Myanmar's Military Dictatorship Continuance: Old Wine in New Bottle
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International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu
Asia-Pacific Conference in Fukuoka 2018 International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu Date: May 11th 2018 (Fri) Venue: Kyushu Dental University, Kitakyushu, Japan Organized by Kyushu Dental University Asia-Pacific Conference in Fukuoka 2018 International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu Kyushu Dental University, Kitakyushu, Japan May 11th, 2018 Organizing Committee: Tatsuji Nishihara, President Kenshi Maki Tetsuro Konoo Katsumi Hidaka Keisuke Nakashima Kou Matsuo Yuji Seta Tatsuo Kawamoto Hiroshi Takeuchi Atsuko Nakamichi Naoki Kakudate Wataru Ariyoshi Koji Watanabe Organized by Kyushu Dental University 1 Table of Contents Welcome message 3 Program 4 International Symposium 6 Congratulatory speeches by guests of honor 8 International Symposium 11 Partnership Activities of Kyushu Dental University with Universities in Myanmar 14 Poster Presentations 16 * Young Investigator Award Competition 16-31 2 3 Welcome message Tatsuji Nishihara, D.D.S., Ph.D. Chairman and President Kyushu Dental University Welcome to Asia-Pacific Conference in Fukuoka 2018. It is our great honor and pleasure to inform the International Symposium on Oral Education and Research in Kitakyushu. I am inviting you to participate in this exciting conference with valuable information on Oral Education and Research of Asia-Pacific countries. We are delighted to announce the special lectures in this conference. Present state of dental education in Asian countries as well as Myanmar will be introduced by the invited distinguished speaker, Professor Dr. Paing Soe, M.D., Ph.D., President of Myanmar Dental Council, The Republic of the Union of Myanmar. We are also very happy to hear on dental education system in Europe from Dr. -
↓ Burma (Myanmar)
↓ Burma (Myanmar) Population: 51,000,000 Capital: Rangoon Political Rights: 7 Civil Liberties: 7 Status: Not Free Trend Arrow: Burma received a downward trend arrow due to the largest offensive against the ethnic Karen population in a decade and the displacement of thousands of Karen as a result of the attacks. Overview: Although the National Convention, tasked with drafting a new constitution as an ostensible first step toward democracy, was reconvened by the military regime in October 2006, it was boycotted by the main opposition parties and met amid a renewed crackdown on opposition groups. Aung San Suu Kyi, the leader of the opposition National League for Democracy (NLD) party, remained under house arrest in 2006, and the activities of the NLD were severely curtailed. Meanwhile, a wide range of human rights violations against political activists, journalists, civil society actors, and members of ethnic and religious minority groups continued unabated throughout the year. The military pressed ahead with its offensive against ethnic Karen rebels, displacing thousands of villagers and prompting numerous reports of human rights abuses. The campaign, the largest against the Karen since 1997, had been launched in November 2005. After occupation by the Japanese during World War II, Burma achieved independence from Great Britain in 1948. The military has ruled since 1962, when the army overthrew an elected government that had been buffeted by an economic crisis and a raft of ethnic insurgencies. During the next 26 years, General Ne Win’s military rule helped impoverish what had been one of Southeast Asia’s wealthiest countries. The present junta, led by General Than Shwe, dramatically asserted its power in 1988, when the army opened fire on peaceful, student-led, prodemocracy protesters, killing an estimated 3,000 people. -
Democratization in Myanmar: Prospects, Possibilities and Challenges Md
International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (IJTSRD) Volume 4 Issue 5, July-August 2020 Available Online: www.ijtsrd.com e-ISSN: 2456 – 6470 Democratization in Myanmar: Prospects, Possibilities and Challenges Md. Abdul Hannan Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Bangladesh University of Professionals (BUP), Dhaka, Bangladesh ABSTRACT How to cite this paper: Md. Abdul This paper endeavors to provide a comprehensive overview of the Hannan "Democratization in Myanmar: democratization process in Myanmar. As today’s reality in Myanmar cannot be Prospects, Possibilities and Challenges" well understood without referral to its history of democratic struggle, it starts Published in with a brief history of Myanmar that gives an account of several significant International Journal incidents that the country experienced from the pre-independence period to of Trend in Scientific the last democratic election in 2015. The next section discusses about some Research and specific features of the incumbent government of Myanmar which gives an Development understanding of how much democratic the government has been actually. In (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456- the subsequent section, identifying some important areas whose proper 6470, Volume-4 | IJTSRD33125 management or utilization can take the democracy in Myanmar to the next Issue-5, August level, it concludes. 