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Nonconformists and the Liberals Roger Ottewill Religion and politics in the Edwardian era Hampshire Congregationalists Tim Hughes The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 1870s Alan Mumford Asquith: Love, friendship and betrayal Neil Stockley Election 2017 – A missed opportunity? Meeting report J. Graham Jones Newcastle University Library special collections Archive sources Liberal Democrat History Group Books from the Liberal Democrat History Group British Liberal Leaders

This book is the story of the leaders of the Liberal Party, the SDP and the Liberal Democrats, from Earl Grey, who led the Whigs through the Great Reform Act of 1832, to Nick Clegg, the first Liberal leader to enter government for more than sixty years. Chapters written by experts in Liberal history cover such towering political figures as Palmerston, Gladstone, Asquith and Lloyd George; those, such as Sinclair, Clement Davies and Grimond, who led the party during its darkest hours; and those who led its revival, including David Steel, Roy Jenkins and Paddy Ashdown. Interviews with recent leaders are included, along with analytical frameworks by which they may be judged and exclusive interviews with former leaders themselves. Published in 2015 as part of a series on party leaders. ‘Political leaders matter. They embody a party’s present, while also shaping its future. This is particularly important in the values-based Liberal tradition. The essays in this book provide a fascinating guide to what it took to be a Liberal leader across two centuries of tumultuous change.’ Martin Kettle, Associate Editor, The Guardian Available at a special discounted rate for Journal of Liberal History subscribers: £20 instead of the normal £25. Order via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk; or by sending a cheque (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN (add £3 postage and packing).

Price cut! The best single-volume study available of British Liberalism and British Liberals Peace, Reform and Liberation

‘This new volume, taking a long view from the later seventeenth century to the Cameron-Clegg coalition of today, is a collective enterprise by many hands … This is an excellent book.’ Kenneth O. Morgan, Cercles ‘I had not expected to enjoy this book as much as I did, or to learn as much from it.’ William Wallace, Lib Dem Voice ‘The editors and their fourteen authors deserve congratulation for producing a readable one-volume history of Liberal politics in Britain that is both erudite but perfectly accessible to any reader interested in the subject.’ Mark Smulian, Liberator Edited by Robert Ingham and Duncan Brack, with a foreword from Nick Clegg. Written by academics and experts, drawing on detailed research, Peace, Reform and Liberation is the most comprehensive guide to the story of those who called themselves Liberals, what inspired them and what they achieved over the last 300 years and more. Published in 2011, the book includes an analysis of the formation of the coalition in 2010. An essential source for anyone interested in the contribution of Liberals and Liberalism to British politics. Price cut – £10 off! Was £25, now £15. For Journal of Liberal History subscribers: was £20, now £12. Order via our website, www.liberalhistory.org.uk; or by sending a cheque (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN (add £3 postage and packing).

2 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Journal of Liberal History Issue 99: Summer 2018 The Journal of Liberal History is published quarterly by the Liberal Democrat History Group. ISSN 1479-9642 Liberal history news 4 Editor: Duncan Brack New history of the Scottish Liberal Party; corrigenda Deputy Editor: Tom Kiehl Assistant Editor: Siobhan Vitelli Archive Sources Editor: Dr J. Graham Jones Letters to the Editor 5 Biographies Editor: Robert Ingham Bill Pitt (David Steel and Antony Hook); Liberals in local government (Tony Reviews Editors: Dr Eugenio Biagini, Dr Ian Cawood Greaves and Mark Smulian) Contributing Editors: Graham Lippiatt, Tony Little, York Membery Religion and politics in the Edwardian era 6 Patrons The experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists; by Roger Ottewill Dr Eugenio Biagini; Professor Michael Freeden; Professor John Vincent The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 20 1870s Editorial Board Did the Liberals miss an historical opportunity to become the party of Dr Malcolm Baines; Dr Ian Cawood; Dr Matt Cole; Dr Roy organised labour and the trade unions in the 1870s? By Tim Hughes Douglas; Dr David Dutton; Professor Richard Grayson; Peter Hellyer; Dr Alison Holmes; Dr J. Graham Jones; Dr Tudor Jones; Caron Lindsay; Tony Little; Professor Asquith: friendship, love and betrayal 26 Nancy LoPatin-Lummis; Michael Meadowcroft; Dr Tim How did Liberal Prime Minister Asquith’s friendships and relationships affect Oliver; Dr Mark Pack; Dr Ian Packer; Dr John Powell; his political decisions? By Alan Mumford Jaime Reynolds; Dr Kathryn Rix; Dr Emma Sanderson- Nash; Dr Iain Sharpe; Dr Michael Steed; Dr Seth Thevoz Report 36 Editorial/Correspondence Election 2017 – a missed opportunity? with Phil Cowley and James Gurling; Contributions to the Journal – letters, articles, and report by Neil Stockley book reviews – are invited. The Journal is a refereed publication; all articles submitted will be peer- Reviews 39 reviewed. Contributions should be sent to: Davenport-Hines, Universal Man: The Seven Lives of John Maynard Keynes, Duncan Brack (Editor) reviewed by Ed Randall; Bell, The Labour Party in Opposition 1970–1974, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN reviewed by Michael Meadowcroft; Lendvai, Orbán: Europe’s New Strongman, email: [email protected] reviewed by David Steel All articles copyright © Journal of Liberal History. All rights reserved. Archive sources 43 Liberal archives in the Newcastle University Library special collections; by Subscriptions Dr J. Graham Jones An annual subscription to the Journal of Liberal History costs £25.00 (£15.00 unwaged rate). This includes membership of the History Group unless you inform us otherwise. Non-UK subscribers should add £10.00.

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Advertisements Liberal Democrat History Group Prices on application; discounts available for repeat ads or offers to readers (e.g. discounted book prices). The Liberal Democrat History Group promotes the discussion and research of To place ads, please contact the Editor. topics relating to the histories of the Liberal Democrats, Liberal Party, and SDP, and of Liberalism. The Group organises discussion meetings and produces the Journal Cover design concept: Lynne Featherstone of Liberal History and other occasional publications. Published by the Liberal Democrat History Group, For more information, including historical commentaries, details of publications, c/o 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN back issues of the Journal, and archive and other research resources, see: Printed by Kall-Kwik, www.liberalhistory.org.uk. Unit 1, 37 Colville Road, London W3 8BL Subscribers’ code for discounted sales from the History Group online shop: mbr011 August 2018 Chair: Tony Little Honorary President: Lord Wallace of Saltaire

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 3 Liberal History News Summer 2018

New history of the Scottish Liberal Party Scottish Parliament elections due in 2021 and in the context of ongoing debates The Scottish Liberal Party was the domi- This is a gap I intend to fill with about Scotland’s constitutional future. nant party of Victorian Scotland and, a major research project during 2018 Unfortunately, political and histori- while its electoral fortunes declined and 2019, one that will also encompass cal publishing in Scotland is not, with with the rise of the Labour and (Scot- single-volume histories of Scotland’s important exceptions, a commercially tish) Unionist parties during the 1920s, four main political parties, but begin- viable activity and therefore fund- it remained a significant ‘third’ force ning with the Scottish Liberals/Liberal ing is essential. The project has already in an increasingly crowded ‘Scottish Democrats. Both primary and second- received generous support from the political system’, particularly in the lat- ary sources will be consulted, chiefly Trust for Scottish Liberal Democracy, ter half of the twentieth century and, of relevant holdings at the National Library the Scottish Liberal Club, the Liberal course, upon its 1988 merger with the of Scotland, as well as contemporary Democrat History Group and several Social Democratic Party to form its cur- books, pamphlets and media coverage. individuals, although further donations rent political party, the Scottish Liberal Oral interviews would also be deployed would ensure that a thorough research is Democrats. to cover more recent events. possible. Yet while the party’s early history has The resulting book will be schol- If you are interested in making a received some attention from historians, arly, comprehensively charting Scottish donation, please contact me at David the past century of Scottish Liberal (and Liberal organisation, ideology, person- Torrance, 72/7 Brunswick Street, Edin- Scottish Liberal Democrat) history is nel and electoral performance, while burgh EH7 5HU; email davidtorrance@ relatively neglected in the relevant litera- also being written in an accessible way, hotmail.com ture. Yes, the Journal of Liberal History has ensuring it will be of value to the inter- focused on aspects of the party’s exist- ested lay person as well as the specialist Dr David Torrance is the author or editor of ence, but unlike the SNP and Scottish reader. I would also anticipate a reason- more than a dozen books on Scottish politi- Conservatives, there exists no accessible, able amount of media interest upon pub- cal history and biography. He splits his time single-volume history of the party. lication, particularly in the run up to between Edinburgh and London. Think history Can you spare some time to help the Liberal Democrat History Group?

The History Group undertakes a wide range of activities – publishing this Journal and our Liberal history books and booklets, organising regular speaker meetings, maintaining the Liberal history website and providing assistance with research. We’d like to do more, but our activities are limited by the number of people involved in running the Group. We would be enormously grateful for help with: • Improving our website. • Helping with our presence at Liberal Democrat conferences. • Organising our meeting programme. • Publicising our activities, through both social media and more tradi- tional means. • Running the organisation. If you’d like to be involved in any of these activities, or anything else, contact the Editor, Duncan Brack ([email protected]) – we would love to hear from you.

4 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 On This Day … Every day the History Group’s website, Facebook page and Twitter feed carry an item of Liberal history news from the past. Below we reprint three. To see them regularly, look at www.liberalhistory.org.uk or www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup or follow us at: LibHistoryToday.

June 6 June 1859: Whigs, Peelites and Radicals meet together in the afternoon at Willis’ Rooms in King Street, St James’, to discuss how to overthrow the minority Conservative government led by Lord Derby. The meeting was addressed by Palmerston and Lord John Russell but Gladstone was a notable absentee. The meeting cemented together the three anti-Tory groups and 6 June 1859 is generally taken to be the date of the formation of the Liberal Party. Less than a week later the new coalition carried a motion of no confidence in Derby’s administration and Palmerston led the new Liberal government which replaced it.

July 22 July 1908: Death of William Randel Cremer, pacifist and winner the Nobel Peace Prize for his work on international arbitration, and Liberal MP for Haggerston 1885–95 and 1900–08. Born into poverty in Fareham, Hampshire, Cremer was active in the trade union movement campaigning for the nine-hour day and helping to form the Workmen’s Peace Association. In parliament Cremer campaigned for international arbitration treaties with the USA and France. His work with French MP Frederic Passy led to the formation of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, of which Cremer was Vice President. In 1903 his tireless work for peace was recognised with the Nobel Peace Prize, the first individual and the first Briton to receive the award.

August 26 August 1676: Birth of Sir Robert Walpole, 1st Earl of Orford, Whig MP for Castle Rising 1701–02 and King’s Lynn 1702–12 and 1713–42. Prime Minister 1721–42. Walpole came from a strong Whig family and first achieved office under Lord Godolphin during the reign of Queen Anne. Following the formation of a Tory ministry, Walpole found himself impeached and expelled from the House of Commons. Re-elected on a wave of public sympathy, Walpole and the Whigs returned to power with the accession of George I. In 1720 the collapse of the South Sea Bubble lead to the disgrace of many leading Whigs and led to Walpole’s appointment as First Lord of the Treasury. As Prime Minister Walpole consolidated Whig power through use of royal patronage and pursued a policy of avoiding war, low taxes and reducing the national debt. Ironically it was Britain’s involvement in the War of Jenkin’s Ear that led to his downfall. Letters to the Editor Corrigenda Bill Pitt (1) Because the Journal is such a respected he goes overboard is in alleging that: ‘Liberal archives at Flintshire Record organ of accurate history I must just ‘Steel always neglected the party, which Office, Hawarden’ ( Journal of Liberal His- correct part of Michael Meadowcroft’s he did not rate as at all important’, with tory 97, winter 2017–18). obituary of Bill Pitt in issue 97 (winter a footnote referring readers to my own 2017–18). He accurately recounts my book. That is rubbish. The reference in This article was slightly out of date in unsuccessful efforts to have Pitt stand my book was criticism of the perpetually stating that the Glynne-Gladstone col- down in Croydon in favour of Shirley chaotic Party Council, as anyone can lection, although housed at Gladstone’s Williams for the 1981 by-election and read, not to the wider party. Library, was accessible through Flint- rightly describes him as a ‘pedestrian He also states that ‘an SDP victory shire Record Office. In 2016 a decision candidate’, but does not retell the detail in Croydon would have provided a was taken by Gladstone’s Library that the of how he had to be minded by Richard real springboard for other victories collection should be accessible there and Holme at every press conference and and the possible eclipse of the Liberal arrangements were made accordingly. have his speech written for him at the Party’. I have a rather more robust view Anyone wishing to access the collec- one large public meeting I addressed in of the party than that, and we were tion should therefore contact Gladstone’s his support. (Indeed, I later complained operating in an Alliance where we had Library – contact details can be found on that the SDP failed similarly to supervise all the ground troops, members and the website www.gladstoneslibrary.org. their inadequate candidate at the councillors, whilst the SDP had some Darlington by-election!). ministerial stars which we lacked. That ‘Lord Geraint of Ponterwyd’ (Journal of I did pay tribute to Bill’s clever is what made the Alliance so attractive, Liberal History 97, winter 2017–18). strategy to avoid being dumped, and but Meadowcroft opted out. Meadowcroft generously suggests that David Steel The article should have been titled ‘Lord if I had wooed the party more I might Geraint’. ‘Ponterwyd’ was his territorial have succeeded in getting him to stand designation but this did form part of his down – I doubt that. However, where Letters to the Editor continued on page 19 name.

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 5 Religion and the Liberal Party Roger Ottewill examines the reasons why Nonconformists were drawn to the Liberal Party, through a case study of Hampshire Congregationalists in the Edwardian period. Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era The Experiences of Hampshire Congregationalists

n commencing his pastorate in 1904 at the historic Above Bar Congrega- Otional Church in Southampton, Rev. George Saunders stressed that his preaching would have an authentic ‘Evangelical note’, including the proclamation that Jesus Christ ‘saves man from sin, through the power of His Cross.’ At the same time, he stressed the point that:

It is by the application of the teaching of Jesus to the manifold life of today that we shall find the solution of all the problems which are pressing so heavily upon us. Hence you will not expect me to be silent in reference to the great social, political and national questions which affect for good or ill the welfare of our town and country [emphasis added].1

In so doing, he was highlighting what, at the time, many Congregationalists considered to be a symbiotic relationship between religion and politics, which for the vast majority meant support for the Liberal Party. In this article, following a section in which the religious and political contexts are out- lined, three key questions are considered. What motivated Congregationalists to participate in politics? Which issues on the political agenda were of particular concern to them? How con- strained were they in their pursuit of politi- cal objectives? In suggesting possible answers to these questions, primary source material is drawn mainly from doctoral research under- taken to reveal the preoccupations and associ- ated discourses of the Congregationalists of Edwardian Hampshire and subsequent inves- tigations.2 By focusing on the local level, spe- cifically mainland Hampshire as constituted at the beginning of the twentieth century,3 it is intended to enrich the broader narratives devel- oped in secondary sources, such as the works of Stephen Koss,4 Ian Packer5 and Michael Watts,6

6 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era The Experiences of Hampshire Congregationalists

and provide a basis for making future comparisons with other parts of the country.

Context In seeking to capture the essence of their denomi- nation and to rally the faithful, many Edward- ian Congregationalists drew heavily on historical antecedents. For example, at the 1908 spring gath- ering of the Hampshire Congregational Union (HCU), held in Fareham, the chairman, Henry March Gilbert, in an address entitled ‘Our Past and Present’, reminded his audience that ‘they had entered into a glorious heritage’ and, in overly dramatic terms, that if their forefathers had been there they would have said: ‘We too with great sums of fines, persecutions, imprisonments, tor- tures, and even with giving up life itself obtained for you this freedom which is yours today’.7 This was a reference to the inspiration and legiti- macy that Congregationalism derived from the Great Ejection of 1662 when as Timothy Larsen explains, ‘… some 2,000 ministers were ejected from their livings because they could not swear their “unfeigned assent and consent to all and eve- rything contained and prescribed” in the new Prayer Book, or meet some of the other require- ments of the new Act of Uniformity’.8 Many of those ejected attracted groups of followers who formed the nuclei of independent congregations, which by the Edwardian era had evolved into self-sustaining Congregational churches. By this stage, however, collegiality, as symbolised by the HCU, was as much a feature of Congregational- ism as independency. John Gay, in his study of the geography of reli- gion, identifies Hampshire as one of the counties ‘with a long-established tradition of independ- ency’ and an above-average concentration of Congregationalists.9 As such, it was the lead- ing Nonconformist/Free Church denomination in the county. By 1901, Congregationalists had multiple places of worship in the three largest

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 7 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

Overleaf: Rev. towns of Portsmouth, Southampton and Bourne- also a deacon and a leading figure in Congrega- James Learmount mouth and a church in most other urban centres tional church life during the Edwardian era, was (1860–1934), Minister of population. Moreover, the process of church at the time of his father’s death chairman of the of Christchurch extension, a key feature of the Victorian era and Romsey Liberal and Radical Club thereby person- Congregational facilitated by the HCU, had seen new churches ifying the close relationship between the religious Church from 1900 to and chapels being established in many rural parts and the political. Likewise, three of the deacons of 1906 (Christchurch of the county as well as the expanding suburbs of the new and high-status Avenue Congregational History Society) Bournemouth and Southampton. Thus, a particu- Church in Southampton, Edward Bance, James lar strength of Congregationalism in Edwardian Hamilton and Edward Turner Sims, were very Hampshire was its extensive network of churches active local politicians in the Liberal cause. Bance covering most parts of the county. was a Liberal councillor from 1874 to 1889 and At the time a key feature of Congregationalism then served on the aldermanic bench until 1913. was its close identification with what is known He was also mayor in 1890, 1904 and 1910.16 Ham- as ‘political Nonconformity’. As Koss indicates, ilton was a Liberal councillor from 1889 to 1893 of the Nonconformist denominations, Congre- and from 1904 to 1910, when he lost his seat by ten gationalists – along with Baptists, Presbyteri- votes. During his second period of service on the ans and some branches of Methodism – were the council, he was chair of the Libraries Committee most likely to be ‘organised to intervene in elec- from 1906 until 1910, and held the office of sher- toral and parliamentary affairs.’10 While Packer iff from 1909 until his defeat. Hamilton was also stresses how the ideologies of Nonconformity a member of Southampton School Board until its and Liberalism, with their emphasis on freedom demise in 1903. Sims was president of the South- of worship and of speech and a dislike of hierar- ampton and South Hants Liberal Association and, chies, ‘meshed’. This dated back to the Victorian as such, had a high-profile role in the general elec- era when, in the words of Argent, ‘the common tions of 1906 and 1910. Such examples could be interests of the Free Churches and of political Lib- replicated from every part of Hampshire. eralism had been manifest in the Nonconformist Political engagement also extended to min- struggle for religious and civil liberties.’11 Thus, isters. As Kenneth Brown has shown, a sizeable ‘Liberalism and Nonconformity often appealed to minority took part in political and philanthropic people for much the same reasons and were seen activities at this time, with Congregationalists by their followers as naturally complementary.’12 along with Baptists being in the vanguard. Politi- It is important to recognise, however, that this cal activity embraced ‘membership of political was as much a local as a national phenomenon, parties and of overtly political pressure groups’ for, as David Bebbington points out, by the end and philanthropic activity included writing of the nineteenth century and into the Edward- about and participating ‘in welfare movements ian era ‘… leading men in the chapels were com- – temperance, hospitals, libraries …’.17 Exam- monly leading men in the affairs of the localities ples of Congregational ministers from Edward- too as school board members, as councillors, as ian Hampshire who were willing ‘to nail their mayors, and they often ran the constituency Lib- colours’ to a party political mast included: Rev. eral organisations’.13 In Basingstoke, for example, William Miles, minister of Buckland Congrega- the contribution of Congregationalists to civic tional Church in Portsmouth from 1903 to 1921, life was clearly underscored by editorial comment ‘a staunch Liberal, … [who] championed on pub- in the Hants and Berks Gazette when Henry Jack- lic platforms the policy of Free Trade when that son replaced Thomas Edney on the aldermanic policy and Tariff Reform were the question of bench of the borough council: the day’; 18 Rev. William Moncrieff, minister of East Cliff Congregational Church from 1901 to The election of Mr H. Jackson, J.P., to the 1907, who was ‘an ardent Radical and an eager honoured position of an alderman … is well student of the work of social reformers, … [and] deserved … The new alderman and the one took his full share in the political and civic affairs whose place he fills [i.e. Thomas Edney] have of Bournemouth’;19 Rev. Enoch Hunt, minister of been old colleagues in many capacities. Both are Fordingbridge Congregational Church from 1886 staunch Liberals. Both are deacons of the Con- to 1902, who was ‘a keen Liberal … [and] suffered gregational Church. Both are teetotallers and as a passive resister’ in the campaign against the for many long years have been ardent advocates Education Act 1902;20 and Rev. Nicholas Rich- of total abstinence. Both have taken a consider- ards, minister of Winchester Congregational able share of public life; and both are held in high Church from 1907 to 1910, who commented at esteem by their fellow townsmen.14 his farewell gathering that ‘Liberalism was in his very blood’ and that he left the city ‘as much of a Similarly, Thomas Fryer, a deacon and ‘an old and Nonconformist as when he came (applause), and a esteemed member’ of the Abbey Congregational stronger Liberal than when he came (applause)’.21 Church in Romsey, was also closely ‘associated These examples confirm Argent’s observation with the public life of the town … being a mem- that: ‘The temper of many Congregational minis- ber of the Corporation … and … in politics … a ters … was … Liberal in politics and … [compas- staunch Liberal’.15 His son George Fryer, who was sionate] in … [their] attitudes to social need.’22

