used as a decorative symbol of death for Americans. The American flag is a most precious object with an entire history of use since the War of Independence. To Australians who took part in flag burning rituals, the American flag may not have meant a great deal. However, it could be argued that to burn the American flag was an attempt to show the American and Australian Governments that participants in the ritual were capable of rejecting their policies through actions which truly "hurt" their opponents. Flag burning rituals often took place outside the U.S. Consulates. In Melbourne fires were set in the middle of St. Kilda Road, and American flags were hurled into the flames. 89 • Such actions could evoke memories of the Nazi book-burnings in Germany, except that the Nazi burnings were organised Ex the authorities but the flag burnings were organised against the authorities. For those who participated in the burning rituals, just as the Nazis had attempted to prevent the spread of propaganda dangerous to their success, so too did some Australians attempt to destroy what they regarded as influential but evil aspects, dangerous to their success. The participants involved in the flag-burning rituals were aware that they might have been prosecuted for their actions. However, like the card-burners, the participants might be seen to have drawn consolation from their actions in displaying their "burnt offerings" in public to attract attention to their demands, 89. Sydney Morning Herald, July 5, 1967, p 9. -190- and to gain converts through their actions of anger and commitment. The burning rituals symbolized a new "language" with which to plead their demands. BRA BURNINGS The symbolism involved in object burnings centred around serious concerns of rejection and anger. However, when members of Women's Liberation groups set out to capture an audience to display their anger, and rejection of particular values in Australian society by staging "bra-burnings", on the American model, the serious concerns of the participants were treated somewhat lightly. The bra-burnings were rituals, essentially pertinent to the women involved. Since every object contains a life apart from its most obvious, women's bras's did not prove to be an exception. For some, the rise of the Women's Liberation movement signalled the fall of the brassiere. The discarding of under- garments was not really so shocking in itself. Since the earlier days of the first wave of the feminist movement, numerous under- garments had by the 1970's become obsolete. However, the bra was still to be seen as a symbol of womanhood, although always worn, it was most often hidden. For some, the bra was worn for aestheticreasons, for others practical reasons. As such, to disregard it and to burn it was to demean its symbolism. After -191- talk of staged bra burnings "it seems ••• [that] ••• Women 1 s Liberation never really recovered in the popular mind from bra burning as a symbol. If you want a symbol it must be something people can take seriously."90 • By staging bra burnings, or perhaps even by paying tribute to the idea of bra burning as a means of summing up the concerns of the Women's Liberation movement and their beliefs in terms of "relations between men and women, where so muc h 1s• tentat1ve,• d ou b t f u 1 , con f us1ng• II , 9 1. such actions could appear nonsensical. The manifest nature of the ritual of bra burning was a plea for equality. This was a serious action taken by the participants. For them it may have been seen as necessary to remove their bras to ask for equality with men. Since there w~re very few actual bra burnings, the plea for equality was largely symbolic.* It was an attempt to have others take notice of their demands through extraordinary actions. However, it would seem that the extraordinary nature of the bra burnings may have been counter-productive, at least to some extent. The action of bra burning was treated humourously by many media reports. Humour can serve as a form of saftey valve within the public domain. Alternatively, it may serve to raise the level of consciousness on particular issues. In this manner humour can be seen as having an important function in the ritual 90. Patricia Rolfe, Female Eunuchs, Women's Libe~ation, Germain~ Greer and All That, The Bulletin, January,22, 1972, pp 33-36. 91. Ibid. * Sue Willis, The Women's Liberation Movement, in R. Lucy (ed.) The Pieces of Politics, sugges~ tbat there were no actual bra burnings in Australia. -192- of bra burning. While media reports may have made fun of the bra burners, they also drew attention to their actions. 92 • They may have served to stimulate discussion about the action, even if it was only treated as a rather abnormal or socially unacceptable display. Although the bra burners' commitment to their action was serious, representing a genuine plea for recognition and equality, the action did not capture public acceptance or serious thought. ·;. The actions of the bra burners were dismissed as trivial. The anger which had prompted them to action was lost to humorous anecdotes. "It is a sad fact that you may serve your country with exemplary dedication all your life, then by saying the wrong thing, even on your death bed, or waving the wrong banner, go down as one of history's jokes. Women should have known that breasts may be serious but bras are funny."93 • THE RALLY As a means to consolidate the impersonal style of many of the rituals of this period, and in order to encourage a sense of community among participants, the rally provided the opportunity for a community gathering. As a community, without legitimate power, but with symbolic communal power, the rally becomes significant. 92. Patricia Rolfe, op.cit. 93. Ibid. -193- The rally can be seen as a ritual of creative rhetoric, as opposed to the dull arguments and rhetoric put by established institutions. The most obvious effect of the rally is to offer reassurance to those gathered. To those in need of reassurance, the speakers offer a possible new outlook, a sense of achieving satisfaction by joining in the activities. The speakers speak the language of tHose gathered. They sympathize with their concerns and offer possible ways to overcome their frustrations. The speakers at the rally establish their own "power" from the support of those gathered. The rally offers articulating messages to the gathering; strengthening what they already believe. Those speaking may become symbolic oracles, they create an emotive response. The rally provides a time to think, to take notice of the speakers, in some respects "the experts", who are on their side and who offer their "blessing" to the participants through sanctioning their actions. The speakers formulate the ideas, the courses of action available and offer those to the gathering to keep them happy and to increase their enthusiasm. However, the mood which the ritual of creative rhetoric establishes and its flexibility to change can lead to the creation of a situation in which the rally takes on ,unforeseen activities. The drama offered by the ritual of creative rhetoric can aquire its own momentum. One method by which the rally can be seen to develop its own momentum is when the purpose of the rally becomes crystalized in song, or communal chants; this together with the message of the speakers, helps to establish the mood of the rally. Song and communal chants are often Spontaneous reactions by the participants which effectively take over the main -194- focus of the rally. For example, during a rally against "moral pollution" in Hyde Park in 1974, the Anglican Dean of Sydney, Lance Shilton, told the crowd how the "manipulators have masqueraded under the catch-cry of freedom. By claiming a free go for themselves they have hoodwinked unsuspecting people into giving a free go to the Devil" 94 • After Shilton's speech several thousand people sang a rousing chorus of "Advance Australia Fair". The rally then ended with an emotional rendering of the main hit song from Godspell, "Prepare Ye The Way of the Lord". The Sydney Morning Herald reported that those gathered at the rally t h en march e d to t h e Doma1n . to d o Just . t h at. 95 • Th e ra11 y organized to support the crusade against "moral pollution" shows how in song or communal chants, those gathered are encouraged to continued participation. At times the mood of the rally ·can change from one of solemn concern while the "oracle" speaks, to one of aggression through participation in the communal chants. In 1966, at an election rally, Harold Holt's election promises.were overshadowed by anti-Vietnam demonstrators. Five hundred people had attempted to infiltrate the gathering to which Holt was speaking. 96 • Anti- conscription slogans were chanted until Holt could no longer be heard. Particular reference was given through the communal chants to the imprisoned conscientious objector, William White. The chant, "Release Bill White",97 • effectively oought an end to the rally. 94. S:x:dne:x: Morning Herald, April 8, 1974, p 1 & p 8. 95. Ibid. 96. Sz:dnez: Morning Herald, November 24, 1966, p 1. 97. Ihid. -195- The rally as a ritual of creative rhetoric can provide diversity for the participants. In 1972 after a Women's Liberation demonstration through Sydney, those who marched settled in Hyde Park to take part in the rally. The rally offered by the organizers included a pantomime showing the stages in a woman's life. It was a parody on the type of role society demands of women. The pantomime began with scenes created around the central symbol - a coffin - like glory box, and ended with the h ousew1. f e ' s a dd.1ct1on . to aspr1n.. 98• In June, 1974, the Opera House became the scene of a "family of the Nation" rally, organized by several migrant groups, featuring organized ethnic songs and dances, together with prepared speeches. Al Grassby, in his last public appearance as Minister for Immigration, delivered his "credo" for the Australian ethnic groups. Grassby urged those gathered to remember that: no single person and no single group within our community will determine Australia's destiny. Together, in unity, our horizons are unlimited. The dreams which I share with you tonight will be the realities of . 99. Austra 11a tomorrow. To many of those gathered, Grassby represented a great "oracle" - as an authority on ethnic affairs, he lent to the atmosphere of the rally legitimate power which stemmed from his position as a member of the government. In song and dance the gathering actively displayed their desires for understanding and acceptance 98. Sydney Morning Herald, March 12, 1972, p5. 99. Credo for a Nation, address by Minister for Immigration, A.J. Grassby, to The Family of the Nation Rally, at Sydney Opera House, 9th June, 1974. -196- within the community. The ritual of creative rhetoric offered diversity within the sphere of organized public performances. However, despite the opportunity to actively particpate which the rally offered, some considered that the deliberate purpose of the rally was lost in a maze of inconsistencies. The rally had been staged to give a meaning to the concept of a nation as one "family", despite, or perhaps more correctly, with accepted and needed ethnic differences. Instead, many who participated came to pay homage to Grassby, because he had lost his seat of Riverina in the 1974 elections. Franca Arena, who was present at the rally says, "I remember the centre stage people went down and brought him, [Grassby] gifts, as in a medieval ceremony, like the lord of the manor ... whomyou go to, . 'f .. 100. and b r~ng g~ ts .•• In a rally such as this, where the main purpose of the rally was lost, it is clear that the ritual had grown to confer a new meaning on the proceedings. This serves to show the power which the ritual may have, the openings for spontaneity which exist and the position which the "oracle" can ascend to, for a short time. It also effectively shows the manner in which the drama as a part of the rally can develop a life of its own. The drama can bring new momentum to the proceed- ings. Each of the public displays which are a part of the episodes interpreted as rituals, were successful in creating a new form of drama, a dramatic show, for public observation. If the 100. Franca Arena, M.L.C., also executive of the N.S.W. Ethnic Communities Council, (in an interview, June, 1982). -197- issues regarding Vietnam, the women's movement, environmental questions, or Aboriginal demands were too complex to understand, then personal observation, or observation by way of media reports, could help to produce some meaning. This was a new form of action being played out in the streets, in which anyone could join in. The episodes interpreted as rituals entailed a diversity of purposes and messages. As a consequence of making particular political and social demands, the use of rituals provided an effective alternative for those not in positions of power to attract attention to their demands and to have notice taken, whether serious or not, of their specific requests. In seeing each of these episodes as rituals, the importance of the manifest or instrumental function pursued, the desire to achieve specific results through actions performed in the public domain, remains as the central focus. For those who participated in the rituals, it could be argued that the dramatic scenes which took place were used only as a means to create attention and to foster interest in the demands which the participants held as their central aim. However, this is not to suggest that the symbolic action involved in the ritual is of little importance. The use of the public domain as a base from which to conduct strategies, was often central to the success of the participant's attempts to sustain interest. Together with this, the use of the public domain as an area in which the demands of each of these groups could be acted out, served to simplify political and social concerns, to bring such concerns to the direct attention of others and thus force such concerns onto the political agenda. -198- CHAPTER FOUR FESTIVALS Festivals celebrated in ancient societies paid tribute to the supernatural and the influence which it was believed the supernatural could command over the people's lives. At these festivals activities were designed to honour the 11 sacred,rr1 · by attributing the celebration to a particular god or godess. Often these festivals resulted in excessive indulgence, which included, "orgies of eating, drinking, the removal of customary restraints, particularly relating to sexual taboos and class distinctions.rr2 · The celebration of the festival in commemoration of, or in honour of religious* events is well established. Events such as Lent, Easter, Christmas, and the observance of Sunday as a day of rest each has its own celebration. The activities of the festivals entailing a religious character are designed to allow the participants to "live out, for some special occasion, and in an uncommon manner, the universal assent to the world as a whole.rr3 · The religious festival entails an affirmation of life eternal. This affirmation is displayed by way of the worship of the "sacred." 1. In view of the ongoing debate as to the meaning and use of the term "sacred," I have chosen to use the term in the context suggested by Jacques Ellul, in The New Demons.p.48. The term "sacred" or "sacralization of events" is used to specify objects which as symbols, or as a cause, or both, are seen as intimately linked to the group's well being and to which the group collectively accords deep respect. Reference to what the group holds "sacred" always involves reference to their values. However, the reverse does not necessarily apply. 2. Robert Briffault, Festivals, pp.198-201, in Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences, V. 5-6. (MacMillan Company, New York, 1962). * I am here referring to established religious denominations. 3. Josef Pieper, In Tune With the World: A Theory of Festivity. p.33. (Franciscan Herald Press, Chicago, 1973). -199- Every festival provides a time to allow "an outward sanction on the gratification of deep seated yearnings ~nd thfJ release from the austerity of social, moral, (gnd politicajJ restrictions.n4 · Although somewhat transformed throughout the ages, the celebration of festivals today can still be seen to reveal worship of the "sacred" during the celebrations. The very form which the festival takes, a combination of celebration, concern for the "sacred" and the setting aside of specific days, affects its central purpose. Although every festival has a particular theme, the use of the festival as a means to vent a group's most "sacred" concerns can be seen to give additional meaning to the activities being publicly pursued. The festival, as a symbolic form, attempts to encourage participation, it brings the concerns of particular groups tothe attention of a wide audience and by so doing extends its possible effectiveness. Each of the festivals entails a series of arranged activities as part of the celebration. In taking part in the arranged activities, in participating with others who share similar beliefs, reassurance is gained. By engaging in the festivals collectively, class barriers and status roles can be ignored. There exists equality in participation. Equality in participation allows those who gather to celebrate a festival to create for themselves a new collective identity. Through devoted adherence to the festival's theme, by acting out this devotion in the celebration, participants reaffirm what matters to them. The celebration of the festival helps to dispel ambiguity by focusing attention on to abstract ideas and ideals and serves to give expression to aspects of Australian culture which are held "sacred." 4. Robert Briffault, Festivals. Opcit. -200- Within Australia the celebration of Melbourne Cup Day provides an example of how effective, the festival as a symbolic secular form can be. In the 1870's, Mark Twain had commented that Cup Day was the "only truly national festival day in the continent.n5• On Cup Day horse racing and the possibility of winning a fortune are cloaked in an atmosphere of fun, fashion and picnicking. Sport and leisure, through participation at the races, may not be as important as other sporting pursuits, however, the atmosphere of the day, the excitement leading up to the big race, the preparations made by all those who participate, tell something of the values which many Australians hold. Festivals celebrating sport, fun and entertainment are not necessarily to be seen as limited to idle pursuits. Each says something of the participants' needs to reaffirm who they are and what, in particular areas, they find meaningfu1. 6 · Such festivals serve to provide a legitimate avenue in which participants can reveal their desire to "holiday," and have fun, eating a little too much, drinking a little too much, and spending a little too much money, without remorse. Given the symbolic importance of festivals, it is not surprising that they can also function as ways of changing the political and social order. A festival of this kind can provide an outlet for socially repressed impulses and expectations, attempting to change, or challenge, the existing order by arousing an awareness of what is wrong 5. K. Inglis, Australia Day. Historical Studies, V. 13, No. 49, 1967, pp. 20-41. 6. Robert Briffault, Festivals. opcit. -201- with things as they stand. The activities may be aimed at sustaining new lines of thought and action. Participants, by celebrating what matters most to them, by declaring what they held "sacred," in public and through dramatic devices, are capable of gaining media attention and thus forcing their concerns on to the political ~ganda. ******************** Some distinction must be made between the ritual and the festival. The ritual serves as a means by which the instrumental or manifest purpose of any group, its desire to get something done, is pursued. The festival, however, is more a matter of creating a celebratory atmosphere to achieve participation and deepen interest. (It is recognised that this distinction is not an absolute one.) The celebration of the festival, the setting aside of a day or days for celebration is not simply a display of beliefs in public which many hope might be recognized and heeded by others; it is rather, a declaration, through celebration, of the group's most "sacred" objectives. For example, in 1966, the visit of President Johnson to Australia provided for those on opposite sides of the Vietnam question a time to celebrate their loyalties. On the one hand there were the high spirited "howdy's," handshaking, backslapping, baby kissing, fluttering of stars and stripes and the Australian flag, "storms of ticker-tape" released from the Town Hall, pigeons released from Queen's Square, coloured balloons and streamers released in a number of places and the President tossing his Texan hat into the crowd. This atmosphere of celebration of the main force in the Vietnam war provided what the Sydney Morning Herald, called, "all the gaiety and drama of a visit to be remembered.n7 · The opponents of 7. Sydney Morning Herald, October 23, 1966, p.1. -202- the Vietnam war were just as enthusiastic. It could be seen as if the members of both sides had come out of hiding for the day, perhaps some of the anti-Vietnam, anti-conscription supporters did just that. Johnson's visit had brought together two opposing communities, one to celebrate Australia's strong allies and gratitude for friendship, the others to celebrate anger, to attempt to change the situation. Both however, demonstrated their belief in the need to celebrate their concerns. PEACE AS A POPULAR PURSUIT Those opposed to the war in Vietnam found a number of ways by which to express their dissatisfaction, while simultaneously celebrating their desire to stop the war. What could appear "sacred" to the participants was the need to isolate specific days to celebrate their objectives. In July, 1967, the Melbourne Vietnam Day Committee, arranged what it called a "three day anti Vietnam festival."8 · The three day festival had an effect on the level of awareness concerning the war, at least at the University. From March 10, to June 30, 1967, Melbourne University's student paper, Farrago, printed only three articles, (all from a communist journalist), one review and one poem, on the war. 9 · After the festival Farrago began to show an increasing number of reports related to the war. The festival may have been successful in creating a more celebratory and committed attitude among students, a feeling that active participation was 8. Gerrard Henderson, Vietnam and the Victorian Universities, Twentieth Century, September, 1969. pp.5-20. 