2020, pp.1368-1372, URL: www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd33125.pdf KEYWORDS: democracy, military, ethnic-groups, media, human-rights groups Copyright © 2020 by author(s) and International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Journal. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY 4.0) (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by /4.0) INTRODUCTION Democracy, by many, is said to be the best form of twenty five percent preserved seats for the military in the government to install and sustain peace and stability in both parliament, requirement of more than 75 percent domestic and international spheres. -
Proposals for Constitutional Change in Myanmar from the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Constitutional Amendment International Idea Interim Analysis
PROPOSALS FOR CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE IN MYANMAR FROM THE JOINT PARLIAMENTARY COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT INTERNATIONAL IDEA INTERIM ANALYSIS 1. Background, Purpose and Scope of this Report: On 29 January Myanmar’s Parliament voted to establish a committee to review the constitution and receive proposals for amendments. On July 15 a report containing a catalogue of each of these proposals was circulated in the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw (Union Legislature). This International IDEA analysis contains an overview and initial assessment of the content of these proposals. From the outset, the Tatmadaw (as well as the Union Solidarity and Development Party - USDP) has objected to this process of constitutional review,i and unless that opposition changes it would mean that the constitutional review process will not be able to proceed much further. Passing a constitutional amendment requires a 75% supermajority in the Union Legislature, which gives the military an effective veto as they have 25% of the seats.1 Nevertheless, the report provides the first official public record of proposed amendments from different political parties, and with it a set of interesting insights into the areas of possible consensus and divergence in future constitutional reform. The importance of this record is amplified by the direct connection of many of the subjects proposed for amendment to the Panglong Peace Process agenda. Thus far, the analyses of this report available publicly have merely counted the number of proposals from each party, and sorted them according to which chapter of the constitution they pertain to. But simply counting proposals does nothing to reveal what changes are sought, and can be misleading – depending on its content, amending one significant article may bring about more actual change than amending fifty other articles. -
Yangon Region Gov't, HK-Taiwan Consortium Ink Industrial Zone Deal
Business Yangon Region Gov’t, HK-Taiwan Consortium Ink Industrial Zone Deal Yangon Region Minister for Planning and Finance U Myint Thaung delivers the opening speech at a press conference at the Yangon Investment Forum 2019. / The Global New Light of Myanmar By THE IRRAWADDY 29 April 2019 YANGON—The Yangon regional government will sign a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with a consortium of Hong Kong and Taiwan companies next month to develop an international-standard industrial zone in Htantabin Township in the west of the commercial capital. Worth an estimated US$500 million (761.2 billion kyats) the Htantabin Industrial Zone will be implemented on more than 1,000 acres and is expected to create more than 150,000 job opportunities, said Naw Pan Thinzar Myo, Yangon Region Karen ethnic affairs minister, at a press conference on Friday. The regional government and the Hong Kong-Taiwan consortium, Golden Myanmar Investment Co., are scheduled to sign the MoU at the 2nd Yangon Investment Fair on May 10, which will showcase about 80 projects across Yangon Region in an effort to drum up local and foreign investment. It is expected to take about nine years to fully implement the Htantabin Industrial Zone. The MoU is the first to be implemented among 11 industrial zones planned by the Yangon regional government in undeveloped areas on the outskirts of Yangon. A map of the Htantabin Industrial Zone / Invest Myanmar Summit website At the country’s first Investment Fair in late January, the Yangon government showcased planned international-standard industrial zones in 11 townships: Kungyangon, Kawhmu, Twantay, Thingyan, Kyauktan, Khayan, Thongwa, Taikkyi, Hmawbi, Hlegu and Htantabin. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy Updated May 17, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44804 Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy Summary Despite a campaign pledge that they “would not arrest anyone as political prisoners,” Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) have failed to fulfil this promise since they took control of Burma’s Union Parliament and the government’s executive branch in April 2016. While presidential pardons have been granted for some political prisoners, people continue to be arrested, detained, tried, and imprisoned for alleged violations of Burmese laws. According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), or AAPP(B), a Thailand-based, nonprofit human rights organization formed in 2000 by former Burmese political prisoners, there were 331 political prisoners in Burma as of the end of April 2019. During its three years in power, the NLD government has provided pardons for Burma’s political prisoners on six occasions. Soon after assuming office in April 2016, former President Htin Kyaw and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi took steps to secure the release of nearly 235 political prisoners. On May 23, 2017, former President Htin Kyaw granted pardons to 259 prisoners, including 89 political prisoners. On April 17, 2018, current President Win Myint pardoned 8,541 prisoners, including 36 political prisoners. In April and May 2019, he pardoned more than 23,000 prisoners, of which the AAPP(B) considered 20 as political prisoners. Aung San Suu Kyi and her government, as well as the Burmese military, however, also have demonstrated a willingness to use Burma’s laws to suppress the opinions of its political opponents and restrict press freedoms. -
Burma's Political Prisoners and US Policy: in Brief
Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy: In Brief name redacted Specialist in Asian Affairs June 6, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44804 Burma’s Political Prisoners and U.S. Policy: In Brief Summary With Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy (NLD) in control of Burma’s Union Parliament and the government’s executive branch, prospects may have improved for ending the arrest, detention, prosecution, and imprisonment of political prisoners in Burma, a reality which has overshadowed U.S. policy toward Burma for more than 25 years. Burma’s military, or Tatmadaw, however, may not support the unconditional release of all political prisoners in Burma, and potentially has the power to block such an effort. The 115th Congress may have an opportunity to influence Burma’s future efforts to address political prisoner issues. Whether by providing technical or other forms of assistance to address the underlying causes of political imprisonment, or by restricting relations with Burma until political prisoners have been released, Congress potentially could influence the behavior of the NLD-led government and the Tatmadaw with respect to political prisoners. According to the Assistance Association of Political Prisoners (Burma), or AAPP(B), a Thailand- based, nonprofit human rights organization formed in 2000 by former Burmese political prisoners, there were 305 political prisoners in Burma as of the end of April 2017. On the eve of Burma’s second “21st Century Peace Conference,” which brought together representatives of Aung San Suu Kyi’s government, the Burmese military and some of the nation’s ethnic armed groups in Naypiytaw, on May 24-29, 2017, President Htin Kyaw granted pardons to 259 prisoners, including 80 political prisoners. -
Asia Report, Nr. 27: Myanmar
MYANMAR: THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY 6 December 2001 Asia Report N° 27 Bangkok/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY................................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................1 II. BACKGROUND OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN MYANMAR........................................................3 A. AN EMERGENT CIVIL SOCIETY: 1948-1962....................................................................................... 3 B. CIVIL SOCIETY REPRESSED UNDER MILITARY RULE .......................................................................... 4 III. REGIME CONTROL OVER CIVIL SOCIETY SINCE 1988 ...............................................6 A. LACK OF THE RULE OF LAW............................................................................................................... 6 B. HIGHLY RESTRICTED ACCESS TO COMMUNICATIONS TECHNOLOGY .................................................. 8 C. INDEPENDENT ORGANISATIONS STIFLED............................................................................................ 9 D. REGIME-SPONSORED ORGANISATIONS............................................................................................. 10 E. EDUCATIONAL AND CULTURAL LIMITATIONS .................................................................................. 11 F. SIMILAR RESTRICTIONS IN AREAS CONTROLLED BY ARMED ETHNIC NATIONALIST ORGANISATIONS ............................................................................................................................. -
Constitution of Myanmar the Constitution of The