8 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

Nevertheless, notwithstanding these exam- political action. As it was put by Romsey’s Con- ples, in electoral terms Edwardian Hampshire gregational minister from 1909 to 1914, Rev. was hardly promising territory for the Liberal Albert Bage, ‘the problem that confronted them Party since at parliamentary level the county was whether they were going to deal with the was predominantly Conservative. Only Ports- causes of social distress or the results. It was a mat- mouth and Southampton, each with two MPs, ter of whether they should clothe the naked, and could be described as marginal. Here, between help the homeless or fight the causes from which 1885 and 1914, the honours tended to be evenly those evils originated.’28 For Neal Blewett: ‘The divided between, on the one hand, the Con- social gospel had much in common with, indeed servatives and their allies, the Liberal Unionists, was often the inspiration of, the “new Liberal- and, on the other, the Liberals. Of the remaining ism” which sought, in the words of one writer “a six constituencies, the only exceptions to Con- via media between Collectivism, Conservative or servative hegemony were Christchurch, which Socialist, and the decaying individualism of the included Bournemouth, and the New Forest, both Benthamite and Cobdenite epoch …” ’29 of which returned Liberals in their landslide elec- Turning to the civic gospel, its genesis is par- tion victory of 1906.23 Indeed, in commenting on ticularly associated with Rev. George Dawson, a the 1906 election results, the Hampshire Indepen- Baptist minister. However, a key role in its sub- dent observed that ‘never before … [had] there sequent development was played by Rev. Rob- been such a political upheaval in the county, as ert Dale, minister of the prestigious Carrs Lane every constituency was contested, and the victo- Congregational Church in Birmingham from ries which have been won were gained only after 1854 until his death in 1895.30 As Catherine Hall the most strenuous fighting…’24 However, apart observes, ‘Dale unlike Dawson, held to the faith from Southampton, all the 1906 gains were lost at of the evangelicals and his particular contribution the January 1910 general election, with the Lib- in later years to the civic gospel was his articula- eral-supporting Southampton Times commenting tion of municipalism with a living faith.’31 Quot- that Southampton remained a ‘bright beam in the ing Dale, Ann Rodrick points outs that in the murky darkness of Tory Hampshire.’25 By con- mid-1880s he assured his readers and listeners that trast, from a religious perspective, Congregation- ‘civil authority is … a divine institution. The man alism was, as previously indicated, a prominent who holds municipal or political office is a “min- feature of the ecclesiastical landscape of Edward- ister of God”. One man may, therefore, have just ian Hampshire. as real a Divine vocation to become a town coun- cillor or a Member of Parliament, as another to become a missionary to the heathen.’32 Although Motivation the ‘civic gospel’, as such, appears to have been Congregational engagement in politics was essen- little discussed in Edwardian Hampshire, by serv- tially a response to two variants of the Christian ing on local public bodies some Congregational gospel, the ‘social’ and the ‘civic’. The ‘social gos- deacons and ministers demonstrated, at the very pel’ can be seen, in part, as a reaction against the least, a tacit commitment to it – they practised pietism and individualism inherent in the ‘per- what Dale preached. Like him they ‘believed in sonal gospel’. Reduced to its bare bones, it was, as the dignity as well as … the duty of municipal Bebbington puts it: ‘an attempt to change human life’.33 Thus, Rev. Capes Tarbolton, minister of beings by transforming their environment rather London Street Congregational Church in Basing- than touching their hearts’.26 That said, those who stoke from 1887 to 1907 and one of Dale’s Hamp- subscribed to the social gospel believed that faith shire disciples, in praising ‘… [the] robust type alone was sterile and should be a precursor to col- of … Christian piety’, observed that it meant not lective action intended to right societal wrongs. abstention from, but engagement with, civic life.34 As Michael Watts points out, although evangeli- Likewise, one of his successors, Rev. Rocliffe cal Nonconformists had traditionally argued Mackintosh, commented at the mayor’s banquet Congregational that the solution to society’s problems ‘lay in the in November 1912, that: repentance of sin and surrender to the will of God engagement … to a growing body of opinion in the later nine- The clergy were especially interested in the con- teenth century, the fundamental cause of many dition of the people, and Councils had a great in politics was individual and social problems lay not so much deal to do with the conditions in which people with personal failings as with the environmental lived; so in that way the clergy and public men essentially a conditions which so often rendered the individ- might be workers together for the betterment of ual powerless … [thus] their solution lay not in the people and for the extension of the power of response to two personal redemption but in reformation by local religion. They should encourage the best men in variants of the authorities or by the state.’27 connection with their churches to enter public Thus, many argued that merely ameliorating life and to do what they could to raise its ideals, Christian gospel, the symptoms of these problems through altru- for while our public life stood high in compari- istically inspired ‘good works’ was an insuffi- son with that of other countries, there was still the ‘social’ and cient response and steps had to be taken to tackle a great deal that might be changed for the better the underlying causes, which inevitably implied (applause).35 the ‘civic’.

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 9 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

A particular interest of Mackintosh was educa- tion and the mayor referred to his involvement in the establishment of a high school for girls, which had provided him with an early opportu- nity ‘of connecting himself with the civic life of the town’.36 For Hampshire Congregationalists the fact that many of their leaders were active in pub- lic service was a source of pride. Hence James Thomas in his presidential address to the HCU in 1906 asserted that:

As Congregationalists they could congratu- late themselves on the number of citizens they had trained for public positions; he thought that there was no body of men that had more impressed upon its members the duties and responsibilities of civic life than Congregational ministers (applause).37

Similarly, at the laying of the foundation stone for a new church in the Southbourne district of Bournemouth, Rev. John Daniel Jones, the well known minister of the town’s leading Congrega- tional Church, Richmond Hill, commented that: ‘Pro rata to population Congregationalists had produced more men who took a prominent part in the public affairs of the land than perhaps any other Christian Church.’38 Underpinning both the social and civic gos- pels was the ‘Nonconformist conscience’ which embraced ‘the conviction that there … [was] no strict boundary between religion and politics; an insistence that politicians should be men of the highest character; and a belief that the state should promote the moral welfare of its citi- zens’.39 In this regard, many Hampshire Con- gregationalists were influenced by the views of the eminent Baptist minister and evangelist, Rev. Frederick Meyer. His ideal was, as Ran- dall points out, social action to promote ‘human dignity, equality and freedom of conscience’.40 Meyer spoke in Hampshire on a number of occa- sions. Addressing the Romsey and District Free Church Council in 1903 he argued, somewhat apocalyptically, that:

The one hope for England … was that … godly men and women should exert themselves as they had never done before, to bring the Kingdom of God amongst men by their own vote and per- sonal influence in everything which concerned the social redemption of mankind … If England did not mend her ways … [it would] go the way of all great nations of the past and drive a wreck upon the shores of history.41

In other words, if those who had accepted Christ as their personal saviour did not act to bring about a change in the moral climate and address various issues that called into question the extent to which Christian principles prevailed within society, dis- aster would surely follow.

10 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

Issues What then were the matters that particularly taxed Edwardian Congregationalists? Essentially there were two kinds of issue on the political agenda that stood out as being of special con- cern. One consisted of anything which they saw as being a threat to their standing and their cher- ished belief in civil and religious liberty and the other was what they regarded as challenges of a moral welfare nature. In the early years of the Edwardian era the dominant issue of the first type was education. Most Congregationalists, along with many other Nonconformists, were outraged by the provi- sions of the Education Act 1902 which they saw as unfairly privileging mainly Church of England schools at the expense of the non-denominational board schools which they favoured.42 In Hamp- shire, for various reasons, such as the concilia- tory leadership of the chairman of the county council and its education committee, the Earl of Northbrook, and the Bishop of Winchester, Rt. Rev. Randall Davidson, and a politico-religious culture characterised by a spirit of accord across denominational boundaries, the opposition was relatively muted by comparison with some other parts of country. 43 Nonetheless, within the county Congregationalists were often at the fore- front of the passive resistance campaign which the legislation triggered and were often outspoken in what the Southampton Times labelled ‘The Educa- tion War’. 44 While in its annual reports the HCU used strong language to condemn what it deemed ‘to be a gross violation of the principle of reli- gious freedom and equality’ and ‘an act of flagrant injustice to Nonconformists.’45 It also contrasted what it characterised as the ‘spiritual democracy’ of Congregational churches with the fact that as a result of the legislation ‘the democratic principle seen alike in religious and civil affairs had been unblushingly assailed.’46 In a similar vein, in 1905 at the sixth annual meeting of the Petersfield and District Free Church Council, Rev. Ernest Thompson, the town’s Congregational minister between 1903 and 1910 and passive resister, argued that: ‘They wanted not favour, but justice and liberty of con- science. It was the children’s battle; it was the Church’s battle; it was the Lord’s battle.’47 Given that these remarks were made during the year before the Liberal’s landslide victory, it is not sur- prising that much of what he had to say related to the hoped for repeal of the 1902 Act and its replacement with legislation incorporating prin- ciples that Nonconformists considered to be far more just and equitable. Similarly, during the 1906 general election campaign in Southampton, at a public meeting convened by the Southamp- ton Evangelical Free Church Council, ‘when the primary matter considered was the Education Act and the duty of Free Churchmen at the polling booths’, the following resolution, moved and sec- onded by the previously mentioned Rev. George

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 11 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

Saunders and James Hamilton, respectively, was Turning to moral welfare issues and adapting a Overleaf (page 10): carried unanimously: phrase that was to be popularised nearly a century later, the stance of Congregationalists was to be Rev. John Philip That this meeting re-affirms its intense convic- ‘tough on sin and tough on the causes of sin’. They Rogers (?–1971), tion that no settlement of the education question sought through political action to remove, in the Minister of East Cliff will be satisfactory which does not ensure pop- words of Bebbington, ‘obstacles to the gospel’, Congregational ular control of schools financed by the people ‘substitutes for the gospel’ and ‘infringements of Church, and abolition of all religious tests; and urges all the gospel code of living’,55 and had in their sights Bournemouth, from Free Churchmen to support candidates who are the evils of alcohol, gambling, prostitution and 1908 to 1915 (East Cliff pledged to this end.48 anything that they perceived as contributing to URC Archive) the desecration of Sunday. While poverty, mal- As elsewhere, in Hampshire, Nonconform- nutrition and inadequate housing were also of Rev. George Saunders ist ministers were conspicuous by their presence concern, the causes which loomed largest were (1866–1949), Minister on the platform at Liberal election meetings and temperance and Sunday observance. Here the of Above Bar ‘threw themselves into the campaign with una- goal was to create, in the words of Packer, ‘a more Congregation Church, bated vigour.’49 Moreover, the evidence from godly society.’56 Southampton, Hampshire tends to confirm the view that, in the Among Hampshire Congregational ministers from 1904 to 1920 words of Watts: ‘The strength of Nonconformist strongly committed to the cause of temperance (Avenue St Andrew’s feeling in opposition to the 1902 Education Act were Rev. Reginald Thompson, Basingstoke’s URC, Southampton, was a major factor in the Liberal victory.’50 Congregational minister between 1907 and 1911, Archive) In the event, due to resistance from the Church for whom it was one of his ‘two great “exter- of England and its allies in the House of Lords, na l ” enthusiasms’; 57 Rev. William Bennett, War- the Liberal government was unable to honour its sash’s Congregational minister between 1898 commitment to reform the education system con- and 1903, who was ‘a great worker in the cause of tributing, in due course, to a sense of frustration Temperance’;58 and Rev. Henry Perkins, minis- on the part of many Congregationalists. Thus, at ter of Albion Congregational Church in South- the annual meeting of the Petersfield and District ampton between 1895 and 1903, who ‘warmly Free Church Council in 1909, during the course supported the Temperance movement and Band of what was described as ‘an impressive address’, of Hope’.59 For these and others engaged in the Rev. Ernest Thompson lamented that they had temperance crusade, the objectives were to secure failed to secure a just solution to the educational more restrictive legislation and to ensure that issue, which would ‘put a stop to all those deplor- existing provisions for controlling public houses able squabbles and quarrels about doctrine and were rigorously applied. In their pursuit, Con- dogma which were so prejudicial to the education gregationalists were prepared to undertake united of this country.’51 However, a slightly more posi- action with members of other denominations. In tive note was struck in the Above Bar Congrega- Basingstoke, for example, a cross-denominational tional Church magazine, for while ‘all who are committee was established in early 1903 to cam- interested in the truest well-being of the Nation paign for the Sunday closing of public houses. will truly regret the rude shattering of their hopes Members, who included not only the Congrega- … [with respect to educational reform] there is no tional minister, Rev. Capes Tarbolton, but also need for despair.’52 the vicar and one of his curates, approved the fol- A further issue of this type concerned the sta- lowing resolution: tus of the Church of England. Many Congrega- tionalists supported the cause of disestablishment … as the Sunday Closing of Public Houses has and to this end were in favour of the Liberal gov- been unquestioningly fraught with much good ernment’s moves to disestablish the Anglican to the people of Scotland, of Ireland, of Wales Church in Wales. In 1912, at their spring gather- and of the Colonies, this meeting deplores the ing, Hampshire Congregationalists unanimously prolonged delay in extending similar beneficent passed the following resolution: legislation to England. It believes that the pre- sent time is particularly opportune for pressing That we, the members of the Hants Congrega- the claims of Sunday Closing upon legislators, tional Union note with satisfaction the provi- and therefore earnestly calls for combined and sions of the Bill introduced into Parliament for vigorous action on the part of Church of Eng- the Disestablishment and Disendowment of the land, Nonconformist, Temperance and other Church in Wales and express the earnest hope philanthropic organisations, and appeals to that the Government will, with unswerving reformers and politicians of all political parties determination carry the same into law.53 to unite in a great effort to obtain from Parlia- ment this great boon for the people.60 Thus, the HCU was again prepared to adopt an overtly partisan stance. Many, of course, saw They also signed a memorial to the town magis- Welsh disestablishment, which was enacted in trates ‘in favour of a reduction in the number of 1914, as the first step towards achieving the same licensed [public] houses in the borough.’61 As Rev. outcome for the Church of England as a whole.54 Tarbolton pointed out, the signatories:

12 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

Overleaf (page 11): … represented not one party alone politically: even … Christians who had somewhat more Conservatives and Liberals united in it. They relaxed ideas about Sunday were likely to agree Dr Robert William represented not one section of the religious com- that religious activity should have first priority, Dale (1829–95), munity alone: the Established Church and the and that the kind of Sunday that was becoming Minister of Carr’s Lane Free Churches united in it. They represented increasingly popular, which was simply a day of Chapel, Birmingham no particular section of society: working men relaxation, was part of a worrying trend towards and employees of labour united in it. They rep- a frivolous and hedonistic way of life.67 Rev. Ernest Thompson resented not merely the teetotal element of the (1875–1973), Minister population by any means.62 It was the perceived link between attitudes to of Petersfield Sunday and an increasing preoccupation with Congregational Such unanimity confirms Bebbington’s asser- pleasure and excitement that drove many leading Church from 1903 tion that temperance ‘was the political question Congregationalists to resist every move to liber- to 1910 (Petersfield on which there was most cooperation between alise rules relating to the Sabbath. However, as Museum) Church and chapel.’63 That said, Nonconform- Packer observes, although Sabbatarianism ‘was ists tended to be more militant in their opposi- widespread among Nonconformists … it was dif- tion to measures which were seen as favouring the ficult to make it into a political issue at national interests of brewers. Thus, in its annual report for level.’68 Consequently, much of the campaigning 1904, the HCU heavily criticised changes in legis- was undertaken locally. lation at national level: One part of Hampshire where this issue was particularly to the fore was Bournemouth.69 Here, Deeply concerned as we are by the sobriety for Congregationalists and their co-religionists of the nation, we must repudiate Mr Balfour’s in other denominations, the principle of a ‘quiet claim that his Licensing Act is a great meas- Sunday’ was sacrosanct. Indeed, such a policy was ure of temperance legislation, the more the Act vigorously applied by leading lay Nonconform- is understood and its power to lessen licenses ists and churchmen who served on the borough duly appreciated the more it is evident that it is council. One of the most distinguished was John a Brewer’s Endowment Act, and not a powerful Elmes Beale, a deacon of the previously men- weapon of wholesome reform.64 tioned Richmond Hill Congregational Church and a prominent local businessman, who founded For most Nonconformists, alcohol was the very what continues to be a well-known chain of embodiment of evil to a degree that was not repli- department stores. He served as a Bournemouth cated on the part of most Anglicans. councillor and alderman for many years and held Equally contentious was what Congrega- the office of mayor from 1902 to 1905 thereby tionalists considered to be the erosion of the epitomising the tenets of the civic gospel. As guest special status of Sunday, which was seen by speaker at Lymington Congregational Church’s many as a proxy for a decline in moral stand- 201st anniversary celebrations in 1901, he made ards more generally. During his address to his position on Sunday observance clear when he the HCU’s autumn gathering in 1907, a visit- ‘spoke of the battle of Nonconformity and the ing speaker from Bromley, Rev. William Jus- need for more united action amongst the Free tin Evans, after amusing delegates with some Churches, and especially in regard to the insidi- examples of the extremes to which Puritans had ous attacks being made upon the Sabbath day, and gone to maintain the solemnity of ‘The Lord’s particularly in regard to sport.’70 A year later, at Day’, argued that the pendulum had swung too celebrations to mark the eleventh anniversary of far the other way: the opening of Richmond Hill’s new premises, Beale expressed his belief that: … Sunday was being made a day of pleasure and work. The leisured and idle classes were making … the ambition of every member of the Town it a day for golfing and motoring, and the work- Council was to make Bournemouth more beau- ing classes … for gardening, loafing, and drink- tiful, both physically and morally. He was glad ing. The holy day was becoming a holiday; it also to be present as deacon of that church, could not remain a holiday unless it was a holy because as Christian people its members were day … The Sunday desecrators were amongst doing all they could to make Bournemouth spir- the worst enemies of the country today … it was itually beautiful, their lofty ideal being to win more than ever necessary that there should be Bournemouth for Jesus Christ (applause).71 one day for worship.65 Thus, he clearly saw a close relationship between Although, as John Wigley points out, the the spiritual and the civic. ‘Edwardian Sunday had more in common with While they held a council majority, Beale and that of the 1850s’ than that of the late twentieth those who thought like him were able to ensure century and ‘impressed children and foreign visi- that their view of what Sundays should be like tors alike as one of the peculiarities of English shaped council policy-making. Some idea of life’, it was under threat on many fronts.66 Indeed, what this meant in practice is evident in the fol- in the words of Hugh McLeod: lowing extract from an article in a series on the

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 13 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

British Sunday that the Daily Telegraph published What can be said is dismal Sunday’ … [was] doing harm to the town.’77 in 1905: In other words, those who favoured a ‘quiet Sun- that with respect day’ felt that it contributed to the distinctiveness of With regard to the present aspect of Sunday at Bournemouth, while the advocates of change saw Bournemouth, it might be stated that numerous to Sunday obser- it as making the town more competitive vis-à-vis churches are filled to overflowing most Sundays, vance, Bourne- other seaside resorts. and the erection of new churches speedily secure In the controversy surrounding the principle crowded congregations. Visitors and townspeo- mouth had more of a ‘quiet Sunday’, a particular bone of conten- ple alike very largely regard Sunday as a day set tion was the fact that the council-run tramway apart exclusively for religious observance, and in common with system was closed on Sundays. Seeking to reverse public amusement is in almost every form dis- this policy was the Sunday Trams Association. In couraged. The corporation allow their piers to resorts such as response, those in favour established the Sunday be open on Sundays for promenading, but have Defence League. Both campaigned vigorously in religiously refused to allow their fine munici- Torquay, which 1906 when a local poll on the issue was held. This pal orchestra to play Sunday music. The steam- resulted in a clear victory for those opposed to boat companies do not run their boats on Sunday was described as change. Of the 9,753 eligible to vote, 6,309 or 64.7 and several years ago, when an outside company ‘a very churchy per cent did so, with 57.2 per cent voting against endeavoured to carry out pleasure sea excursions any alteration to the existing policy.78 on Sundays, … pier tolls [were promptly raised] town’, than, say, Six years later the issue was back on the local to the maximum sum of 4d for each passenger political agenda and members of the Sunday embarking or disembarking from the pier. This Brighton, which Defence League again organised ‘its forces for a had the effect of quickly stopping the new ven- strenuous campaign to maintain the quiet Sunday ture … The corporation golf links are also closed had ‘adopted the for which Bournemouth is renowned, and which on Sunday, and no attempt has been made to alter we still believe, notwithstanding all that has this state of things … Altogether, Bournemouth forward move- been stated to the contrary, is one of its greatest at present is one of the quietest towns on Sunday assets’.79 During the contest for the 1912 munici- in the country, but there is a distinct feeling man- ment in regard pal elections, readers of East Cliff Congregational ifesting itself that a little more relaxation might to treating Sun- Church’s magazine were exhorted ‘to VOTE, be beneficial in some respects. Any innovation, irrespective of creed or politics, on November however, is likely to meet with strong opposi- day as a day, not 1st, FOR CANDIDATES who are opposed to tion from the great majority of the Anglican and SUNDAY TRAMS and all that would follow in Nonconformist communities.72 only for religious their train [emphasis in the original]’.80 The min- ister Rev. Phillip Rogers, saw ‘the Sunday intro- Likewise, in the words of a publication entitled observance, but duction of trams as an attempt to secularise the Beautiful Bournemouth: Sunday in Bournemouth, and God save Bourne- for reasonable mouth from a Sunday like that at Brighton’. Bournemouth’s Quiet Sunday most visitors Using a powerful metaphor, he argued that: ‘Just appreciate, although there may be some who recreation.’ as the dykes of Holland kept back the floods of the vote it ‘deadly dull’. In these busy, bustling days ocean, so a sanctified Sunday would act as a bul- it is a reputation difficult to maintain, but so far wark which kept back the floods of wickedness.’81 the council have resolutely declined to run Sun- The outcome of the municipal elections was day trams, or provide Sunday music. This policy inconclusive as far as the trams issue was concerned, may not be approved by the restless pleasure but the borough council subsequently decided to seekers who hanker after a Continental Sunday hold a second poll in January 1913. This time, despite which, except for extra religious services, differ- the efforts of the Sunday Defence League, a major- eth not from a week-day, but it is a policy, stead- ity voted for a change in policy. On this occasion the ily pursued, which has contributed to making turnout was 70.1 per cent, with 52.5 per cent voting Bournemouth unique among watering places.73 in favour of the running of trams on Sundays.82 The outcome clearly indicated a shift in public opinion There was perhaps a touch a poetic licence attached towards a more liberal view of Sunday observance to the last of these remarks. What can be said is and the increasing strength of the secular ‘other’. that with respect to Sunday observance, Bourne- Indeed, it was seen by many as the ‘end of that ‘Sun- mouth had more in common with resorts such as day quiet’ which … [had] been a distinctive feature Torquay, which was described as ‘a very churchy of the town and a great attraction to many visitors town’,74 than, say, Brighton, which had ‘adopted and residents.’83 It also indicated a waning of the the forward movement in regard to treating Sun- influence of Congregationalists and other commit- day as a day, not only for religious observance, ted Christians in shaping public policy and played a but for reasonable recreation.’75 The defenders of part in constraining their political ambitions. Bournemouth’s ‘quiet Sunday’ claimed that it had contributed to the ‘remarkable growth and pros- perity’ of the area and that any change in policy Constraints might cause ‘incalculable damage.’76 By contrast, Notwithstanding the potency of the social opponents argued that ‘Bournemouth’s ‘dull and and civic gospels and the commitment of