9. Ibid. -203- needed if the war was to end. On May 8, 1970, many Australians participated in the most fervent display of concern over the war in Vietnam. Moratorium Day, a national celebration for some of their opposition to Australia's Vietnam policy and a plea to stop the war, can be viewed as one of the most remarkable festivals during this period. It also included instrumental, "ritual," elements, but the Moratorium was not just a march, a demonstration, or show of defiance in public. Thousands gathered throughout Australia; they marched, held placards and posters, "dressed up" in all manner of costumes, sang and danced, participated in vigils, street theatre, listened to speeches and sat down, as a means of celebrating both their opposition and their genuine concern. Estimates concerning how many participated varied. Some believed that about 120,00010 · people gathered to celebrate their concern. The 120,000 who had gathered in cities throughout Australia had done so with prior knowledge of the celebration of the Moratorium. The Moratorium was a highly organized festival. For months prior to the Moratorium on May 8, a national co-ordinating committee, the Vietnam Moratorium Committee, with its chairman, Dr. Jim Cairns, had attempted to establish an entire range of activities which were designed to publicize the celebration of the Moratorium. 11 · 10. J.F. Cairns, Silence Kills: Events Leadin U to the Vietnam Moratorium on May, 8, p.9. Vietnam Moratorium Committee, Australia, 1970). 11 • Ibid. -204- In many ways the pre-Moratorium activities -...rere paramount to the success of the Moratorium. These activities helped to establish a community which would be willing and eager to participate when it came to t he d ays o f ac t ua l ce l e b ra t 1on.. 12 · It was a community wh' 1c h wou ld endeavour to publicize their cause, whether at school, the University or place of work. The Moratorium consisted of three stages. It was essentially a movementnotjust an isolated day for celebration. The first stage was conducted on May 8, 9 and 10, 1970. The second stage, September 18, 19 and 20, 1970 and the third stage was to be conducted in June 1971. Each of the stages were remarkable as a result of the atmosphere it succeeded in creating. This will be discussed as we look at each of the stages. However, the pre-Moratorium activities can be thought of as an elementary ceremony to the actual celebrations. The organization of the people and the plan of action for each of the stages were most important, in some respects it was only as a result of the pre-Moratorium activities that the actual festival of the Moratorium could take place. This prior organization in encouraging people to participate at the Moratoriums, the distribution of pamphlets, badges, posters and black arm bands, 13 · is appropriate in allowing us to see the Moratorium as a festival, with a waiting period, such as festivals as Christmas entail. The months of preparation, the anticipation, the excitement leading up to the celebration help to establish the atmosphere and expectations of the festival. The pre-Moratorium activities were not only important in terms of gathering participants and creating a favourable atmosphere 12. Sydney Morning Herald, March 17, 1970, p.2. 13. Pamphlet: Stop Work to Stop the War. Issued by White Collar Workers Against the War, 1970. -205- in which the festival could proceed. These prior arrangements and organization also allowed the "enemies" of the Moratorium ample time in which to attack the entire idea. There were attempts to raise fear and to frighten people away from the idea that the Moratorium was a worthwhile cause. The idea of anticipating the action, on both sides, had the effect of establishing a clear picture of what both the organizers and opponents expected to transpire.14· The organizers of the Moratorium believed that it was necessary for large numbers who were opposed to the war to show their opposition publicly. The more who participated, the greater the celebration and the greater the media attention they would receive. 15 · Even high school pupils were urged to stop school to stop the war. Encouraging participation was part of the instrumental purpose of the Moratorium. If people did not publicly display their opposition this may have been taken as an act of acceptance of the war and of the Australian Government's Vietnam policy. As part of the Moratorium's activities, high school students had formed a committee to co-ordinate activities aimed primarily at school students. The students issued their own leaflets asking questions such as; "Can you sit in your classrooms, while the Vietnamese people are being destroyed and Australian youth are killed in an unnecessary war?" Their slogan, designed to urge the school aged to participate on Moratorium Day was, "Follow Your Principles Not Your Principals. 1116 · 14. See Sydney Morning Herald, March and April, 1970. 15. Pamphlet: Moratorium Broadsheet, issued by Vietnam Moratorium Campaign Committee, Adelaide, 1970. 16. Leaflet, Follow Your Principles Not Your Principals, issued by Secondary Students Moratorium Committee, 1970. -206- Those who supported the Moratorium had set out to create an atmosphere in which genuine concern could be shown in public on the question of the Vietnam war. The activities planned for the Moratorium days and the publicity they gave to the announcement of such activities were fundamental to the festival's success. A pamphlet issued by the Moratorium Committee, stated 101 ways to make the celebration of the Moratorium more effective.17· These were actions which the participants could perform during the Moratorium. The pamphlet included such ideas as building models, to be publicly displayed, depicting the nature of materials used for aggression in Vietnam; individuals could dress as guerilla soldiers, or in monkey costumes; a special group could study tactics which could be used to outsmart the opposition; a cavalcade of protest cars could block important inter- sections; cultural fairs could beset up to prevent normal business and offer alternative products to the public; kite flying and designing, incorporating the Moratorium symbol as its basis could be part of the celebration. Stuffed dolls and ornaments depicting the horrors of Vietnam could be made and distributed; white balloons signalling a call for peace could be released; burning demonstrations, showing the effects of napalm were also planned. Messages containing the Moratorium symbol could be imprinted on money or on walls; parking meters throughout Sydney could be jammed with Vietnamese coins. It was even suggested that a Moratorium symbol could be painted on the Opera House; Liberal Party posters could be displayed carrying the slogan "the people who brought you the Vietnam War. 1118 · The organizers of the Moratorium were hoping to establish social groupings in neighbourhoods, places of work, the University and 17. Michael Symons, 101 Ideas for Peace. (Vietnam Moratorium Co ordinating Committee, 1970). 18. Ibid -207- in the schools. They hoped these groups would encourage greater participation in their area. In this way there could be a commit- ment to individual social groups and then to the Moratorium as a whole. 19• However, many of the ideas and the arrangements made as a part of the pre-Moratorium activities were attacked by the opponents of the Moratorium. This was particularly evident in episodes of name- calling between politicians. For those who favoured the Moratorium these attacks helped heroise Dr. Cairns as their spokesman. Cairns attempted to counter cries which raised questions of fear and disgust at the thought of the Moratorium taking place. He stated that he believed that "the people had as much right to the use of the streets for political purposes as for commercial and industrial ones. 1120 · Along with other Moratorium organizers he reiterated the point that, although the Moratorium participants had a right to the use of the streets, at no time did they claim that they had ,the right to defy laws concerning the obstruction of traffic, simply because they objected to such laws. As examples of what Cairns and the Moratorium organizers meant, they cited examples such as Anzac Day marches and the Moomba Festival in Melbourne. 21 · A sense of anticipation and excitement arose; would the Moratorium celebrants be allowed to use the streets? Anticipatory excitement was also provided when opponents of the Moratorium set out to attack it with a number of sensational 19. Leaflet: Support for the Moratorium, issued as a combined circular by Amalgamated Engineers and Federated Engine Drivers and Fireman's Association, Boilermakers and Blacksmith's Society of Australia, 1970. 20. Sydney Morning Herald, March 27, 1970, p.1. 21. J.F. Cairns, Opcit, p.17. -208- statements, most of which became newspaper headlines. Gorton as Prime Minister, labelled the Moratorium as "an invitation to anarchy. 1122 · "Political bikies pack raping democracy1123 · was Sneddon's description of the Moratorium's participants. Gorton had equated Moratorium 24. marchers with "storm troopers". 'VT .G. Wentworth had told students at Queensland University that ihey were "adolescent dupes of the commun1.s. t s. 1125. While Wentworth was speaking, the Herald said, he often could not be heard as a result of students singing repeated c loruses of 11 The Red Flag. 11 Wentworth said the Moratorium was a respectable word being used to "wrap up real activities of the comm- un1.s. t organ1.zers. . 1126. A protestant church spokesman, Dr. Murray, had labelled the Moratorium as "hardly worthy of Christian participation. 1127 · Gorton had warned that "Members of Parliament had a duty to condemn the Vietnam Moratorium, whose purpose was to gather people who would go beyond their rights in a democracy, who would infringe on the rights of others and who would sit down in the streets to bring to bear their wish to break the law because they disliked something the government h a d d one a ft er h av1.ng. b een e l ec t e db y a maJorl.. •t y. n 28 · To counter some of the charges which had been laid against the Moratorium and its organizers and their insistence that it was to be a non-violent or peaceful protest, staff and students from various schools 22. Sxdne;y: Morning Herald, March 27, 1970, p.l. 23. S;y:dne;y: Morning Herald, May 8, 1970, p.1. 24. S;y:dne;y: Morning Herald, March 27, 1970, p.1. 25. S;y:dne;y: Morning Herald, April 21' 1970, p.6. 26. Ibid. 27. Sxdnex Morning Herald, May 2, 1970, p.6. 28. S;y:dne;y: Morning Herald, May 2, 1970, p.7. -209- participated in a peace rally. The rally held at Australia Square was a demonstration of their support for the Moratorium as a non- violent protest.29 · Whether the Moratorium should be held, or how it should be held, became, in themselves, "issues" and these issues increased the sense of anticipation and the need for self-definition. Australia's Moratorium, following on from the first American Moratorium on November 13, 1969, was an attempt to "suspend business as usual." This was the official meaning given to the . 30. Mora t or1um. However, the Moratorium could mean various things to those who participated. The atmosphere of the May Moratorium as a festival, was summed up in the following manner by media reports; The Melbourne Age said, "thousands with one idea,stop it!" had taken over the streets of Melbourne. "With good humour, with laughter, with dignity and without violence. 1131 · "Manifestly it was a success ~espit~ the expected attacks and witchhunts [whic~ had attempted to frighten people away with the myth-word "violence." Supporters who feared they would spend May ll asking what went wrong found themselves asking: what went right." 32 · Stage one of the Moratorium was characterized by the peaceful gathering of a very large group of people. It was a celebration in commitment, a festival displaying "good humour, laughter and dignity" designed to bring peace in Vietnam. A review of the activities which 29. Sydney Morning Herald, May 2, 1970, p.7. 30. Leaflet: Vietnam Moratorium Campaign, issued by Vietnam Moratorium Committee, 1970. 31. Melbourne Age, May 9, 1970, pp.1-5. 32. Moratorium What Went Right, pp.1-2. Outlook (an independent Socialist Journal), V.14, No.3, June, 1970. -210- took place in the various capital cities shows the tokens of a celebratory atmosphere which the Moratorium created. Activities of the May Moratorium included two forms of participation. Street activity including the marches, the sit-downs, street theatre, open air concerts, singing and dancing. Other forms of participation included, cultural war-fairs, photographic displays, films, general meetings and talks, book displays and even prayer meetings. These activities served to display the joy which participants experienced through their own commitment. In Sydney, an estimated 20,000 people took part in the climax of the Moratorium outside the Town Ha11. 33 · The Moratorium had begun about 10 a.m. and ended late at night with a prayer vigil. The crowd in front of the Town Hall had sat down as a show of opposition to the war and to the Australian Government 1 s policy. Photographs of the mass sit-down show the look of concern mingled with disappointment on the crowd's faces. Others show the joy of celebration and participation found in a community where others shared the same concerns. Also apparent from photographs are the large number of police, keeping a watchful eye over the Moratorium's participants. For those who had gathered and participated this may well have been one of the most memorable acts of active political participation they were ever to experience. It was far removed from the ritual of voting; the closest many came to active political participation. In Melbourne an estimated 70,000 people sat-down in Burke Street, singing and chanting, "We Want Peace" and "Stop the War. 1134· 33. Sydney Morning Herald, May 9, 1970, p.1. 34. Ibid. -211- At other times there was complete silence. Cairns, who spoke at the Melbourne Moratorium was reported to have told the participants there was "an enormous, a vital a sacred trust, to convince the people of Melbourne that our spirit is one of peace and understanding."35 · The various pamphlets that had been printed advertising the activities of the "cultural war fair" which was so much a part of the Moratorium's activities, gave examples of how people were encouraged to participate, if not in the streets, at least in smaller groupings. The Mandala Theatre in Oxford Street, was the scene of film screenings concerned with the war.36 · Part of the celebration included poetry readings, and the distribution of free underground papers with articles • t 37. on V~e nam. As a festival, the Moratorium had drawn ordinary people in their thousands, throughout Australia, who were willing to show their concern about the war. These people could see themselves as having proved capable of forming a community, in the streets, to relieve some of their p~rsonal tensions concerning the war and perhaps also (for some of them at least) to make positive affirmations about communality. It was not only adults, but school children and entire families who had come to celebrate their awareness and discontent. The Moratorium pro- vided an occasion for those who normally would not protest in public against their own Government, to do so; and to experience concepts of democracy other than those involved in voting rituals. The activities which the organizers had arranged, from the sit-downs to the jazz 35. Ibid. 36. Pamphlet: . A Warfair - A Contribution to the Vietnam Moratorium Campaign, 1970. 37. Pamphlet: Moratoritim Broadsheet, issued by Vietnam Moratorium Campaign Committee, Adelaide, 1970. 212- concerts, had the effect of reinforcing within the community which had gathered that their purpose was worthwhile and that their hopes of instigating an immediate withdrawal of all troops in Vietnam was a possibility. As a festival, as a dramatic show, the Moratorium offered the participants reassurance. If the numbers involved meant anything, many may havefeltthat those who had gathered must produce effective results. Ken McLeod, one of the Sydney organizers had described the scene of the Moratorium in Sydney as a "magnificent and moving d emons t ra t lOll. o·f d emocracy ln· ac t·lon. "38 · Outlook had summed up the May Moratorium as demonstrating "beyond question even in our supposedly apathetic political climate, that this war is an issue that splits the community."39 · Others were not as enthusiastic about the achievements of the May Moratorium. Owen Harries described the Moratorium as "an attack launched by the incoherent on the unconvincing.n40 · Harries saw the Moratorium as an "abysmal failure", on the ·part of the object of the Moratorium's attack, that is, that the Australian Government would not be convinced to change its Vietnam Policy. Harries believed that if, "new left and student radicals, play[ed] the politics of boots and all, they must expect to get kicked occasionally." Therefore if "Uncle Jim's kids"41 · were not more careful they would be used only as "the cannon fodder .•.. in a struggle for political power."42 · 38. Sydney Morning Herald, May 9, 1970, p.1. 39. Moratorium: What Went Right. Outlook. Opcit, p.2. 40. Owen Harries, After the Moratorium, pp. 40-43. Quadrant, V.14, May/June, 1970. 41. Vietnam Digest editorial, Uncle Jim's Kids, p.3, November, 1970. 42. Gerrard Henderson, The May Moratorium as Assessed by The Left. Vietnam Digest, November, 1970, pp.19-27. -213- Others had also suggested that the behaviour of the participants of the May Moratorium and indeed the claims made by the organizers of the Moratorium relating to the success of their actions were somewhat exaggerated. Archbishop Knox in a statement concerning the Moratorium43 • questioned the "morality of the Moratorium." "It could well be seen," he said, "as a threat to public order.n44· Knox continued; "we may well ... see for the first time in our his- tory the introduction of lawlessness and violence as a means of pursuing one's ends."45. This he stressed would be "new and foreign to the Australian way of life.n46 · When stage one of the Moratorium was over, the organizers and participants may have had plenty to smile about. If nothing else, they at least had the adventure and experience to look back on with pride. Although the Government did not alter its policy on Vietnam, the Moratorium had received special attention by media reports and this helped to sharpen the ongoing debate. The peaceful communities which had gathered in celebration in each capital city throughout Australia had given new ideas about the nature of democracy in Australia. Stage one could be seen as a festival showing Australian democracy's short- comings, or alternatively, as a festival reinforcing its existence. Stage two, which ran from September 18, through to September 20, was, however, characterized by entirely different sentiments to those experienced in May. The Moratorium as a festival attempting to celebrate an end to the war in Vietnam had, by September, become something of a show of martyrdom for many of the participants. 43. J.R. Knox, A Statement on the Vietnam Moratorium. Social Survey, V.19, May 1970, p.122. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. -214- "Clearly We Have Not Done Enough, 11 47 · was the message surrounding the second Moratorium. However, stage two of the Moratorium saw the influence of organizations of both a socialist and communist nature playing a greater role in the activities As a festival much of the celebration which occurred throughout stage one had been lost. There was still folk concerts, speeches, films, readi~gs and the big rally, planned for September. However, some who had participated throughout stage one were disappointed with the results. There was also increased concern about the motivation of the organizers. This concern proved to be justified. Discussion prior to the September Moratorium hid been cloaked in fear of violence. The excitement and anticipation of events which had characterized the pre-Moratorium events in May was lacking. On September 17, the Sydney Morning Herald had warned, "that attempts to resurrect the May Moratorium should fail."48 · The Herald noted that the movement had been badly discredited and fallen under the direct control of extremists whose political motives were questionable. The Herald warned that the activities of stage two of the Moratorium should be "boycotted. n49 · By September, the Moratorium as a festival celebrating concern and a desire to stop the war had lost most of its spirit of peace and understanding. As an example of the type of celebration stage two ~ad resulted in, Nation had the following to say; The expression on the faces of Sydney shoppers and office workers merging into King Street ... 47: Pamphlet: The Moratorium Lives, issued by Vietnam Moratorium Committee, 1970. 48. Sydney Morning Herald, Editorial, September 17, 1970, p.2. 49. Ibid. -215- were something to behold. Fear mingled with disbelief here in cosy safe King Street, hither to the scene of nothing more violent than the occasional bargain sale. Groups of bodies were wrestling on the pavement, police caps were rolling across the roadway and above all rose a virtulent chorus of hatred against the forces of law and order. This was Sydney's second Moratorium and what a cont ras t t o th e f 1rs. t one. 50. Reporting on stage two of the Moratorium The Bulletin said, that the numbers of those who did participate had dropped dramatically from the 120,000 mark to about 60,000 in all states. 51 · In Sydney it was reported that two hundred arrests had occurred as a result of numerous outb rea k s o f v1o. 1 ence. 52. In Victoria where an estimated 30,000 gathered, the extreme position was taken when some participants handed out pro-Vietcong literature. This was not a planned activity. This showed the infiltration of various undesirable groups. 53 · In Adelaide one hundred and thirty arrests were made, and in Brisbane 3,500 people were part of violent incidents.54· "A naked mass of struggling humanity,n55 · resulting in hundreds of arrests had sealed the fate of the September Moratorium. It was the number of arrests which made news and which served as the focal point of the September Moratorium. 50. Moratorium March, pp.12-15. Nation, October- 3,1970. 51. The Moratorium: Various Extremes. The Bulletin, September 26, 1970, pp. 23-24. 52. Sydney Morning Herald, September 19, 1970, p.1. 53. The Moratorium: Various Extremes. Opcit. 54. Sydney Morning Herald, September 19, 1970, p.9. 55. Moratorium March. Nation, October 3, 1970, pp.12·15. Opcit. -216- However, claims relating to the use of excessive violence by police and police provocation being rampart throughout stage two of the Moratorium could be somewhat justified. The Bulletin told how, "the police seem to have been given an open go and took advantage of it. They tore up posters, confiscated flags and ripped up banners, sometimes kneed and punched when arresting, removed identity numbers and stood by while some people attacked the Moratorium people."56 · Other reports of the events in Sydney spoke of the "strong suspicion" which existed regarding the State Government deliberately setting out to break up the Moratorium as a vote winner for the Georges River by- election, so as to allow Askin to demonstrate his intention to carry out his "law and order" campaign. 57 · As a direct result of these events, stage two of the Moratorium was best characterized as a "battle" between the Moratorium participants and the authorities. The overall atmosphere of joyous celebration and commitment which existed throughout the May Moratorium had been demoralised by violence. The September Moratorium proved to be little more than a show of disillusionment and violent defiance. Stage three of the Moratorium was largely insignificant. The purpose of celebrating the need for peace had been destroyed in September. Stage three could not be seen as a part of earlier cries of the need to "suspend business as usual", since by this stage the Moratorium itself was now ineffective as any kind of celebration. It had fallen into the realm of the "pseudo- fest....4 val" ' a decept....4 ve escape where true real4ty.... 1· s fals4f4ed...... 58 · 56. The Moratorium: Various Extremes. The Bulletin, September, 26, 1970, pp.23-24. Opcit. 