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Election 2014 First Reflections

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Election 2014 First Reflections The 2014 Indian General Election was the world’s largest exercise in representative democracy. With 834 million registered voters, some 1,700 national and regional parties, and 8,251 candidates, the voting spanned nine phases over more than a month to cover all 543 constituencies in the country. The election produced unprecedented news coverage in the Indian media, a flourishing landscape of some 410 news and current affairs TV channels, 250 private FM radio stations, and more than 12,500 newspapers and 81,500 periodicals. The growth of online news and social media in India added a new dimension to the media environment. This book is an intervention into the debates surrounding the 2014 election, with particular emphasis on marginalised voices and the plethora of poll discussions that played out on social media. With contributions from scholars and journalists from India, UK, US, and Australia, it brings together media practitioners and academics to scrutinise the mediation of the“world’s largest election”by both legacy and social media. Einar Thorsen is Principal Lecturer in Journalism and Communication at Bournemouth University, England. INDIA Chindu Sreedharan is Senior Lecturer in Journalism and Communication at Bournemouth University, England. ELECTION CEnTrE For ThE STUdy oF JoUrnALISM, CULTUrE And CoMMUnITy first 2014 reflections Edited by einar thorsen and chindu sreedharan India_Election_cover.indd 1 25/04/15 11:14 PM India Election 2014 First Reflections Edited by Einar Thorsen & Chindu Sreedharan India Election 2014: First Reflections Edited by Einar Thorsen and Chindu Sreedharan First published 2015 by The Centre for the Study of Journalism, Culture and Community Bournemouth University Poole, England BH12 5BB https://research.bournemouth.ac.uk/centre/journalism-culture-and-community/ ISBN: 978-1-910042-04-5 [paperback] ISBN: 978-1-910042-03-8 [ebook-PDF] ISBN: 978-1-910042-05-2 [ebook-epub] BIC Subject Classification Codes: GTC Communication Studies JFD Media Studies KNT Media, information & communication industries JPHF Elections & referenda 1FKA India Editorial selection and introduction © 2015 Einar Thorsen and Chindu Sreedharan. Individual chapters © 2015 the Contributors Printed in Great Britain by Dorset Digital Print Ltd, 16 Glenmore Business Park, Blackhill Road Holton Heath, Poole Printed and bound at: Thomson Press (India) Ltd. For the marginalised voices of India Contents Introduction 7 1. A shift from identity politics in the 2014 15 India election: the BJP towards moderation Ashok Sharma 2. Consent or coercion: 2014 election in India 31 as a media conquest Saima Saeed 3. Modi and the TV media: propaganda or profits? 53 Patrick Ward 4. Framing the campaign: The 2013 Delhi Assembly 61 campaign and perceptions of the 2014 Lok Sabha Election Holli A. Semetko, Taberez Ahmed Neyazi and Anup Kumar 5. Elections and seat predictions: a survey of 86 opinion polls from 1998 to 2014 Vidhanshu Kumar 6. ’Twas a famous victory 98 Saisuresh Sivaswamy 7. #Verdict2014: social media and changes in 104 Indian legacy media during the 2014 Lok Sabha election Valerie Belair-Gagnon 8. The media, the social media and the elections 114 Usha M. Rodrigues 9. Computer-mediated communication and 125 the ascent of Narendra Modi V.S. Sambandan 10. Mobile news culture: news apps, journalistic practices 143 and the 2014 Indian General Election Saayan Chattopadhyay 11. Twitter as campaign tool: how 158 @narendramodi handled the #TwitterElection Confidence Uwazuruike 12. None of the above—the Right not to 164 Vote campaign in north-east India Daisy Hasan 13. Spectacles of empowerment: election and news 175 coverage in India’s marginalised states Somnath Batabyal 14. Female engagement and the parliament of men 188 Sumita Mukherjee 15. The election campaign in the Hindi news media: 195 issues, rhetoric and leadership Taberez Ahmed Neyazi, Sanchita Chakraborty and Tripti Chandra 16. The 2014 Indian election and partisan 208 and fictional narratives in the Tamil language press Gopalan Ravindran 17. Modi is the message: a view from Down Under 224 Amit Sarwal 18. The return of the hegemonic national party? 