ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF NATIVE AMERICAN PARTICIPATION IN THE CASA DE BANDINI HOUSEHOLD, OLD TOWN SAN DIEGO STATE HISTORIC PARK

JERRY SCHAEFER ASM AFFILIATES, INC., CARLSBAD

The local Kumeyaay Indians appear to be almost invisible in the historical record of the Casa de Bandini, but their presence and importance to the operation of the Bandini household is manifest in the abundant archaeological remains, including Tizon Brown Ware ceramics, milling equipment, and other finds. Their participation in the daily life of the Bandini household and how their experiences transformed their own cultural traditions are explored by a detailed examination of distinctive Native American artifacts.

HISTORIC CONTEXT OF NATIVE AMERICANS IN OLD TOWN AND THE CASA DE BANDINI The native Kumeyaay Indians are almost invisible in the historical record of Old Town San Diego. In one early American-era lithograph, there is the Bandini Adobe (Figure 1, arrow) and there are the Native Americans on Presidio Hill looking down from a distance. In a way, this image reflects the marginalization of Native Americans from Euro-American society after the collapse of the missions and the American takeover. Life in Old Town could be very severe for them, as Richard Carrico documents. It included indentured servitude of Indian children and adults, public flogging for minor offenses, and even unprosecuted murders at the hands of Euro-Americans (R. Carrico 1986; Shipek 1986, 1987). At the same time, some Native American children and adults who were taken into American households were treated kindly, if not paternally (Chandler and Quinn 1991). Such Americans thought they were following religious precepts of good works by helping their wards assimilate into Yankee Victorian society. This might mean they were training Indians to be servants or skilled workers only, with no regard for their traditional culture, and permanently assigning them to the socioeconomic underclass. Throughout this period, Native Americans increasingly lost their land base and traditional means of livelihood as their numbers steadily diminished. As a result, the threat of Native uprisings was a constant source of worry, including to Bandini himself, as his personal letters attest. Conditions were especially unsettled at his Tecate Rancho below the U.S./Mexican border. Despite these abuses, many Native Americans found gainful employment in Old Town, and a small number became integral members of important households. Although the written record about the Native Americans who lived and worked in Old Town is scant indeed, it is through the archaeological context of ceramics, milling tools, stone tools, and personal items that insights can be gained about the diversity of cultural traditions and technologies that were practiced under the roof of the Casa de Bandini, for example. Indian laborers were very likely involved in the construction of the adobe and very likely were installed as household servants when the Bandini family took up residence around 1829. Among the people very familiar with the southern California Indians was Juan Bandini himself, as trustee for Mission San Gabriel, proprietor of a rancho that employed Indians, and intimately involved in local affairs involving Native Americans (Caughey 1995:16, 18, 21). Bandini employed many Indians at his Rancho Jurupa on the Santa Ana River across the present Riverside-San Bernardino county border and at his Tecate Rancho in Baja California. Bandini’s letters from the 1840s reflect both benign and harsh treatment of his Indian workers and ex-mission wards on different occasions. He could be both exploitive and humane, it seems, depending on the situation (Walch 2011:39-40). Of Bandini, Richard Henry Dana on January 6, 1836, wrote that at his home in Old Town he “kept a retinue of Indians” (Dana 1911:297).

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 137

Figure 1. Lithograph of Old Town San Diego, based on the original 1850 sketch by H. M. T. Powell. View south from Presidio Hill. The arrow points to the Bandini Adobe (Pourade 1963:131).

Other prominent families also likely brought household servants with them when they arrived in Old Town. Indians, however, were always a small segment of the pueblo population. Farris (2006) suggests that some Indians formerly at the missions likely sought employment by necessity or choice at the pueblo after the missions were secularized in 1834-1835, although a much larger number either found work on the ranchos, joined one of the Indian pueblos libres or took up residence in a rancheria. Farris found 26 servants and their families in 13 different households listed in the April 17, 1836 census of Old Town. In most cases, they are described as attached to the woman who was head of the household. Three Indian servants of Don Juan Bandini are listed: Juan Miguel; his wife, Juana; and a single man also named Miguel. Married couples were often listed as servants, sometimes with their children who also likely worked for the family. Farris mentions that the cook was sometimes a male because of his previous mission experience. Other jobs included housemaids, nannies, and gardeners. The types of manual labor performed by household staff included cooking, grinding corn and grains, slaughtering animals, and collecting firewood. Indian servants continued as household members in Old Town well into the American era. They can be identified in the 1860 San Diego County Census (San Diego Genealogical Society n.d.) as “domestic servants” or “servant” born in California and listed with only a first name, as are most of the people living in the Indian rancherias as enumerated in the census (Figure 2). Approximately 28 Indian servants can be identified in Old Town, about the same number as counted in the 1836 census. Quite a number of them were children and teenagers. By this time, Juan Bandini had died and the adobe was unoccupied. Indian alienation and poverty were getting worse by then, but the Indians continued to live in small camps in Mission Valley and elsewhere. The 1860 census lists 59 individuals distributed among 11 households at “San Diego Indian Village,” a location at Florida Canyon and Pershing Drive (S. Carrico 1986).