57. Moratorium March. Nation, October 3, 1970, pp.12-15. Opcit. 58. J. Pieper. Opcit, pp.43-44. -217- A NEW STYLE OF 11 TEACH - IN" The theme of Australia's teach-ins, which were held as a protest in the form of a debate, displayed a conventionally more serious side of celebration amongst a committed community. What could be more conventional as a form of discussion than a 11 debate 11 , with its rationality and control, and the extra prestige given by the presence of academics and experts. What could seem most 11 sacred11 to the teach-ins was the need for rational argument, in a language which all could understand. In some respects the teach-ins can be seen as a festival celebrating rational argumentation and the possibility of debate. But the teach-ins went beyond normal debate. As f'estivals they also celebrated a merging of the academic, intellectual and political communities with the non-academic individual. Academics, together with politicians and churchmen were 11 amongst the people" and some of them established themselves as discontented with official rhetoric and policy. They had gathered to suggest possible alter- natives, to issue criticism and condemnation, and all of this in the atmosphere of a tournament. The celebratory (if not the rational) nature of the teach- ins was heightened by incidents of folk singing and dancing. At the Australian National University's teach-in of July, 1965, it was reported that, 11 a good night was had by all, they felt that they were at the centre of events; the cheerfulness, togetherness, in the air was like that of a jazz cellar."59 · 59. S. Lawson and K. Thomas, What Was Taught In. Nation, August 7, 1965 ' pp . 13-1 5 . -218- As festivals celebrating genuine concern through debate, the teach-ins could seem a creative attempt to free public discussion. They were not just an "educative veneer.n60 · Students opposed to the war could see themselves as using the premises of a university to re-educate all those willing to listen; academics could step from what many saw as their "ivory towers" and meet the public with a feeling of common understanding; politicians could state their case without the restrictions of either their party or the parliament (but not perhaps without possible repercussions within the party and the parliament); the churchmen were away from their pulpits. As such one of the latent functions of the teach-ins was to proclaim new approaches to discussion and to education. ENJOYING THE ENVIRONMENT The celebration of each of the festivals relies on special moments of commitment, of sharing this commitment with others. The atmosphere created by way of the festivals' activities and purposes helps to provide a magical experience for all who participate. The participation can be seen to display an enthusiasm which sustains those gathered and deepens their own commitment to the action. On November 3, 1974, what the Sydney Morning Herald, called a "green-ban festival" was held in Hyde Park. 61 · The festival was attended by about 200 Trade Unionists and residents, who had gathered in an attempt to prevent a take-over bid of the New South Wales branch 60. Irving Kristol, How to Teach-In. The Bulletin, August 7, 1965, p.39. 61. Sydney Morning Herald, November 4, 1974, p.9. -219- by the Federal officials of the Builders' Labourers.' Federation. The "green-ban festival" had come at a time when thengreen-bans"them- selves had gained momentum. The "green-ban festival" was in itself not new. There had been a number of public displays by 1974, in support of environmental protection. Perhaps the largest of these took place in Centennial Park when proposals were made for the destruction of the Park, to make way for an Olympic sports complex. However, residents of the Eastern Suburbs had thought otherwise. They had enlisted the support of the Builders'Labourersl Federation to impose a "green-ban" on the Park. What is most important here, is the atmosphere created. People had gathered in Centennial Park with their picnic lunches. A meeting was then held which led to the imposition of a "green-ban" by the Builders'Labourers' Federation. The gathering in Centennial Park had attracted a diversity of people from various walks of life. Some of the more notable people who attended included; Patrick White, Kylie Tennant, Harry M. Miller and Jack Mundey. Residents from many parts of Sydney who used the Park and its wide range of facilities were also out in force for the day. 62 · Those who had gathered had attempted to protest over the possible destruction of the Park's natural landscape, and to celebrate in their own way, their commitment to its preservation. The more notable participants had given speeches incorporating their own reasoning as to why the Park should be saved. As a cele- bration, with the manifest function of attempting to save Centennial Park, the atmosphere provided a gathering of rare diversity. A festival with the aim of environment protection. The episode had been remarkable as providing a new definition of what it meant to spend Sunday 62. Richard J. Roddewig, Green Bans: The Birth of Australian Environmental Politics, pp. 25)-30. (Hale & Iremonger, Australia, 1978.) -220- in the Park. It was no longer the ordinary picnic lunch, a resting place or a refuge from city life and working conditions. Sundays in the Park could now provide a new community of people who were determined to use their leisure hours to preserve what mattered to them. The gathering in Centennial Park provided music, dancing and singing and an opportunity to meet others concerned with environmental protection. An entire range of activities concerned with environmental protection had been brought to the attention of all those willing to witness them. After a May Day march, celebrations had been carried on to Victoria Street where stalls had been set up to provide information on the need to prevent the demolition of parts of Victoria Street.63 · In the background constant music, dancing and a continuous parade of street theatre entertained passers-by, residents and all those concerned. Anyone could join in the dancing or the singing, every- body could visit the stalls set up to provide information. All were offered the opportunity to become committed or to deepen their commitment through active participation. These opportunities were provided in terms of a relaxed atmosphere, in terms of a celebration of their cause. In May 1974, the Town Hall had been the scene of a concert t . 64. f or eco1 ogy ac ~on. It was a celebration in song, of environmental concerns. Each of these celebrations was a new means of expression for those who had something to say, but who lacked the necessary power to say it through traditional and legitimate channels. 63. Leaflet: Save Victoria Street, issued by Victoria Street Resident Action Group (n.d.) 64. Leaflet: A Concert for Ecology Action, 1974. -221- The festivals, whether they involved a Sunday in the Park, or a concert at the Town Hall, provided a more meaningful and colourful experience for those who participated and for those who watched the activities. They provided vivid imagery of the type of person who did participate and the actions they undertook. CELEBRATING "NEW" COMMUNITY STANDARDS The activities of the festivals could provide authenticity of expression. By creating an atmosphere of entertainment and fun, participants were able to declare themselves, not only for their particular cause, but they were also able to do this in a manner which could be easily related to. The festival as a means of authentic expression showed a new way in which people were acting and thinking. Community experiences were changing to include the celebration of almost any practice. In terms of celebrations, encouraging participatory sex, two 65 "festivals of pornography" had taken place at Sydney University and the University of New South Wales. The festivals had included slides of sexual activity and readings from de Sade, Mailer, Kenton and Genet. At Sydney University a flood-lit quadrangle became the stage for out- door intercourse. There had been various sightings of mixed nude bathing, and "streakers • '-' Although the productions of live shows such as Hair, in 1969 in Sydney, and the un-banning of previously banned material, had encouraged sexual explicitness, the important episodes were those which took place in the public domain. These 65. Peter Manning, Permissiveness Where Will It All End?, pp.38-40. The Bulletin, July 31, 1971. -222- festivals were the expressions of individuals and groups in Australia. They showed what they were thinking and how they wanted to act. Since the festivals were capable of celebrating publicly the commitment of sections of society, when homosexuals celebrated Gay Pride Week, from September 8-16, 1973, it could be seen as a festival of courage and angry def~ance. The planned activities included a Gay speakout and a Gay festival in the Domain. There were to be seminars and forums, marches and demonstrations throughout the week and a Gay dance celebration on the Sunday. 66 · The aim of Gay Pride Week was to encourage homosexuals to be joyful in their partici- pation of this public celebration. The festival was a stand against "poofta bashing" and an attempt to smash hetrosexism. Gay Pride Week was a celebration of the need for homosexuals to blatantly declare themselves. It was an attack against oppression of homosexuals, both in personal relations and by institutional measures. It represented a celebration by homosexuals intent on mobilizing support and seeking acceptance. Despite the change in outward expressions of this new found freedom in matters relating to sexuality, there were still many people who had no intention of taking part in such activities and who attempted, with equal vigour, to put an end to what they considered deviant behaviour. One question which could be seen to cause particularly persistent "battles" between two opposing groups and their bodies of beliefs, was the matter of abortion. 66. Leaflet: Gay Pride Week, issued by Sydney University Gay Liberation Club, 1973. -223- While the number of abortions performed in South Australia by 1971 were on the increase, church groups and those opposed to abortion had declared the celebration of a day of prayer for the lives lost through abortion. 67 • The day of prayer would be a day of atonement and sorrow. It would be a day set aside by which those opposed to abortion could publicly express their concern and beliefs. Preservation of the unborn child was a "sacred" trust. For those who participated, the theme of the prayer day was aimed at preventing further abortions and grieving for lives already lost. A day of prayer, organized to celebrate the participant's belief in the efficiency and effectiveness of such actions, could not be taken lightly. As with a number of religious festivals, the celebration of a day of prayer, provided the re-grouping of individuals who lead different lives, but who could be counted on to come together to celebrate their concerns in public. It was hoped that such actions would provide a powerful attack on pro-abortionists. The use of the festival to contribute to public debate and action on the issue of abortion, provided one of its biggest cele brations in May 1973.68 · While members of the Federal Parliament were taking a vote on a new abortion bill, outside Parliament House four buses were pulling in from Newcastle, Wagga and Sydney, carrying people who had come to partake in activities celebrating their stand on the issue of abortion. Members of the Right to Life Association had flown to Canberra from Tasmania, Perth and Townsville to be present. 67. Sydney Morning Herald, December 28, 1971, p.3. 68. Sydney Morning Herald, May 11, 1973, p.1. -224- There were picnic hampers, food and drinks being distributed by way of a candy striped marquee. Over 2,000 people had gathered to participate. With posters and banners declaring particular beliefs, music, singing and dancing, the entire scene provided a colourful carnival atmosphere. People could "ride" on the ideals of either pro- or anti-abortion groups. Both sides were out to celebrate their own faith in their cause. However, when things went wrong their opponents were to blame. When the anti-abortionist's loud speakers temporarily fused there were cries of "they're jamming it.n69 · The pro-abortionists denied the accusations. They provided a counter attack. They told how a grey-haired woman had leapt from one of the buses and started to pull out the pegs of their tent, while shouting "murderers, murderers.n70 · The activities serve to provide their own atmosphere, to give to this particular community gathering an opportunity to express its concerns publicly and in a manner which displayed a joyous spirit of commitment. The very occurrence of festivals celebrating diverse forms of behaviour and consequently the methods of celebration pursued by the participants, the overall style used in such festivals also told something of "new" community standards. Indeed the practice of such methods of celebration was in itself a proclamation of "new" community standards. All those who were willing to participate in "new" and public declarations of values which were important to them, could do so with unassailable honesty. 69. Ibid. 70. Ibid. -225- OFFICIAL CELEBRATIONS Some of the "festivals" of the period under consideration were prompted by governments themselves, using the forms of the festival to bring attention to what were seen as new areas of importance. Here governments were using symbolic forms to dramatise new ideas of what public policy might be concerned with. Thus in September 1970, Australians officially celebrated Conservation Week. It was a time during which people were encouraged through fun activities, to get to know their environment and to learn what conservation was about. September 1971, hailed the celebration of Anti-Pollution Week. The celebrations began with the releasing of a balloon from Australia Square. The balloon floated away displaying the message. "Save Planet Earth. 1171 · Operation Earth Day on September 24, 1971, sponsored by the Department of Environment of New South Wales, had instigated celebrations such as Earth Week. Operation Earth Day had included activities such as residential seminars; a film festival was held in which the main theme was the causes of environmental neglect. Earth \.Jeek in 1973, ran with the 'theme "Seven days for Creation and Seven days to Consider how you Could and Should improve the Planet Earth. 1172 · Earth craft days were held in which there were demonstrations and displays of work which used the materials of the natural environment as either their main or basic component. By 1974, the Bank of New South Wales in conjunction with the Sydney Morning Herald and the State Government of New South Wales, had set up Project Environment. Exhibitions from the various conservation and environmental protection committees were displayed for the public to view. 71. Sydney Morning Herald, September 9, 1971, p.3. 72. Leaflet: Earth Week, 1973, issued by the New South Wales Department of Environment, 1973. -226- Each of these activities was designed to promote a community which cared for its environment. Each, in some manner, relates to the political and social aspirations and expectations of those who participated. Of the many new concerns of community life which had arisen during this period, the role and position of women within Australian society were officially recognized with the celebration of International Women 1 s Year. By setting aside an entire year to officially recognize the activities of the Women's movement special significance was given to the claims made by members of the movement. 1975 had been declared International Women's Year. Ideally it could seem that this year would bring to fruition all of the concerns of the Women's movement. For those who participated in the activities of International Women's Year, there had already been an entire collection of events celebrating the concerns of the Women's movement. The theme of such events varied. The activities during each of these events lent special significance to the various themes being pursued, whether they were concerned with abortion, women as equal participants, in marriage, at work or in society generally, child care centres, child abuse or women as mothers. Such celebrations provided opportunities for groups to redefine their ideals. The activities of March 8, 1975, attempted to celebrate International Women's Year by insisting that Women's Liberation was not really about "bra-burning, man-hating frustrated !!73. f 00 l s. With an entire year to plan and enact activities, some 73. Leaflet: Women, Radical Publications, 1975. -227- women had attempted to "incite all women to rebellion,n74 ·not in terms of guerilla tactics, but in terms of asserting their womanhood, the message that "sisterhood was powerful" often came during the cele brations of International Women's Year in the form of talent and culture, specifically related to women. There were concerts featuring music, singing, dancing, drama and poetry, by, and about women. Exhibitions displaying the creativity of women, in terms of embroidered T-shirt messages, hand-made tea towels, badges, jewellery and other souvenirs of women's handiwork. Art exhibitions, painting, photo- graphy, ceramics, weaving and other crafts all went on display to create a favourable atmosphere in which the concerns and needs of women could be discussed. The women's stalls and exhibitions which were set up at different periods throughout 1975 were designed to celebrate the equality of women in all areas of life. With the celebration of 1975 as International Women's Year, it was clear that the early demands of the Women!s Liberation groups had 1emerged in some respects successfully, to change the existing order. A woman's right to live, to work, to love, had since the late 1960's, been debated and re-debated, it had been dramatized, sometimes without its intended purposes, it had become an issue to laugh at, it had offered anew way of life for some women and men, it was the only way of life known by a younger generation of women. For some it was an attempt to bury entire generations of thought on how women were supposed to act and look and relate to society. What is so remarkable about International Women's Year as a year to celebrate womanhood was the formation of a new community, 74. Ibid. -228- or at least, the re-defining of a section of Australian society. The activities of International Women's Year served to perpetuate the demands of this community which still had to be met. By 1975, it was no longer a matter of attempting to have the demands of the Women's Movement put onto the political agenda, (as their earlier activities had attempted to do,) International Women's Year was, rathe~, a celebration of many of their gains. However, just as the anti-Vietnam people had used the cele- brations surrounding the arrival of President Johnson to put on their own show, so too did the Right to Life people use the celebration of International Women's Year to provide them with contradictory themes to celebrate. The celebration of International Women's Day in March 1975, was attacked by members of the Right to Life Association and the Festival of Light. They had planned their own celebrations for the day, what they called a "Women's Liberation Rally in reverse." Their actions were designed to cause embarrassment to the Women's Liberation movement. Members of the Right to Life Association and the Festival of Light, led by Elaine Nile, celebrated their contentment with the system and treatment of women as it existed. They declared themselves already liberated. Their loyalties lay with their families, they had no desire to "abort inconvenient offsprings or to t urn sex ln. t o a perver t e d pas t.2me. ,, 75 . On questions such as abortion on demand, free and freely available contraceptives, and discrimination against lesbians and homosexuals, they had opted for what they saw as a more "moral" stand, undeterred by more "fashionable" attitudes and l"d eal s. 76 75. Sydney Morning Herald, February 28, 1975, p.J. 76. Ibid. -229- The feminists, however, could also use festivals designed for other purposes for their own ends. In 1973, the celebration of Mother's Day encompassed a new meaning. As a celebration played out on city streets, women from the various women's liberation groups wanted to highlight the status of women as people not just as mothers or wives. 77 • Marchers who had gathered at Town Hall proceeded to Hyde Park for a picnic lunch. Those who participated in this redefinition of Mother's Day, were asking for real social support for women as individuals, and for wider opportunities in society. They were also asking for the right for women to decide themselves if they wanted to become mothers or not. In much the same manner, when Australians witnessed the official celebrations of Cook's discovery of Australia, the celebrations were used by Australian Aboriginies to provide a counter celebration in the form of a mourning service. The celebrations, paying tribute to Cook's landing on Australian shores, had taken two years to prepare and included a re-enacted version of the original landing. "April 29, 1970, was declared a Day of Mourning for 78 Australia's Aboriginal people." For white Australians, or at least some of them, the celebrations provided an opportunity to pay tribute to the achievement of Cook and his party. It provided an opportunity to celebrate the progress made as a result of Cook's discovery two hundred years ago. However, the two hundreth anniversary celebrations, had for many Aboriginals been regarded as two hundred years of deprivation, derogation and disgust. 77. Women's Liberation Sheet, Women's Liberation Group, Sydney, April, 1973. 78. Sydney Morning Herald, April 30, 1970, p.6. -230- The Aboriginal counter celebration which took the form of a day of mourning, had been organized by the Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders. While some white Australians showed how two hundred years of settlement had left them confident enough to retrace our original steps, many black Australians were left to mourn such achievements. In simple and solemn ceremony they honoured the now extinct Aboriginal tribes, dwindling customs and loss of Aboriginal land. The day of mourning had been hailed as a by-product of the "black renaissance,n79 · partly are- birth of pride in the ancient Aboriginal culture and a moral rebirth, expressed in action. The Aborigines' mourning service centred around an oration by the Aboriginal poet, Kath Walker. As those who had gathered to partici- pate stood with placards demanding, "nationality now," and wearing red head bands, symbolic of Aboriginal blood spilt during the white man's early settlement, others cast wreaths into the water. The wreaths were said to be the voice of Aboriginal Australians, declaring justice, land rights and equality for the Aboriginal race. The wreaths were carried out by the tide and drifted, perhaps purposefully and with vengeance, across to the landing site, where Queen Elizabeth and Australian dignitarieswatched "Cook's second landing." The neglect of Aboriginal customs and the destruction of their right to exist according to tribal practices was well illustrated during the mourning service, although in a somewhat negative manner. The Sydney Morning Herald, reported that, "the sad day was not without its humour, when an attempt to send smoke signals across the Bay so the Queen would see them, failed, for lack of expertise. 