14 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

Congregationalists to certain political causes, William Miles, in his capacity as chairman of the unlike political parties and even secular pressure HCU for the year 1913. He argued, in the context groups, they were not in a position to pursue these of observations concerning the functions of the single-mindedly. Put a little differently, they were Christian Church, that: constrained by various factors emanating from both within the denomination and without. The work of the Church was first, not politics. Internal constraints arose, in the main, from He felt that the less the Church had to do with the opposition of those Congregationalists who politics the better it would be for the Church and viewed politics with suspicion, not least because the better for politics, too. Mr. Balfour had said a in their eyes it distracted the Church from its pri- wise thing when he remarked that the Christian mary mission of saving souls. They were con- Church had never interfered in politics with- cerned about the corrosive effect of political out losing more for herself than she had gained activity and sympathetic towards the views of the for politics. It would be a great advantage … if anonymous author of Nonconformity and Politics, in every Christian minister would assume such an which it was claimed that an ‘over-concentration attitude towards politics that men of all political on politics’ was partly responsible for the fact that parties could feel at home among them.92 ‘by 1909 secularisation had … made deep and unnecessary inroads into the life of the chapels’.84 Possibly, like others, by this stage he had become What was seen as ‘party passion’ was withering somewhat disenchanted with the Liberal govern- ‘the passion for Christ.’85 As he put it, the king- ment, since it would seem that by politics Miles dom of God does not lie in the material realm meant party politics. Indeed, he later acknowl- but ‘in righteousness and peace and joy in the edged that it was not ‘possible for a man to stand Holy Ghost’ and it is the latter that should preoc- in the pulpit and proclaim all the doctrines of the cupy the churches.86 Put simply, there were many Word of God without coming into contact, now Nonconformists ‘who feared that the soul was and again, with political prejudice and vested neglected in the social gospel …’87 interest’. Alongside the drink trade and Sabbath Although the evidence from Edwardian breakers, this included ‘every political institution Hampshire is not clear-cut, something of a modi- which ground the face of the poor and enriched fication of his views on politics can be seen in the the few at the expense of the many’.93 That said, stance of Rev. John Daniel Jones. In a sermon although there was some ambiguity as to what on ‘Christianity and Politics’, preached in 1906, exactly was meant by ‘politics’, there is evi- he went as far as to suggest that engagement in dence to suggest that during the Edwardian era political activities was ‘as religious as leading a there was a reaction amongst Congregationalists prayer-meeting … [and] teaching in the Sun- regarding the extent to which churches, as institu- day School’.88 In 1909, however, as Bebbington tions, should be involved in anything that might records, he ‘devoted two sermons to endorsing be deemed ‘political’. At the same time, they the … argument’ of Nonconformity and Politics.89 reserved the right as citizens to support political Moreover, in early 1910 he defended himself parties and campaign on particular issues. against the charge that he had preached a political Internal con- A particularly potent external constraint was sermon during the first general election campaign public hostility towards the perceived misuse of of that year: straints arose, in the pulpit to promote political causes, as the com- ments of Rev. John Daniel Jones quoted earlier I claim as a citizen the right to take part in the main, from indicate. One further example from Edwardian national affairs. I claim the right ofspeaking with Hampshire occurred during the febrile atmos- my fellow citizens about national affairs. That the opposition phere of the 1906 general election campaign, right I have exercised during the recent elec- when Rev. James Learmount, Christchurch’s tion, and shall exercise again whenever occa- of those Congre- Congregational minister from 1900 to 1906, sion calls for it. But as a minister and a preacher gationalists who preached a sermon on the relationship between I regard the realm of party politics as entirely Christianity and politics based on the text: barred against me. I detest and abhor politi- viewed politics ‘Whatsoever ye do, do all to the Glory of God’.94 cal sermons, and have never preached one … in Reported verbatim in the sympathetic Christ- God’s house men of varied and conflicting opin- with suspicion, church Times, he argued that: ion ought to feel equally at home … [emphasis in the original]90 not least because To escape from hell and get to heaven is not the great business of life. The great business of every That said, as Koss points out, Rev. J. D. Jones was in their eyes it Christian is to do what Christ would do today a close friend and colleague of the leading Con- distracted the … with our freedom and … our circumstances gregationalist Rev. Silvester Horne and together around Him … good people who take … no both were heavily involved in campaigning dur- Church from its part in politics are wrong … It is the duty of ing the general elections of 1906 and 1910.91 religious people to … lay down great Christian A further example of what might be regarded primary mission principles for the guidance of government and as a reassessment of priorities comes, ironically, well-being of the nation ... to cry aloud when the from an address of the ‘staunch Liberal’ Rev. of saving souls. leaders of the State make grave moral mistakes,

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 15 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

seek to set up class distinctions, and to raise bar- fractured. Arguably, Koss’ chapter title for the riers which prevent all men from realising the period 1908 to 1914, ‘Decline and Disenchant- solidarity of mankind growing out of the fact of ment’, overstates the disaffection.100 As Packer the Fatherhood of God.95 comments, ‘There was still probably more Non- conformist enthusiasm for the party in 1910 than Reference was also made to specific issues, includ- there had been in, say, 1900. Liberalism and Non- ing free trade, which ‘should not merely be a conformity remained closely entwined and many means … of getting more wealth; it should be a aspects of Liberal thought and policy were influ- measure of social justice’, and, temperance, which enced by Nonconformist views.’101 For example, ‘ought not to be a matter of opinion; … [but] a in what was described as a ‘vigorous speech’ at a question affecting the people’s life, a question of mass meeting held during the January 1910 elec- heaven or hell for them.’ Publicans and brewers tion campaign in Southampton, Rev. Ieuan Mald- were portrayed as purveyors of evil. In his pero- wyn Jones, minister of Albion Congregational ration, he referred to politics as ‘applied religion’ Church, gave full expression to this relationship. while acknowledging that ‘bitter politics’ were ‘of Having made clear that ‘he had never spoken in the devil.’96 his pulpit on party politics, and never would’, The Rev. Learmount was subsequently taken that night he was there ‘as a citizen, as a patriot to task by the Conservative-supporting Observer and as a Nonconformist’ and in these capacities and Chronicle, which described his sermon as an it was essential to realise that ‘if the Lords gained ‘illustration of how certain pulpits are used for the day’ in the election they could say ‘good-bye party politics at election time’.97 He defended to their Liberalism … to their ideals as men … to himself in a letter published a week later in the their social reform and their temperance legisla- Christchurch Times by maintaining that the thrust tion.’ Indeed, ‘if there were any Nonconform- of his argument was not party politics but right- ists who did not intend to vote Liberal this time, eousness. However, with Congregational minis- then he would say ‘I am ashamed of your Non- ters being far more likely to support the Liberal conformity’ (hear, hear).’102 Likewise at a public than the Conservative Party, there can have been meeting in Petersfield about the Constitutional few in the congregation who would not have crisis engulfing the country, Rev. Ernest Thomp- interpreted his remarks in this light. son did not shy away from political partisanship: ‘The duty of Free Churchmen at this time seemed to be perfectly clear, to return the Liberal party to Conclusion power to smash the veto of the Lords.’ 103 There is little doubt that, during the Edward- Similarly in the second general election cam- ian era, many leading lay and clerical Hampshire paign of 1910, a resolution of the Southampton There is little Congregationalists, prompted in part by right- Evangelical Free Church Council called upon eous indignation, felt that it was their Christian Nonconformists: ‘at this serious crisis of our doubt that, dur- duty to engage in politics and, if necessary, party national affairs to put forth every effort to secure ing the Edwardian politics in the Liberal interest. As Rev. George the return to Parliament of those gentlemen who Saunders, with whom this article began, com- will support the Government in this final effort era, many lead- mented during an interview for a series of news- which it is making to enforce the People’s will, and paper profiles on Southampton’s local religious thus secure fair treatment by the Lords for meas- ing lay and cleri- leaders which was published in 1905: ures introduced for the removal of Nonconform- ist grievances in education, for licensing reform, cal Hampshire I have spoken on Liberal platforms. I think a and other measures for the social welfare of the minister should be granted the liberty which any people.’104 This was passed unanimously by a mass Congregational- other individual enjoys. I do not believe in the meeting of Free Churchman at which Rev. I. M. introduction of party politics into the pulpit, but Jones was again one of the main speakers along ists, prompted in I think the pulpit should state very clearly great with a Baptist and a United Methodist minister. part by righteous principles and should not be afraid to apply them For many Congregationalists, there remained to every department of national life.98 a distinctive Nonconformist political agenda, indignation, felt centred on temperance, disestablishment of the Indeed, many Congregationalists would have Church of England, Sunday observance and that it was their aligned themselves with the comments of Rev. improvements in the living conditions of the dis- E. R. Pullen, minister of Shirley Baptist Church advantaged. In the words of Rev. Will Reason, Christian duty to in Southampton, at a 1906 election meeting. His Social Service Secretary of the Congregational response to those who argued that he should not Union of England and Wales, when speaking to engage in politics get involved in politics was that ‘the old testament the Southampton Free Church Council in 1912: prophets did and … he was a citizen as well as a ‘year by year … the public conscience and cer- and, if necessary, Christian minister.’99 tainly the Christian conscience, was becoming party politics While relations with the Liberal Party might more and more sensitive of those facts of human have cooled somewhat during the later part of life which they summed up in the phrase “social in the Liberal the Edwardian era, evidence from Hampshire problem” ’105 Thus, although many Congrega- indicates that they were by no means completely tionalists might have become more ambivalent interest.

16 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

However, there towards party politics, their political sensibilities, place on the feast of St Bartholomew, it was generally in the broadest sense of the term, remained intact referred to by Nonconformists as ‘Black Bartholomew’s remained a keen as the Liberal government wrestled with indus- Day’. trial unrest, the Irish Home Rule Crisis of 1913–14 9 John Gay, The Geography of Religion in England (London, awareness that and the campaign for women’s’ suffrage. Echoing 1971), p. 143. the spiritual Packer, ‘the separation of religion and politics still 10 Koss, Nonconformity, p. 12. With respect to Methodism, had a long way to go in 1914.’106 Primitive Methodists and Bible Christians were far more dimension of Con- However, there remained a keen awareness likely to be politically active on behalf the Liberal Party that the spiritual dimension of Congregation- than Wesleyan Methodists. gregationalism alism should neither be neglected nor under- 11 Alan Argent, The Transformation of Congregationalism 1900– mined. Thus, in its annual report for 1913 the 2000 (Nottingham, 2013), p. 29. should neither HCU quoted with approval a letter from Con- 12 Packer, Liberal Government and Politics, p. 98. gregational Memorial Hall in London reminding 13 David Bebbington, The Nonconformist Conscience (Lon- be neglected nor recipients ‘that the chief business of the Church … don, 1982), p. 153. [was] the salvation of souls, using the word ‘sal- 14 Hants and Berks Gazette, 20 Oct. 1906. For a fuller discus- undermined. vation’ in the wide and far-reaching sense which sion of their involvement in the political life of Basing- is given to it in the New Testament.’ While at the stoke see Roger Ottewill, ‘Blending the Sacred with the same time, the Temperance and Social Service Secular: Congregationalism in Edwardian Basingstoke Committee of the HCU expressed the earnest 1901–1914’, https://www.academia.edu/8992806/. hope ‘that all Preachers will give due attention to 15 Romsey Advertiser, 24 Jul. 1903. the question of Sunday observance and of Tem- 16 For further details of Bance’s career see Roger Ottewill, perance in their pulpit ministrations.’107 In this ‘The Avenue Quartet: Exemplars of Edwardian Congre- respect, political engagement was one manifesta- gationalism’, Journal of the United Reformed Church History tion of the challenge faced by Congregationalists Society, vol. 9, no. 4, 2014, pp. 227–47. of how to be in the world but not of it – quite a dif- 17 Kenneth Brown, A Social History of the Nonconformist Min- ficult balancing act. istry in England and Wales 1800–1930 (Oxford, 1988), pp. 202–5. Roger Ottewill retired in 2008 after thirty-five years 18 Hampshire Telegraph, 26 Aug. 1921. in higher education. In 2015 he was awarded a PhD 19 Congregational Year Book, 1908, p. 188. in Modern Church History by the University of Bir- 20 Congregational Year Book, 1947, p. 463. mingham. His research interests include local political, 21 Hampshire Chronicle, 30 Jul. 1910. administrative and religious history and he has contrib- 22 Argent, Transformation of Congregationalism, p. 27. uted articles on these topics to several journals. He is cur- 23 The Liberal majority in the New Forest constituency was rently researching Nonconformity in Basingstoke for the only 48. new Victoria County History project and the Family and 24 Hampshire Independent, 27 Jan. 1906. Community Historical Research Society’s ‘Communities 25 Southampton Times and Hampshire Express, 22 Jan. 1910. of Dissent’ project. Having won both Portsmouth seats at the 1906 general election, the Liberals lost them at the January 1910 gen- eral election and failed to regain them at the December 1 S. Stanier, History of the Above Bar Congregational Church 1910 general election. Southampton from 1662 to 1908 (Southampton, 1909), p. 281. 26 David Bebbington, Evangelicalism in Modern Britain (Lon- 2 Roger Ottewill, ‘Faith and Good Works: Congregation- don, 1989), p. 211. alism in Edwardian Hampshire’ (PhD thesis, University 27 Watts, Dissenters, p. 289. of Birmingham, 2015). 28 Hampshire Post, 26 Apr. 1912. 3 That is including Bournemouth and Christchurch, which 29 William G. Addison, Religious Equality in Modern England remained part of Hampshire until 1974, but excluding 1714–1914 (London, 1944), p. 166, quoted in Neal Blewett, the Isle of Wight. The Peers, the Parties and the People: The British General 4 Stephen Koss, Nonconformity in Modern British Politics Elections of 1910 (London, 1972), p. 344. (London, 1975). 30 Dale was co-minister with Rev. John Angell Jones until 5 Ian Packer, Liberal Government and Politics, 1905–1915 (Bas- the latter’s death in 1859. ingstoke, 2006). 31 Catherine Hall, ‘ ‘From Greenland’s Icy Mountains … 6 Michael Watts, The Dissenters, vol. 3, The crisis and con- to Africa’s Golden Sand’: Ethnicity, Race and Nation in science of nonconformity (Oxford, 2015). Mid-Nineteenth-Century England,’ Gender & History 5, 7 Hampshire Post, 1 May 1908. For further details of the life no.2, 1993, p. 223. and career of Gilbert see Roger Ottewill, ‘Henry March 32 Anne Rodrick, Self-Help and Civic Culture: Citizenship Gilbert 1846–1931: “Staunch Liberal and Nonconform- in Victorian Birmingham (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 21–2. For ist” ’, Journal of the Southampton Local History Forum, no. 22, a fuller discussion of the contribution of R. W. Dale to 2014, pp. 11–18. ideas concerning municipal government in Victorian 8 Timothy Larsen, ‘Victorian Nonconformity and the Britain, see E. P. Hennock, Fit and Proper Persons: Ideal and Memory of the Ejected Ministers: The Impact of the Reality in Nineteenth-Century Urban Government (London, Bicentennial Commemorations of 1862,’ in R. N. Swan- 1973), esp. ch. 6. son (ed.) Studies in Church History 33: The Church Retrospec- 33 A. W. W. Dale, The Life of R. W. Dale of Birmingham (Lon- tive (Woodbridge, 1997), p. 459. Since the ejection took don, 1899), p. 406.

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 17 Religion and Politics in the Edwardian Era: The Experience of the Hampshire Congregationalists

34 Hants and Berks Gazette, 2 Feb. 1907. disestablished. afternoons and evenings. Sunday morning 35 Hants and Berks Gazette, 16 Nov. 1912. 55 Bebbington, Evangelicalism, pp. 133–4. trams were not introduced until 1926. 36 Ibid. 56 Packer, Liberal Government and Politics, p. 111. 83 Bournemouth Visitors’ Directory, 8 Feb. 1913. 37 Hampshire Chronicle, 28 Apr. 1906. 57 Congregational Year Book, 1954, p. 522. His 84 British Weekly, 25 Mar. 1909, p. 669, quoted 38 Bournemouth Guardian, 16 Apr. 1910. other enthusiasm was overseas missions. in Bebbington, Nonconformist Conscience, p. 39 Bebbington, Nonconformist Conscience, p. 11. 58 Congregational Year Book, 1936, p. 267. 158. The author is thought to have been Rev. 40 Ian M Randall, ‘The Social Gospel: A Case 59 Congregational Year Book, 1913, p. 182. Henry William Clark, a Congregational Study’, in John Wolffe (ed.)Evangelical Faith 60 Hants and Berks Gazette, 24 Jan. 1903. minister who was teaching at a school in and Public Zeal (London, 1995), p. 167. 61 Ibid. Harpenden. 41 Romsey Advertiser, 6 Nov. 1903. 62 Ibid. 85 Above Bar Free Churchman, vol lv, no 40, Apr. 42 For a detailed discussion of the issues involved 63 Bebbington, Nonconformist Conscience, p. 51. 1909. see Roger Ottewill, ‘Education, Educa- 64 HCU Annual Report, 1904, p. 16, HRO 86 Nonconformity and Politics. By a Nonconformist tion, Education: Researching the Education 127M94/62/49. Minister (London, 1909), p. 191. Act 1902’, The Local Historian, vol. 37, no.4, 65 Southampton Times and Hampshire Express, 3 87 Blewett, The Peers, the Parties and the People, p. 2007, pp. 258–72 and Roger Ottewill, ‘Cot- Nov. 1907. 348. ton versus Ashmall: A Microcosmic View of 66 John Wigley, The Rise and Fall of the Victorian 88 ‘ “Christianity and Politics”, A Sermon the Education Act 1902’, History of Education Sunday (Manchester, 1980), p. 159. Preached at Richmond Hill Congregational Researcher, no. 82, 2008, pp. 84–94. 67 Hugh McLeod, Religion and Society in England, Churc h by the Pastor, Rev J. D. Jones, M.A., 43 For an elaboration of these points see Roger 1850–1914 (Basingstoke, 1996), p. 176. B.D.’, Richmond Hill Magazine and Congregational Ottewill, ‘Discord and Concord: Education 68 Packer, Liberal Government and Politics, p. 114. Record, New Series VII, no. 5, 1906, pp. 37–8. and Religion in Hampshire Communities c. 69 As indicated in footnote 3, Bournemouth 89 Bebbington, Nonconformist Conscience, p. 158. 1900 to c. 1905’ (MRes dissertation, Univer- remained part of Hampshire until 1974, when 90 Bournemouth Guardian, 12 Feb. 1910. sity of Southampton, 2007). it was transferred to Dorset. 91 Koss, Nonconformity, p. 71 (1906 election), p. 44 Southampton Times and Hampshire Express, 9 70 Lymington Chronicle, 31 Oct. 1901. 106 (1910 elections). May 1903. Passive resistance involved with- 71 Bournemouth Visitors’ Directory, 29 Nov. 1902. 92 Bournemouth Guardian, 19 Apr. 1913. holding that part of their rates which it was 72 Daily Telegraph, 6 Oct. 1905. 93 Ibid. estimated would be used to fund church 73 Beautiful Bournemouth: An illustrated guide to 94 1 Corinthians ch. 10 v. 21. schools. Bournemouth, The Evergreen Valley of the South 95 Christchurch Times, 6 Jan. 1906. 45 HCU Annual Report, 1901, pp. 18–9, Hamp- (c. 1905), not paginated. 96 Ibid. shire Record Office [HRO] 127M94/62/46. 74 Daily Telegraph, 9 Oct. 1905. 97 Observer and Chronicle for Hants and Dorset, 20 46 HCU Annual Report, 1902, p. 16, HRO 75 Ibid. Jan. 1906. 127M94/62/47. 76 Bournemouth Visitors’ Directory, 7 Sept. 1912. 98 Hampshire Independent, 11 Mar. 1905. 47 Hants and Sussex News, 5 Apr. 1905. 77 Ibid. 99 Hampshire Independent, 13 Jan. 1906. 48 Southampton Times and Hampshire Express, 13 78 Bournemouth Visitors’ Directory, 5 Oct. 1906. 100 Koss, Nonconformity, pp. 100–124. Jan. 1906 79 East Cliff Congregational Magazine 70, Oct 1912, 101 Packer, Liberal Government and Politics, p. 119. 49 A. K. Russell, Liberal Landslide: The General p. iv. A motion opposing the introduction of 102 Southampton Times and Hampshire Express, 15 Election of 1906 (Newton Abbott, 1973), p. 110. Sunday trams was passed at a mass meeting Jan. 1910. 50 Watts, Dissenters, p. 362. attended by between 3,000 and 4,000 people at 103 Hants and Sussex News, 5 Jan. 1910. 51 Hants and Sussex News, 17 Mar. 1909. Westover Palace Skating Rink. Bournemouth 104 Southampton Times and Hampshire Express, 3 52 Above Bar Free Churchman, vol. lv, no. 37, Jan. Visitors’ Directory, 19 Oct. 1912. Dec. 1910. 1909. 80 East Cliff Congregational Magazine 70, Oct 1912, 105 Southampton Times and Hampshire Express, 7 53 Hampshire Post, 26 Apr. 1912. p. iv. Dec. 1912. 54 Due to the First World War the legisla- 81 Bournemouth Guardian, 14 Sep. 1912. 106 Packer, Liberal Government and Politics, p. 120. tion was suspended and it was not until 1 82 Sunday trams commenced running a cou- 107 HCU Annual Report, 1913, pp. 23 and 38, HRO June 1920 that the Welsh Church was finally ple of months later, although only in the 127M94/62/58. Liberal Leaders since 1900 – booklet sale The sixty-page booklet contains concise biographies of every Liberal, Social Democrat and Liberal Democrat leader from 1900 to 2013 (publication date). The biographies stretches from Henry Campbell-Bannerman to Nick Clegg, including such figures as H. H. Asquith, David Lloyd George, Jo Grimond, David Steel, David Owen and Paddy Ashdown. Sale price £3 (normal price £6); available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers at the special price of £2.40. Add £1.25 P&P.