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 138

Figure 2. Late nineteenth-century Kumeyaay rancheria in San Diego (commercial postcard in possession of the author).

It is not known if Indian servants or workmen attended to the Albert Seeley household, although it is probable they were employed in the renovation and for various tasks in the hotel and adjacent stables. The 1870 and 1880 U.S. censuses list no Indians in residence at the Cosmo. As foodways and cooking technology changed with the conversion of the Casa de Bandini to the Cosmopolitan Hotel, it is likely that there was much less desire for the cooking staff to use traditional Indian pottery or other Native American tools for utilitarian purposes. Once a cast-iron stove was installed, round-bottomed cooking pots were probably not as practical. Susan Davis Tiffany reported in her memoirs of her time in residence at the Bandini Adobe (1898-1911) when it was a boarding house during the Ackerman and Tuffley era, that it was no trouble to acquire the services of Mexican and Indian girls and workmen who lived nearby. In fact, they had a “full blooded” Indian cook who prepared excellent Mexican dishes on their cast-iron stove (Tiffany 1973:8-9, 17).

CERAMICS The archaeological record provides the clearest testimony to Indian participation in the Bandini household. A large sample of Tizon Brown Ware was recovered from the excavations, most of it in good

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 139

Figure 3. Sample of Tizon Brown Ware rim sherds. Note the extensive sooting. historic contexts and with distinct attributes that indicate it was in use during the Bandini era (Figure 3). This presence of Native American ceramics is a continuation of a pattern that began at the royal presidio, where Tizon Brown Ware was found in abundance, along with smaller quantities of Lower Colorado River Buff Ware (Bartel 1991; Ezell and Ezell 1980; Schuyler 1978; Williams 2004). In fact, Tizon Brown Ware commonly occurs in Mexican- and early American-era Old Town household debris (Barter et al. 2012; Schulz et al. 1987), as it does in contemporary ranchos and other establishments in rural San Diego and elsewhere in southern California (Evans 1969; Wade 2004). A total of 1,140 sherds (5,508.5g) of Tizon Brown Ware were collected, this being only a small sample of what must exist there. Although not necessarily a representative sample because of the purposive nature of testing and recovery, there clearly appear to be some spatial patterns that inform on the function of native ceramics in the Bandini household (Table 1). The largest percentage by count (41.8 percent) and almost the highest percentage by weight (33.6 percent) derived from Room 105, the kitchen area, with many small pieces trampled into the floors. Concentrations were highest in the southern half of the room but also in the sediments in the drain. Numerous vessels are represented by the diverse number of rim sherds. Almost equal percentages of ceramics derive from the various units and trenches in the courtyard (27.2 percent) and around the exterior of the building (28 percent). A higher percentage by

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 140

Table 1. Tizon Brown Ware ceramic counts and weights. PROVENIENCE COUNT WEIGHT (G) Unit 3 2 12.5 Unit 21 9 31.0 Unit 22 11 16.3 Unit 24 3 11.8 Unit 27 8 23.1 Unit 30 138 991.0 Unit 34 9 46.3 Other 60 260.6 Shovel Test C 5 10.7 Test Scrape 1 1 5.7 Test Scrape 2 2 6.3 Courtyard Trench 01 1 2.1 Trench 2 3 7.0 Trench 4 34 288.9 Trench 6 1 1.5 Trench 8 1 4.7 Trench 12 1 1.2 Trench – Footing 2 11.2 Trench – Grease 1 3.5 Trench – Sewer 3 85.0 Trench – Storm D 3 10.6 Trench -- T 4 22.8 Courtyard Total 302 1853.8 Unit 1 77 172.5 Unit 2 74 195.7 Unit 3 45 330.1 Unit 5 2 4.7 Unit 6 25 147.4 Exterior Unit 7 8 47.3 Unit 8 21 57.0 Unit 10 4 8.7 Unit 26 32 684.2 Other 1 0.1 Exterior Total 319 1647.7 Room 103 Trench 12 10 12.0 Unit 19 1 15.5 Unit 20 23 77.5 Room 104 Unit 21 1 1.4 Trench 1 8 50.0 Room 104 Total 33 144.4 Unit 11 50 158.3 Unit 13 11 58.7 Unit 14 4 10.6 Unit 15 153 688.7 Unit 16 101 351.0 Room 105 Unit 19 8 86.0 Drain 82 222.5 Fire Pit B 1 2.4 Other 64 266.4 Trench 11 2 6.0 Room 105 Total 476 1850.6 Grand Total 1140 5508.5