229 Sumantra Bose List of contributors 233 Introduction Marginalised voices and the Modification of the Indian media Chindu Sreedharan and Einar Thorsen lections in India, the world’s largest democracy, have always been Eexceptional. But even by the standards of a country that routinely sees one of the most complex and protracted democratic exercises in the world, the 2014 Indian Parliamentary election had stood out. As poll pundits and journalists have noted across a multitude of media avenues, it was the “largest” and “longest” polling undertaken in the world, with 834.08 million registered voters (ECI 2014), more than 18 times the size of the electorate in the 2015 UK election—a “marathon event”, staggered across 36 days, in 9 phases, from 7 April to 12 May. It saw Indian politicians spending an estimated Rs 305,000 million (GBP 3.3 billion) on campaigning (NDTV 2014); involved 10 million polling officials (Chouhan 2014), including some 120,000 security personnel; and witnessed a socially, politically and culturally diverse electorate queuing up at 927,553 polling stations (ECI 2014) across 29 states and 7 Union Territories to negotiate a verdict on who would lead the nation for the next five years. The verdict, when it came on 16 May 2014, was remarkable as well. It marked—as Biswas (2014) puts it—the “Phoenix”-like rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), from the “depths of despair” to place its leader Narendra Modi at the head of the National Democratic Alliance government in New Delhi, as India’s 15th prime minister. As Sambandan argues (Chapter 9), there had been indications of an impressive win by Modi in the run-up to the election. But the victory which saw the BJP gain a simple majority in a country where no party other than the Indian National Congress (INC, known simply as the Congress) has done that before was received with some Introduction | 7 astonishment by national and international news media. Reporting for the BBC, Biswas (2014) called it “truly gigantic”. More than one newspaper, including the Times of India, described it as “landslide”. India was “reeling from the scale of Modi’s win”, wrote Burke (2014) in the Guardian (UK), while Anil Padmanabhan (2014) of the Mint (New Delhi) presented the victory as “historic”, wherein the Indian voter “delivered an epochal verdict”. Equally noteworthy, though perhaps not as widely reported, is the unusually vibrant and pluralist media environment (Thussu 2013) in which Modi’s historic win took place. The significance of media in modern democracies to facilitate an informed public sphere and administer democracy is, as Saeed writes (Chapter 2), well established. And the Indian media look well poised to do this: at a time when news organisations in many parts of the world have recorded significant falls in revenue since 2000 (Borrell 2014; Sweney 2014), the Indian media landscape comes across as exceptionally healthy, with some 410 news and current affairs TV channels (I&B, 2013), 250 private FM radio stations (Roy 2013), more than 12,500 newspapers and 81,500 periodicals (RNI 2013). Most importantly, online news and social media are also flourishing, with an estimated 213 million internet connections (IAMAI 2013) and an estimated 875 million active mobile phone subscriptions (TRAI 2013)—so much so that the 2014 election is seen as India’s first social media election (Patel 2014; see also Chapter 7). In previous Indian elections, particularly before the 12th Lok Sabha in 1998,1 it would have been inconceivable to break news online before print or broadcast. Yet, this is increasingly becoming accepted practice for many political journalists in an online, real-time news environment. As more than one author in this book point out, Indian journalists relied heavily on social media for insights into the political process and as an instant indication of “public sentiment”. In Online Reporting of Elections, Thorsen (2013) notes how citizens are actively participating in online political reporting, publishing eyewitness accounts, political commentary, crowdsourcing and fact- checking information. Established professional values like authenticity, autonomy and accountability are facing new challenges, according to Singer and Ashman (2009), and being recast in this rapidly evolving 8 | India Election 2014 relationship between journalists, politicians and citizens. And with the rise of social networking sites such as Twitter and Facebook, which has simplified access to publishing tools for ordinary citizens, the visibility of demotic voices to both national and global audiences has increased substantially. As Belair-Gagnon and Augur write in Chapter 7, social media facilitate the democratisation of public life by allowing ordinary citizens to participate in public discourse. Such democratisation was visible to a remarkable extent in the 2014 Indian election. In fact, Indian politicians had capitalised on the reach of social media since the 2009 election, connecting with a new generation of young, urban, upwardly mobile middle-class citizen to bridge the gap between the old and new orders of politics (Chattopadhyay 2012; see also, Belair-Gagnon & Agur, Chapter 7). But while platforms such as Twitter and Facebook allowed demotic voices to interact directly with the elite in a manner unprecedented, it is debatable how far this allowed grassroot issues and marginal concerns to be part of
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