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18 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Northwest Community Newspapers in Letters to the Editor Manchester was in inventing ‘artwork continued from page 5 sheets’ of headings and drawings that could be cut up and pasted into leaflets (using scissors and gum). Bill Pitt (2) The ALC Bulletin was indeed Michael Meadowcroft’s obituary of Bill my division of Faversham (a gain from produced six times a year but sent out to Pitt ( Journal of Liberal History 97, winter the Conservatives in May 2017) many all members in the post, not via Liberal 2017–18) notes that after ceasing to be people, including active campaigners, News, which nevertheless carried regular MP for Croydon, Pitt moved to Kent, recognise that the Liberal Democrat articles written by ALC. Grapevine, fought Thanet South for the Alliance/ candidates are best placed to win. produced by Maggie Clay, was a Liberal Democrats in 1987 and 1992 and At County Hall today, Liberal dedicated mailing to Liberal councillors. then ‘somewhat perversely, joined the Democrats (who are the largest There was indeed a series of many Labour Party.’ opposition party) and Labour (slightly Campaign Booklets (as we called them), but The word ‘perversely’ jarred me smaller) work closely together. We have that on Rural Campaigning was written slightly and as a Kent Liberal Democrat voted together on every matter since the and edited by Phoebe – the contribution activist from 1998 to the present, I would present council was elected in May 2017. by Paddy Ashdown was just a corner of like to offer some comment. I never met My feeling is that this co-operation will a page! Bill Pitt but was aware of him through continue and the Conservatives very At the 1977 county council elections his quotes as ‘former Liberal MP Bill much fear a united opposition. Liberals won just 90 seats; we held Pitt’ on local Labour leaflets successfully The extreme hostility towards ‘around 800’ seats on principal councils calling on Lib Dem voters to vote Labour that I sometimes read on around the country. tactically for Labour in Thanet South social media from some on my Liberal Those were heady days in which we to beat the Conservatives (in particular, Democrat colleagues, particularly in really did believe that ‘the only way Jonathan Aitken in 1997). London, is often surprising to me. But of was up’, and between us all we made it Pitt’s tactical switch to Labour course we are in different situations and happen. (successful in the sense that it ousted have different perspectives. Tony Greaves Aitken and kept the seat out of Tory Councillor Antony Hook (Kent County hands until 2010) is perhaps not ‘perverse’ Council) in a Kent context. Kent has a deeply Note from the Editor: we apologise for Conservative history. Even in 1895 and the inaccuracies in the report, and thanks the Liberal landslide of 1906 it remained Liberals in local government (1) for the corrections. We will endeavour firmly blue. In the close election of 1992 I was a bit disappointed by the errors in to do better in the future! every seat was still blue. Only in 1997 did your report of the History Group fringe ten out of seventeen seats turn Labour, meeting at Bournemouth on ‘Liberals and there has never (yet) been a Liberal in Local Government 1967–2017’ in Liberals in local government (2) Democrat MP in this county. Journal of Liberal History 97 (winter I’m sure Richard Kemp is right (report There is, in my experience, a strong 2017–18). (The full text of what I said on fringe meeting on ‘Liberals in Local frame in the minds of both the Kent was published in the December 2017 Government’ in Journal of Liberal History public and political activists that the issue of Local Campaigner, the current 97, winter 2017–18) that Trevor Jones Conservatives are the established kernel bulletin from the Association of Liberal invented the Focus name for leaflets in of power, representing to both their Democrat Councillors.) Here for the Liverpool, but the concept originated supporters and opponents the protection record are some corrections. earlier. Having consulted friends in of wealth, tradition and social hierarchy Kath Pinnock is still a member of Southend, I understand that Liberal (especially in the large farming areas). Kirklees Council, but Trevor Jones councillor Michael King distributed Liberals and Labour in Kent are both (the Dorset councillor) was not the a regular newsletter called Progress seen, by themselves and their supporters, first Chair of the Association of Liberal Report after winning a by-election in as broadly progressive opposition Councillors (ALC). He had, however, Leigh ward in 1967; the ward has had parties. Formal and informal pacts led to taken over when the operation at the continuous Liberal/ Liberal Democrat most of the district councils ceasing to Birchcliffe Centre in Hebden Bridge was representation since. Prittlewell ward be Conservative in the 1980s, 1990s and set up in 1977 and had been the driving Liberals circulated the Council Comments early 2000s. Kent County Council (the force in the negotiations with the Joseph newsletter even earlier, certainly by 1962. largest county authority in England) was Rowntree Reform Trust which made This may all be little known, as it was run by a Labour–Lib Dem coalition in that possible. That was when I was long before AL(D)C hit its stride as a the mid-1990s. first employed as the ALC Organising fount of campaign ideas, and King was If, as may be likely, Bill Pitt’s thought Secretary (not in 1985, which was when I rarely involved in politics outside Essex, process that led him to Labour was: ‘we moved on). although Prittlewell’s David Evans was need to get the Tories, and Labour and Phoebe Winch was indeed a ‘pivotal’ a well-known figure on national party Liberals have more in common than person in the driving group in ALC at the committees. I imagine in those days divides us, so we should be in one party’, time, but her surname is spelt with an ‘i’. Southend, Liverpool and possibly other he would not be the first or last person Focus artwork was ‘generated’ all over the places developed the same idea but in to reach that conclusion. Of course there country but John Cookson’s particular isolation from each other. has been traffic in both directions. In claim to fame in his printing den at Mark Smulian

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 19 Trade unions Did the Liberals miss an historical opportunity to become the party of organised labour and the trade unions in the 1870s? By Tim Hughes. The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 1870s

n Tuesday 27 September 1870, Glad- Karl Marx and it stands, for all concerned, as a stone met with a delegation from the failure to focus on the real issue of the long-term Labour Representation League, an relationship between organised labour and the O 2 organisation created to promote the election of Liberal Party following the Second Reform Act. working-class MPs, but described by Gladstone in It may seem strange that trade union repre- his diaries simply as a ‘Deputn of working Men’.1 sentatives were meeting with the prime min- They met to discuss the Franco-Prussian War. ister to discuss matters of foreign policy. They The initiative for the meeting had come from were, after all, representatives of emerging

20 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 1870s

sectional interests rather than of a class. Cer- concerns for personal and public economy. He tainly Gladstone had built a strong reputation even referenced his meetings with the unions with the unions in the 1860s as Chancellor of in his ‘Pale of the Constitution’ speech, which the Exchequer, when unions demonstrated appeared to embrace universal male suffrage in an interest in his Post Office Savings scheme. 1864.3 This was a matter of state policy. Foreign This interest was founded on their need to policy was, however, an area on which popu- keep union funds safe, and for Gladstone was lar support could be built, as Palmerston had evidence that the working man shared his demonstrated.

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 21 The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 1870s

In doing this, a more knowing Gladstone a Conservative sensibility based on his Peelite Overleaf (page 20:) could have opened up the possibility of creat- beliefs rather than coming from an internation- ing a new political paradigm. Gladstone’s foreign alist perspective that would have been shared by Thomas Burt policy has come to be seen as rooted in moral con- his working-class delegation. The delegation had (1837–1922) victions that had first surfaced in his ‘Letters to reason to be suspicious of the monarchy, given the Earl of Aberdeen’ on the abuses in the Nea- Victoria’s later interventions in foreign policy at Alexander Macdonald politan prisons. This has been seen as Gladstone’s the behest of Disraeli in order to put pressure on (1821–81) first meaningful alignment with an identifiable Cabinet members to support Disraeli’s policies in Liberal foreign policy.4 His ‘Letters to Aberdeen’ the Balkans.9 Liberal Prime Minister railed against injustice and was readily supported Looking more closely at the Labour Repre- W. E. Gladstone by Palmerston and republicans as an attack on the sentation League, this was created with the pri- (1809–98) abuses of monarchical rule. Palmerstone distrib- mary aim of registering working-class men for uted them, with no lack of glee for the embarrass- the vote and getting working-class men elected as ment it caused Aberdeen, to the British embassies. MPs ‘proportionate to other interests and classes Gladstone argued unconvincingly that these at present represented in Parliament’.10 This was letters should be seen as a defence of monar- a significant ambition, with 30 per cent of work- chy rather than an attack on the tyrannies of ing-class men having the vote in 1867 but – with untempered monarchical rule; for Shannon few seats with a working-class majority – one they ‘retarded Gladstone’s movement towards that depended upon building alliances. Rooted Liberalism’.5 It is certainly premature in the con- in the London Working Men’s Association and text of Gladstone’s career to begin to call him the embryonic TUC, their very presence in No. a Liberal at this juncture and his foreign policy 11 Downing Street was the result of an impres- remained distinctive from either Palmerston or sive series of working-class successes that could the Manchester School of Cobden and Bright, be seen as culminating in the Trade Union legisla- which embraced the dichotomy of free trade and tion of 1871, which saw the trade unions achieve peace. Gladstone would, however, go on to set a legal status that gave them protection through the boundaries of a new ‘liberal’ foreign policy, the courts. creating a school of foreign policy now defined It is, however, too easy to see a separation by scholars of international relations as liberal. between organised labour and Liberalism, a sepa- If he could do this in the realm of foreign policy ration of tradition as well as creed. The meet- he could also have broadened this out in terms of ing’s significance comes from its taking place in organised labour within the emerging Gladsto- a period of transience and consolidation which nian Liberalism. builds on the ‘community of sentiment’ and ‘a Interestingly, suspicion of monarchy was also coalition of convenience’ of the 1860s to form a a theme in the September meeting, where the del- more robust Gladstonian Liberalism: a form of egation sought reassurances that there were no Liberalism which, while it should not be confused pro-German ‘dynastic influences’ holding back with Gladstone, was nevertheless focussed on Britain’s involvement in the Franco-Prussian his person.11 It remains to be considered whether War, a less than subtle reference to Queen Victo- Gladstonian Liberalism was a change of substance ria.6 For the delegation of working men there was rather than of sentiment, but it left room for the a more pragmatic reasoning behind supporting ascendancy of organised Nonconformity from its a republican government in France: the broader interest in disestablishment and church rates into primacy of the people and the principles of free- becoming the foundation stone of a popular more dom in foreign policy. It is not that morality radical liberalism.12 This led through clear choices did not play a role in the thinking of the Labour of policy directed by Gladstone, not least towards Representation League – which has been con- Ireland and the eventual Whig split from the Lib- vincingly linked to the thinking of the Repub- eral Party in 1886. lican, Italian nationalist, Mazzini more than the Gladstone favoured working-class men enter- internationalist Marx in this respect – but that ing parliament and would be the first to appoint a it was rooted in a different thinking to that of working man to his government – Thomas Burt, Gladstone.7 Republicanism was never an aspect the leader of the Northumberland Miners’ Asso- of Gladstonian Liberalism, although it was pre- ciation – as parliamentary secretary to the Board sent in a Liberal Party that contained Bradlaugh of Trade, even though he was not at that time a and Dilke. Marx stressed the fear of ‘Prussian member of the Liberal Party. On being elected instruction’ and it could be that he had laid down in 1874 as one of the first two Lib-Lab MPs, Burt the grounds for suspicion rather than these com- was honoured alongside his fellow miners’ leader, ing directly from the delegation. Marx also men- Alexander Macdonald, in a banquet held by the tions these as coming from the ‘oligarchic part of Labour Representation League. Here he spoke the Cabinet’.8 Clearly Marx himself saw a divi- about how ‘something had been done to break sion between the Whig and radical elements. It the exclusiveness which had hitherto kept the appears that Marx saw Gladstone as an unreliable poor man outside the House of Commons’ but ally. Marx was of course right to be suspicious of that it would be a mistake to become an expo- Gladstone, who brought to even foreign policy nent of ‘class representation and legislation’.13 He

22 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 1870s

Overleaf (page 21:) was instinctively Liberal in his politics and would vulnerability of their support from organised refuse to take the Labour Party whip when the labour. Howell wrote, ‘Everyone vied with the A. J. Mundella miners affiliated to the Labour Party in 1908. other to do the best thing. Cross deserves our (1825–97) Interestingly, in 1870 he was active in the Work- warmest gratitude for his conscientious work.’17 men’s Peace Association campaigning for British The failure of the leaders of organised labour Robert Applegarth neutrality during the Franco-Prussian War, fur- was to not recognise Gladstone’s limitations and (1834–1924) ther evidence of the importance of foreign policy conservatism at this point, although to be fair in the formation of political allegiances among these limitations were also not clear to middle- George Howell the representatives of the working class. class radicals sympathetic to the trade unions like (1833–1910) There is therefore some credence to seeing Mundella. For Gladstone, when entrenching his Gladstone as bringing ‘the working man within Post Office savings accounts, he had spoken to the pale of the constitution’.14 However, while he the unions but responded to their Friendly Soci- promoted the careers of individuals, he did this in ety characteristics.18 He related to the self-help recognition of individual merit rather than rec- they represented but he did not see their collec- ognising the rights of a class. For the leaders of tive nature and never retreated from his commit- organised Labour and their representatives who ment to a more libertarian individualism; he was entered the House of Commons, the language of never an egalitarian despite Bebbington linking class did not necessitate class politics, as shown Gladstone, via his Ancient Greek sensibilities, to above. It is within this distinction that the oppor- modern concepts of New Labour communitari- tunities lay for Liberalism to institutionalise the anism.19 Organised labour represented, with only interests of organised labour within their own 217,128 members, a small part of the practical ‘col- party. This opportunity could have been taken in lective self-help’ that was developing among the 1871 with the Liberal government’s Trade Union working class alongside 300,157 members of co- legislation but this required amendment through ops and 1,857,896 members of friendly societies in the ‘bipartisan effort’ of 1875 and effectively dem- 1872.20 onstrated the distance in perception that remained For the leaders of organised labour, they between Liberalism and organised labour.15 believed they shared a vision of international fair- The original Liberal Trade Union Bill had ness and the promotion of liberal values of free- proved highly controversial if not potentially dom. Indeed in September 1870, they shared the toxic and had been divided into two at the insti- short-term objective of intervention in the set- gation of a deputation from the Trades Union tlement of the Franco-Prussian War, although Congress led by the Liberal MP, A. J. Mundella, Gladstone was seeking government intervention creating the Criminal Law Amendment Bill out in order to maintain a balance of power in Europe of the third clause of the original bill. This proved based on mediation between the Great Pow- sufficient to maintain the support of the unions ers which was central to the ideas of Aberdeen for the main Trade Union Act of 1871. The Lib- and the Concert of Europe. This was founded on erals had been slow to recognise the importance essentially pre- Disraelian Conservative values. of picketing to the trade unions and the ambigu- While meeting with representatives of Labour, ity of the term ‘intimidation and molestation’ as his chief concern in the diaries appears to be Card- defined in the clause. This should not be a surprise well’s army reforms and there could be no ques- given the manner in which Gladstone had built tion of stronger measures being taken. Schreuder bridges with the unions through his perception sees Gladstone as being more open to the use of of them as akin to friendly societies and agents of aggression but certainly not as open as his allies.21 economy rather than agents within the realm of The second administration would make clear that industrial conflict. Britain’s strategic interests would come first with Recognised as requiring reform, the initial Gladstone. response of the working-class MPs Burt and Mac- Middle-class radicals did recognise the signifi- donald had been to support Disraeli’s idea of a cance of organised labour and their representa- royal commission; but when it reported in Febru- tives. The Reform League, from its conception, ary 1875, it proved unsatisfactory to politicians was subsidised by Liberals such as Samuel Morley and trade unionists alike. A Conservative bill was who contributed to the wages of George How- introduced with which Mundella achieved much ell, the full-time secretary of the Reform League. in the committee stage, only for the Conserva- Howell would become secretary to the TUC Par- tive home secretary, Richard Cross, to work with liamentary Committee from 1873 to 1876. Like Howell, the secretary of the Parliamentary Com- the International, the Reform League saw the mittee of the TUC, to produce the Conspiracy need to be fronted by working men while having and Protection Act. This met the demands of their agendas driven by middle-class intellectu- the trade unions. If the Criminal Law Amend- als. Morley would provide further funds to pro- ment Act demonstrated ‘clear fault lines running mote working-class candidates in 1868, alongside through the relationship between working- an understanding with the Liberal chief whip, class radicalism and official Liberalism’,16 it also George Glyne, reminiscent of the later agree- showed a desire to transcend them. However, offi- ment between Herbert Gladstone and the Labour cial Liberalism failed to recognise the potential Representation Committee in 1903. Indeed the

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 23 The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 1870s

similarities may well explain the lack of concern Liberal MPs such as Mundella – but the reluctance from official liberalism about the development of of organised labour to set up broader objectives the Labour Party in 1906.22 could simply be seen as their acceptance of the However, of the two candidates backed by the broader Liberalism they sought to represent27. His Reform League that stood for election in Decem- role would end with his resignation from the Car- ber 1868, neither was endorsed by the local Liberal penters and Joiners Union and from the Interna- parties, a problem that would re-emerge in 1903. tional to take up a role on a Royal Commission on Two would be elected in 1874, Alexander Mac- Contagious Diseases. This however removed him donald from the Miners’ National Association and from a pivotal role as a leading trade unionist and Thomas Burt, agent of the Northumberland Min- moderate link to the International. He was fond ers’ Association. The Lib-Lab tradition had begun of the phrase ‘As long as the present system lasts’, but was based primarily on the links to a strong but this demonstrated his belief in progress rather union rather than forging a meaningful channel than socialism, and Humphrey cites an old social- with the emerging working class. Potential Lib- ist saying of him in his later years, ‘the old man eral MPs –such as Keir Hardie, Arthur Henderson has never really been one of us’.28 and Ramsay MacDonald – would still face rejec- Owen has emphasised the significance of local- tion and become key figures in the foundation of ism but also finds himself using different facets of the Labour Party. Yet in 1885, twelve working- Liberalism to explore the relationships between class MPs were elected and historians have been labour and Liberalism. While the title of the study challenged by Reid to explain ‘why such a sepa- focuses on ‘organised Liberalism’ a distinction is rate Labour Party should eventually have felt to made with ‘official Liberalism’ in the text. It is be necessary at all’.23 this distinction which, while recognising the dif- Could a Labour Party have emerged separate ficulty of accommodating working-class candi- to the Liberal Party in this period? There were dates standing for the Liberal Party, also opens up Smothered by certainly union men of substance, including Ran- a space for official Liberalism and the leadership dal Cremer who stood for parliament in 1868, to do more to accommodate organised labour, ‘organised Liber- who would be successfully elected for the periods the Labour League and later the Labour Repre- alism’ and misun- 1885–1895 and 1900–1908, and who would even- sentation League. While he identifies a ‘genuine tually win the Nobel Peace Prize. However, he desire’ from the National Liberal Federation, cre- derstood by the had resigned from the International as early as ated in 1877 by Joseph Chamberlain, to promote 1867, seeing it as too radical and was never going working-class candidates, they are often unable one figure within to lead a party of the left. Perhaps this could have to impose their will.29 What was required was a come from Robert Applegarth, but he never ‘People’s William’ who sought not only to open ‘official Liberal- stood for election and faded from view; or alter- doors and be inclusive towards the working class natively a figure like Howell, Liberal MP from in terms of recognising the leaders of labour and ism’ who could 1885 to 1895; or Potter, who stood without success exceptional individuals but one who saw the need in Peterborough and Preston. The man who tried to be more proactive as a party leader in develop- have given it to form a party of labour was John Hales who ing more structured links with organised labour. momentum, the sought to turn the English section of the Inter- Wrigley has argued that, ‘Gladstone, in his national into a national party of labour and the final active decade of politics, took careful notice trade unionists of working class. It never looked like he would suc- of the growing strength of labour’ and sees this as ceed. Socialist parties would emerge in the 1880s developing out of his experiences with the Lib- the Labour Repre- and the Independent Labour Party in 1893, but Lab MPs in the 1880s and also with the 1889 dock even the cloth-capped Keir Hardie had sought to strike. While building on Gladstone’s experiences sentation League become a Liberal MP. A closer look at these men in the 1860s, however there is little mention of the reveals the Liberal nature of organised labour, early 1870s in this evaluation.30 could have been rather than offering an image of the socialist fel- How might these words, written in 1889, have low traveller. been received in 1870? a bridge offer- Applegarth was one of the delegation in the ing continuity September meeting. He had already seen a key In the common interests of humanity, this aim of organised labour to extend the franchise remarkable strike and result of this strike, which between the radi- being achieved for urban workers in the Second have tended somewhat to strengthen the condi- Reform Act. The improved legal status of the tion of labour in the face of capital, is the record cal working-class trade unions was achieved through a royal com- of what we ought to regard as satisfactory, as a mission to which he had acted as a prominent wit- real social advance [that] tends to a fair principle traditions of the ness, having written to Gladstone in June 1866 of division of the fruits of industry.31 and been interviewed by the home secretary, nineteenth and H. A. Bruce.24 Only the aim of securing labour Gladstone has clearly moved from seeing the trade twentieth centu- participation in parliament seemed an ongo- unions as friendly societies. But Wrigley, while ing concern.25 It is in this area of labour partici- he does recognise Gladstone’s caution towards the ries. The opportu- pation that a failure of imagination occurred. unions in the 1890s, still overestimates the change Applegarth collaborated with the various intel- that has taken place in regards to Gladstone nity was missed. lectual forces of his time – Marx, Beesley26 and rather than the changing nature and leadership