1180 · 79. Ibid. 80. Ibid. -231- The mourning service held on the shores of La Perouse was played out in conjunction with similar activities in other capital cities throughout Australia. If the mourning service had a joyous aspect, it may have been found in the Aboriginal peoples' ability to gather as a community to remember past destruction, and to seek to set right the inequalities directed against their people. Those who participated and those who had observed the action may have been com- pelled to think of the not so grandiose aspects of Cook's actions. The mourning service provided, at least one day, for some, to reflect on the treatment of Australia's Aboriginal people and their concerns. Later in 1970, Aborigines were able to celebrate, officially, their own "day". July 10, 1970, had been declared National Aboriginal Day. The aim of the celebration was to provide a special day which would promote the existence of the Aboriginal as an Australian, who wanted to "walk ahead. 1181 • July 14, 1971, had been declared National Aboriginal Day by the National Aboriginal Council. It was to be a day during which Aborigines could celebrate the unification of black Australians. The celebrations called for all people to take an interest in the demands of black Australians. By 1973, all Australians could participate in the activities of National Aboriginal Week. At Sydney University stalls were set up selling Aboriginal artifacts, b a d ges an d l 1·t era t ure re 1 a t e d t o th e ce1 e b rat• 1on. 82 • Na t·1ona 1 Aboriginal Week created a notable focal point for installing an awareness within the community for the demands, and existence of the Aboriginal people. 81. Leaflet: National Aboriginal Day, the National Aboriginal Observance Committee, 1970. 82. Leaflet: National Aboriginal Week, the National Aboriginal Observance Committee, 1973. -232- DECORATIVE ASPECTS OF THE FESTIVAL REVEALING PARTICULAR IDEOLOGIES The festival's atmosphere is partly created by easy identifi- cation of participants. The participants' mode of dress and their music help to create the festival's mood, and to give both themselves and their cause greater significance. Both might be seen to reflect the social and political concerns of the participants. Although the festivals can only temporarily create an air of celebration, they often have a lasting affect by way of giving rise to a number of new ideas and means of expression. Many of the "decorations" used as a part of the festival pass into common usage, for example, mode of dress and music. These "decorative" aspects, are not merely decorative; they are effective and clearly stated manners of declaring oneself in relation to particular values and beliefs. In effect, the style of the festival, relating particularly to these "decorative" aspects becomes a functional part of the festival. There was an important connection between the festival's purpose and the style of the participant's dress. Often particular aspects of dress which were paraded at the festivals merged into the actions and activities of everyday life. This showed the potential influence which the festival's atmosphere was capable of creating and sustaining. Through the use of various modes of dress, participants could create a new image or role for themselves. Depending on their degree of commitment, this new image or role could be carried on outside the atmosphere of the festival and become a part of the wider culture. Its influence and symbolic significance was therefore open to wider usage. Participation at the festival provided for a different approach to life. Although dress was for some a temporary decoration, -233- used for a special occasion, and well suited to the idea of a cele bration, a performance in public, others may have taken its significance more seriously. Although the festival is a dramatic "show", a tem porary facade, it could be argued that for some, the temporary purpose for which dress was used developed a relevance of its own which transformed its meaning. The mode of dress of the participants could reveal a great deal about their values and their political and social expectations. The overt function of clothing was often secondary to the relevance of clothing as a vehicle marking a personal preference and style. Depending on what one wore,strong statements could be issued without uttering a single word. This was part of the fascinating symbolism offered by clothing. Clothing issued statements not only concerned with personal style, but more importantly, with political and social ideologies. Many of the participants of the various festivals found little consolation in the values and beliefs of the established order. Their dress often reinforced this point. Denim jeans, the standard student and bohemian costume, revealed a carefree, no nonsense and egalitarian look. Jeans were a mark of equality between classes and between men and women. A philosophical statement issuing the belief in democracy, outdoor living, or ordinary living. Patched with peace signs, psyche delic material or specific icons, jeans could be seen as symbolic of the plea for equality and greater honesty in human relationships. For those concerned with the environment, jeans offered the perfect statement, although with overtones of America's cultural heritage, of the rugged frontier type. -234..:. Each of the political and social concerns could be seen to have found symbolic expression in clothing types. For those seeking a truly multiracial or multicultural Australia, they could sympathize with their ethnic counterparts by dressing in parts of, or entire ethnic costumes. Such manner of dressing provided a statement which revealed an easy identification of where their sympathies lay. In later years much of the ethnic clothing became a part of the highly stylized and expensive fashionable wear. Army fatigues, the no-bra look, calico dresses, shirts and skirts, mini skirts, and see-through dresses, revealed the stand participants held concerning the morality of war and the philosophy of militarism or women's liberation or environmentalism or the willingness of many to partake publicly in their new found permissive morality. For each of the political and social concerns the T-shirt became a necessity. Stencilled messages told of the participant's cause for complaint or celebration. The T-shirts were like "walking" billboards or posters; they could set groups apart, cause cursing and scorn, or alternatively, cause instant bonds between people with similar concerns. People wearing T-shirts could go anywhere, do anything, while at the same time proclaiming a particular belief. They could establish a particular mood by their presence. In style the T-shirt revealed a simple, straightforward approach. With their cause spelt out clearly, the T-shirt left little doubt as to where they stood. Through the use of clothing participants could create the image of themselves which best suited their cause. As projected by media coverage, this image, which may or may not be a dramatic costume, used only as a part of the festival, -235- could well appear as the reality of the situation. Through the use of particular types of clothing, participants were able to attract media attention. The projections of the media could then in turn produce a reality which may have only been intended, at least initially, for a temporary attraction. Music was often an important part of the festivals' activities. In song people could proclaim their loyalties, singing over and over again the chorus which best described their mood. With simple honesty, songs such as Lennon's "Give Peace a Chance," "Power to the People" and Dylan's "Blowin' In the Wind," became the new anthems, declaring anger and dissatisfaction. Although the songs had emerged from protest movements overseas, their message could find the same affinity within Australia. Music, as a part of the festival was capable of dealing with serious matters and personal objections. It was perhaps significant that Australia's most original means of protest and celebration, the 83. "green-ban" had a song developed in its honour. "The Green Ban Song," sung to the tune of "Waltzing Matilda" revealed the ingenuity of the environmentalist, and their determination to fight for their cause. "The Green Ban Song," attributed to an unknown member of the nGreen Ban Tabernacle Choir" 84·depicted the struggle between the environ mental conscious, "the jolly resident" and the "wrecker", the developers of the inner city. The song told the story of the "green-ban" battle in simple terms; 83. Richard J. Roddewig. Opcit, pp.viii-x. 84. Ibid. -236- Once a jolly resident living in his bungalow found he was threatened by redevelopment; And he cried as he watched his city slowly crumbling Who'll come a green ban defending with me? Down came developers to profit from their residents, Up jumped the people to fight for their homes; .•. Up rode the wreckers mounted on their dozers, ..• Up rose the residents and said unto the government, Now we have green bans and so we are free; ... With verses stating the above sentiments, it was clear, that at least in song, the supporters of the "green-bans" had gathered enough determination to defeat their opposition. When endurance began to falter, a few stirring verses of the "green-ban song" might re-new spirit. The use of these "decorative" elements during the festivals, and their subsequent use in the everyday life of many of the participants often meant that the initial celebration of the festival could have lasting effects in terms of providing consistent reminders in the form of clothing and music. A new "world," represented by the style of the participants' dress and their choice of music, was created through these "decorative" aspects of the festival. This new "world" or world view, attempted to reinforce the values and beliefs of those who took part in the various festivals. By continuing to use these "decorative" aspects of the festivals as a part of their everyday life, the ideologies -237- associated with their initial use could also become a part of their everyday existence. "IT'S TIME" FOR A FESTIVAL As already suggested at the beginning of this chapter, the celebration of a festival is usually seen as a means which contributes to the stability of the social and political order. It is a means which can be used to uphold that order. Of the festivals discussed, it has been shown how the same tactics, the sharing in public of a celebration relating to particular values and beliefs, can be used as a means to question well-established ways of thinking and modes of behaviour. The same idea, of using festivals and celebrations in public either as a means to uphold the existing order, or as a means of drama- tising change can be applied to political campaigning. In this the idea of the "continuous campaign," is useful although the election campaigns are themselves the highlights of the proceedings,85 • and the early processes of the "continuous campaign" can be interpretated as periods signalling the beginning of a festival. If we consider the paraphernalia with which the issues of most elections are surrounded, it is not difficult to understand why elections can be referred to as occasions entailing a festival. All those who have only a remote interest in political matters can be drawn into the excitement which each of the main parties offer in terms of policies for 85. Neal Blewett, .::La=b=-o;.:r=-· _1~;.;;;-~~..z.-.:=-===~-=f.::o::...r_V.:.:~=.;·c:::..t~o::.:::..t., pp. 8-11 and p.13. in H.Mayer ed. Australia's 1972 Elections. (Sydney, 1973.) -238- the future, together with the traditional rounds of mud slinging, and the array of personalities and souvenirs offered to the public as a part of the festivities. From 1965 to 1975 the most consistent festivals, in terms of repeated celebrations, not of'themes, were the election campaigns. The weeks prior to each electiontthe time for campaigning, can be seen to provide functions important to each of the participants, whether actively involved or through observation of the activities. One should, however, distinguish the election festivals from the actual ritual of voting as discussed by Edelman. 86 · The ritual of voting, although paramount in governmental terms, signals the conclusion of the festival. If we see every election campaign as a festival in which people make individual and group contributions, we can see each of the federal election campaigns in 1966, 1969, 1972, 1974 and 1975 as providing their own "theatrics" and personalities. Individuals could display their personal choice as to which of the main performers of the festival they sided with. Through the use of badges and T-shirts declaring the messages of their team, individuals could become the minor "spokesmen" of their leader. The same symbols and messages could be pasted to their cars, the front yards of their homes and the walls of their place of work or leisure. As a group taking part in the election festival, some people could gather in public to see and hear their leader speak, to wonder at his wisdom, to cherish his words and applaud his overall performance. To everyone there were available the televised perfor- mances of parts of the festival. The election festival provided politicians with the opportunity to attach coloured streamers to their 86. M. Edelman, The Symbolic Uses of Politics. (University of Illinois Press, U.S.A., 1977.) -239- policies, to give away free balloons, to have coloured pictures and posters made of themselves and to promote an interest, at least for a few days, in politics. However, the themes of such festive occasions as election campaigns often stemmed from the celebrations of other festivals. In many ways the festivals throughout the late 60's and early 70's, the concerns they had expressed and the beliefs, values and aspirations of the participants came together and were condensed and refined into themajor party's election policies of 1972. The 1972 election campaign as a festival provided individual festival themes with legitimacy. The themes, no longer in many cases, had to catch media attention to force discussion. Many became policy suggestions, or a part of the party's platforms which would be carried out if they won office. Both the Liberal and Labor Party sought to create in their campaigns an image of their willingness to heed the demands of the dramatic performances which sought change. Aspirations which had been both politically and socially repressed, and which gained attention by way of the unorthodox, were now to be represented as legitimate policies by both parties. It would now be no longer necessary for anti-Vietnam demon strators, Women's Liberationists, those concerned with the environment, Aborigines or ethnic minorities, to "take to the streets" in the hope of creating or sustaining public awareness. Both parties had, by 1972, made provisions for these requests. They were now presenting the demands (aims, ideals), of such movements as legitimate items on the political agenda. -240- Together with the use of posters, badges, bumper stickers T-shirt messages, and pamphlets, which could be used to declare which contender in the contest one sided with,the_party leaders had their drawcards to use, the policy speech. The night of delivery, which was to be reinforced and sustained by the symbolic forms, provided its own version of entertainment and celebration. The Liberal Party's policy speech, delivered (lf Prime Minister McMahon, over television and radio stations on November 14, declared the election to be "about policies" and about two fundamentally different ways of governing.n87· The Liberal way sought to nencourage the freedom, the talents and the dignity of the individual. 11 · 88 · According to McMahon the Liberal Party pad the ability, in terms of policies, philosophy and the team to manage the nation nresponsibly and well, both in calm and crisis." McMahon declared that the Liberal Party had nreviewed and transformed our policies to match the aspirations of Australians in the 1970 1 s .n89 • Migrants were declared to be of "national importance with their technical skills, their vitality and their culture." The Liberals saw the changing 1970's as a time nto identify in positive terms the role of women in our society." Aborigines were to receive "an equal and honoured place in our society. They must be full citizens - neither patronised nor neglected.rr rrThe polluter should pay11 said McMahon and the Liberal Party: this was to be the main thrust of their 87. Federal Election 1972, Policy Speech Liberal Party Australia, p.3. (Authorized by B.G. Hartcher, Director, Federal Secretariat, Liberal Party of Australia, Summit Press, Fyshwick, A.C.T.) 88. Ibid, p.4. 89. Ibid. -241- environmental policy. The Liberals showed their concern over censor- ship - their policy was declared to be "mature and receptive to respon sible attitudes in a mature society.n90 • The policy changes which the Liberals revealed were an attempt to put new is sues on tPte political agenda. However, they were the same issues which Whitlam and the Labor Party were parading with more colour and enthusiasm under their "It's Time" slogan. For the Labor Party and its supporters politics became a celebration when Whitlam delivered his policy speech to the people who had gathered at the Blacktown Civic Centre, and to the television viewers. On November 13, 1972, "Men and Women of Australia"91 · were asked to embark on a new mission, one of joy and excitement. The mission involved electing a new government. Whitlam demanded that, "it's time for a new team, a new program and a new drive for equality of opportunities. It's time to create new opportunities for Australians, time for a new vision of what we can achieve in this generation of our nation ... It's time for a new government- a Labor Government.n92 · The vibrancy of such demands - a new government, a new program, a new Australian nation, were included in "three great aims to promote equality; to involve the people of Australia in the decision-making process of our land; and to liberate the talents a:l:ld-uplift the horizons of the Australian people. 1193 · Labor was prepared to give Australians everything that was 90. Ibid. 91. Words used by Whitlam to open Policy Speech. 1972 Labor Party Policy Speech in E.G. Whitlam, On Australia's Constitution, pp.265-307. (Widescope, Australia, 1977.) 92. Ibid. 93. Ibid. -242- new, exciting and encouraging "new life and a new meaning in this new nation to the touchstone of modern democracy - to liberty, equality, fraternity.n94· With perhaps the most cherished words of the French revolution still ringing in their ears, people could imagine that their most sought after hopes, dreams and fantasies would be brought to fruition. It was time for many to rejoice, to forget the hardships and "the slogans of the 1950's, the slogans of fear and hate.n95 · Whitlam had promised that "the Australian people shall be restored to their rightful place in their own country",96 · as if 23 years of Liberal Party rule had robbed them of their inheritance. There was to be a "new charter for the children of Australia ..... a universal health insurance system ..... establishment of a national compensation scheme to reduce ...•. eventuality of luck ..... abolishing of conscription and to give Aborigines land rights."97 · For those who supported the Labor Party, they hoped to look forward to a new challenge. Whitlam in his own words had offered "a choice between the past and the future, between the habits and forms of the past and the demands and opportunities of the future.n98 · Labor's offer of opportunities for all took place against a background of euphoric conditions. It may have had the effect of encouraging supporters to become more vocal and enthusiastic about the three week long campaign. It left their opposition chasing their tails. "Labor's It's Time banner was one of those rare slogans that was consistent with theme, pregnant with richly ambiguous messages and 94. Ibid. 95. Ibid. 96. Ibid. 97. Ibid. 98. Ibid. -243- important to the campaign. One reaction to this in the Liberal Party was the wasting of hours in the search for catchy slogans and of dollars, in the belief that it could buy a winning image.n99 · The "It's Time"slogan·, in many respects became the pivot on which Labor's entire campaign was based. As a part of the festival, the slogan may have been used with the intention ofproviding the voter with an image with appealing ambiguity, but which allowed him to project his own inspirations into the mood established. "It's Time" had been summed up ·as "the perfect statement - open ended to keep communication open and to avoid alienating undecided voters. There was nothing to disagree with in the statement and it conveyed its correct meaning, that is, time for a change of government, to most without stating its objective once. "100. In seeing Labor's 1972 campaign as a festival, providing thematic continuity through the use of the "It's Time" slogan, other activities performed as a part of the celebration were seen to blend in with Labor's aim of achieving government. The opening of the campaign at the Blacktown Civic Centre, the use of T-shirts, badges, posters and the "It's Time" song, all contributed to Labor's aim of becoming the new Australian government. Most importantly, each of these forms contri- buted to the campaign's mood, and the manner in which that mood was sustained by all those who participated. Despite the use of diverse £arms as a means to continue interest in the election, each of the activities and the forms in which they were presented, were a perfectly legitimate means of electioneering. 99. Graeme Starr, Keith Richmond & Graham Maddox, Political Parties in Australia, p.88. (Heinemann, Educational, Australia, 1978.) 