CONSTITUTION OF MYANMAR THE CONSTITUTION OF THE SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF THE UNION OF BURMA 1974 Printed by Printing and Publishing Corporation Rangoon The Constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma CONTENTS PREAMBLE CHAPTER I THE STATE CHAPTER II BASIC PRINCIPLES CHAPTER III STATE STRUCTURE CHAPTER III STATE STRUCTURE CHAPTER V COUNCIL OF STATE CHAPTER VI COUNCIL OF MINISTERS CHAPTER VII COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S JUSTICES CHAPTER VIII COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S ATTORNEYS CHAPTER IX COUNCIL OF PEOPLE'S INSPECTORS CHAPTER X PEOPLE'S COUNCILS CHAPTER XI FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS AN DUTIES OF CITIZENS CHAPTER XII ELECTORAL SYSTEM CHAPTER XIII RECALL, RESIGNATION AND REPLACEMENT CHAPTER XIV STATE FLAG, STATE SEAL, NATIONAL ANTHEM, AND STATE CAPITAL CHAPTER XV AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION CHAPTER XVI GENERAL PROVISIONS CHAPTER XVI GENERAL PROVISIONS We, the people residing in the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma have throughout history lived in harmony and unity sharing joys and sorrows in weal or woe. The people of the land have endeavored with perseverance and undaunted courage, for the attainment of independence, displaying throughout their struggles for national liberation against imperialism an intense patriotism, spirit of mutual help and sacrifice and have aspired to Democracy and Socialism. After attaining independence, the power and influence of the feudalists, landlords, and capitalists had increased and consolidated due to the defects in the old Constitution and the ill-effects of capitalistic parliamentary democracy. The cause of Socialism came under near eclipse. In order to overcome this deterioration and to build Socialism, the Revolutionary Council of the Union of Burma assumed responsibility as a historical mission, adopted the Burmese Way to Socialism, and also formed the Burma Socialist Programme Party. -
Book of Abstracts Edition 2016 09 10
Panels & Abstracts 16-18 SEPTEMBER 2016 SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL AND AFRICAN STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON ASEASUK Conference 2016 Disclaimer: Panel and abstract details are current as of 9 September 2016. While every effort has been made to ensure the completeness of this information and to verify details provided, ASEASUK, SOAS, and the organisers of this conference accept no responsibility for incorrect or incomplete information. Additional updated versions of this book of abstracts will be made until mid-August 2016 at which time a final hard copy will be printed for distribution at the conference. Organizing Committee Professor Michael W. Charney (SOAS), Committee Chair Professor Ashley Thompson (SOAS) Professor Matthew Cohen (Royal Holloway) Professor Carol Tan (SOAS) Dr. Ben Murtagh (SOAS) Dr. Angela Chiu (SOAS) Ms. Jane Savory (SOAS) SOAS Conference Office Support Mr. Thomas Abbs Ms. Yasmin Jayesimi Acknowledgments The Organizing Committee would like to thank the following people for special assistance in planning this conference: Dr. Tilman Frasch (Manchester Metropolitan University), Dr. Laura Noszlopy (Royal Holloway), Dr. Carmencita Palermo (University of Naples “L'Orientale”), Dr. Nick Gray (SOAS), Dr. Atsuko Naono (Wellcome Unit for the History of Medicine, University of Oxford), Dr. Li Yi (SOAS), Dr. Thomas Richard Bruce, and the many others who lent assistance in various ways. © 2016 ASEASUK and the SOAS, the University of London 1 Contents PANEL 1 The Political Economy of Inclusion: Current Reform Challenges in Indonesia 3 -
Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/05k6p059 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(2) Author Guyon, Rudy Publication Date 1992 DOI 10.5070/P8102021999 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California COMMENTS VIOLENT REPRESSION IN BURMA: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE GLOBAL RESPONSE Rudy Guyont TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................ 410 I. SLORC AND THE REPRESSION OF THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT ....................... 412 A. Burma: A Troubled History ..................... 412 B. The Pro-Democracy Rebellion and the Coup to Restore Military Control ......................... 414 C. Post Coup Elections and Political Repression ..... 417 D. Legalizing Repression ........................... 419 E. A Country Rife with Poverty, Drugs, and War ... 421 II. HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN BURMA ........... 424 A. Murder and Summary Execution ................ 424 B. Systematic Racial Discrimination ................ 425 C. Forced Dislocations ............................. 426 D. Prolonged Arbitrary Detention .................. 426 E. Torture of Prisoners ............................. 427 F . R ape ............................................ 427 G . Portering ....................................... 428 H. Environmental Devastation ...................... 428 III. VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW ....... 428 A. International Agreements of Burma .............. 429 1. The U.N.