24 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 The Liberal Party and the trade unions in the 1870s of the new, emerging, less-skilled trade to fight battles over ideology rather Howell and Victorian Working Class Politics unions. A year later, Cardinal Manning, than power. He too may have missed (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1971), p. 184. a friend and confidant of Gladstone’s, an opportunity to divert the socialist 18 Chris Wrigley, ‘Gladstone and Labour’, in would commend Gladstone on his ‘very tradition’s trajectory from what would Quinault, Swift & Windscheffel (eds.),Wil - wise reserve’ on the ‘relations of capital become the British Labour Party. liam Gladstone: New Studies and Perspectives & Labour’ regarding the dockers strike, (Ashgate, 2012) while emphasising how the dockers Tim Hughes has been teaching history for 19 David Bebbington, The Mind of Gladstone ‘have broken with the Socialist Theories, thirty years, the last fifteen at Magdalen Col- (Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 303. For and are simply industrial and economic.’ lege School in Brackley. Gladstone, the unions saw more favour than Manning clearly seeks more from Glad- under Blair, who famously didn’t invite them stone than he is willing to give. Here in 1 M. R. D. Foot and H. C. G. Matthew, The to No. 10, but neither man was interested in microcosm are the expectations, disap- Gladstone Diaries, vol. 7 (Clarendon Press, embracing class politics. This emphasises the pointments and excuses – Manning cites 1982), p. 371. liberalism of New Labour rather than the Gladstone’s focus on Ireland – that those 2 Marx to Engels on 10 Sep. 1870. Karl Marx egalitarianism of Gladstone. who look to Gladstone have to accept.32 and Frederick Engels, Collected Works, vol. 44 20 Neville Kirk, Change, Continuity and Class: Historians have come to recognise 1870–73, p. 70. Labour in British Society 1850–1920 (Manchester that working-class traditions and class 3 Borough Franchise Bill Second Reading, University Press, 1998), p. 49. consciousness, in the sense of being Hansard CLXXV, May 11 1864. 21 D. M. Shreuder, ‘Gladstone as “Trouble aware of one’s class, can just as easily lead 4 Derek Beales, ‘Gladstone and Garibaldi’, in Maker”: Liberal Foreign Policy and the Ger- to Tory as to Liberal or socialist poli- Peter J. Jagger (ed.), Gladstone (Hambledon man Annexation of Alsace Lorraine, 1870– tics.33 The trade union legislation of 1875 Press, 1998), p. 150. 1871’, Journal of British Studies, 17 (1978), pp. showed how Conservatives were as capa- 5 Richard Shannon, Gladstone, vol. 1 (Hamish 106–35. ble as Liberals as satisfying the demands Hamilton, 1982), p. 242. 22 Owen, ‘The Struggle for Political Represen- of organised labour. The trade union 6 The Times, 28 Sep. 1872, cited in footnote in tation’, p. 15. reformists of the early 1870s can now be Foot and Matthew, Gladstone Diaries, vol. 7, p. 23 A. J. Reid, United We Stand: A History of Brit- seen as Liberal, and one of the strands 371. ain’s Trade Unions (Penguin, 2004), p. 149. within the coalescing forces of liberal- 7 Henry Collins, Karl Marx and the British 24 Copy of the letter dated 25 Jun. 1866, in A. W. ism coming together beneath Gladstone’s Labour Movement (Macmillan, 1965), pp. Humphrey, Robert Applegarth: Trade Unionist, umbrella. Smothered by ‘organised 285–286 Educationist, Reformer (HardPress Publishing, Liberalism’ and misunderstood by the 8 Marx to Engels, 10 Sep 1870; op. cit. 2013; originally published 1913), p. 142. one figure within ‘official Liberalism’ 9 Milos Kovic, Disraeli and the Eastern Question 25 Report of the Fourth Annual Congress of who could have given it momentum, (Oxford University Press, 2011), p. 311. the International Men’s Association, pp. 4–5, the trade unionists of the Labour Rep- 10 Minutes of the General Council of the cited in Collins, Karl Marx and the British resentation League could have been a Reform League, 4 Dec. 1867, cited in James Labour Movement, p. 153. bridge offering continuity between the Owen, ‘The Struggle for Political Represen- 26 Edward Spencer Beesley, English positivist radical working-class traditions of the tation: Labour Candidates and the Liberal and Comtist who had links with Marx and nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Party, 1868–85’, Journal of Labour History, 86, the trade union movement. See Christopher opportunity was missed. Spring 2015, p. 15. Kent, Brains and Numbers: Elitism, Comtism, and 11 John Vincent, The Formation of the British Lib- Democracy in Mid-Victorian England (Univer- eral Party 1857–68 (Pelican Books, 1972), p. 290. sity of Toronto Press, 1978). A footnote on Marx 12 For a history of the Liberation Society see J. P. 27 Asa Biggs, Victorian People: A Reassessment of Returning to the meeting in Septem- Ellens, Religious Routes to Gladstonian Liberalism Persons and Themes 1851–1867 (Pelican Books, ber of 1870, Marx sought to counter the (Pennsylvania State University Press, 1994). 1965), p. 204. influence of monarchy and Russia by 13 The Bee-Hive, 21 Mar. 1874, cited in Lowell J. 28 Humphrey, Robert Applegarth, pp. 94, 319. using the Labour Representation League Satre, Thomas Burt, Miner’s MP 1837–1922: The 29 James Owen, Labour and the Caucus, p. 98. to put pressure on Gladstone. Although Great Conciliator (Leicester University Press, 30 Wrigley, ‘Gladstone and Labour’, p. 70. his predictions regarding the subsequent 1999), p. 38. 31 The Times, 24 Sep. 1889, cited in Michael need for France to move towards Rus- 14 Simon Peaple and John Vincent, ‘Gladstone Barker, Gladstone and Radicalism: Recon- sia were impressive and in effect foresaw and the working man’, in Peter J. Jagger (ed.), strction of Liberal Policy, 1885–94 (Harvester the First World War, it is interesting that Gladstone (Hambledon Press, 1998), p. 83. Press, 1975), p. 92. he did not proactively seek the develop- 15 Jonathan Spain, ‘Trade unionists, Gladsto- 32 Cardinal Manning to Gladstone, 27 Aug. ment of a working-class party in Eng- nian Liberals and the labour reforms of 1875’ 1890 in Peter C. Erb (ed.), The Correspondence land, based on the trade unions, which in Eugenio Biagini and Alastair Reid, Cur- of Henry Edward Manning and William Ewart he could have influenced.34 He had rec- rents of Radicalism: Popular Radicalism, Organised Gladstone, 1882–1891 (OUP, 2013), p. 69. ognised the need for the working class in Labour and Party Politics in Britain, 1850–1914 33 Matthew Roberts, ‘By-elections and the different countries to develop their own (Cambridge University Press, 1991), ch. 6, p. Unionist Electoral Ascendancy’, in T. G. Otte paths to representation and power but 109. and Paul Readman (eds.), By-elections in British preferred to out-manoeuvre the mar- 16 James Owen, Labour and the Caucus: Work- Politics, 1832–1914 (Boydell Press, 2013); for the ginal anarchist factions in Europe. He ing class radicalism and organised Liberalism in impact of positive Unionism and the impor- had also recognised that England rep- England, 1868–1888 (Liverpool University tance of working-class Tories to Conservative resented the most developed position Press, 2014), p. 14. electoral success. and that this position was founded on 17 Howell to Robert Knight, 14 Jul. 1875, cited 34 Collins, Karl Marx and the British Labour Move- the trade unions but in the end preferred in F. M. Leventhal, Respectable Radical: George ment, pp. 182–3.

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 25 Asquith How did Liberal Prime Minister Asquith’s friendships and relationships affect his political decisions? By Alan Mumford. Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

26 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

squith’s qualities and effectiveness as killing, not an assassination. Haldane was asked Prime Minister in peace and war are well to use his contacts with the king’s advisers to per- Aknown. Three passages in his life, also suade him to accept the idea and even to suggest it well known, have been recorded as wholly sepa- to Campbell-Bannerman. rate events. This article establishes a connection The essence of the compact was that the three between them which adds a different dimension would not serve in a new government except on to a review of his character. these terms. In fact, before Balfour took the deci- sion to resign and force the Liberals to form a new administration, Campbell-Bannerman took the Friendship and betrayal: the Relugas initiative, perhaps having been warned what the Compact trio had agreed. He called Asquith in for a meet- Edward Grey, Richard Burdon Haldane and Her- ing on 13 November 1905 and asked him what bert Henry Asquith were leaders of the Liberal position he would like in a future Liberal gov- Imperialist Group within the Liberal Party dur- ernment, suggesting ‘The Exchequer, I suppose.’ ing the Boer War. Asquith had been Home Sec- Asquith said nothing. ‘Or the Home Office,’ con- retary under Rosebery, Grey a junior Foreign tinued Campbell-Bannerman. Asquith said, ‘Cer- Office minister; Haldane had never been in gov- tainly not.’ Campbell-Bannerman then remarked, ernment. They believed the war was justified and ‘I hear that it has been suggested by that ingenious important for the maintenance of Britain’s posi- person, Richard Burdon Haldane, that I should tion in Africa. They also disagreed with the leader go to the House of Lords, a place for which I have of the Liberal Party, Henry Campbell-Banner- neither liking, training or ambition.’2 They also man, who spoke for probably the majority of Lib- discussed alternative positions for Haldane whom eral MPs who opposed both the war and methods Asquith proposed for Lord Chancellor and Grey used in it, described by Campbell-Bannerman as for the Foreign Office. (It should be noted that methods of barbarism. here as elsewhere in this article Asquith’s version On 7 October 1903 Grey had written to of what happened does not come direct from him Asquith: ‘… under no circumstances would I take but is Margot’s report of what he told her. Only office with CB as Prime Minister in any govt. in in his letters to Venetia Stanley are they his unfil- which CB was leader in the House of Commons.’1 tered words.) Haldane went further – he would not serve under Balfour resigned on 4 December 1905, and Campbell-Bannerman either as Prime Minis- Asquith and separately Grey had further discus- ter or Leader in the Commons. When it became sions with Campbell-Bannerman. Asquith had clear that the problems faced by Balfour and the concluded, following his previous discussion Unionist government in1905 were likely to lead with Campbell-Bannerman, that he would not to a general election, these three met at a house be able to force him into a new arrangement. On owned by Grey in Relugas in Scotland in Septem- 7 December, he set out to Grey the reasons why ber. The evanescent Rosebery was no longer an he could not decline to take office – that he would alternative leader. The three agreed that Camp- thereby have either prevented the formation of bell-Bannerman, although he should become a Liberal government or created a weak Liberal Prime Minister, should not lead from the House government. Not only did he explain his own of Commons, but should rather do so from the position but he urged Haldane to accept the War House of Lords. Asquith would take over as Office. Grey in fact had returned to see Campbell- H. H. Asquith (1852– leader in the Commons as well as Chancellor of Bannerman on 7 December and had told him that 1928), Leader of the the Exchequer and Grey would go either to the unless Campbell-Bannerman went to the Lords Liberal Party 1908– Foreign or Colonial Office and Haldane would he, Grey, would not accept office – although he 26, Prime Minister become Lord Chancellor. This was to be a mercy knew Asquith would not similarly refuse. Grey 1908–16

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 27 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal wrote to Asquith: ‘If you go in without me even- no credit in relation to his deep friendship at this tually I shall be quite happy outside & I shan’t time with Haldane and Grey. He recognised think it in the least wrong of you to go in.’3 In his debt to Haldane who had facilitated Grey’s further discussion with Campbell-Bannerman, change of mind. ‘No words of mine can express Asquith had again emphasised that given Camp- what I feel, by your action during the last two bell-Bannerman’s age and health no one would days, you have laid the party, the country and consider him the worse for moving to the Lords. myself (most of all) under an unmeasured debt Asquith spoke also about Grey who ‘was his dear- of gratitude’.5 Haldane and Grey did not express est friend as well as supporter, and to join a gov- feelings of betrayal in 1905, or twenty years later ernment without such a friend would be personal in their memoirs. pain to him, as they had never worked apart from Friendship, buttressed by a formal agreement one another.’4 for action, was surrendered to the recognition of This expression of the potential personal pain the realities of Campbell-Bannerman’s position. was not accompanied by ‘and therefore I could Asquith in 1928 looked back on ‘the whole affair not accept the Chancellorship’. Campbell-Ban- in which from first to last there was nothing in nerman was determined not to go to the Lords, the nature of an “intrigue” ’.6 Haldane bizarrely offered Haldane the post of Attorney General but reduced its importance by describing it as ‘a pri- finally deputed Asquith to tell Grey that he could vate, agreement of a purely defensive character’.7 Is have the Foreign Office. (Campbell-Bannerman’s it right to see this as betrayal, especially since Hal- offer of that post to Cromer had been rejected.) dane and Grey neither in 1905 nor later said they Haldane would go to the War Office. Asquith also had been let down? Grey got the job he wanted, saw Grey, who was still fully determined to carry Haldane secured an important Cabinet post – so out his declared intention to refuse office. it is less surprising they did not apparently feel Grey’s decisiveness was overturned in a meet- aggrieved. But they had not achieved the main ing with Haldane, at which it was agreed that it overt purpose of the compact – the elevation of was Grey’s duty to accept office provided Haldane Campbell-Bannerman to the Lords – and it was was included in the Cabinet. With this confirmed Asquith’s failure, without consultation with Hal- by Campbell-Bannerman the Relugas Compact dane and Grey, to use the threat of resignations was finally buried. which betrayed the strategy the three had agreed. Asquith presented no ultimatum on behalf of himself or Grey and Haldane if Campbell- Bannerman refused. Campbell-Bannerman was Love and betrayal speaking as if he assumed Asquith would take the From 1912 Asquith and his closest circle came to job; Asquith offered nothing to disabuse him and resemble the participants in a play. Asquith him- therefore implied that he would accept. Camp- self, aged 59, was a successful Prime Minister but bell-Bannerman needed Asquith, but could do with a sometimes-transgressive interest in young without Grey and Haldane. Asquith, the obvious women. His second wife Margot (aged 48) was successor to Campbell-Bannerman, had most to dedicated to her husband’s political interests, but lose and clearly betrayed the terms of the com- often outspoken (or rude as some saw her) in a way pact. He had not, after his first interview with which did not serve him well. Their married life Campbell-Bannerman, discussed with his col- was inhibited by their doctor’s instruction that From 1912 Asquith leagues the reasons why he felt that he would she should have no more children. have to accept office. He assured them that he Violet, one of Asquith’s five children from and his closest was working hard on their behalf in terms of his first marriage, disliked Margot. She was the offices they might hold, but he took what he also involved in assisting in Asquith’s political circle came to wanted most himself with no certainty that Grey life and was passionately fond of her father. She would be offered the Foreign Office, and the like- had become emotionally involved with Mau- resemble the par- lihood that Haldane would not get what he most rice Bonham Carter (Bongie), her father’s private ticipants in a play. wanted. Haldane’s relationship with Asquith was secretary. extremely close. He had been Asquith’s best man Edwin Montagu was a frequent visitor to Asquith himself, at his wedding to Margot, they had shared their Downing Street and to the Asquith’s country or early legal experiences as they trained to be bar- holiday homes. He had been mentored by Asquith aged 59, was a risters. Haldane was a frequent and very welcome from the beginning of his political career, had visitor to Asquith and his family during his first served him as his parliamentary secretary and successful Prime marriage. On top of that they shared political then as a minister. He was in love with Vene- beliefs as expressed through Liberal Imperial- tia Stanley. Montagu was the son of the strictly Minister but with ism. His relationship with Grey, though similarly observant Jewish Lord Swaythling. Edwin unsuc- strong in relation to Liberal Imperialism, was cessfully proposed marriage to Venetia. Vene- a sometimes- not as deep at the personal level as was that with tia rejected him largely apparently because she transgressive Haldane. felt no physical attraction to him (he was indeed The consequences of his decision were benefi- regarded by many as ugly) but he did not give interest in young cial for the creation of an effective Liberal gov- up. Asquith frequently used deprecating remarks ernment but the way Asquith behaved carries about Montagu often referring to him as the women.

28 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

Asquith and Venetia Assyrian – probably an oblique reference to Mon- handling Lloyd George and Rufus Isaacs over the Stanley in 1910 tagu’s Jewishness. Marconi affair. There was more pressure caused Venetia, Violet’s best friend, was also fre- by Germany’s ambitions to become a real imperial quently a guest of the Asquiths but increasingly rival to Britain. The number, variety and constant the initiator of Asquith’s visits to her family turbulence of these problems were greater than homes. In 1912 Venetia was 25. She was the daugh- those faced by any Prime Minister since Pitt. ter of Lord Sheffield and member of a well off Michael and Eleanor Brock were given access aristocratic family. A close friend described her as by Venetia’s daughter to the complete archive of dark eyed with aquiline good looks and a mascu- more than 560 letters from Asquith to Venetia line intellect.8 In old age, Violet, when informed Stanley. The volume increased from 51 in 1913 through Jenkins’ biography that her father had to 279 in 1914 and 200 in 1915, obviously reduced had an intimate relationship with Venetia, denied following her decision to marry Edwin Mon- it saying, ‘But she was so plain.’9 tagu. (The Brocks published 425.) The letters This was the context in which Asquith fell in demonstrate the importance of Venetia to him – love with Venetia. ‘Suddenly, in a single instant, the demands on his emotional resources and the without premonition on my part or any chal- actual time he expended in writing to her. Two lenge on hers, the scales dropped from my eyes; or three letters in a day was not unusual, but sev- the familiar features & smile & gestures & words eral times he wrote four letters in one day. The assumed an absolutely new perspective; what had myth that many of them were written in Cabinet been completely hidden from me was in a flash was demolished by the Brocks and Buczacki con- half revealed, and I dimly felt hardly knowing, firms this. Fourteen were written while he was in not at all understanding it, that I had come to a meetings or on the front bench in the Commons.11 turning point in my life.’10 This was Asquith’s (His revelations of military secrets was, however, recollection in April 1915 of how he came to rec- another betrayal.) Perhaps as significant in terms ognise his love for Venetia Stanley in February of the time demands on him were his receipt of 1912 following a trip to Sicily in which Asquith, letters from her, which are unfortunately unavail- Edwin Montagu, Venetia and Violet had enjoyed able. But there are a number of references to him themselves. not merely reading but rereading her letters, for It is not surprising that Asquith should seek example: ‘My darling – you will never guess how relief in some form from the pressures of politi- many times I read over and over (on a very busy cal life. Prime Minister since 1907, he had passed day) your precious letter of this morning’ (29 Sep- through the travails of Lloyd George’s budget, tember 1914).12 House of Lords reform, home rule and the direct Asquith’s 1915 lyrical description of his feelings personal and political pressures involved in in 1912 comes from what Asquith described as an

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 29 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

According to autobiography and sent to Venetia. It is interest- significant politically was a letter on 18 March ing from several points of view. It clearly cannot 1915 (marked ‘Most Secret’): ‘I may create a new Asquith his rela- have been really intended to be part of a published office for Ll George, (Director of War Contracts autobiography since he cannot have wished to or something of the kind) and relieve him of some tionship with publicise his affair with Venetia. But this account of his present duties. I shan’t do anything without of his feelings about Venetia in 1912 seemed to consulting you, wh makes it all the more neces- Venetia was not be contradicted by Venetia’s account of time she sary that we shd spend tomorrow aft together.’17 simply one of spent with him a few weeks later. She wrote in a Was Asquith’s expressed love for Venetia just letter to Montagu in 1912 after spending most of a fantasy? Surely the frequency and intensity of love, but one in the week at Downing Street with Violet, ‘do you his declarations of love, and the indications in his remember saying how much he varied in his lik- letters of Venetia’s response proclaim that he was which he sought ing for me, and that sometimes he quite liked me indeed in love with her. Page after page declare and others not at all? Well this was one of the not his passion, a lava-like flow of love. (We do not her counsel: at all times. He was horribly bored by my con- have her letters to confirm or otherwise the inten- stant presence at breakfast, lunch and dinner.’13 sity of her feelings for him.) There is no doubt ‘every hour I think There is also the question of why Asquith that Asquith’s involvement with Venetia was a of you and refer wrote this, and then why he sent it to Venetia. betrayal of his marriage to Margot. That betrayal Perhaps it started as a reflection by him in glow- can be defined first in terms of their marriage things big and lit- ing terms of the origins of his love for her, and vows. The 1662 Marriage Service, which would then became a way of reminding her of the length have been used in 1894, required of the prospec- tle to the unseen and depth of his love. tive husband that he should ‘love her, comfort Asquith was a frequent correspondent to a her, honour, and keep her, in sickness and in tribunal of your number of women before and after Venetia; for health; and, forsaking all other, keep thee only example, he wrote over 300 letters after the break unto her, so long as ye both shall live.’ wise and loving up with Venetia to Venetia’s sister Sylvia, and a Biographers of Asquith have chosen not to large number to another correspondent, Mrs Har- comment on the morals involved – neither the judgement’ (25 rison. There was an element of similarity in that morality of the difference in power and status July 1914). in all cases he was fulfilling some need to record of this elderly man’s relationship with the much to someone else what was happening in his life, younger Venetia, nor the morality of his betray- but they were dissimilar in the degree of his pas- ing his wife. (Venetia’s moral position is not ger- sionate involvement with Venetia nor was there mane to this article.) They have chosen rather to any potential political impact as with Venetia’s become detectives about whether or not they had ending of their affair. In all cases, there were ele- full sexual congress (echoes of Clinton). Koss says ments of seeking solace. In Venetia’s case, he also yes, and Jenkins no. More extended arguments are thanked her for the counsel and advice she gave provided by Judge Oliver Popplewell, who cre- him about the political problems he faced. His ates a lawyer’s circumstantial case for yes;18 while letters to Venetia are in part a release from pres- Buczacki emphasises the lack of written evidence sures in his political and social life but the passion and the impracticality of full sexual contact.19 he expressed may also have been a form of epis- Perhaps for some people full sex is vital if they tolary masturbation. That passion was expressed are to accept the word ’betrayal’. The view taken dramatically and frequently. The most revealing here is that it is not crucial, that the volume, the letter was written on 8 March 1915: ‘My love for language, the frequency and the content of the you has grown day by day and month by month letters breach Asquith’s commitment to his wife, & now year by year til it absorbs and inspires all although he continued to proclaim to Margot my life…. It has rescued me from sterility, impo- his love for her. For this author, but not for biog- tence, despair.’14 (This was not likely to be a refer- raphers, they engender also a feeling of pity for ence to sexual impotence). someone so gripped by his infatuation. According to Asquith his relationship with Margot knew that Asquith liked the com- Venetia was not simply one of love, but one in pany of young women – she referred to them as which he sought her counsel: ‘every hour I think his ‘little harem’. She needed reassurance on this. of you and refer things big and little to the unseen She wrote to him on 30 December 1912, ‘My dar- tribunal of your wise and loving judgement’ (25 ling, do write just one line, quite short, you’ve July 1914).15 On 30 March 1915, ‘I cannot tell you made me so unhappy – I am also miserable at hav- my best beloved how wise I thought all you said ing been sulky to you. Forgive me your loving’. in your letter today in these subjects: especially in Asquith’s response was to return the note with relation to the personal qualities of Winston and ‘Darling – why should you be unhappy? I love McK’.16 you and only you. Your H.’20 There is very little to show us the frequency However, Asquith had other feelings about or content of her counsel, since none of Venetia’s her. He told Violet on 19 May 1915, ‘I have some- letters are available. What we have are references times walked up and down that room till I have to her advice on a new Lord Lieutenant for Ire- felt as tho’ I were going mad. When one needed land and the appointment of Neil Primrose to the rest, to have a thing like the Morning Post Leader India Office and a new Viceroy of India. The most flung at one – the obvious reasons for and against