100. Vicky Braund, Timely Vibrations: Labor's Marketing Campaign, H. Mayer (ed.), Labor to Power, Australia's 1972 Elections, Opcit, pp.20-28. -244- The new activism and sense of participation which many involved in the protest movements had found, this new concept of energy, celebration and sense of community, was for many symbolized, partic ularly, in Labor's election campaign of 1972. Although the Labor Party was commi~ted to parliamentary democracy and representative government, it could appear that the celebration involved in the "It's Time" campaign was the combination of all the festivals celebrating new patterns of thought and action. ******************** After having considered the interpretation of the above episodes which took place in the public domain during this period, it can be use ful to see these episodes as festivals, paying tribute to a particular group's most "sacred" concerns. Each of the episodes discussed, whether it was the Vietnam Moratorium, or the 1972 election campaign, celebrated in public and on special days, concerns which to the participants were seen as paramount to their way of life, and to which they attributed deep respect. For many of those who were involved in these episodes, a great sense of adventure and gaiety may have been found through participation. This of course is a subjective comment, which would be difficult to substantiate. However, each of the episodes discussed under the title of "Festivals," did involve human experiences which based their need for political and social representation on creative and dramatic, but celebratory activities. As such each of these episodes, when interpreted in this manner, had the ability to provide strong public statements and actions designed to make those in positions to order the decision-making process take notice. -245- CHAPTER FIVE DRAMATIC CHARACTERS WITHIN THE PUBLIC DOMAIN Orrin E. Klapp, in Heroes, Villains and Fools, maintains that we are "continually re-enacting" age old stories such as Robin Hood, Cinderella, and David and Goliath, in which strongly valued social types provide important functions for control and maintenance of the political and social system.1 · Social types, Klapp says, "persist in culture and ethos, and help provide a structure which is part of the symbolic world.n2• For Klapp the typing process is "a vast collective under- taking to be studied with the social system as focus. In this sociological aspect, we are concerned with a stock of images and symbols as part of a culture, and the way this stock changes and works in the system.n3 · According to Klapp, "definitions of particular persons are a part of a stock of type-images which society maintains. In this view social types comprise a system, more or less stable though ever changing as the typing process acts on particular individuals, audiences and human -relations.n4· Klapp, at the beginning of his thesis, is careful to point out that a social type, "however vivid, ... is plainly an 1 • Orrin E. Klapp. Heroes, Villains and Fools: Reflections of The American Character. preface. vii. (Aegis Publishing Company, California, 1972.) 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid, p.7. 4. Ibid. -246- abstraction ••• which refers to a kind of person."5. He states that his thesis is, "a study not of personalities, but of abstract roles or types, encoded in popular language and used in symbolic interaction.n6 • The name given to a person as representative of a social type is, "the symbol of a class present in our minds as a concept. ~' 7 • The three basic social types* (heroic, villainous and foolish) found in any society, which relate to the manner in which we see others and ourselves fall into categories which issue praise (heroic social types), condemnation (villainous social types), and ridicule (foolish social types.)8• According to Klapp, we can refer to an individual as a social type, "when his appearance and behaviour approximate it so closely that he is widely recognized as an example of it, whether or not he is willing to declare himself as such. 119 • Thus Klapp says "individual opinions crystalize into consensual images1110 • and this helps to determine the social type into which we place an individual. Once we have established the social type of an individual, which is drawn from our "stock of images and symbols" already permeating our culture, this image becomes functional. Klapp says, the "mass symbol is a vehicle for the imagining of thousands, also, the mass symbol is part of a drama or story rather than a per- sonal relationship. Being a dramatic character, he is likely to have 5. Ibid, p.9. 6. Ibid, preface. 7. Ibid, p.9. * Klapp includes sub categories of various heroes, villains and fools within the three main roles. In other words there are heroes, villains and fools of various degrees displaying specific character traits. 8. Ibid, pp.16-17. 9. Ibid, pp.11-12. 10. Ibid, p.12. -247- perfected dramatic form as hero, villain or fool." 11 · As a part of becoming functional, Klapp says, "it seems clear that people fashion a hero, villain or fool - into a figure more to their liking or fears. Whatever his original character, ... he becomes what is needed in a Sl•t ua t"lOll. "12. Klapp maintains that "the three basic models are used in all societies to maintain the social system, especially to control persons and put on significant dramas and rituals. Typing then holds up models for the way people should be and act.n13 · Thus by using Klapp's thesis, in terms of concentrating on what he names as the three basic motives for action, we are able to interpret the kinds of people many may have believed figured prominently during this period. By relating this to the personalities who figured in dramatic displays of concern much can be determined in respect of the values and aspirations people had, and the manner in which they strove to have these values upheld and their aspirations fulfilled. When Klapp suggests that our dramatic characters or personalities become functional, become what is needed in a situation, he is also suggesting that we interpret and mould these characters to comply with our own values and aspirations and the activities which must be fulfilled if such values and aspirations are to triumph. Whenever a character appears who may threaten 11. Ibid, p.14. 12. Ibid, p.13. 13. Ibid, p.17. -248- our values and aspirations, he naturally is seen as playing a villainous role. If something should go wrong there is then an image which we can instantly call into question and hold respon- sible. The role of hero and fool, obviously operate in the same manner. The importance of interpreting personalities in this way, of giving to these personalities the kind of qualities we want them to have, allows us to understand situations which normally we might find confusing and ambiguous. By moulding and interpreting events and those who figure prominently in such events according to our own perceptions, through, most often, media-induced screenings, we can reduce complex issues and foreign personalities into experiences which become understandable and offer reassurance. 14· Since no person can be all things to all people, it must be understood that often a single character is seen as playing a dual role. Followers of any of the personalities naturally see their "leader" as having heroic qualities, or heroic potential. However, opponents of the same person may see this potential hero as offering a threat to their own security, and therefore construct the role of villain, or on the odd occasion, if no serious threat is offered, they may see the person as playing the role of fool. Therefore a single character can be seen to play a number of roles simultaneously. Klapp suggests that the ambivalent manner in which some roles are treated is a reflection of the political and social system. 14. Ibid, p. 17. -249- Since "individual opinions crystalize into consensual images" and such images become functional, the degree of diversity within the political and social system means and indeed allows for differences 15 ~n. the t yp~ng . process. · The organization and inspiration behind each of the activities which have been discussed either as rituals or festivals, the publication of literature associated with these activities, and the use of badges, posters, bumper stickers and so forth, were often attributed to single individuals, who assumed the role of spokes- person for a particular movement. These individuals may be seen as playing a leading role in seeking specific demands and instigating specific actions to bring about the realization of their demands. Often the role which these individuals acquired, or had thrust upon them, was related to specific actions performed in the public domain. These actions might be seen to have affected both the relationship these individuals had with those in positions who could affect the decision-making process, and with individuals who found themselves drawn to the same demands and who sympathized with their methods of achieving such demands. The role which the spokesperson assumed or was forced to assume, often means that they were seen as typical examples, or models, which others who held similar views could look to for reassurance, or for those who held opposing views, they could be seen as models to fear, despise, or ridicule. · All this relates to Klapp's thesis. Therefore we will now apply Klapp's thesis to 15 . Ibid, p . 12 • -250- some of the dramatic characters or personalities of this period, and the actions in which they were involved, as a means to determine if such an analysis does offer a significant manner of interpretation of the way the political and social systems can be seen to operate.~~ RECOGNIZING THE HEROES, VILLAINS AND FOOLS Klapp says, "heroes state major themes of an ethos, the kinds of things people approve.rr16 · Within the social type of hero, Klapp names five categories, or types of heroes which are commonly found in any society. These types include; "winners, splendid performers, heroes of social acceptability, independent spirits and group servants. 1117 · Each of these types of heroes deserve praise for their actions and the values which they inspire. Klapp does not suggest that those who fill heroic types are identical; that is, the division of heroes into subcategories as mentioned means that the actions and traits of the heroes differ. The point of consensus is that such types do perform in a manner which is admirable and represents positive action. WINNERS For heroes who are seen as winners, Klapp attributes a common theme to their success. The "winner includes heroes who * The chapter~ not meant to be exhaustive in terms of the numerous dramatic characters of the period. Rather,it is seen~ an appli cation of Klapp's thesis to a number of the dramatic characters to which reference has been made. 16. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.27. 17. Ibid, pp.27-28. -251- beat everybody, get what they want and come out on top. Speaking generally, they are competitive, self-assertive, invidious and o1 J.garc. h' J.c. "18. Few individuals whom we see in the social type of hero would be seen as winners. It could however be argued that Gough Whitlam, having led his party to power, after twenty three years of the party trying to obtain office, could be seen as a winner (although subsequently, of course, he became a famous loser). The 1972 election campaign was, as any election campaign is, "sharply hierarchical, competitive, consisting of a series of encounters in which rivals are matched - the results are invidious, if not ruinous for many.n 19· Such is_ the "world" in which the winner performs and which we use to provide us with the social type. Such was the "world" in which Whitlam fought on the "It's Time" team and won. As noted earlier the entire mood of the years immediately prior to the 1972 election, was for many summed up in Labor's "It's Time" slogan.* It could also be suggested that these same people may have seen Whitlam as representative of all they desired and wanted their Prime Minister to be. The kind of person many of Whitlam's supporters believed him to represent was a character possessing truly heroic qualities. For those opposed to Whitlam andh3$ party, they may have considered him as a villain in equally vigorous, though negative terms (although his villainy was not so vigorously expressed in 1972 as was to occur later). 18. Ibid, p.28 19. Ibid, p.JO. * See Chapter Four, Festivals, n.100 -252- As with each of the dramatic characters discussed, in Whitlam's case, his real character is not important, but rather the episodes in which he acted out his intentions. In 1967, when Whitlam became leader of the Labor party, he was already aware of the need to present a favourable image of both himself and his party. It has often been suggested that Whitlam, "identified himself with a new 'technocratic' image of the party, an image of which he was largely the fashioner."20 · An effect of this could be that both Whitlam and the party would then seem like the agents of and f or c h ange an d re f orm 1n. a mo d ern soc1e . t y. 21 . But it went further than this. Whitlam could seem to represent for people whatever they wanted him to be. Throughout this period many groups had specific ideals they wanted fulfilled, mainly in terms of reforms and improvements. In 1972 when Labor began its campaign for election, it could well appear to many that by electing the Labor party to government and Gough Whitlam as Prime Minister, the demands and ideals which had been stifled, would be fulfilled through the character of Whitlam. By the time Whitlam was Prime Minister, many or most of those who had taken part in the struggles of concern over Vietnam, environmental battles, the censorship question, Aboriginal demands, women's issues, and the presence and needs of migrants within Australia, may have seen in Whitlam a character who could bring about these changes. For these people, the image they constructed 20. Graeme Starr, Keith Richmond, Graham Maddox. Political Parties in Australia, p.215. (Heinemann Educational Australia) 1978. 21. Ibid. -253- of Whitlam, it could be argued, stemmed from his success in the election. He had trounced his opponents and triumphed. This triumph could be theirs. It is not difficult to see Whitlam within the social type of winner. "Competitive, self assertive, invidious and oligarchic,n22 each of these adjectives were acted out in the style with which Whitlam conducted the 1972 election campaign and his prime ministership. Whitlam had set out fourteen months before the election to project himself as an alternative Prime Minister.23 · Much of this projection had come together to put on the show at the Blacktown Civic Centre, a policy speech turned into a political extravaganza, featuring political and entertainment celebrities.24· From televised performances, radio talk back shows and even personal glimpses of the alternative Prime Minister, some, ncould sense a belief that new things were about to happen - and that he was the man who would achieve them.n25 · As such Whitlam looked every bit a winner. One journalist on the campaign trail had written, nmany of his team, many of his admirers see him as the intellectual giant of the . !!26. parliament. Per h aps h e lS. He was capable of translating this nintellectual giantn image into one of the giant of new and sweeping reform. 22. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.28 23. Cameron Hazlehurst. This Man Whitlam. New Statesman, January 19, 1973, pp.78-79. 24. Ibid. 25. Donald Horne. The End of the Age of Menzies. The Bulletin. December 9, 1972, pp.18-19. 26. Brian Hoad. A Mixture of Wit and Figures. The Bulletin, December 2, 1972, pp.22-25. -254- SPLENDID PERFORMERS Within the social type of hero, Klapp brings attention to the "splendid performers." The splendid performer specializes in g1v1ng. . a " s h'1n1ng . 1mpress1on. . . 1127. Klapp says, "there is some remarkable thing they do before a crowd, camera or microphone. It is hard to specify just what this thing they do is, except that it makes a hit. Rather than specifying what they do we admire splendid performers for shining in front of an audience. 28 • Klapp insists that the splendid performer aims primarily at impression rather than at beating or controlling others •.. He is colorful and tries to set himself off, his goal is to steal the show, basically he is a show person. 1129· Within such an heroic social type, the actions and indeed the performances of Germaine Greer could be placed at least for those who believed in her. Others, however, could see Greer as a threat to their own values, beliefs and way of life and therefore place her within other social types. (Villainous or foolish types). Greer, a university graduate with a PhD. from Cambridge, and with a best-seller, The Female Eunuch, suddenly became a well-known identity. She had been described as a "rare and stimulating commodity ... capable of the finest subtleties and has to be caught live and talking before her full power, her assiduously composed philosophy can jar the synapses and snap the brain into thought. For that is what Greer's fiery stardom is all about."30 · Greer had been described in various ways, such as; 27. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.35. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 30. Barbara Hines. Pressing A Point About The Press. Canberra Times, January 20, 1972, p.17. -255- "a literary bombshell," or as, "beautiful, witty and totally out rageous.1131· Although Greer, who had returned from London to Australia, to help in the sale of her book, had a definite message to deliver, in a most articulate and at the same time witty manner, the media, it would appear, because of the cause which she espoused, and the manner in which she did so, became somewhat pre-occupied with personal trivia concerning her. Headlines such as, "Feminine Greer Charms Her Critics1132 · may have been seen as attempts to set Greer up as the outstanding diplomat on women's affairs. The story which accompanied this particular headline, told how the "aggressive champion of women's liberation, charmed booksellers, publishers and the press with her femininity" 33 · and how she held court to "doe-eyed men and respectful women." 34· The media seemed to delight in describing the kind of clothes Greer wore, and the manner in which she tossed her hair, rather than describing the full content of what it was she had to say. However, such descriptions served to provide further colour to Greer's character and to impress her supporters in terms of the performances she was capable of giving. Many of Greer's followers had labelled her with figurative titles. Most had some reflection on her role within the women's movement. Many of them Greer seemed to reject. After having been referred to as; "a priestess of women's liberation," Greer said, "I am not a priestess of women's liberation, in fact it is a title I particularly dread and abhor.n35 · Others had described Greer as, 31. Sydney Morning Herald, April 10, 1971, p.7. 32. Sydney Morning Herald, January 19, 1972, p.3. 33. Ibid. 34. Ibid. 35. Sydney Morning Herald, Women's Section, January 20, 1972, pp.4-5. -256- "a nut," 36 or as a "kind of Joan of Arc, saviour of the suburban housewife, oppressed teenager and school girls and depressed grand- mothers.1137. However, Greer, the woman who, according to some, could make "wharfies blush and who chatted as casually about her friendly and well looked after libido, as if it were some matron's garden thriving on the North Shore,"38 · did, by her visit to Australia and her media performances, make some significant gains for the cause of women's liberation. Not only did she give press conferences, promote sales of her book and confront opponents in broadcast debates; Greer also marched in the women's liberation demonstrations and attended meetings concerned with the movement's aims. Each of her actions served to keep her in the public eye and focus attention on to her as the "star" performer of the Australian women's movement. For a short period Greer may have been seen as the personification of the women's movement. Whether this is true or not, does not really matter. Since for some the personality of Germaine Greer became and remains synonymous with what women's liberation was all about. Although Greer had often been, "maligned, misreported and sensationalized," 39 · she and the media, "flirted, fenced, used and 36. S;y:dne;y: Morning Herald, March 2, 1972, Look, p.8. 37. S;y:dne;y: Morning Herald, March 23, 1972, p.4. 38. S;y:dne;y: Morning Herald, April 10, 1971, p.7. 39. Barbara Hines. Opcit -25f7- abused one another."40 · Such episodes served only to confirm "Greer's unique talent as the great populariser o.f her cause.n41 · In Klapp's terms the splendid performer, like all heroes, offers positive attitudes to which members of society aspire. Greer had the ability to inspire confidence in her .followers and at the same time, as Klapp put it, "make a hit.n42 · For many Greer and her performances symbolized the "new" liberated woman. As Klapp says, "through social types we pass judgement on ourselves."4J. Those who approved of Greer's actions, .found in her a positive image of what Women's Liberation was all about. This in terms of Klapp's thesis can help to "provide the individual with self images and corresponding motivation for action."44· Another dramatic character who appeared to concentrate on giving a splendid performance was Al Grassby. Grassby, as Minister for Immigration in the Whitlam government, had fought to establish the need to recognize Australia as a multi-cultural or multi- racial, society. Grassby, standing in the New South Wales elect- orate of the Riverina, had managed, in 1972, to obtain the biggest swing in Australia's political history.45 · However, for all his plans to make the multi-cultural society "philosophy" a reality, these included; new migrant task forces, to deal specifically with 40. Sandra Hall. The Power of A Media Made Freak. The Bulletin, February 12, 1972, pp.22-23. 41. Ibid. 42. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.3b. 43. Ibid, p.16. 44. Ibid, p.22. 45. Peter Manning. Riverina Rig's Buckled Wheel. The Bulletin, June 1, 1974, pp.39-40. -258- the problems migrants faced,46 · rallies to establish the ideal of a nation as one family,47 · the setting up of special conferences and the passage of legislation, Grassby became popular in the public domain more for the way he dressed, than for the plans he proposed. Grassby$had been referred to as the, "fashion star of the federal parliament,48 flamboyant and dressy11 49 and when on a visit to the United Kingdom, he had been hailed as "the new look Australian abroad, with pearl tie pin and opal cuff-links.rr50 · However, Grassby's greatest aid, in terms of giving a "shining performance," it could seem, was what came to be known as the "Riverina Rig." Barry Humphries had described Grassby in the "Rig" as, "an out of work ballet dancer, 1151 • or "looking as if he was sporting a pair of white pyjamas. 1152 · Although Grassby's flamboyance attracted much attention to the cause of multi-culturalism, it sometimes "became difficult to assess the seriousness of his activities.rr53 · Grassby provided positive images of what could be achieved by giving a good performance within the public domain. He provided a colorful impression of his cause in order to attract support. However, not everyone would see Grassby as a splendid performer. Others may have considered Grassby's activities, especially his manner of dress as ridiculous. As such he could also be seen within the social type of fool. 46. Yvonne Preston. Al's Migrant Task Forces: All the Old Forces Without the Migrants. National Times, April 16-21, 1973, p.6. 47. Sydney Morning Herald, May 2, 1974, p.J. 48. Peter Manning. Riverina Rig's Buckled Wheel. Opcit. 49. Larry Pickering. National Times, November 5-10, 1973, p.2. 50. John Stubbs. Al Tours the Old Countries for the FolksBack Home: Grassby Finds a New Way to Tap the Migrant Vote. National Times January 28 - February 2, 1974, p.J. 51. Barry Humphries. Bazza Versus Gazza. The Bulletin, January, 19, 1974' pp. 12-13 . 