30 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal things more controversially put even than by It may be that the weight put upon Venetia one’s colleagues.’21 by the increasing volume and emotional inten- Margot had become increasingly aware that sity of Asquith’s letters persuaded her to bring her husband’s involvement with Venetia was a the relationship to an end. He received her letter threat to her relationship with him. It was another announcing her decision to marry Montagu on 12 aspect of the tangled connections, the drama of May 1915. (The letter has not survived.) Venetia the Asquith marriage that she confided her fears finally decided to accept him, after several pre- to Montagu. Although Margot described the situ- vious rejections, and to agree the concomitant ation as a trifling domestic discouragement, she requirement to convert to the Jewish faith, thus expressed concern to Montagu about her hus- enabling Montagu to receive his inheritance from band’s relationship with Venetia (the ‘play’ now his father. Asquith was no longer in a play, but in verging on French farce). Montagu’s reply on 8 an opera as he hit the high notes in his anguished March 1915 was, ‘How amused you can afford to response: be at his relaxation. Those who know you both would laugh at a comparison between your rela- Most loved tions with him and those of any other woman As you know well, this breaks my heart in the world. … Show him you acknowledge I couldn’t bear to come and see you his right to any amusement he chooses in order I can only pray God to bless you – and help me that he may give every ounce of himself for the struggle.’22 Margot also wrote to him on how Although Asquith had apparently been feeling for every Friday she ‘suffered tortures’ during her several months that she might decide to get mar- husband’s afternoon drives with ‘the deceitful ried he had no thought at all that she would make little brute’, ‘she is even teaching Henry to avoid the decision so suddenly, and moreover to marry telling me things. … I am far too fond of Henry Edwin Montagu – his ex-protégé. When he told to show him how ill and miserable it makes me, Margot, he presented it as concern for Venetia, it would only worry him at a time he shd be free’. not his own loss. He wrote more honestly to Syl- As a final touch, ‘Good God! To think you pro- via Henley, Venetia’s sister, ‘I don’t believe there posed to her.’23 are two living people who, each in their separate Margot was frequently physically ill, and often ways, are more devoted to me than she and Mon- at the same time depressed. Asquith concealed his tagu; and it is the irony of fortune that they two betrayal, as many before and since have concealed shd combine to deal a death blow to me’.26 infidelities from their wives. It is however, pain- There was a splendid irony in Asquith’s let- ful to read his declarations of love for Margot, ter to Venetia of 10 May, after a conversation in response to her demands for reassurance. She with Montagu. ‘I don’t honestly believe that, at wrote to Asquith in mid-April 1915, ‘I told him this moment, there are two persons in the world how much I loved him and how well I knew that (of opposite sexes) from whom I cd. more confi- It may be that I was getting older – that I was irritable – that dently count, whatever troubles or trials ahead the weight put there were other females in the world etc., that I to encounter, for wholehearted love & devotion had no common jealousy that would deprive him than you & he: of course, in quite different ways upon Venetia by of unshared leisure or pleasure.’ Asquith wrote & senses.’27 an immediate reply: ‘My own darling, Your let- In a letter to Sylvia Henley on 12 May, Asquith the increasing ter made me sad, and I hasten to tell you that you revealed that Venetia wrote ‘at the end of a sadly have no cause for the doubts and fears which it meagre letter today: “I can’t help feeling after all volume and emo- expresses, or suggests. But you would have just the joy you have given me, that mine is a very reason for complaint, and more, if it were true that treacherous return.” Poor darling! I wouldn’t have tional intensity I was transferring my confidence from you to any- put it like that. But in essence it is true: and it one else. My fondness for Venetia has never inter- leaves me sore and humiliated’.28 In June, he told of Asquith’s let- fered and never could with our relationship.’ He her she had been the centre and mainspring of his ters persuaded refers to his occasional irritation and impatience, life. ‘but believe me darling it has not been due to want There was one further betrayal, thirteen years her to bring the of confidence and love. Those remain and always later – this time of Venetia. There was no men- will be unchanged.’24 (Mandy Rice Davis and tion of her, however anodyne he might have made relationship Viscount Astor’s denial of a relationship with her it, in Asquith’s Memories and Reflections published come to mind: ‘He would say that wouldn’t he.’) in1928. The letters he wrote to her were used but to an end. He Margot sent Asquith’s letter on to Montagu, not identified as to her, unlike the recognition but added that she wondered if Venetia ‘hadn’t he gave to the letters to Sylvia Henley and Mrs received her let- ousted me faintly – not very much – but enough Harrison. to wound and humiliate me.’ She went on to ter announcing claim that Asquith ‘shows me all his letters and all her decision to Venetia’s and tells me every secret.’25 Any letters Haldane betrayed again Asquith showed her must have been very care- Asquith declared on 12 May 1915 in the House of marry Montagu fully selected, since otherwise she would have Commons that there was no question of forming been in no doubt about the betrayal. a coalition. But on 17 May he agreed immediately on 12 May 1915.

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 31 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

to a coalition when the proposition was put to him by Bonar Law with the support of Lloyd George but without consultation with Cabi- net colleagues – a quick decision unlike his nor- mal deliberative process. No ‘wait and see’ this time. The full story of the creation of the coali- tion is not told here, only the impact on Haldane. The most dramatic decisions were about Win- ston Churchill and R. B. Haldane. The Union- ists in addition to their dislike of the ex-Unionist Churchill had grounds in weaknesses in his actions at the Admiralty. There were no perfor- mance issues with Haldane – only a response to a press campaign. Asquith circulated a letter to his Cabinet asking for their resignations and referring to the real pain he felt in parting with colleagues. The first question which arises is whether Asquith’s decision was influenced by the termi- nation of his relationship with Venetia. There is no direct evidence to show that it was. Of course, he made no suggestion to Margot or Violet that his decision was affected by Venetia’s defection. The Brocks thought not. Of his two main biog- raphers, Jenkins comments on the unusual speed with which he made the decision. While he says nothing directly about the impact of Venetia’s let- ter, he describes Asquith as ‘Throughout the crisis he was preoccupied by private suffering’.29 Koss takes a contemptuous view of the possibility of Asquith being affected, saying that he had in all areas of his life been able to separate the personal and the political. He said that ‘It is outrageously melodramatic to say – as one recent historian has done – that these convulsive struggles were those of a man enduring a private torment’. The anony- mous historian was Cameron Hazelhurst – who had been critical of one of Koss’s books.30 Perhaps Koss, the Brocks and others have themselves been too detached emotionally from the reality of Asquith’s involvement with Vene- tia and what he felt about the ending of it. He spent hours discussing it with Margot, without her apparently recognising that his anguish was about more than an inappropriate marriage to a Jew. Venetia was partially replaced by her sister Sylvia Henley. (Asquith wrote to her frequently with similar terms of endearment, and kissed and groped her. The betrayal continued.) He expressed his devastation in three letters to Sylvia on 12 May, before his decision on 17 May to form a coalition. So, had his despair been transformed into a wholly controlled decision on 17 May? On the 14 May he wrote to Venetia, ‘This is too ter- rible. No Hell can be so bad’.31 On the day he Venetia Stanley decided to form a coalition he wrote to her about (1887–1948) her ‘most revealing and heart rending letter’. You were the centre & mainstay of my life; every- Edwin Montagu thing in it hung on you. There was not an act or (1879–1924) a thought (as you know well) wh I did not share with you’.32 R. B. Haldane It has been argued that Asquith’s decisions (1856–1928) after 17 May about the composition of the new Cabinet and particularly his decision to place the

32 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

Unionists only in subordinate roles indicate that The issue that insistence by the Unionists that Haldane had to he was in full possession of his normal approach to go; he with Churchill was part of the price of political business, in this case to keep power in his seems not to have Unionists agreeing to enter into a coalition. As we own hands, and to preserve the most important will see below, this version is largely supported as jobs for Liberals. Some have argued that although been considered is far as Asquith is concerned by the comments he his decision to act narrowly in this way was what was missing made to Margot as recorded in her diary. How- wrong, it was a consequence of a well-considered ever, Koss provided a different view when he approach. Whatever the strength of these argu- – the advice that found a diary entry written by Austen Chamber- ments, they do not apply equally to the decisions lain on the 17 May. He was not at the meeting but he made about Haldane. Perhaps it was emotional Venetia might presumably wrote this following discussions he dislocation which reduced his capacity to fight for had had with either or both of Balfour and Bonar Haldane, and to fail to communicate with him. have given him Law. Although second hand, it has at least the The issue that seems not to have been consid- merit of being contemporaneous. In this Cham- ered is what was missing – the advice that Vene- both about the berlain recorded that it was actually Asquith tia might have given him both about the original who proposed the removal of Haldane at the first decision and then about the composition of the original decision meeting with Bonar Law and A. J. Balfour on 17 Cabinet. Certainly, on the second he had been and then about May.35 Adams, in his biography of Bonar Law, quite free in discussing potential appointments says merely that ‘surprisingly the Prime Minis- with her before, and there is every reason to think the composition ter also seemed willing to include Carson but to that he would have done so on this occasion. Of exclude Curzon and to accept the Unionist black- course, we do not know what her advice might of the Cabinet. balling of Haldane’.36 have been and whether he would have taken it. Margot recorded herself as asking Crewe to In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George says that intervene on Haldane’s behalf as on 21 May ‘I sat the Unionists blamed Haldane for not warn- next to Crewe at dinner and begged him to join ing the Cabinet about German preparations Grey in telling Henry [i.e. Asquith] that they for war. ‘All these criticisms were in my judge- would neither of them serve under Henry if Hal- ment fundamentally unjust, and inflicted a deep dane was ousted by Bonar Law. He said he would wrong on a man whose patriotic energy had ren- do his best. I appealed for dear Haldane to whom dered greater service to the nation in the reor- we owe our whole army. (Letting him go looks ganisation of the Army than any War Secretary terribly like giving way to Press and Rumour and since the days of Cardwell. However, temper Lies.)’37 was bitter and unconscionable on this subject, Margot recorded Asquith’s view of his big and Mr Asquith and Sir Edward Grey sacrificed meeting on 21 May with Bonar Law and Arthur friendship to expediency. … Mr Asquith saved Balfour with Lloyd George and ‘by an accident [M’Kenna] and sacrificed Haldane. Lord Hal- McKenna’. Asquith said, ‘I began quite infor- dane was not qualified to fight a personal battle mally saying this was the most painful position for himself. Mr M’Kenna was. So, Lord Haldane any public man could be put into – the knocking was driven in disgrace into the wilderness and out of your oldest, most faithful servants to put in Mr M’Kenna was promoted to the second place new men. They agreed. … I began with Haldane. in the Government.’33 (Lloyd George’s spelling of I said he was my oldest friend, that he had been McKenna.) He does not suggest he spoke on Hal- subjected to a press campaign, led by Morning dane’s behalf then. It should be noted that Lloyd Post, etc., of the foulest, lowest, most mendacious George’s statement was written sixteen to sev- character fostered by the anti-German mania; and enteen years after the event. Moreover, he had to exclude him just now would not only be per- fought during this time long, hard battles with sonally painful to me but would look as if we had Asquith and Grey about the Liberal Party. given way to the Press, as well as to pressure. I said The Conservative veto on Haldane was firmer Grey felt it so strongly that he had told me that he than that on Churchill; they would not serve would rather not join and altogether I made a very in a Cabinet with him, and Grey, when he tried serious appeal to both of them. B Law was a little to intervene found them quite unshakeable on moved, and Arthur very much, but BL said that the point. ‘But to Haldane he neither wrote not feeling on this side was so strong that it would be spoke’. (Margot claimed differently – see below). quite impossible to enter into a coalition at all if he ‘It was the most uncharacteristic fault of Asquith’s was kept.’ Asquith indicated when they moved to whole career’.34 However, Jenkins’ comment is discuss Simon that ‘I had asked Simon to succeed seen in the context of a biography which is gener- Haldane, you know, and he refused.’ This shows ally favourable to Asquith. The criticisms made that Asquith had in fact already given up the fight by these two writers is based on different aspects for Haldane before this meeting at which he made of Asquith’s decision. Lloyd George is critical of his grand appeal.38 There is no indication of sup- the act of removing Haldane, Jenkins is critical of port for Haldane from Lloyd George, Crewe or the failure of Asquith to soften the blow by per- McKenna at this meeting. sonal condolence. Of course, this account was written by Mar- Asquith and Grey in their memoirs twelve got following her husband’s version of what hap- years later placed all the responsibility on pened at the meeting. Knowing as he did her

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 33 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

Could it have sympathies in relation to Haldane, and perhaps Asquith’s arrangement to exclude Unionists from having reserves of guilt about the treatment he all the most important posts and specifically to been otherwise? proposed for him, he no doubt emphasised how give Bonar Law the unimportant Colonial Office. hard he fought for Haldane and the statement by Would he really, given that policy, have refused Most historians Bonar Law of Haldane’s total unacceptability. It to join the government if Haldane was included? are agreed that was also far too late in the process of determining Yet the complementary view is that Asquith was Cabinet appointments. also intent on a patriotic arrangement, not just Asquith had lit- Bonar Law’s personal views about Haldane survival as Prime Minister, and that therefore are unknown, but some backbenchers had made Haldane was a necessary gift to the Unionists. tle choice when their opposition to him plain, largely centred on Asquith’s decision to sack Haldane reminds one of the baseless accusations about his supposed love Jeremy Thorpe’s sardonic reaction to Macmillan’s Unionists and par- for Germany as described in the press. Bonar Law ‘night of the long knives’ when he sacked a large could give them the main victim they sought, number of his current Cabinet – ‘greater love hath ticularly Bonar Churchill, since Asquith actually agreed that he no man than this that he lays down his friends for ought to be moved. Haldane was an additional his life.’40 Law put it starkly item to show to Bonar Law’s backbenchers as Should Asquith’s decision have been different that they would part of the price Asquith had paid for the Union- because he was a friend? Asquith had grown to be ists joining in a coalition. Bonar Law wanted to less tolerant of some of Haldane’s political views not join the gov- avoid open conflict in the House of Commons, and perhaps more importantly his inability to and to get a more effective prosecution of the war. express them in a way which created less opposi- ernment with Haldane was an easy additional target since, in tion or confusion. In the letter he wrote to Vene- his role as Lord Chancellor, he had little impact tia on 26 February 1915 ‘classifying’ his Cabinet Haldane in it. on the running of the war. While attention has members, Haldane came nineth. Perhaps Lloyd often been directed to whether Asquith showed George had it right: ‘There is no friendship at the supreme political judgement or lack of personal top’. However, surely the Unionist demand based ethics in disposing of Haldane, no attention has on uninformed prejudice and a campaign in the been paid to whether Bonar Law should have Press should have been rejected for any minister. stood out against his backbenchers since the case Friendship added to the betrayal. Of course, there against Haldane was, as he knew, invalid. But had been no promise to keep Haldane in office, then, if Asquith offered no real defence other than any more than would have been likely for any his personal embarrassment, why should Bonar other minister. Asquith had attempted no prior Law stand out against his colleagues? defence of Haldane against the press attacks based Margot reported on 21 May that ‘H [Asquith] on his supposed friendship for Germany. Indeed, was more shattered by his talk to Haldane this he and Grey had explicitly refused to allow afternoon than by anything else in this crisis. All the publication of material which would have Haldane had said, when H told him that B Law removed at least one of the charges against Hal- would not have him, was ‘I owe you everything. dane. Nor had Asquith complimented Haldane I would not have gone to the War Office but for on his work as Secretary of State for War, which you; I would not have gone to the Woolsack but had made the British Army much more effective. for you; I have nothing to complain of.’39 She In fact, only Churchill had spoken in Haldane’s does not report Asquith as making the obvious defence during 1915. response of how sorry he was about the decision. As Prime Minister, he had the responsibility It is unclear when the executioner’s axe finally of protecting Haldane because there is an implied descended on Haldane. Haldane received a scrib- contract between a Prime Minister and his min- bled note on 17 May. There has been no revela- isters to defend them, particularly when no fault tion of its content. It may merely have confirmed in performance can be attached to a minister. that Haldane had to go. It seems certain that it Asquith was prepared to defend his colleagues contained no deep sense of regret. It is true that in over the Marconi affair, not because of loyalty those days there was no routine arrangement for to them but in order to prevent a Conservative an exchange of letters between Prime Minister victory. and departing, even if sacked, colleague as there is An additional betrayal was the failure to offer nowadays. Thus, departed Asquith’s oldest friend. any condolence to Haldane after the event. This Could it have been otherwise? Most histo- was even continued in Asquith’s memoirs where rians are agreed that Asquith had little choice only a couple of lines blaming the Unionists when Unionists and particularly Bonar Law put appeared, again without any reference to Hal- it starkly that they would not join the govern- dane’s contribution to the Liberal government. ment with Haldane in it. Bonar Law’s biogra- Jenkins, the admiring biographer of Asquith, gave pher, Adams, and less reliably Beaverbrook, both his view that Asquith would have been expected emphasise that Bonar Law’s policy throughout to manage the attack on Haldane better, ‘But he was driven by his wish to create a more effective was not at his best. He capitulated, sadly and self government to win the war, and that he was pre- critically, but relatively easily.’41 Self-criticism is pared otherwise to surrender party interests to not evident in his sessions with Margot; there was that end. This was evidenced by his acceptance of rather extraordinary self-pity. ‘No one knows

34 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal how much I have suffered,’ he said to Samuel. out to be the case. But what did Haldane actu- ‘Very gladly indeed would I have gone. No one ally feel about it? His first biographer Maurice is has ever made a greater sacrifice than I have.’42 reported by Koss to have found no trace that Hal- It is difficult to understand why Asquith did dane bore any grudge.45 Koss seems to accept this. not write or speak to Haldane. After all, he wrote Jenkins, without giving any references, says that letters of thanks to Crewe and Lloyd George Haldane ‘went with some bitterness’.46 Haldane for their efforts during coalition negotiations, wrote to Simon on 26 May 1915: ‘as to myself I and spoke emotionally to Samuel whom he had was not under the slightest illusions. If a Govern- demoted. (There were several letters to Church- ment was to be formed which was to have undi- ill as he tried to avoid demotion.) According to vided public opinion behind it, I could not be Margot, he was deeply upset about what he had there.’47 In his autobiography, Haldane says that, to do both in general in forming the coalition and when he got Asquith’s circular letter asking for Fifty years after specifically about Haldane as described earlier. resignations of the Cabinet ministers, ‘I made Perhaps he was unable to deliver a credible case no difficulty’. Indeed, he felt that Asquith would this diary entry on why he had to give way to the Unionists, and have been worried about the necessity to remove felt guilt about his surrender. (He did successfully him as they were ‘very old and intimate friends’. Violet explained ask the King to give Haldane the Order of Merit.) ‘So, I was concerned, but mostly on his account on BBC radio what A further witness can be provided in the form of for the future.’48 So far from looking back in anger Violet Asquith who wrote that she saw her father when he wrote his autobiography twelve years she believed to in the Cabinet Room on the 16 May ‘with a heavy after the event, Haldane was being very generous. look of unhappiness I have rarely seen on his face His self-abnegation, however, does not excuse be Asquith’s ina- before. It rent me. Open beside him on the table Asquith’s action and inaction. was a letter from Haldane. I had a sudden flash Historians and biographers have not seen bility to present of knowledge. “Father is it a Coalition?” “I am Asquith’s actions either as betrayals or as con- afraid so. All this butchery I’ve got to do.” “Must nected. They have not noted the similarity his emotions to poor Haldane go?” “Yes – one must harden one’s between Relugas and the sacking of Haldane. other people. heart about it.” ’43 In both cases Haldane suffered because Asquith The problem with this portrayal of Asquith’s claimed he put party and national interests first This might seem torment is that the diary was actually written – while securing the desired position for him- on 22 and 23 May, and 16 May is the day before self. Were Asquith’s betrayals of Haldane only a strange diagno- Asquith agreed to a coalition. Misplacing the day what any politician might do in those circum- is understandable. More questionable is the refer- stances? This cynical view may be accurate, but it sis in view of his ence to a letter from Haldane; there is no evidence is equally possible to argue that something better elsewhere of Haldane writing to Asquith. should be expected of politicians, and that failure letters to Vene- Fifty years after this diary entry Violet to meet higher standards must be identified. explained on BBC radio what she believed to Similarly, Asquith’s betrayal of his wife can tia, but the cir- be Asquith’s inability to present his emotions to be viewed as only what many husbands do. Lib- cumstances are other people. This might seem a strange diagnosis eral leaders, most notoriously in Lloyd George, in view of his letters to Venetia, but the circum- have given in to sexual temptation more often clearly very dif- stances are clearly very different. She attributed than Conservative and Labour leaders. Asquith’s her father’s silence ‘not to lack of feeling but to its involvement with Venetia is an understandable ferent. She attrib- intensity. … The Prime Minister was a shy man escape from dealing with Margot. Again, are we of strong emotions who often (to his detriment) to shrug our shoulders and excuse him? uted her father’s left the deepest things he felt unsaid.’44 Margot This review of three unworthy engagements in wrote that ‘he and I cried together’ on 18 May a great politician’s life is not just a piece of history. silence ‘not to lack over the formation of a coalition. It is understand- The questions it raises about Asquith’s behaviour able that in discussion with his wife he should and appropriate descriptions of it are echoed in of feeling but to allow himself a purging of his emotions. the constant repetition by the public of the view its intensity. … In July, a dinner was held at the National that politicians cannot be trusted. Liberal Club to enable 200 Liberal MPs to laud The Prime Minis- Haldane’s services. Asquith was expected to be Alan Mumford has written about Lloyd George and present, but did not go and instead sent a letter Churchill for this journal. His most recent book is David ter was a shy man (finally!) read out for him. The letter has not been Lloyd George: A Biography in Cartoons. published. of strong emo- tions who often The meaning of these episodes Acknowledgement There is confusion about what Haldane felt about This article is greatly indebted to the origi- (to his detriment) his dismissal. We have seen earlier Asquith’s nal work by M. and E. Brock on the love affair left the deep- account of Haldane’s reaction, saying that that between Venetia Stanley and H. H. Asquith. he owed everything to Asquith. The expectation est things he felt apparently was that Haldane would be a gentle- man and not kick up a fuss, which indeed turned unsaid.’

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 35 Asquith: Friendship, Love and Betrayal

1 K. Robbins, Sir Edward Grey (Cassell, 1971), p. 15 Ibid., p. 124. 33 D. Lloyd George, War Memoirs, vol. 1 109. 16 Ibid., p. 523. (Odhams Press, 1938), p. 138. 2 M. Bonham Carter (ed.), The Autobiography of 17 Ibid., p. 488. 34 Jenkins, Asquith, p. 362. Margot Asquith (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1995), 18 O. Popplewell, The Prime Minister and his Mis- 35 Koss, Asquith, p. 191. p. 236. tress (Lulu Publishing Services, 2012). 36 R. J. Q. Adams, Bonar Law (John Murray, 3 Robbins, Sir Edward Grey, p. 121. 19 Buczacki, My Darling Mr Asquith. 1999), p. 188. 4 Bonham Carter (ed.), Margot Asquith, p. 239. 20 C. Clifford,The Asquiths (John Murray, 2003), 37 M. and E. Brock (eds.), Margot Asquith’s Great 5 G. Stewart, Friendship and Betrayal (Weiden- p. 217. War Diary 1914–1916: The View from Downing feld & Nicolson, 2007), p. 265. 21 M. Pottle (ed.), Champion Redoubtable: The Street (Oxford University Press, 2014), p. 136. 6 The Earl of Oxford & Asquith, Memories and Diaries and Letters of Violet Bonham Carter 1914– 38 Ibid., p. 137. Reflections, vol. 1 (Cassell, 1928), p. 196. 45 (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1998), p. 55. 39 Ibid., p. 136. 7 S. Koss, Asquith (Hamish Hamilton, 2nd edn 22 N. B. Levine, Politics, Religion and Love (York 40 A. Jay (ed.), Lend Me Your Ears (Oxford Uni- paperback, 1985), p. 67. University Press, 1991), p. 210. versity Press, 2010), p. 190. 8 L. Jones, An Edwardian Youth (Macmillan, 23 Ibid., p. 236. 41 Jenkins, Asquith, p. 362. 1956), p. 214. 24 Clifford,The Asquiths, pp. 268–9. 42 Koss, Asquith, p. 196. 9 S. Buczacki, My Darling Mr Asquith (Cato & 25 Ibid., p. 269. 43 Pottle (ed.), Champion Redoubtable, p. 53. Clarke, 2016), p. 144. 26 M. & E. Brock (eds.), Asquith Letters, p. 596. 44 S. Koss, Lord Haldane: Scapegoat for Liberalism 10 M. and E. Brock (eds.), H. H. Asquith Letters to 27 Ibid., p. 589. (Columbia University Press, 1969), p. 220. Venetia Stanley (Oxford University Press, 28 Ibid., p. 596 45 Ibid., p. 280. 1982), p. 2. 29 R. Jenkins, Asquith (Collins, 4th edn, 1988), p. 46 Jenkins, Asquith, p. 361. 11 Buczacki, My Darling Mr Asquith, p. 112. 363. 47 R. B. Haldane, Richard Burdon Haldane: an 12 M. & E. Brock (eds.), Asquith Letters, p. 255. 30 Koss, Asquith, p. 186. Autobiography (Hodder & Stoughton, 1929), p. 13 Ibid., p. 2. 31 M. & E. Brock (eds.), Asquith Letters, p. 596. 286. 14 Ibid., p. 466. 32 Ibid., p. 596. 48 Ibid., p. 285. Report

Election 2017 – A Missed Opportunity? Evening meeting, 5 February 2018, with James Gurling and Professor Phil Cowley; chair: Baroness Olly Grender. Report by Neil Stockley

he Liberal Democrats entered gain of just four seats compared to the Professor Cowley reported that there the 2017 general election cam- previous general election. was a ‘single magic number of four’ to Tpaign with high hopes. They Professor Phil Cowley of Queen the party’s showing: just four constitu- had left behind the grim years of coali- Mary, University of London explained encies elected Liberal Democrat MPs tion and now, as the only major UK- the full extent of the party’s failure. If at both the 2015 and 2017 general elec- wide party unequivocally to oppose the 2015 general election was a catastro- tions, which demonstrated that the Brexit, the party had a defining issue and phe for the Liberal Democrats, he told dream of a resilient ‘core liberal vote’ the basis of a distinctive appeal to ‘the 48 the meeting, then 2017 was ‘catastro- was even more elusive than ever. The per cent’ who had voted at the June 2016 phe-plus’. The party suffered a decline party’s electoral base had changed sig- referendum to remain in the European in its share of the vote in all parts of nificantly since its heyday under Paddy Union. With the Labour Party bitterly England, except for London, where it Ashdown and Charles Kennedy, he divided under Jeremy Corbyn’s leader- rose by 1 per cent, and the south east, said, and was now more focused on uni- ship, the snap election seemed to pre- where it was up 0.8 per cent. In Wales, versity graduates and the south east of sent the Liberal Democrats with new the party won no seats for the first time England. opportunities. since the formation of the Liberal Party. The meeting discussed why the par- But the results were a huge disap- In Scotland, the Liberal Democrat vote ty’s hopes had been dashed so badly. pointment. The party won 7.4 per cent of was down 0.8 per cent, although the James Gurling, chair of the Liberal Dem- the votes cast, a drop of 0.5 per cent from party made a net gain of three seats. A ocrats’ Federal Campaigns and Elec- two years earlier and the lowest share for total of 375 Liberal Democrat candi- tions Committee, concentrated on the the Liberal Democrats or their predeces- dates lost their deposits, well up on the immense organisational and tactical sors since 1959. Twelve Liberal Democrat historic figure of 341 at the previous challenges the party had faced during the MPs were returned, representing a net contest. campaign. James recalled how, unlike

36 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Report: Election 2017 – A missed opportunity? many party colleagues, he had always then reframed the election as a rerun of clear position on Brexit and thereby keep doubted that the party would be able to the July 2016 referendum, which was to onside voters from both sides of the issue. marshal ‘the 48 per cent’ who had voted prove fatal in areas such as Cornwall, They were also able to cleverly exploit Remain to support the Liberal Demo- where the party had performed strongly the issue of tuition fees. crats in seats that the party could win. in the past, but where most people had The pattern of plans frustrated and Weaknesses in the Liberal Democrats’ voted Leave. Third, the calling of the opportunities lost kept repeating itself. ability to run successful local campaigns snap election blunted the impact of the James and his colleagues intended to had become apparent by 2010, he said. party’s campaigns for the May local highlight a positive ‘message of the day’, During the coalition years, its activist elections. The Liberal Democrats had a gambit that had generally worked well base had been hollowed out, leaving the polled well in local by-elections for some in many previous campaigns, because party badly exposed for the 2015 contest. months and, although the party won 18 broadcasters were obliged to cover the But the subsequent two years in opposi- per cent of the national vote on 3 May, it parties’ activities, using a weighted for- tion still had not ‘cleansed the system’, was unable to capitalise on this respect- mula. In 2017, new Ofcom regulations James argued, and the EU referendum able showing. on election coverage, which worked on had failed to ‘reset’ the Liberal Demo- Then, James said, Tim Farron a programme-by-programme basis, gave crats’ fortunes in the way that many peo- ‘became unstuck with a disconnect broadcasters more editorial discretion ple had expected. between his personal faith and his on which of the parties’ activities should James told the story of the Liberal responsibility to uphold party policy’ be reported. This, and the removal of Democrat campaign in some detail. In on the issue of same-sex marriage. James the previous requirement on broadcast- the second half of 2016, there were signs chose his words carefully, but later ers to ‘inform and educate’ viewers and that the party was recovering, albeit acknowledged that it had eclipsed the listeners, meant that the Liberal Demo- slowly. The Liberal Democrats had made party’s more positive messages. crats suffered. With few MPs and no a strong showing at the Witney by-elec- Despite these handicaps, he argued, local momentum form the local election tion of October 2016, which was fol- the Liberal Democrats began to assemble campaign, ‘we were left out of the big lowed two months later by Sarah Olney’s an effective campaign. They had a posi- media stories,’ James recalled. The party victory at the Richmond Park by-elec- tive and coherent message, presenting an lodged a complaint with the BBC about tion. From then on, James suggested, alternative to the ‘heartless’ Conserva- the lack of coverage, but, by the time it fate had not been kind to the party. A tives and Jeremy Corbyn’s ‘divided, pro- reached the director general, the whole by-election in the Labour stronghold Brexit’ Labour Party; offering to ‘give media was focused on reporting the ter- of Manchester Gorton had been sched- people a final say’ on any Brexit deal, and ror attacks in London and Manchester, uled for 4 May, and the Liberal Demo- promising better funding for hospitals which, understandably, had an ongo- crats’ canvass returns were encouraging. and schools. He gave Farron credit for ing impact on the way the entire general But when the snap general election was sticking to a clear position on Europe, election campaign was reported. called, the poll had to be cancelled, with the promise of a new referendum on Yet it was the party’s own lack of depriving the party of a chance to gain the final Brexit deal, in the face of a lot of resources that appeared to cause James more momentum and credibility. internal arguments. The Liberal Demo- the most frustration. He explained that James recalled how he stood in ‘silent crats headed off the other parties’ attacks in the target seats, especially those that horror’ when Theresa May moved to by pledging to enter into no coalitions, had voted Remain, the Liberal Demo- call the snap election because ‘we were pacts or deals with any other party. In his crats tried to match the intensity of the unready’ for a national contest. Some foreword to the party’s manifesto, Far- Conservatives’ efforts in 2015. These important elements of the campaign ron opined that the Conservatives were local efforts were always important, were in place. Candidates had been set to win a majority, an unusual move because the party could not match the selected for the target seats and the mani- designed to make it easier for voters in much better funded Conservative and festo was mostly ‘ready to go’. But the target seats to support their local Liberal Labour campaigns at national level. party had concentrated its resources Democrat candidates. Around fifty seats were in play, but the on the by-elections and, as a result, it Some former special advisers and party could afford to campaign effec- entered the general election campaign party staff returned temporarily to tively in only thirty and by mid-cam- without any opinion survey results from HQ to bolster its reduced campaign- paign, he said, even this number had to key constituencies or research to test its ing resources and experience. The cam- be scaled back. key messages. paign saw innovations in the use of social Professor Cowley acknowledged that James explained how the timing media, helped massively by experts the Liberal Democrats ‘did a lot right’ of the snap election had other conse- from Canada’s Liberal Party, and in the with their campaign, including having quences for the Liberal Democrats. First, Party Election Broadcasts. The lead- the manifesto ready early on, with can- it badly weakened the party’s ability to er’s national tour was well organised didates, including former MPs, selected communicate to voters in key seats that and effective. Manifesto pledges were in key seats, membership at record levels Labour had voted with the Conserva- ‘dripped out’ successfully in advance of and, with the promise of a new referen- tives to trigger Article 50 of the Lisbon the formal launch and some attacks on dum on Brexit, a distinctive issue. Like Treaty, giving two years’ notice of the the Conservatives, most notably over James, he always doubted that all of ‘the UK’s intention to quit the European their proposed ‘dementia tax’, hit home. 48 per cent’ would base their vote, let Union. Second, in the target seats, the But James conceded that the campaign alone switch to the Liberal Democrats, early election diverted media and pub- missed opportunities to ‘land a decisive on the issue of EU membership, but pre- lic attention from local issues and on to blow’ on Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour election polls suggested that around the national scene. Sections of the media Party, who were able to avoid taking a 25 per cent of voters may have at least

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 37 Report: Election 2017 – A missed opportunity? considered it. The dramatic improve- Only one, a promise to increase NHS In considering ‘what might have ment in the party’s electoral fortunes funding, came from the Liberal Demo- been’, Professor Cowley pointed out, after the June 2016 referendum suggested crat manifesto. quite correctly, that the results could that the decision to concentrate on The promise of a new referendum very easily have been much worse for Brexit was understandable and correct. on Brexit, by contrast, was well down the Liberal Democrats. Some pre-elec- The Liberal Democrat campaign’s high the list of popular policies. Professor tion forecasts suggested they would command seemed united and coherent, Cowley underlined how Brexit had not win a mere three seats and at one stage whereas Labour and the Conservatives proved a vote-winning, ‘turf issue’ for of the campaign, the Conservatives’ both had two parallel, conflicting teams the party when he pointed out that in the modelling suggested that a single Lib- in charge of their campaigns. constituencies where the Remain vote eral Democrat MP would be returned. So, what went wrong for the Lib- was above 55 per cent at the EU referen- He suggested that not much separated eral Democrats? Professor Cowley was dum, the Liberal Democrat share of the the ‘catastrophe-plus’ from a less dis- clear that the context of the election vote had increased by an average of just appointing result. After all, the party could hardly have been more difficult 0.9 per cent. In those where between 45 failed to win four more seats by a com- for the party. The electorate was more and 55 per cent had voted Remain, the bined total of just 350 votes. And the polarised than for many years: 85 per Liberal Democrat share was down by immediate aftermath of polling day cent of voters opted for either of the two an average of 0.6 per cent. In those seats could have been much more problem- major parties. Jeremy Corbyn’s party with a Remain vote below 45 per cent, atic. Had the Labour Party performed enjoyed the biggest increase in its vote the party was down by an average of just only marginally better in a few dozen at any general election since 1945 and over 1 per cent. (In contrast, the Liberal seats, Tim Farron and his colleagues the Conservatives also had a historic, Democrat vote went up by an average would have been forced to decide if less-noticed achievement: the largest of 1.7 per cent in constituencies where a whether Theresa May or Jeremy Cor- increase in support for a governing party third or more or voters were graduates.) byn would occupy Number 10. since 1832. These shifts left the Liberal Earlier, James had suggested that the par- Members of the audience offered Democrats, along with UKIP and Plaid ty’s stance on Brexit had been ‘too com- some alternative histories of their own. Cymru, caught in a huge electoral pincer plicated’ and too focused on process. Lord Rennard opined that the 2017 gen- movement. The party’s approach to Brexit was a eral election was a ‘lucky break’ for the Professor Cowley also agreed with major point of interest when the meet- Liberal Democrats, compared to what James that the party had been squeezed ing discussed how the Liberal Demo- might have happened had the contest out of broadcast media coverage. He crats might have run a better campaign. not taken place until 2020. For instance, argued, however, that at the very time It soon became clear how limited were five former Liberal Democrat MPs con- that the Liberal Democrats needed an the options available to the party. One tested their old seats, three of them effective campaign that ‘cut through’ to member of the audience suggested that successfully, but may not have been voters, they committed two basic errors. the party should have committed to a available had the 2015 parliament been First, at the very start of the campaign, straightforward ‘exit from Brexit’ rather allowed to run its full term. A 2020 gen- Tim Farron had taken ‘an illiberal posi- than a referendum on the final deal. James eral election would have been fought tion’ on homosexuality and same sex- Gurling agreed that such a stance would on new constituency boundaries, which marriage in an interview with Channel have been more comprehensible and that would have been very challenging for Four News. ‘This was not sustainable for the party should have linked more clearly the party. Given that all Liberal Dem- a liberal party,’ he said, and had all but the process for ‘giving people a say’ to ocrat leaders have found their early curtailed the Liberal Democrats’ abil- its desired outcome on Brexit. Professor years in the role the most challenging, ity to project any other messages to the Cowley replied that the problem was not Tim Farron, like his predecessors, may electorate. The party’s own focus groups so much the Liberal Democrats’ precise eventually have established himself showed that Farron’s stance on ‘gay sex’ position on Brexit, but the skillful way and learned how to handle the difficult was the only thing voters recognised from in which the Labour Party had straddled media interviews. James replied that the Liberal Democrat campaign. Profes- the issue to the satisfaction of both the from his position, it was very hard to sor Cowley reminded the meeting that ‘remainers’ and ‘leavers’ whose support see the results as a lucky break! Tim Farron’s views on homosexuality it needed. He was sure that the situation Looking to the future, Professor had come under scrutiny before, includ- would have been no different had the Cowley offered one crumb of com- ing during the party leadership election Liberal Democrats taken a more defini- fort. He cautioned the audience against in 2015. The tough questions the Liberal tive position. He also reminded the meet- believing simplistic notions that ‘two Democrat leader faced from the very start ing that a more ‘straightforward’ stance party politics were back’. The multi- of the campaign had hardly ‘come out of would also have been problematic for the party electoral contests in Scotland dis- the blue’, he maintained, and the party party, given that a large minority of Lib- proved such claims, he maintained, and could and should have anticipated them. eral Democrat supporters voted Leave in the class-based voting alignments that Second, whilst the Liberal Democrats the referendum. underlay the two-party system of the had pledged not to enter government, Similarly, Professor Cowley gave 1950s and 1960s were now gone. Profes- they produced a comprehensive mani- short shrift to suggestions that the party sor Cowley was sure that future elections festo, full of detailed policies, almost could have expressly rejected the out- would be marked by voter volatility none of which proved especially attrac- come of the referendum, and promised rather than any solidity. tive to the voters. He cited a YouGov to remain in the European Union, given But he had a grim warning too. As poll that tested the popularity of the that it had previously promised voters an Professor Crowley spoke, seven months main UK parties’ key manifesto pledges. ‘in–out’ referendum on membership. after the general election, the Liberal

38 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Reviews

Democrats had still failed to break than anything relating to the campaign Davenport-Hines refers to as an altruist; through in the opinion polls. (At the it ran for the 2017 general election. as a man – especially young man – of time of writing, they still have not.) This curiosity, what Davenport-Hines calls suggested that the party faced challenges Neil Stockley is a member of the Liberal Dem- a boy-prodigy; as a public official or civil that were bigger and more fundamental ocrat History Group executive. servant, an official; as a public man (or what we nowadays often refer to as a public intellectual); as a lover; as a connoisseur; and, last, but by no means least, as an envoy – an able person committed to representing the culture to which they belong to the very best of their ability. Let us start, as Davenport-Hines does, with the benefactor and philanthropist Reviews – a man who could have made and kept a huge private fortune. Keynes certainly made fortunes (and on occasion A truly remarkable man – but not a universal man lost them), but he inevitably invested a great part of the money he made Richard Davenport-Hines, Universal Man: The Seven Lives of John into the things he loved so that they would benefit others. That included Maynard Keynes (William Collins, 2015) the Cambridge Arts Theatre, to which Review by Ed Randall Keynes lent a prodigious sum. But, more important still, he gave the theatre, eynes lived a truly exciting the Crash of 2008, to have been restored and many other projects, his time and and eventful life; one that had to a place atop an Economics Olympus. energy. In 1934, Davenport-Hines Ka huge impact on his fellow Davenport-Hines’ mission, in records, Keynes made ‘eight speeches human beings, not just those who were Universal Man, was to share his sense altogether’ (in one day, in support part of his immediate and extensive and appreciation of a life lived to the of the Cambridge Theatre scheme). social circle (many of whom he knew full and more often than not for a Keynes himself believed ‘… they must intimately), but vast numbers of peo- greater good. For Keynes, his academic have got tired of me! But the scheme ple he could never have known person- discipline of Economics was never the went through.’ Giving his time and ally. This book does more to convey that most important thing. Regarded by energy to the things he believed in – excitement and eventfulness to a general some as a kind of intellectual Hercules, whether a theatre project, Kings College readership than any other I have read Keynes himself anticipated a time (Cambridge), or representing his nation about John Maynard Keynes. No doubt when Economics would be a subject for in the US at the close of the Second that is because Richard Davenport- technicians and specialists; they might World War – was the hallmark of a man Hines did not set out to write another make a worthwhile but necessarily willing to commit vastly more than intellectual biography of Keynes. modest contribution to humanity. In his money to the things he loved and If Davenport-Hines had wanted his essay Economic Possibilities for Our believed in. to enter that market he would (as Grandchildren, published in the shadow of Keynes’ curiosity, as a young man, he clearly appreciates) have found a the Great Crash of 1929, Keynes wrote: was not just expressed in his intellectual crowded field, populated with works by genuine authorities on economic … do not let us overestimate the ideas. Not least, he would have entered importance of the economic problem, a field dominated by Robert Skidelsky’s or sacrifice to its supposed necessities magisterial, three-volume account of other matters of greater and more Keynes’ life. Skidelsky offers unmatched permanent significance. It should be a intellectual insights to readers who matter for specialists … If economists want help making sense of Keynes’ very could manage to get themselves active and extraordinary participation thought of as humble, competent in – as well as commentary on – the people, on a level with dentists, that world-shattering events of the first half would be splendid! of the twentieth century. Skidelsky also happens to have been especially well So Davenport-Hines (who quotes equipped, when the opportunity arose, Keynes’ statement about the limitations to make the most of an unprecedented of economic ideas and economists) sets opportunity (in his Return of the Master out to convince his readers that Keynes’ (Allen Lane, 2009)), to extol and joie de vivre, and his engagement celebrate the economic thought of his with his own and other people’s hero. Keynes may have been dethroned humanity, had much less to do with the by many in the Economics profession development of economic theory than from his lofty position as father of it did with the huge pleasure he derived macroeconomics, but he appeared, after from his activities: as a benefactor, what