52. Ibid. 53. John Stubbs. Opcit -259- GROUP SERVANTS: CRUSADERS AND MARTYRS One of the more common type of heroes to which Klapp makes reference is the "group servant." Klapp says such heroes, "come closest, perhaps, to the traditional picture of what a hero should be - a person with a strong arm and a heart of gold, tire lessly serving his group.n54 · Within this social type Klapp points to the "crusader" and the "martyr." CRUSADERS The crusader attempts to "bring in a new order or to carry the cause forward .... The crusader is marked by a militant high mindedness. If the cause for which he fights is not recognized, however, he may seem a fool, even villain."55 · In the years 1965- 1975, numerous attempts were made "to bring in a new order or to carry the cause forward," for the sake of specific groups. The cause for environmental protection, publ~cised largely by Jack Mundey, the cause for peace in Vietnam in which Dr. Jim Cairns seemed the leader and the relaxation of censorship laws, a prolonged and bitter struggle, in which Don Chipp was a key figure, all serve as examples of crusading. However, it must again be emphasised that not everyone, particularly those opposed to the "new order" which these people attempted to "carry forward" would see them in the social type of crusader. Those opposed to the actions and the cause which the crusader symbolizes, could dismiss such activities as villainous or foolish behaviour. 54. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.46 55. Ibid. -260- When Jack Mundey, as secretary of the New South Wales branch of the Builders' Labourers' Federation, attempted to halt projects "costing an estimated $2500 million"56 as a means to prevent environmental destruction and preserve particular areas of Sydney, some would have regarded such action as sheer anarchy verging on the edge of lunacy. Others hailed Mundey as a new kinfi of "Sir Galahad1157 who was prepared to battle for those not in positions to decide what could and should be done to the environment. Within the public domain it could appear that Mundey was solely responsible for all the successes or failures of the "green ban" movement. Although Mundey was backed by members of his own union and gained particularly strong support from members of the various resident action groups, as events turned out it was Mundey who acquired the public role of 11 leader" of this movement. The media producers together with all those who had some interest in environmental matters, (whether for or against) attempted to find in Mundey's character the kind of person they needed as an image to praise, condemn, or ridicule. The actions performed by Mundey, such as the use of the term 11 green ban," to describe industrial action by a trade union for environmental purposes, so as to attempt to cancel the connotations surrounding the industrial black ban, and to point to the special requirements needed before a ban could be imposed, together with 56. Marion MacDonald. Tin Hat Aesthetes. The Bulletin, May 12, 1973, pp.34-38. 57. Brisbane Courier Mail, June 30, 1973, p.17. -261- his part in the "rituals" played out in the Rocks area and in Victoria Street, lent special significance in terms of the kind of person both followers and opponents thought Mundey portrayed. For those who considered Mundey in the role of crusader, his involvement in the physical struggles which took place in the public domain, together with his statements concerning the obligation of the trade union movement to make a conscious commit- ment to "quality of life" issues, perpetuated the admirable traits followers saw in him. Mundey' s followers saw him as a "guardian of the cultural heritage. 1158 • To those who supported him, Mundey appeared the embodiment of the "modern day unionist."59 • The forty year old builders' labourer, who wore long side burns and spoke about issues concerning human rights, conservation and the "quality of life," represented to many what he himself called the "conscious element of the union, the thinking membership. 1160 • As a "modern day unionist," Mundey's philosophy, in part stated, "what was the use of winning a thirty five hour week if we're going to choke to death in planless and polluted cities, devoid of parks and denuded of trees?1161 • Mundey maintained that it was only a "depression mentality that says that you must be blinkered by economic issues, in an advanced society, even though they're the prime elements for unions to concern themselves with, they become less important in relation to "quality of life issues. 1162 • 58. Marion MacDonald. Tin Hat Aesthetes. Opcit, p.34. 59. Brisbane Courier Mail, June 30, 1973, p.17. 60. Marion MacDonald. Tin Hat Aesthetes. Opcit, p.36. 61. Ibid. 62. Ibid. -262- In terms of Klapp's thesis, that is, "that we are contin ually re-enacting age old stories,1163·Mundey might appear to his followers as a modern day Robin Hood, outsmarting authority, taking their riches, and using them to his own advantage. For those who found in Mundey's actions heroic attempts to affect those in positions who decided the future of Australia's natural and structured environ- ment, the social type of villain would have been unimaginable. Yet we must keep in mind the ambivalent nature surrounding many of the dramatic characters which has already been pointed to applied to each of the people we have marked as crusaders. When Dr. Jim Cairns involved himself in actions designed to protest against the war in Vietnam, the typing process may have been worked overtime. Cairns was often looked upon as the main opponent of the Vietnam war as a result of the part he played in the anti- Vietnam campaigns. The role which Cairns played allowed both his followers and opponents enough latitude to interpret his actions in a manner which provided both understanding of the issues involved and their commitment to such issues. For many of his followers, Cairns had been seen as a virtual full time peace activist, while simultaneously attempting to play the role of politician. Cairns led more than 80,000 people in protest during the Vietnam Moratoriums. Such a move demonstrated to his followers that his own feelings and beliefs concerning humanity took priority above those of his political party and his position within the party. 63. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, preface, vii. -263- The approach which Cairns took towards the questions concerning the Vietnam war had several facets. Not only had he appeared as a member of the "teach-in" panels, attempting to provide what he saw as rational and intelligent accounts of the situation, he had also participated in the struggles which were a part of the crusade against the Vietnam war. Among those opposed to the war and to the conscription of young men for military service, Cairns' ideals were seen to be based on "egalitarianism and championship of the underdog."64 • In fact it was Cairns more than any other single person, who was recognized as playing a major role in efforts designed to stop the war. As such Cairns was often seen as a crusader for world peace. A large part of the crusade which Cairns represented was carried on outside the legitimate political arena. Cairns often reiterated the point that it was in the streets, that people could be reached. "I don't own a television station, or a newspaper. I have to go into Burke Street. Very often this is the only way of the people. 1165 · Of the actions in which Cairns did participate, the more notable included his leadership of the Moratorium marches in Victoria, his chairmanship of the National and Victorian Moratorium Committees in 1970 and 1971, his public condemnation of both Australia's and America's participation in Vietnam, public support for conscientious objectors, as a result of which the Federal government, in November, 64. Michael Byrnes. The Paradox of Jim Cairns: His Mind Is Cool But His Politics Hot. National Times, August 6-11, 1973, p.12. 65, Ibid. -264- 1969 and in October, 1970, threatened Cairns with prosecution under the Crimes Act for encouraging defiance of the National Service Act, and his public participation in draft card burning 11 rituals.n66 · The functions of seeing Cairns as crusader are important. Through his participation in activities designed to stop the war in Vietnam, Cairns gave 11 new dimensions to the concept of the right to dissent. 1167 · Such dimensions were motivated by "a strong sense of social responsibility expressed through personal involvement.68 · Cairns as heroic crusader provided a model type, who in Klapp's terms, rose above the ordinary and symbolized exceptional behaviour as an 2'd ea 1 ach' lever. 69 • In 1971, when Don Chipp released news of the introduction of R-rated films, it could appear as if a long crusade had just been won. The actions surrounding the introduction of R-rated films and the general liberalizing of censorship laws which Chipp and his Department were responsible f'or contributed to the manner in which many people imagined Chipp. When Gorton appointed Chipp as the new Minister for Customs, the appointment was hailed as, 11 one of the best and most sensible appointments made. 1170 · Chipp, on accepting the appointment, made statements saying; 11 I am a person who believes a fully adult person should be entitled to see pretty near what he wants. 1171 · As a result of' such comments, Chipp had been hailed as a 66. Gay Summy. The Revolutionary Democracy of J.F. Cairns. Politics, V. vii, No. 1, May, 1972., pp.55-66. 67. Sam Goldbloom. The Peace Movement in Motion. Meanjin Quarterly, V.32, No. 2, June, 1973, pp.227-230. 68. Ibid. 69. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.17. 70. Sydney Morning Herald (Editorial) The New Broom, February 17, 1971, p.2. 71. Ibid. -265- "minister thinking purposefully along liberal lines •.• change can hardly be welcomed too strongly. 1172 • Although Chipp's portfolio only included film and book censorship, leaving the control of the theatre outside his office, it was hoped that if a more liberal attitude was taken by the Minister, it would influence all areas of censorship. It was claimed that Chipp had brought a "refreshing sincerity, and equally refreshing liberal attitude to the difficult and highly contentious issues of censorship. 1173 · Chipp set out to revise the film censorship regulations, a move which in November, 1971, resulted in the introduction of the "R" classification for films. The "R" classification which restricted exhibition of particular films to those over the age of eighteen, came only after a number of debates in parliament, in which Chipp had spoken of the need to "bring censorship regulations devised in another era into line with modern ideas and to dissipate the atmosphere of secrecy in which they have long been administered.n74· Chipp had demonstrated his belief in calling for open scrutiny by the public, with his decision to release in monthly bulletins the titles of rejected films, and the length and nature of cuts made to other films.n75 • In the area of book censorship, Chipp had also demonstrated his ability to allow others to consider his position. After an inter- view with Chipp, one journalist had written, Chipp had demonstrated one 72. Ibid. 73. Qygne;.y: Morning Herald (Editorial) CensorshiJ2, June 12, 1970, p.2. 74. S;.y:dne;.y: Morning Herald (Editorial) CensorshiJ2, June 12, 1970, Opcit, p.2. 75. Ibid. -266- of the limits of his uncommonly liberal administration. After reaching down into a desk drawer, he tossed across his desk four or five magazines, all discreetly covered with brown paper, and said, "now I ask you, would you let garbage like this into the country?" The journalist commented, it was a tactic he used frequently, "like some unanswerable royal flush, when the conversation reaches an edgy po1n. t . 1176. The image of Chipp as crusader for the censorship cause, was however, limited to those people who wanted changes made to the censorship structure. 'Others could find in Chipp's personality traits which to them revealed a particularly repugnant character, one example of this could be seen in Chipp's handling of the episode involving the Little Red School Book. For those opposed to Chipp's liberal attitudes this episode served to confirm Chipp's villainous role. MARTYRS Leading the crusade, is not however, the only form of service which can be provided by "group servants." It has been shown that Klapp also points to the "martyr" as a leading social type possessing heroic potential. For Klapp, the martyr, goes perhaps, one step further than the crusader. He not only carries a cause forward, but is prepared to make "exemplary sacrifices for group causes. 1177 · 76. Denis O'Brien. Don Chipp's New Brand ofLiberalism. The Bulletin, February 20, 1971, pp.26-28. 77. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.46. -267- Klapp continues, "what the martyr seems to s.ymbolize above all else is loyalty ••• The ideal is extended beyond supreme sacrifice to people who have suffered for worthy reasons ..• Martyrdom has dramatic characteristics which mark it off from passive suffering, however undeserved: it is plainly for a cause and voluntary, proving the loyalty of the sufferer."78 · However, Klapp is careful to point to the manner in which the martyr can often be seen as a fool, that is, "unless people are involved in a conflict, it is difficult to appreciate an act like martyrdom.n79 · Nevertheless, the martyr once recognized has the ability to "appeal beyond his group, uniting large numbers of people sentimentally."80 · Thus little known identities who had attention given to their actions for a specific cause could be seen as martyrs helping to provide group solidarity. By 1975, the public figure of Whitlam had changed. He had become, for some, "the most tragic leader of the Labor party in recent years. "81. It is doubtful that Whitlam still appeared as the heroic social type of winner. However, for many Whitlam may still have been associated with heroic types. To this it could be suggested that Whitlam became identified with the social type of martyr. The images which Whitlam had called upon as a means to defend himself and his party as a result of his dismissal ranged 78. Ibid, pp.46-47. 79. Ibid, p.47. 80. Ibid. 81. Graeme Starr, Keith Richmond, Graham Maddox. Opcit, p.215. -268- between anger, betrayal, foul play and disillusionment. Klapp speaks of the martyr as one who suffers for worthy reasons. In 1975 Whitlam had stated worthy reasons for his fight against what he saw as his betrayal. Klapp also speaks of the "deterioration of the hero, 1182 · and "mockery of the hero."83 · In both cases fault does not lie with the hero. This too may have been recognized by many of Whitlam's supporters, that is, that the events of 1975 were no fault of his. Rather, Klapp suggests that it is a combination of factors relating to whom we choose as our heroes; their heroic qualities; genuine or pseudo, our failure to recognize higher intellectual types, our inconsistency in values and the encroachment of entertainment and showmanship on areas of religion, education and politics.84· These factors serve to limit the aura which surrounds our heroic social types. For many the heroic type cannot lift the "low level of aspiration- either because he is too 'good' or not good enough. 1185 · He is then subjected to mockery. Such factors when viewed in terms of the events surrounding Whitlam•s dismissal may have contributed to his change in status from heroic winner to martyr. William White, conscientious objector, Simon Townsend, conscientious objector, and Michael Ha:ttesDY;l, "draft dodger", each gained notoriety as examples of the treatment the Federal Government, under the power of the National Service Registration Act, was prepared to use. Each of these men were prepared to sacrifice themselves for a group cause and as such, they might be seen as 82. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, pp.142-156. 83. Ibid, pp.157-170. 84. Ibid,~pp.142-143. 85. Ibid, p.158. -269- martyr figures. Both White and Townsend, in pursuit of preserving their own beliefs concerning their conscience and their attitude towards war, did suffer inhumane treatment. White, a school teacher, and Townsend, a journalist, registered for National Service and then applied to the courts for exemption. Once such formalities had been ~ulfilled, "the most delicate of all legal operations: the examination of conscience" began. 86 · White and Townsend had then to submit their innermost beliefs, their conscience, to the cold and pub1 1c. scrut' 1ny of t he cour t • 87 · In one article, the author had remarked that White, "was not a martyr, but a sincere, intelligent, clean-cut, modest young man with the courage of his convictions .... With an intense compassion for any form of suffering ... a man who arouses your empathy.n88 · Other projections of White's actions suggested that some thought that either he had a "martyr complex, or was a publicity hunter.n89 · Townsend had experienced similar treatment to White in the Courts. Townsend, however, experienced harsher treatment than White once he was placed under military arrest. White, after his arrest, had attempted to show passive resistance. This included such things as forcing the military police to carry him in and out of the court room, refusing to wear the army uniform he was given and refusing to take part in any exercise which he was requested to perform. Townsend 86. Monty Dennison. Trials of William White. The Bulletin, November 26, 1966, p.24. 87. Ibid. 88. Ibid. 89. Simon Townsend. Private White Objects. Comment, January, 1967, pp.8-9. -270- after his arrest was held at Holsworthy Camp, where he was woken every half an hour during the night, and given only bread and water for his meals. This "punishment!' was believed to have taken place 90. for two days. After the White and Townsend episodes there were calls for a revision of military regulations covering crime and punishment in the services, and to the law regarding the determination of conscience, so as to allow a more flexible and humane approach. 91 · Both White and Townsend may have been regarded as catalysts urging others who held conscientious objections regarding conscription and the Vietnam war, to stand up for their beliefs despite institutional pressure and obstacles. As such, both could be seen as powerful images, helping to stimulate further action. However, it must be remembered that to those who opposed the stand taken by White and Townsend, they may have appeared foolish, and be seen as receiving their just deserts. Both White and Townsend can be seen as exceptional examples, who gained publicity as a result of what was done to them by the authorities. However, Michael Matteson, who refused to register for National Service, gained popularity and support from his followers primarily it would seem, because of his beliefs and what he did to the authorities to protect those beliefs. Matteson had been described as "the strong silent type, ... with loads of quiet assurance. 1192 · His grandfather had been a member 90. Sydney Morning Herald (Editorial) Military Madness, May 28, 1966, p.2. 91. Sydney Morning Herald, February 25, 1969, p.2. 92. Peter Manning, Portrait of a Conscientious Objector. The Bulletin, April 10, 1971, pp.23-24. -271'- o~ the Sinn Fein, and Matteson had said in an interview that, he identi~ied with that side o~ his family, and with the idea of martyrs - "not strictly martyrs, but people who were right and got done.n93 · Although Matteson had served two jail sentences, one consisting of thirty days, and another of seven days, for his refusal to register for National Service, it often appeared that Matteson managed, some- what cleverly, to elude "getting done." In November, 1971, Hatteson took part in an interview conducted by the A.B.C. programme, This Day Tonight. The interviewer had begun the segment with the comment; "Young men dodging the call up were scoffing at the law.n94· Matteson, had taken part in the 1n. t erv1ew . Wl"th ou t a guaran t ee o f pro t ec t•1on. 95 · Although police raided the A.B.C.'s studios in Sydney, Matteson escaped. The New South Wales Premier said, it was "deplorable to find the A.B.C. sponsoring a "draft dodger.n96 · Such action by Matteson may have had many of his followers cheering, while they awaited his next escapade. In an episode which could have left many believing that Matteson was public enemy number one, Matteson, with the help of some friends, again left the authorities empty handed. In April, 1972, two Commonwealth policemenhadfollowed Matteson, by car, to Sydney University. Once inside the gates the two policemen jumped into 93. Ibid. 94. Sydney Morning Herald, November 17, 1971, p.1. 95. Michael Matteson, Escape from Gore Hill. Nation, February 19, 197.2, p. 5 · 96. Sydney Morning Herald, November 17, 1971, p.1. -272- the car in which Matteson was a passenger and handcuffed him to them- selves. Matteson told the driver to drive through the University grounds. As the car approached the main tower, Matteson and the police, had "sort of fallen out of the car." An unofficial announce- ment was broadcast asking students to help Matteson. Bolt cutters were produced and while several students held the policemen, Matteson was set free and disappeared.97 • The action was condemned by the Sydney Morning Herald. The Herald, had said; "Commonwealth police were made to look a laughing stock, .•• but behaved with surprising cheerfulness and good humour in humiliating circumstances.n98 · The Herald continued; "Bolt cutters, a familiar tool of theives, were used to obstruct police in the course of their duty, •.. the whole affair was fundamentally unfunny. "99 . To those not so seriously minded as the editors of the Herald, Matteson's escape may have seemed hysterically funny. However, more importantly, the episode displayed the willingness and determination of many of the students and Matteson himself to fight conscription and the National Service Act, regardless of the obstacles which confronted them. In a situation of physical confrontation between opposing groups, each group has only limited alternatives. Those open to Matteson and the students were further curtailed by the real threat of Matteson being held and arrested. 97. Sydney Morning Herald, April 25, 1972, p.1. 98. Sydney Morning Herald (Editorial) Bolting ·from the Law, April 26, 1972, p.6. 99. Ibid. -273- The episode at Sydney University had shown Matteson, with some help, determined in his efforts to remain loyal to his own beliefs, despite overwhelming odds against him. All those who witnessed such determination may have identified with him and his courage. What must be kept in focus when considering Matteson's attempts to elude the National Service Act and its "servants," is the service he provided for others who were opposed to conscription and the Vietnam war. Determination, it would seem, helped those opposed to the Vietnam war to continue in their efforts. The battle which they took part in, although it did not involve confronting an enemy on foreign ground, was real enough to them. The enemies of the conscientious objector, and the "draft dodger" served to persecute these young men, as did the legalities which were carried out. In one respect it was a battle for their own personal freedom as individuals which White, Townsend and Matteson played out in the public domain. As martyrs each demonstrated their personal loyalty to the principles espoused by all those opposed to war. In terms of Klapp's thesis, the martyr and the crusader as II group servant s, sym b o1 2ze. so1" 2 d ar2 . t y. 11 100 . Althoug h th e crusad er might stand out as the leader of a cause and the martyr as a member of a group willing to make a personal sacrifice, both function so as to allow members of a group to project their own sentiments onto the actions performed by either of the social types. For those who saw any of the dramatic personalities discussed within either of these social types, the actions they performed helped to clarify conflicts, in terms of viewing the conflict according to the social type. In simple terms, issues become a battle between heroes and villains. 100. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.48. -274- Since the social type becomes the group's "substitute for really knowing the person they deal with, 11101 · the problem of inaccessibility and familiarity with positive images is overcome through the typing process. Through social typing leading characters become, or at least seem to become understandable and familiar figures consolidating group support. VILLAINS Klapp speaks often of the social types as having, "per- fected dramatJ... c form. 11102 • However, as h as b een sugges t e d , h e a 1 so points to the ambivalent nature of each of the social types. 103 · The social type we assign to a dramatic character is, in Klapp's terms an 11 abstraction,"104· formed as a result of the "stock of images and symbols,"105 • permeating our culture. Klapp in his treat- ment of the typing process reserves much of what he calls "deviant" behaviour for the social types of villain and fool. The villain as a functional character, oddly serves society by deviating from J..•t s norms. 106. The common trait which all villains express and which can be pointed to as a functional part of the social type, is that they "serve as scapegoats or as a safety valve for aggression, or as a per- fected hate symbol building morale for law enforcement and other 101. Ibid, p.19. 102. Ibid, p.14. 103. Ibid, p.16, p.52, p.53, p.65, p.66. 104. Ibid, p.9. 105. Ibid, p.7. 106. Ibid, p.51. -275- . "107. ac t ~on. For those who found offensive the actions and activities pursued by our heroic types, identification through vilification of these people provided reassurance. From what has been said, it is obvious that there were two images of thekind of person Jack Mundey represented. The image of Mundey the villain and of Mundey the crusader, with heroic potential, functioned simultaneously to provide the expon- ents of both images simple identification of Mundey and his aims. By so viewing Mundey under either of these social types, supporters of either type, it could be suggested, believed that they understood the situation and the part they themselves could play. The impression of Mundey as villain could be gained by way of the information and opinions the media had to offer concerning him and his own statements concerning the action he and members of his union undertook. It was common knowledge that Mundey was "a member 108 of a par t y d e d ~ca. t e d t o soc~a . 1 d"~srup t"~on. rr · Mundey's membership of the Communist Party of Australia was often seen as a point to exploit to its full potential, implying sinister consequences. Commenting on Mundey's role and methods of environmental protection, the Sydney Morning Herald said, "Mr. Mundey, a communist, is using conservation as a cover for authoritarianism. Every Day Democracy, he calls it -the democracy of vigilantes and the lynch gangs."109. Later in 1973, the Sydney Morning Herald had again condemned Mundey 107. Ibid, p.51. 108. Sydney Morning Herald (Editorial) Jack the Giant Killer, August 14, 1972, p.6. 109. Sydney Morning Herald (Editorial) The Greening of Sydney, August 6, 1973, p.6. -276- and his activities. This time the Herald had stated that, "Two years ago the New South Wales branch of the Builders' Labourers' Federation initiated a campaign of urban guerilla warfare ... produced to attract support from diverse groups ranging from the conservationists to the unemployed Vietnam demonstrator. However high-minded their intentions, conservationists and residents blinkered by their own fears and frustrations have helped to spawn a monster which claims for itself a place above the law. 11110 • The natural opponents to Mundey and his "green bans," such as large scale developers, conservative council members and politicians, did all they could to condemn him. Sid Einfeld, deputy leader of the New South Wales Labor Party, declared Mundey to be an "enemy of the workers, and an enemy of the people. 11111 · Letters signed, "unionist," or "labourer," branding Mundey a traitor, megalomaniac, tool of Moscow or bourgeois reactionary sell out, appeare d 1n. th e newspapers. "112. In September, 1972, The Australian, had carried a headline: "Ridiculous Mr. Mundey. 1111 3· The story went on to say that Mundey, having no expertise in the field of city planning, was being allowed to make decisions resulting in the loss of millions of dollars. Together with this the Sydney Morning Herald, had referred to Mundey's ideas as, "delusions of grandeur, 1111 4· and had commented that there is "something comical in the spectacle of the Builders' Labourers' Federation, whose ideas on industrial 110. Sydney Morning Herald (Editorial) Green Judgement, October 24, 1973, p.6. 111. Marion MacDonald, Tin Hat Aesthetes. Opcit. 112. Ibid, p.36. 113. The Australian, September 5, 1972, p.8. 114. Sydney Morning Herald (Editorial) Jack the Giant Killer, August 14, 1972. Opcit. -277- relations do not rise above strikes, violence and intimidation and the destruction of property, setting themselves up as arbitrators of taste and protectors of our national heritage.n11 5· For those who viewed Mundey's "quality of life" issues with cynicism, their latent hope was to prove that once the economic climate for builders' labourers changed, a move which would result in less money for development projects and thus fewer jobs, builders' labourers attitudes would change, since they would not be able to walk off jobs so readily when the abundance of work was reduced. Although as already noted two editorials revealed that some may have found Mundey's actions somewhat foolish, and as such attempted to ridicule him. Many of Mundey's opposition saw the role of villain as a more appropriate social type in which to place him. Descriptions such as "rabble-rouser, communist firebrand, 11116 "communist dedicated to social disruption, 11117 "authoritarianism,11118 119 120 "urban guerilla warfare 11 "monster" and "d emon k"lng, 11121 were ' all used as indictments of Mundey's character. By attempting to disregard the traditional process of allowing governments, councils and developers to decide what could be built and what would be demolished, Mundey offered a threat to the decision making process and by extension to the stability upheld by such a system. Under such circumstances Mundey, to his opponents, could appear every inch 115. Ibid. 116. Brisbane Courier Mail, June 30, 1973, p.7. 117. Sydney Morning Herald, August 14, 1972. Opcit, p.6. 118. Sydney Morning Herald, August 6, 1973. Opcit, p.6. 119. Sydney Morning Herald, October 24, 1973. Opcit, p.6. 120. Ibid. 121. Marion MacDonald. Tin Hat Aesthetes. Opcit, p.37. -278- a villain, which according to Klapp is not a replica of the "old fashioned, moustache-twisting variety, now out of date. 11122 • Rather today's villain poses a form of threat to the social and political order. As such Mundey may have represented "the desperado, who symbolizes lawlessness, force and violence used to upset the social order.rr123· Those opposed to the Vietnam Moratorium campaigns, the "draft dodger," the conscientious objector and the activities pursued by such people, may have found in Jim Cairns a perfected hate symbol - a scapegoat for lawlessness and general disorder. As such Cairns as villain was seen as suspected of being "a sort of left wing bogey-man with sinister influence. 11124· For those who had no affinity with Cairns and his calls for world peace, he could appear as a fanatic, obsessed with student movements involving radical methods. The intensity of concern shown by Cairns was well demonstrated. It became common practice for him to participate in the street marches and demonstrations as a means to be part of a forum opposing the Vietnam war and then to have the audacity, according to his opponents, to appear in the national Parliament as a member of the Opposition, who with equal vigour to that used by himself and his followers in the streets, would attempt to enlighten other members of the parliament. 122. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.51. 123. Ibid, p.52. 124. Eric Walsh. Ex Bogey-Man Jim In the Ring Again - Off the Streets and Into the Tari:ff'. , National Times, March 27 - April 1, 1972, p.2. -279- Statements made by Cairns to the effect that "p~ople have the r1g. ht'' t o occupy an 1n. t ersect. 1on, 125 . to ' 'obstruc t reasona bly f or · a. 1 aw ful purpose, 11 126' as par t o f th e Mora t or1ums,· were taken by opponents to symbolize a flagrant "right to break 127. the 1 aw. 11 As such Cairns could appear to his opponents as a dangerous influence attempting to undermine the need for laws and the values which uphold such a philosophy. The ambiguities of the Vietnam war could be reduced to simple images of Cairns the hero of the anti-Vietnam movement, or Cairns the villain. Depending on how individuals viewed the actions which Cairns performed, the opponents of the war, together with those who supported the war, could find in Cairns an image to admire or hate. This in Klapp's terms could simplify the entire conflict within society surrounding the war into a battle between heroes, villains and fools as a consequence of the typing process. This according to Klapp's thesis makes for "better organization and understanding and finer discrimination of roles than the formal structure defines. That is, no formal status explains how to deal with the kinds of people one is likely to meet in that status, nor much about deviations and undercover activities within the status. 11128 · Thus the social type we assign to a person gives us some understanding and indeed an indication of what we can expect and how we can view the actions performed. 125. Neal Blewett. The A.L.P. and the Moratorium. Issue, November, 1970, pp.9-14. 126. Jim Cairns. Silence Kills: Events Leadin u to the Vietnam Moratorium on 8 May, p.17. Vietnam Moratorium Committee, Australia, 1970.) 127. Ibid, p.16. 128. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.19. -280- When Don Chipp as Minister for Customs had proposed to introduce a new order for the advancement of liberalizing the censorship laws, there was little chance that Chipp would end up looking foolish. Many had recognized and acclaimed the need for the relaxation of such laws. As for the role of villain, those strongly opposed to the relaxation of censorship laws, may have seen Chipp as a threat to their own morality and that of society. Therefore they may have had no hesitations in seeing Chipp as a villain threatening the moral fibre of the nation. It was not so much Chipp's personality which revealed either villainous or heroic traits, (as is the case with each of the dramatic characters referred to) as it was the actions he performed and the manner in which they were presented to the public. One episode played out in the public domain which, served for some, to cement an image of Chipp as villain, was that surround- ing the Little Red School Book. The Little Red School Book had been described by the Sydney Morning Herald as, "obscene, offensive, subversive and crude," ... waging a cowardly cynical cunning war on the 1mpress1ona. . bl e m1n. d s of our c h"ld1 ren. n 129 • Th e L"ttl1 e R e d School Book, which was a guide to permissive Australia directed towards the young, was seen as having an "anti-authoritarian message addressed to adolescents ..• in schools already undermined by the poor quality of facilities and insufficient number of teachers. 11130 • 129. Sydney Morning Herald, May 12, 1972, p.1. 130. Twelve Good Men. Nation, 'June 24, 1972, p.4. -281- The Federal Cabinet had spent more than two hours talking about the Little Red School Book, and had concluded that it was a most "patronising and banal hand book - that might not have been heard of by most Australian adolescents if governments had not given it such a huge sales pus h • 11131. The Little Red School Book, referred to as "The' School Book" in conversation and "L.R.S.B." in departmental papers, had been responsible for Chipp's department receiving over one thousand letters during a seven week debating . d 132. per~o . Part of this revolt against the Little Red School Book had led to it being banned in Queensland and seized in Victoria. 133 • The Catholic Weekly had called Chipp and his followers an "odd assortment of humanists, academics, publicists and profit-hungry operators who want a complete end to restraints •.. The Little Red School Book was subversive of legitimate authority."134. News Weekly, the Democratic Labor Party's supporting journal had seen Chipp as "a representative of a younger permissive group." 135 · Democratic Labor Senator, Jack Kane, believed that "since Chipp became Minister for Customs there has been nothing short of total revolution in the whole field of censorship in Australia. 11136 · Although Chipp, in his efforts to encourage a wide ranging acceptance of changes to censorship laws in general and to the episodes involving the Little Red School Book, in particular, spoke 131. The Politics of Permissiveness. The Bulletin, April 29, 1972, pp.13-14. 132. Peter Samuel. Chipp the Un-Censor. The Bulletin, June 10, 1972, pp.14-16. 133. The Politics of Permissiveness. Opcit. 134. Ibid. 135. Ibid. 136. Ibid. -282- of "plurality of commnnity standards11137 • and "shared responsib ility,n138· those capable of seeing Chipp as villain saw him as nndermining community standards and totally irresponsible in terms of social attitudes and values related to censorship questions. The episode involving the Little Red School Book had brought "together a variety of conservatives to campaign against the Chipp regime. 11139 · However,rumours that Chipp would res1gn· over the ep1so· d e 1"f ca b"llle t reverse d h"lS d ec1s1on,· · 14°· ~ven though all copies of the book were printed in Australia and therefore were not the concern of Chipp's department, 141) suggested that Chipp considered himself to be an instrument not of his own personal concerns, but of changing commnnity standards. 142 • Such changes to commnnity standards were not accepted or indeed accept- able to many of those who found in Chipp a scapegoat to hold responsible for changes to the censorship laws and the implications surrounding such changes. When the episode involving the Little Red School Book was in full focus, it was reported that one woman rang Mrs. Chipp at 3 o'clock in the morning and started to read sections from the book. Someone else tossed a bloody pig's head into his garden. 143 · Another woman had written to Chipp stating that she held him personally "responsible for most of the abortions, illegitimate births, alcoholism and rotten sordid sex now sweeping Australia. 11 144· 137. Peter Samuel. Chipp the Un-Censor. Opcit. 138. Ibid. 139. Ibid. 140. The Politics of Permissiveness. Opcit. 141. Peter Samuel. Chipp the Un-Censor. Opcit. 142. Ibid. 143. Ibid. 144. Ibid. -283- For those opposed to changes to the censorship laws, it was easy to find in Chipp a figure to hold responsible, to blame for the relaxation of all kinds of moral standards previously held. In seeing Chipp as villain, changing behavioural patterns and attitudes could be seen as being the end product of his moves to liberalize the censorship laws. As such, and in keeping with Klapp's analysis of how the social type of villain serves society, (that is, as a scapegoat which can be used as a means of placing blame, or venting one's aggression,) this a~lows us to maintain some equilibrium in terms of how "deviant" behaviour can be dealt with. THE REBEL Within the social type of villain, Klapp emphasises that the "pure villain lacks redeeming traits that confuse him with a hero.n145. Yet paradoxically, the villain can become a popular favourite. 146 · One example of this paradox can be seen in the social type of the "rebel," which Klapp classifies under the ' general social type of villain. By examining the role which the rebel performs, something of this paradox can be explained. More importantly, however, something of our ability to form "consensual images" is also evident. This tells us something of the expectations we hold for social types which we construct, or more correctly, the expectations we have of our dramatic characters. 145. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.50. 146. Ibid, p.50. -284- Klapp classifies the rebel by his open attacks on authority. He says, "the rebel deliberately aims to overthrow authority.n147· Klapp's attitudes regarding the behaviour of the rebel are, as suggested, somewhat indecisive, ranging from beliefs of the rebel having heroic rather than villainous qual- ities. Klapp says, "to see a rebel always as a villain requires unified authority.rr148• As an example of the type of drama tic character to which the social type of rebel could be applied, and which can serve to show the ambivalence of the character, the actions performed by Wendy Bacon in her battle with the court system and the law regarding censorship, can be pointed to. Bacon, a post graduate sociology student at Sydney University, was creating havoc. Bacon's actions, challenged the legal system in an extraordinary manner. Such actions, as performed by Bacon, became all the more baffling because they were related to the Sydney "libertarian" approach and its application in matters involving the censorship laws. Bacon did not see herself as a crusader for the cause of liberalizing censor- ship restrictions or reforming institutions. In her own words Bacon had expressed the Libertarians' view point as; "anarchist - type activities - criticising the views of authoritarians, publishing illegal material and demonstrating against repressive policies. 111 49• 147. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.53. 148. Ibid. 149. Elisabeth Wynhausen, Across the Sexual Badlands and Into the Counter-Cultures. The Bulletin, March 4, 1972, pp.26-27. -285- Such actions if they were worth doing, said Bacon, "they were worth doing for their own sake, not for the sake of an ideal future. 111 50. The concept of what could be done by those Libertarians, who wanted action, was limited by their very philosophy. The form social action could take, was at best, making and allowing others to make defiant gestures. 151 · On Bacon's part, the manner in which all these elements of Libertarianism came together and were expressed in the fight for the recognition of censorship as a political power being used against all came in the form of the production of student and their- under ground newspapers; namely, Tharunka, the student newspaper at the University of New South Wales, Thorunka, Thor, and Thor-Out. It was as a result of the attempts by the authorities to enforce the law against these papers, that Bacon was able to put on public shows of her own defiance. In one sense, the material used in any of the papers was paraded before the public's eyes, each time Bacon and her colleagues were brought before the courts. On the occasions Bacon was brought before the courts, she repeatedly told the court that, "this is a political trial."152 · Bacon in accordance with the Libertarian view, believed that censoring of obscene and erotic material was political and that society was based on a sexual structure which would have to be broken down and done away with if taboos which were used to uphold the state and the Australian way of life were to be overthrown. 153. 150. Ibid. 151. Ibid. 152. Ibid. 153. Ibid. -286- For many, Bacon was little more than an exhibitionist, taunting the authorites with outrageous displays of "unusual" behaviour, the continuous publication of obscene material and the general abuse she offered to the legal system as a whole. For others Bacon's behaviour was seen as the beginning of attempts by ordinary individuals to unleash the restrictive nature of our attitudes towards sexuality and the censorship question in a wider sphere. By so doing, Bacon's actions were seen as helping to widen the range of experiences many were willing to take part in. In either case she was a "rebel." Of the actions which Bacon performed when she was brought before the courts, none, perhaps, surpassed her "costume party," in which she wore a nun's habit with an inscription, a line from a poem, describing what she termed, "comments on the sexual nature of virgins," a:nd what a priest called, "an explicit statement of the relationship between nuns and their saviour. 111 54. .Another of the more rebellious actions in which Bacon had been involved and which showed the rebel at work, was the publication of the ballad, "Eskimo Nell," in Tharunka. The ballad had been described as, "the worst thing ever seen in print, by a Liberal politician in New South Wales. 11155 · A prurient Sunday Mirror, described it as, "ninety-eight lines detailing sexual depravity. 11156 • On another occasion Bacon had summoned Germaine Greer to appear as a witness for her defence. Greer gave witness on the literature of protest. Greer said, "the literature of protest is characterized by the 154. Elisabeth Wynhausen. The Right to be Obscene. The Bulletin, October 28, 1972, p.22. 155. Ibid. 156. Ibid. -287- point of view of the few, and not those which are held by the establishment in the community.n 157• Although condemned by the courts and sentenced to short jail terms, Bacon did not see her stand as "isolated martyr- d om. 11 158. It was not so much a cause which Bacon was fighting for, as it was a matter of rebelling against an entire system which stifled attitudes and modes of expression. Depending of course on which side of the censorship question one stood, the social type of rebel, applied to Bacon, would have different meanings. The social type of rebel could be used by both followers and opponents of Bacon. In the case of the rebels' followers, Bacon could be seen to have symbolized heroic potential. For her opponents she became a "perfected hate symbol. 111 59. The example of the social type of villain, as rebel, has been used to point to the ambivalent nature which applies to the typing process. As suggested earlier, the social type of villain, whether in the very ambivalent form of rebel, or as a desperado, or as one of the other categories which Klapp names,* all pose a form of threat to the political and social order. Klapp's main point, 157. Garbed Lawyers and Naked Women: Thorunka and the Clash of Sub Cultures. Nation, March 4, 1972, pp.12-13. 158. Elisabeth Wynhausen. Across the Sexual Badlands and Into the Counter-Cultures'. Opcit. 159. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.51. * Klapp gives five sub categories of Villains, they are; villains symbolizing threats to the social order and status, usurpers and abusers, villainous strangers, traitors and sneaks, and social undesirables. pp.50-67. -288- as he states it, is to show that, "generalized forms of deviant behaviour have structural, significance in ••• society. 