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 39 Reviews pursuits and academic achievements, winning illustrations and accounts of the about Keynes’ collecting, it explores it was a very personal quest of self- efforts that followed. But Keynes most his motivations as a collector of books discovery too. Davenport-Hines remarkable skill was his unsurpassed and paintings. At one point Davenport- gives a fascinating account, based ability to persuade. His life as a persuader Hines compares Keynes to Sir Kenneth on information that Keynes himself marks him out as one of the most Clark (‘Clark of Civilisation’) – they ‘compiled and preserved’, about sexual talented and successful communicators knew one another quite well and got encounters with ‘young men off the of the twentieth century. Keynes on well. The former ‘had signalled his streets’ and amongst his own set. And, investment and engagement in trying wish to democratise access to the arts by in this regard, Davenport-Hines refers to change minds often began with him opening [the National Gallery] on Cup to Keynes’ ‘principle of intelligent changing his own mind. Final Day’ and, as Davenport-Hines compartmentalisation’. It was an One of Davenport-Hines’ best puts it: ‘both felt, [they were] fighting openness to new experiences, and a anecdotes is about Keynes’ success in for European arts and intellect against capacity to defy others’ expectations changing Lloyd George’s mind at the barbarism [and] believed that the arts and to undertake a journey that did not beginning of the First World War. intensified people’s appreciation of life.’ follow an easily predictable course, but Keynes – then in his mid-thirties, and In July 1945 Keynes said, in the course so far as possible a carefully managed one. one of the youngest senior public servants of a BBC broadcast dealing with the Early in 1922, Keynes arranged for in Whitehall – is portrayed as he sets out foundation of the Arts Council of Great the Russian ballerina Lydia Lopokova, to convince Lloyd George to change Britain, that the establishment of the whom he had met for the first time in his mind on a great issue of finance. Arts Council had ‘happened in a very 1918, to move into rooms in Gordon And, change Lloyd George’s mind English, informal, unostentatious way’. Square, just ‘a few doors away from (about how the UK government should And, despite very limited funds, it was … where he lived’. In the course of manage international and domestic a very public recognition that there was Davenport-Hines’ account of Keynes’ banking debts and the UK’s stocks of an ‘unsatisfied demand … for serious and sexual evolution, he notes that, by the gold) Keynes did. Yet, by the end of the fine entertainment’. time Keynes was set on marrying Lydia, war, his relationship with the Welsh Close to the end of his life Keynes he was also urging fellow Liberals to: Wizard had changed. As international became Britain’s most important ‘… break bounds by public discussion of leaders, including Lloyd George, met international negotiator at a series of “sex questions” … [which are] widely at Versailles, to agree the terms of the talks held in the United States about discussed in private.’ One reason Keynes peace, Keynes – a British delegate to the future of international economic gave for talking more openly and the talks – concluded that those leaders, relations. This part of Keynes’ life, as an honestly about sex was that ‘there are no including Lloyd George, were by far envoy, is admirably clearly recounted. subjects about which the general public is the greatest threat to world peace. He Keynes, the author of the Economic more interested … [adding that it should decided to write what is probably the Consequences of the Peace, and the most not be doubted that] sex questions are most powerful, and certainly the most eminent economist working at the about to enter the political arena.’ influential, polemic against the Versailles British Treasury, had good reason As Davenport-Hines reports, Keynes Treaty (and its ‘statesmen’ authors, to believe that his knowledge and regarded himself as physically repulsive. including Lloyd George). His book, The experience equipped him to persuade Virginia Woolf compared him to ‘a Economic Consequences of the Peace, became Britain’s most important military ally gorged seal, [with] double chin, ledge of a best seller. Keynes left the government that peacetime cooperation should red lip, little eyes, sensual, brutal [and] service and was more or less immediately and could match that required for unimaginative’. Yet, Virginia Woolf also recognised for his extraordinary gifts prosecuting the war. But Keynes and wrote of Keynes: ‘[He seemed to be] a as a public communicator and as one of his small team struggled to get their blank wall of disapproval; till I kissed the foremost controversialists of his day. message across. One of those present, him, [when] he talked of Lydia, having Davenport-Hines tells the story very Dean Acheson, asked Lionel Robbins – a book about the ballet, in his eager well. a member of the UK delegation – why stammering way’. Davenport-Hines has something London sent ‘too many Englishman In this review I have preferred the very particular in mind when he with the wrong sort of accent [to term public servant, to Davenport- refers to Keynes as a connoisseur. Washington]’. At subsequent talks, Hines’ label – ‘Official’ – for one of ‘Connoisseurs … adopt or reject people those held at Bretton Woods, agreement Keynes’ seven lives; terminology can and tastes according to a patrician was finally reached on establishing be very important! Indeed, Davenport- sensibility [ignoring] the worlds of new international institutions. Keynes Hines quotes Sir Richard Hopkins, a productivity and profit. Money is contribution was acknowledged, Treasury mandarin who knew Keynes esteemed as a means to acquire what but what was agreed fell far short of well, as observing of Keynes that: ‘He they value, but despised as a provider what he wanted. Davenport-Hines, was not a minister, but he was a friend of power, showiness, luxury, over- in his account, does an excellent job of ministers. He was not a civil servant, eating and barbarous hobbies.’ This of describing the process and the but he was a friend of civil servants. He biography is full of engaging stories misunderstandings, which left both the was also a critic of both, and, if need be, about Keynes’ love of collecting. He British and the Americans frustrated. a castigator.’ Keynes was, in his public took considerable efforts to acquire I think it is unfortunate that service, exceptionally hard working and works for his own collection of paintings Davenport-Hines’ title – for a biography extraordinarily committed, once he had (which he bequeathed to Kings College, of a man with at least seven lives (and decided in favour of what he believed to Cambridge), and for the nation. The the reader cannot escape the idea that be a good cause. Universal Man is full of biography not only recounts stories it could have been many more) – uses

40 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Reviews the phrase Universal Man to sum them sensibilities – even though he often Heath abandoned his antipathy to ‘lame up. Keynes was not a man for all times articulated radical notions and endorsed ducks’ by, in effect, nationalising Rolls nor was he a man for all places. He was unconventional morals. It is hard to Royce within five months of taking most certainly a multi-faceted and imagine that such a prominent public office. Benn later enjoyed describing multi-talented human being (surely figure could, in twenty-first-century the Labour Party programme of 1972 as Davenport-Hines’ object in deploying Britain, have enjoyed the degree of ‘The most radical and comprehensive the term universal), but Keynes was also freedom Keynes enjoyed from media programme ever produced by the an Englishman, and an Englishman curiosity and intrusion. Labour Party’, which guaranteed from a particular era. Keynes was an This is a book about a truly a great embarrassment to the then Edwardian Englishman. He was – as we remarkable man, not a renaissance man deputy leader, Roy Jenkins. According all are – a product of his place and his or a superman or even a universal man. to Harold Wilson, Jenkins held the times, even if he was often at odds with I thoroughly recommend it as a most ‘lead position’ as the putative leader England’s insularity and conservatism. enjoyable and informative read. of the party to follow Wilson until his He was the champion of an ethical resignation from the deputy leadership outlook that was the very antithesis of Ed Randall is a retired academic and and from the Shadow Cabinet in April values that had come to be associated former Liberal Democrat councillor. His 1972. There is long detail on the on the with Victorian Britain, the world into publications include A Union for Health: events leading up to his resignation, with which he had been born. But Keynes’ Strengthening the European Union’s role Wilson undermining him by changing embrace of individualism, his love in health; Food, Risk and Politics: Scare, his mind over a referendum on the of the arts and support for the avant- scandal and crisis – insights into the risk Common Market. garde, rarely meant he was rejected by politics of food safety; How and How Not all those on the right of the his English peers and contemporaries, Not to Face the Future: A response to the party were followers of Jenkins: there or that he rejected them. They appear Liberal Democrats’ Facing the Future. were some who hankered after Antony to have accepted him as the possessor of He was joint editor of the Dictionary of Crosland, but he never stirred himself to a fine English soul and of great English Liberal Thought with Duncan Brack. follow up his seminal book, The Future of Socialism, and thus disappointed his acolytes. Bill Rodgers – later the most effective operator of the SDP’s ‘Gang of Four’ – applied his organisational and ‘fixing’ skills to the Campaign for Social democracy versus socialism Democratic Socialism in an attempt to make Jenkins’ role more effective. Patrick Bell, The Labour Party in Opposition 1970–1974 (Routledge, It is interesting that the Liberals do 2016) not rate even a footnote in this narrative. In different circumstances, such as Review by Michael Meadowcroft during the Lib–Lab Pact of 1977–8, the Liberals might have had influence erceptions of how a party copes and hegemonic socialism were as a second opposition party making with the years of opposition planted during its time in opposition. life more difficult for Edward Heath. Pusually rely on statements, The balance of power within the However, the Liberals had polled just interviews and its efforts to present a party shifted significantly from the 7.5 per cent at the 1970 general election, favourable and united front, illuminated parliamentary party to the membership from time to time by leaks and and, often separately, to the major trade lobbying by dissidents. The value of an unions. Patrick Bell painstakingly traces examination of the Opposition through the movement in policy via papers a specific parliament is that, if rigorous, prepared for the national executive it draws aside the curtain and exposes committees and, finally, to the party the factions and tensions. Patrick Bell conference. With the accession of Jack has done a very thorough job of trawling Jones to the leadership of the Transport through all the available committee & General Workers’ Union – the largest papers and interviewing key individuals. in the country – and with Hugh Scanlon The result is that the reader gets a vivid heading up the engineering workers picture of the deep left–right split at all union, there were powerful figures on levels of the party and the great skill of the left of the party who were ready and Harold Wilson as leader in keeping the able to demonstrate their clout by going whole show on the road. Bell also shows direct to the party conference with their how senior staff at Labour headquarters block votes rather than participate in the were themselves partisan and on occasion deliberative committee process. resorted to somewhat underhand Tony Benn’s skilful manoeuvring tactics in the preparation and timing of as de facto leader of the left is traced documents in order to pursue their views. through his attention to committee The roots of the struggle within the detail and his ability to produce the Labour Party between social democracy apposite excoriating phrase, as when

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 41 Reviews

LI and preparing for his eventual return Liberal Democrat History Group online to office in 2010. Lendvai chronicles all his splits Website with former friends and colleagues, his Details of our activities and publications, guides to archive sources, research resources, embracing of the church as a former and a growing number of pages on Liberal history: www.liberalhistory.org.uk atheist, his steady garrotting of free newspapers and broadcast media, his Email ending of an independent judiciary, Join our email mailing list for news of meetings and publications – the fastest and his anti-refugee rhetoric and successful earliest way to find out what we’re doing. Fill in the form at: http://bit.ly/LDHGemail. manipulation of the electoral system Facebook page and the country’s constitution. He cites News of the latest meeting and publications, and a discussion forum: his popular football following with www.facebook.com/LibDemHistoryGroup. the dry comment that Orbán ‘always wanted to be the referee, the linesman, Twitter the centre-forward and the goalkeeper A daily posting of Liberal events on this day in history. Follow us at: LibHistoryToday. all at once.’ He also quotes his Hungarian biographer as being ‘a man who almost automatically believes in the veracity of electing only six MPs. They hardly party’s poll rating overnight. This was whatever he considers to be politically figured on the electoral scene, slowly followed by gains in Sutton and Cheam, useful to him’ (reminds me of a current clambering up to 10 per cent in the polls Ripon, the Isle of Ely and Berwick. cabinet minister here!) and an American by April 1972, but dropping back to These pushed the poll rating up to 28 political scientist describing his strategy 8 per cent in October 1972. Less than per cent, but, with the lack of winnable as ‘a highly centralised, partially illiberal eighteen months later, at the February seats thereafter, it slipped back to 20 per democracy, which systematically 1974 general election, the Liberals polled cent immediately before the February undermines the structures of checks and 19.3 per cent – equivalent to some 23 per 1974 general election. On such electoral balances’. cent if all the seats had been contested. vagaries do the Liberal Party’s fortunes The author clearly has come to hate What transformed the party into such depend! his subject – his detailing of financial an influential force? It was simply a run manipulation is one thing, but his hints of by-election successes starting with Michael Meadowcroft was MP for Leeds at personal corruption lack substance. Cyril Smith winning Rochdale in late West, 1983–87. What is especially sad is that Orbán, October 1972, almost doubling the who began his climb of the ladder with a Soros scholarship, has now run a virulent campaign against George Soros and his endowed Central European University. Altogether this is an alarming, worrying and illuminating tale. From liberal to authoritarian David Steel (Lord Steel of Aikwood) was MP Paul Lendvai, Orbán: Europe’s New Strongman (C. Hurst & Co., 2017) for Roxburgh, Selkirk & Peebles / Tweeddale, Review by David Steel Ettrick & Lauderdale 1965–97, and Leader of the Liberal Party 1976–88.

his new biography of Hungary’s prime minister outlines his Liberal International (LI) in Budapest Ttransition from young Liberal in 1993. Shortly afterwards, I was firebrand, in 1989 demanding the president of LI and hosting a meeting removal of all Russian troops, to the of the organisation’s bureau at home present-day right-wing autocratic ruler in Aikwood Tower in my Scottish of his country and pal of President Putin. Borders constituency. We took over the It is an astonishing story, told here in next-door farmhouse to accommodate remarkable detail. some of them, but in the tower we had I first met Orbán together with Lambsdorff and the prime ministers his young Fidesz party colleagues of the Netherlands and Iceland. I told in the dying days of the communist Orbán that, as he was both the youngest regime. They were an attractive and the smallest, he would have to make and idealistic bunch and duly joined do with the sofa bed in my study. He first Liberal International very much under became prime minister of Hungary in the tutelage of its then president, the 1998–2002, and during that first period former German economics minister I called on him saying that now he was Otto Graf Lambsdorff. Indeed Orbán, prime minister he could have a bed if as the newly elected leader of his he ever came back. But he never did, party, hosted a memorable congress of relinquishing his party’s membership of

42 Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 Archive sources Dr J. Graham Jones lists the archival collections of interest to students of the Liberal Party held at Newcastle University Newcastle University Library Special Collections

he Philip Robinson Library’s to be of particular value to research- Molly (1881–1966), including her diaries Special Collections hold many ers, providing as they do an insight into for 1892–1917. Tunique archives and rare books. the world and circles in which she and George Otto Trevelyan (1838–1928) These materials provide great scope her husband moved, sometimes reveal- was a historian, Liberal MP and chief for original research for many subject ing insider knowledge about the current secretary for Ireland after the Phoenix areas and the potential to complement talk in London society, a classic example Park murders. teaching and learning at the university. being Hilda’s remarks in her 1936 diary Charles Edward Trevelyan (1807– These materials comprise rare books and about the abdication crisis and the king’s 1886) worked for the East India Com- other significant printed works and also intentions. pany and the Home Civil Service. He archives, which include a full range of In addition, there are 114 volumes was assistant secretary to the Treasury materials such as photographs, audiovis- of press cuttings, plus material relat- during the Irish famine. Although his ual materials, illustrations and maps. ing to Walter Runciman’s father, the 1st papers largely reflect his interest in Civil Not everything in Special Collections Baron Runciman, as well as documents Service reform, the papers include some is old: the collections date from the four- relating to Sir Walter Leslie Runciman material relating to education. (He may teenth century to the present day. A col- (1900–1989). be of interest to readers because of his lection item might be scarce because few Link to Runciman Papers: http:// family’s political leanings.) copies survive or because it was issued in www.ncl.ac.uk/library/special-collec- Link to Trevelyan Papers: http:// a limited print run; it might have been tions/collections/collection_details. www.ncl.ac.uk/library/special-collec- issued by a private press, have previously php?id=87 tions/collections/collection_details. belonged to someone significant, have php?id=93 a fine binding, be annotated, have addi- tional material tipped or pasted in, or be Trevelyan Papers part of a person’s private collection that The Trevelyan Papers, deposited by Mary Moorman the library wishes to keep together. the Trevelyan family, are those of sev- The archive does not include the papers The following archival collections are eral generations of the Trevelyan fam- of the historian G. M. Trevelyan, but of likely interest to students of the Lib- ily whose home was Wallington Hall, there are letters from him to his family eral Party: Northumberland. The archive is rich in the collections. However, the archive and diverse, not least because the fam- does hold the papers of Mary Caroline ily had so many roles and indulged Moorman (1905–1994), historian, biogra- Walter Runciman Archive so many interests between them that pher and daughter of the historian G. M. The papers of Walter Runciman, the archive can truly be described as Trevelyan. They mainly consist of letters 1st Viscount Runciman of Doxford multi-disciplinary. from Mary Moorman’s parents, George (1870–1949), relate chiefly to his politi- Charles Philips Trevelyan (1870–1958) M. Trevelyan and Janet Penrose Trev- cal career, but also include material con- was a Liberal and then Labour MP and elyan, née Ward. cerning his personal and professional thus his papers deal with early twenti- Link to Moorman: http://www.ncl. life. They cover his election campaigns eth-century political issues, for the most ac.uk/library/special-collections/collec- and his political career during the years part. He was a founder of the Union of tions/collection_details.php?id=82 1894–1938, and in particular they cover Democratic Control in during the First the different political offices he held, as World War and president of the Board Other collections of possible interest are: a Liberal MP and cabinet minister, and of Education. His papers cover the Lib- as a member of the Board of Education, eral and Labour parties, parliamentary Ethel Williams Archive: Ethel Wil- 1908–11, and the Board of Trade, 1914–16 measures, and contain cabinet papers liams was Newcastle’s first female doc- and 1931–37. There is also material relat- and election material but also include tor, and in 1906 became the first woman ing to Runciman’s attempt to solve the items concerning education acts; school to found a general medical practice in 1938 Sudeten crisis through his mission diaries; summer, vacation and Sunday the city. In 1917, Williams co-founded to Czechoslovakia. schools; Parents’ National Education the Northern Women’s Hospital. As a The collection also includes the dia- Union schools, Catholic and London suffragist, she served as secretary of the ries and some correspondence of Walter’s Board schools; school attendance; and Newcastle Women’s Liberal Association wife, Hilda Runciman, herself briefly specific UK schools and colleges. There and became president of the Newcastle an MP. Hilda’s diaries have been found are also some papers from his wife, and District Women’s Suffrage Society

Journal of Liberal History 99 Summer 2018 43 A Liberal Democrat History Group fringe meeting Europe: the Liberal commitment Why have the Liberal Democrats, and their Liberal and SDP predecessors, always supported membership of the EU? Discuss the historical origins of the Liberal commitment to Europe with Professors Anthony Howe and Eugenio Biagini. Chair: Baroness Julie Smith.

6.15pm, Sunday 16 September Sandringham Suite, Hilton Brighton Metropole (no conference pass necessary)

(NUWSS). As a pacifist, she was a found- a number of family letters mainly from There are also individual items held ing member of the Women’s Interna- Robert Spence Watson to his wife and across the collections that may be of tional League for Peace and Freedom, of daughters and a few letters to Robert interest to the readership of this journal, which she was a secretary of the New- Spence Watson’s father, Joseph Watson. such as ‘The Boer War and the Liberal castle branch in 1934. This collection The material concerning Frederick Party in Newcastle and Gateshead’, ‘The includes letters from contemporaries and Evelyn Weiss also includes letters to Speech of Mr. Hugh Mason, (Chairman), of Ethel Williams, a number of photo- and from friends and associates working at an aggregate special meeting of the graphs of her throughout her life, objects in the various fields of politics, science, Liberal Committees of Ashton-under- connected to the suffrage movement, the arts and general education matters. Lyne, on Monday, May 25th, 1874’, and and selected information about Williams There are also letters addressed to C. P. Robert Spence Watson’s ‘The coming collected after her death. Scott interspersed with the collection, work of the Liberal Party’. They can be Link to Ethel Williams: http://www. and some miscellaneous material includ- found by using the library’s integrated ncl.ac.uk/library/special-collections/col- ing a collection of autographs and let- online catalogue: http://libsearch.ncl. lections/collection_details.php?id=132 ters from well known characters of the ac.uk/primo_library/libweb/action/ nineteenth century, pamphlets and pub- search.do?vid=NCL_V1 Spence Watson/Weiss Archive: This lications by Robert Spence Watson and Whilst there are some items relat- collection consists of papers relating to the some cuttings and newspaper articles. ing to the First World War, there is a Newcastle-born politician, co-founder Link to Spence Watson/Weiss: http:// significant amount of material relating of Armstrong College (now Newcas- www.ncl.ac.uk/library/special-collec- to the Second World War – published tle University), and social and educa- tions/collections/collection_details. 1939–1943, often by Penguin (or the Peli- tional reformer Robert Spence Watson php?id=97 can imprint) in the iconic early paper- (1837–1911) and, to a lesser extent, his wife back series. This material includes E. O. Elizabeth (1838–1919), a Quaker who was Joseph Cowen Tracts: The Cowen Lorimer’s What Hitler Wants (1939) – a involved with many of her husband’s Tracts are almost 2,000 pamphlets which Penguin Special which achieved record- projects, in particular with educational were formerly owned by local (radi- breaking sales, as well as F. Lafitte,The projects such as the Industrial or Ragged cal) MP, Joseph Cowen (1829–1900). Internment of Aliens (1940) and E. Glover, Schools. The papers were donated to the The tracts date mostly from the mid- The Psychology of Fear and Courage (1940). library by Miss Mabel Weiss (Spence Wat- to late-nineteenth century and reflect son’s granddaughter) and consist chiefly of Cowen’s interest in the social, educa- correspondence sent to Robert and Eliza- tional, political and economic issues of Contact details beth Spence Watson and also correspond- the day. (The Cowen Tracts can also be Special Collections ence relating to Ernest F. Weiss. There is viewed through JSTOR, if the institu- Robinson Library also some correspondence to named and tion participates.) Newcastle University unnamed individuals which found their Link to Cowen Tracts: http://www. NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE way into the papers through Spence Wat- ncl.ac.uk/library/special-collections/ NE2 4HQ son’s involvement with various commit- collections/collection_details.php?id=16 United Kingdom tees and organisations. There are letters Telephone: +44 (0) 191 208 7712 from Liberal politicians and statesmen, The Manuscript Album: This is a mis- E-mail: [email protected] including Sir Edward Grey, Sir Henry cellaneous collection, but there are some 24/7 Live Chat Support is also available Campbell-Bannerman, W. E. Gladstone, letters relating to people of interest, such via the University’s website. John Morley, Joseph Cowen, and John as Cowen. Bright, as well as letters from associates Link to Manuscript Album: http:// Dr J. Graham Jones was formerly Senior or friends from the many areas in which www.ncl.ac.uk/library/special-collec- Archivist and Head of the Welsh Political the Spence Watsons were interested, such tions/collections/collection_details. Archive at the National Library of Wales, as the arts, literature, exploration and php?id=79 Aberystwyth. political asylum. In addition, there are