11160 • This is apparent in the case of Bacon as rebel. Bacon's actions not only served to show the entrenched views concerning censor- ship, which the Jegal system upheld and regarded as part of "community standards," but they also served to show how rebels, as villains, were treated by society. The social type of villain becomes a "whipping post," in Klapp's terms of a "scapegoat" having the central function as one to blame and punish. Bacon's own case reveals an example. "Wendy Bacon's name had become so closely associated with the anti-censorship movement, that when a young woman selling the comic strip magazine, "Zig Zag" was picked up in Sydney ••• the arresting policeman asked the girl: "That's one of Wendy's papers, isn't it?" Bacon had nothing to do with "Zig Zag. 11161 • The social type of fool, according to Klapp is institutionalized through ridicule and wit which makes clear to us the "folly, humbug and incompetence of the social structure. 11162 • Klapp, drawing on Henri Bergson and Kenneth Burke 1 s term, "the communion of laughter," points to the social type of fool as serving society as a means of providing unification, through 160. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.65. 161. Elisabeth Wynhausen. The Case of Wendy Bacon. The Bulletin. February 26, 1972. p.22. 162. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.68. -289- relief from routine and discipline, control by ridicule and 163 subl ~ma. t"~on of aggress~on.' • To re t urn t o an ear1· ~er po~. t , that is, that deviant behaviour has structural significance in society, in terms of providing an outlet for aggression and punishment, we can say that the social type of fool also serves society in this manner. However, aggression aimed at the fool is most often coupled with ridicule, rather than with punishment, as is the case with the villain. The function served by the social type of fool is to provide unification through ridicule.* Klapp suggests that the roles of jester and comic butt have been institutionalized for the purpose of providing outlets for tension. They thus provide unification in 11 laughter. 11164· However, and more importantly, they provide a means of illustrating the belief that incompetence and role failure are not tolerated by society generally.165 • The role of fool thus provides the "vital function of a 'safety valve' mechanism by which societies release tensions that might otherwise be damaging. 11166 • The social type of fool provides a means of putting particular characters in their place without causing severe setbacks for those on the receiving end or society generally. 167 • 163. Ibid, p.69. Klapp also names five categories of the fool, they are; role failures, discounting types, used to correct subtle forms of incompetence in positions of status, non conforming fools, over conforming fools, and comic butts and jesters. pp.68-91. 164. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, pp.88-91. 165. Ibid, p.91. 166. Ibid, p.89. 167. Ibid, pp.68-69. -290- The functions of the social type of fool can be combined to provide an overall view of how we form "consensual images" of this type. Ridicule provides the basis of such images. Through ridicule we can point to incompetence, over- conforming types, non conforming types, correct status abuses and pretensions and thus provide a means of venting aggression 1n. a con t ro11 e d manner, tha t 1s, . no t t oo severe or d"1srup t" 1ve. 168• Of the dramatic characters of this period, it could appear that special attention was given to Prime Minister McMahon as a "fool." During the 1972 election campaign, Nation Review delighted in pointing to the numerous blunders which McMahon made. Once again it must be stressed that not everyone would see McMahon within the social type of fool. However; Nation Review served the purposes of those who did. In March 1971, McMahon was elected leader of the Liberal Party and Prime Minister. Gorton became the Deputy Leader. McMahon, who had been "an outstanding success as Treasurer and, earlier, in various other portfolios, 11169 • was received with high hopes by other members of the Liberal Party. "It had been expected that on assuming office he would immediately concentrate his attention on the urgent tasks of restoring business confidence and stimulating economic activity, as he had done when taking over the Treasury from Holt in 1966. It was not to be. 11170 • By the time 168. Orrin E. Klapp. Opcit, p.69. 169. J.C. Horsfall. The Liberal Era: A Political and Economic Analysis. p.1J. (Sun Books, Melbourne, 1974.) 170. Ibid. -291- McMahon became Prime Minister a number of factors, both economic and social had revealed a general discontent within Australian society. McMahon's failure to make little impression on such factors as Prime Minister partly contrllibuted to the lack of confidence shown in him and his government. Nevertheless, between the time of McMahon's elevation to the Prime Ministership and the time of the 1972 election campaign, a great many 11 reforms 11 had been actively pursued by the McMahon government. However, 11 practically nobody in Australia actually ~aw) the McMahon government as a reform government." 171 • These 11 reforms 11 included: "the beginnings of reforms to Australia's constitution; a more considerate view was given to the controls over the censorship of books and films; firm decisions concerning the de-colonisation of New Guinea were made; 'the environment• - as an area needed to be given consideration in terms of policy - planning was given formal recognition, although little else; the withdrawal of troops from Vietnam and the Prime Minister's down grading of the five power Malaysia-Singapore alliance were producing a new policy in Southeast Asia in which friendship with Indonesia seemed the single most significant factor; diversification of the immigration program became more confident; sweeping new monopolies and trade practices laws were foreshadowed in which, for the first time, consumer rights were asserted as the predominant consideration; a poverty inquiry had been ordered, with a view to reform programs in the welfare services; an ambitious new framework for urban growth 171. The New Politics. The Bulletin. October 7, 1972. pp.12-13. -292- had been adopted; and after years of no policy at all on foreign investment, a radical new pronouncement of economic nationalism had been thrown up. 11172 • Despite such 11 reforms, 11 the greatest single fault of the McMahon government is that it did not know how to talk about itself. It did not seem to have much meaning, apart from th~ speculations about the personality of its leader (which, judging by the opinion polls were not, in the balance, favourable.) 111 73. In April, 1971, an opinion poll showed that 55% of people interviewed approved of the manner in which McMahon was handling his job. By June, his approval rating had dropped to 53%. After the sacking of Gorton, it had plummeled to 35% in August. 174· It would appear that in spite of genuine attempts to provide "reforms," despite a situation of worsening economic conditions, McMahon remained popular in the public mind more for the humorous blunders of his administration. Even the important implications of his visit to the United States of America and his meetings with President Nixon were overshadowed by "laughter." First, reports concerning McMahon's "accidents" on the squash courts had brought "laughter." He had been hit on the head with a squash racquet by one of his partners, then he had hit the former governor of the Reserve bank, and "philosophical adviser" on the tour, Dr. H.C. Coombs, in the face with a squash racquet.175 • There was "laughter" of a different kind 172. Ibid. 173. Ibid. 174. Richard Farmer. Unloved McMahon Tries to Patch Up His Image. The Australian. October 3, 1971. p.10. 175. The Australian. October 31, 1971. p.1. -293- when the McMahons went to the White House ~or dinner. Mrs. McMahon's dress, with split skirt, seemed more important I d" h 176. than Mc Mah on s ~nner speec • With the approach o~ the 1972 election campaign, the "laughter" concerning McMahon became more pronounced, particularly ~or those who ~ollowed accounts given by Nation Review. McMahon, constantly re~erred to as "Billy" by Nation Review, was derided ~or everything, ~rom the way he smiled to the size o~ his ears.177• Nation Review went so ~ar as to conduct a photography competition, in which the photograph o~ the week was won by a photograph o~ the 11 McMahons at play. 11 The photograph showed Mrs. McMahon and her children dancing around a large doll o~ Mickey Mouse. Presumably this was meant to symbolise McMahon who did not appear in the photo- graph • 178. Other episodes which appeared in Nation Review also drew attention to McMahon's stature as a means o~ ridiculing him and his position. In its 11 Letters to the Publisher11 section, Nation Review published the ~ollowing letter under the heading, 11 Help Stamp Out Billy." "The Australian Post O~~ice persists with the issue o~ stamps depicting the image o~ past Prime Ministers while ignoring the opportunity ~or phenomenal revenue which would accrue ~rom publishing 176. Allan Reid. McMahon Abroad. The Bulletin. November 13, 1972, p.23. 177. C• M. Evans • =L~e.;:;:a:::.r.::n=i=n:cg,__;;t..;:;o-"'S~m=·:;;:l;..;;e~:-=B~i':::l=l"':-y~'=s--.;:;T-=.-=V:-;;..--=C..;:;o.;:;:a~c.:;;;h=in=g Lessons. Nation Review. October 21-17, 1972, p.15. 178. Nation Review. November 4-10, 1972, p.86. -294- a portrait of our present Prime Minister. Imagine how stamp sales would boom if members of the general public were given the opportunity to lick Billy's backside then give him a thump on th e f ace. 11179. Mungo MacCallum's comments180• on McMahon's policy speech included remarks such as, "Billy gives his policy speech from a high chair, the speech took seven rehearsals before Sonia was satisfied and even then it had to be edited fifteen times, there were suggestions that McMahon looked too short behind the desk and that he should sit on a couple of phone books. Sonia had insisted ongetting a coat of arms behind McMahon, and the only shot they could get out of that was McMahon with a kangaroo perched on his right ear and anemu on hisleft ••• Visually the entire affair was appalling. The only good thing about it was that the peculiar lighting produced the interesting revelation that McMahon still had some hair on the top of his head. 11181 • Although McMahon suffered rather childish name calling episodes (a favourite being, "Billy big ears, 11 ) 182 other episodes which showed what were seen as the inept and indecisive manner in which McMahon was conducting the campaign were also prevalent. McMahon as fool may have been seen as a perfect example, who in terms of Klapp's thesis provided unification for his opponents 179. Nation Review. Letters to the Publisher. October 21-17, 1972, p.J. 180. Mungo MacCallum. Mungo's Magical Mystery Tour. Nation Review. November 18-24, 1972, pp.142-143. 181. Ibid. 182. Denis Minogue. When the Chief is the Underdog. The Australi~. October 21, 1972, p.15. -295- through ridicule. Simultaneously McMahon's lack of competence was shown to be intolerable, and thus projected as ludicrous. McMahon made numerous verbal blunders which provided an image of a Prime Minister unable to cope with his position. "McMahon's assertion that the government would not tolerate abortion in the A.C.T.U. (he meant A.C.T.) produced nothing but derisive laughter, even when he repeated it word for word. 11183· Similarly at a rally held at Concord in Sydney, McMahon's answers to inter- jections left much to be desired. "The one where he said he had never worked for money in his life, for instance, and the one where an interjector said, 'how much do you get a year Billy,? $27,000? 1 the Prime Minister who actually gets $52,000 nodded in agreement and said 'yes, and its not enough, not nearly enough. 111184· As a result of the reporting of such performances it was not difficult to point to McMahon's lack of self confidence as one of the main issues of the election campaign. 185· For those who saw McMahon within the social type of fool, his personal performances provided, as Klapp says, relief from the routine and discipline which surrounds election campaigns or any intense situation. By laughing at the incompetence displayed by McMahon - unification and reassurance, for all those opposing him, could be found. 183. Bruce Juddery. Diligent Professional Strives to Project a Decisive Image. Canberra Times. November 24, 1972, p.2. 184. Mungo MacCallum. Mungo's Magical Mystery Tour. Opcit. 185. David Solomon. The Major Election Issue Is MCMahon. Canberra ·Times. November 7, 1972, p.2. -296- The social significance of seeing McMahon as fool provided two vital functions. Firstly, all those who by the time of the 1972 election campaign had participated in dramatic displays of concern in an effort to have particular issues given attention, may have found in McMahon as Prime Minister, a public figure to hold responsible for the lack of real consideration given to their concerns. By "laughing" at McMahon and the incompetence he appeared to symbolize unification in rejecting McMahon as Prime Minister could be achieved. (However, it must again be stressed that not everyone would see McMahon within the social type of fool, particularly members of his own cabinet.) Such unification provides the second point of the social signifipance of seeing McMahon as fool. Unified laughter directed toward McMahon showed, as Klapp says, that role failure is not tolerated by society generally. Being united in laughter against McMahon was one way of being united in admiration for his opponent throughout the 1972 election campaign. As has been continually suggested throughout this chapter the social type we assign to any of our dramatic characters is not all-encompassing. Much ambiguity lies in the manner in which our dramatic characters are viewed. Any of the dramatic characters which have been discussed within the social types of hero or villain could similarly be seen by some to portray foolish character traits. In particular, Al Grassby, although heroic to many, seemed to acquire some characteristics common to the fool. This view of Grassby, as with each of the dramatic characters discussed resulted from the manner in which he was seen to perform within the public domain. -297- As has been shown, many found in Grassby a splendid performer in terms of his efforts to have Australia recognize itself as a multicultural nation. Much of the attention which Grassby received, was however, directed towards his manner of dress and not the issues which he attempted to espouse. By pointing to Grassby's manner of dress, the issues which he sought to have capture the public's imagination were somewhat overshadowed. It was, on occasion, more a matter of his dress capturing the public's imagination, than his proposals and plans. Although it may be difficult to substantiate, though not to imagine, many who resisted the moves to recognize Australia's multicultured make up, found in Prassby a most ridiculous figure. Franca Arena, commenting on Grassby and the "Riverina Rig," said, "Grassby had humiliated us the ethnic people by appearing in such incredible clothes. If he had not done this his message would have been much more effective. Instead, he was too easily dismissed by racists as a little wog. 11186 • The inference is clear, if Grassby was to be the butt of such attitudes, the values which he symbolized were, by extension to be ridiculed by some. By "laughing" at Grass by, and indulging in name calling episodes, aggression directed toward the migrant groups and indeed the idea of Australia as a multicultural society could be somewhat controlled, that is, not too severe or disruptive. If however, Grassby as symbolic of the multicultural ideal, had appeared within the social type of villain, and he may have to some, such aggression would be released as punishment and condemnation of Grassby and the values he symbolized. 186. Franca Arena. M.L.C., also Executive of the New South Wales Ethnic Communities Council. (In an interview, June, 1982.) -298- The social type of fool serves as an example of a negative role creation, that is, the social type is institution alized in our "stock of images and symbols" as behaviour to avoid for fear of ridicule. The institutionalization of the social type of fool gives to society adequate means of pointing to deviant.beh&viour and the consequences of such behaviour. The structural significance of this allows for an easy idenficiation of actions deemed unacceptable, in the sense of incompetency, in action and mismanagement, as portrayed by the social type of fool. As already strongly suggested, the particular social type given to the persons mentioned is not the central consideration here. What is important is this undertaking of engaging in a collective exercise, of using the "repertory of roles," contained within our "stock of images and symbols" which permeai:al our culture. By engaging in this exercise we are able to believe that we under stand the motivation behind actions performed in the public domain by notable personalities. The entire exercise not only serves to reduce the complexity of particular issues and those directly associated with the ~ssues, but also helps those outside this closed sphere to reaffirm their personal involvement by way of creating images into which they can fit the characters in question according to the actions they are seen to perform. It has also been strongly suggested that the overriding means to find suitable social types for our dramatic characters have been the actions these people were seen to perform in the -299- public domain. According to their own actions and the responses they were capable of generating, from members of the public and those in positions of power, they were seen withL~ the character of a particular social type.; Finally, it has been suggested that by participating in this collective exercise, we as individuals can reaffirm who we are, our fears and aspirations and the areas in which there is need for reassurance. Since the method of choosing a social type is a collective exercise, these reaffirmations are a part of the political and social expectations held; th~J are part of the relationship we have with the political and social system. -300- THE INVESTIGATION OF SYMBOLIC FORMS The general emphasis has been on how symbolic forms helped to create new "realities" for individuals and groups with alternative bodies of knowledge and new ways of seeing. As part of this theme, attempts have been made to show that it was necessary to use symbolic forms of protest/challenge in order to force new issues onto the political agenda. For many, the traditional means of allowing political participation and expression could no longer facilitate the demands being made. Articulation through the use of symbolic forms provided a viable alternative. By creating dramatic displays within the public domain, through the use of symbolic iorms, attention was given to demands made by diverse groups and individuals. Such dramatic displays also helped to reduce the complexity of issues being pursued. It has been shown that the use of symbolic forms provided both instrumental functions, that is, they were a means of getting things done, and latent, symbolic functions. Participation through the use of symbolic forms represented a challenge to existing orthodox methods of political participation. This participation provided its own reassurance. As such it has been shown that the forms themselves were important. This brings us to a second theme which has been stressed throughout the thesis. The symbolic forms, once created, then had the ability to be creative. The forms developed a "life" of their -301- own. This creative ability o~ the symbolic ~orms, although dependent on the action being per~ormed in the public domain, meant that the ~orms developed their own momentum within the action - and o~ten contrary to the intended purposes o~ the action. As a means o~ pursuing the investigation o~ these themes some di~~iculties did arise. It is evident that there is a need ~or continued investigation into the use o~ diverse ~orms o~ protest/challenge, (in this case the necessity ~elt to use symbolic ~orms during these particular years, 1965-1975, by diverse groups and individuals, whose concerns lay outside the traditional arena o~ politics.) This need ~or continued investigation into the use o~ methods which do not con~orm to existing orthodoxy is real. At any time the demands made by those who have little i~luence over the decision-makers, (apart ~rom their commitment to the ritual o~ voting) may not be s~~iciently accommodated by the existing methods o~ i~luence. In order that public attention, then awareness and commitment in others may be triggered, and reassurance gained, unorthodox methods can be seen as being inevit able in transcending the limits o~ parliamentary styles o~ action. In this thesis reliance was placed on parts o~ the theor etical ~rameworks developed by Burke, Duncan, Klapp, Edelman, and others, so as to give some theoretical direction to the investigation. The various ~orms o~ literature produced by groups who played an active -302- role in the dramatic displays performed were then examined. The initial aims of such activity were at once recognized. Then by collating these accounts (and by employing the theoretical frame works referred to,) with accounts of the action given by the mass media producers, accounts given in academic 'journals and then in books, a "picture" of the action pursued, and its actual performance and results was evident. However, all this relates to the first major theme of the thesis. Investigation and the need for continuing research in terms of the "power" displayed by the symbolic forms as being capable of creating a "life" of their own produces a number of questions. If belief and reassurance in such methods of action exists, it is difficult to imagine that the use of such forms means little. Questions arise as to the need for the development of methods which are capable of evaluating the subjective elements involved. Questions concerning the symbolic potency of our political system and then of political participation also emerge. How can we effectively evaluate the relationship between individuals seeking legitimate power by means of symbolic forms, and those in positions of legitimate authority, in terms of our symbol systems? What influence does the symbolic "world" of politics have over attitudes, values, beliefs and the tensions which exist between those seeking legitimate power and those in positions of legitimate authority? How can such elements be measured meaningfully? As a final point, questions arise concerning the "realities" created -303- in terms of symbolic forms determining a "life!' of their own, and our symbol systems. Such "realities" are perceived differ ently by individuals and groups in their relationship with the political system. How can we identify this relationship and determine meaning? -304- BIBLIOGRAPHY PRIMARY SOURCES. PAMPHLETS A People 's Plan for the Rocks. Rocks People Plan Committee, Sydney. 1972. A Warfair - A Contribution to the Vietnam Moratorium Campaign. 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