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 141 weight derives from Unit 26 on the exterior in the direction of Calhoun Street, opposite Room 105, where a trash deposit of domestic artifacts was found near the brick drain under Room 105 where it emptied into the street. The deposit included Euro-American ceramics, food remains, and the largest concentration of milling tools to occur at the site. At least four Tizon Brown Ware cooking pots were represented, including the one small bowl of almost complete profile. A higher percentage by weight was also represented by the courtyard sample due to the number of large, partially mendable sherds from a single vessel found at the very southwest corner of the courtyard in Unit 30. Most of the vessel’s exterior was heavily sooted right up to the lip, while the base of the interior was covered with a carbonaceous residue. The vessel fragments co-occurred with the vertebral centrum of a cow and highly fragmented sheep/goat bone that firmly place it in the historical period. The unusual location at the extreme interior corner of the courtyard and below the top of the foundation may suggest remains from Native cooking and consumption during the construction of the Bandini Adobe. The ceramics exhibit little variability of fabric, being made from the typical residual clays of the San Diego coast and foothills. The fabric contains very high quantities (60-80 percent) of naturally occurring coarse, poorly sorted angular and subangular grains of quartz, feldspar, and amphibole. Mica is generally low in frequency but occurs more abundantly in a small number of sherds. As such, the ceramics fabrics and paddle and anvil construction methods all appear to indicate a persistence of the Tizon Brown Ware tradition. No fibre-tempered sherds or wheel thrown or moulded shapes of the so- called “Mission Ware” were found that more typically characterizes the ceramic tradition introduced to previously non-ceramic-making groups to the north or south of San Diego County (Griset 1990, 1996; Tuohy and Strawn 1989). Like Tizon ceramics found elsewhere in Old Town (Barter and Felton 2005; Barter et al. 2012), vessel walls appear to be thicker on average than in prehistoric assemblages, with thicker and more rounded lip profiles (Figures 4-5). Almost all the pottery appears to represent only two or three shapes: large-mouthed jars and bowls with recurved rims, and globular round bowls with incurving or straight rims. Virtually all the vessels were used for cooking, indicated by the predominance of exterior sooting, especially on the wide-mouthed bowls (Figure 6). Small-necked ollas, serving bowls, and plates appear to have been replaced by British, Asian, or Mexican imports. As a Latin American ethnographic analogy for the uses of Tizon at the Casa de Bandini, although imported cast-iron and enameled cooking and glazed wares became available, locally produced ceramics remained an important utilitarian item because of their availability, low cost, and distinctive characteristics of porosity, resistance to thermal shock, and free soluble salts (Rice 1987:104-106). In Latin American cooking, beans, in particular, cooked whole or refried, were better-tasting if prepared in earthenware vessels than in iron pots. Other special functions for unglazed earthenware vessels include parching or toasting seeds and maize, brewing chicha beer, and making corn flower cakes, rice, fried bananas, and fried pork (chicharon). Porous water jars naturally cooled the contents through evaporation (Arnold 1985:136, etc.; Caughey 1995:28). While metal cooking vessels, once available, replaced ceramic counterparts for many purposes, upper middle class ladino households in Guatemala still purchased earthenware vessels for certain traditional food preparation and storage (Arnold 1985:142). Likewise, the advantages of Tizon Brown Ware for certain types of cooking would have been well-known to the Indian cooks in the Bandini household and most likely also to members of the Bandini family.

MILLING TOOLS A total of 43 hand stones or manos, either whole or fragmented, were found (Table 2). Some are well-formed circular or oval hand stones of local quartzite or metavolcanics (Figures 7-8). Others, however, are the oval and bevel-edged vesicular basalt types that were imported from Mexico and represent the traditional mano and metate kit found in any Mexican kitchen (Figure 9). Like the Tizon ceramics, the cobble manos represent the integration of locally made items into Spanish/Mexican

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 142

Figure 4. Tizon Brown Ware rim profiles from interior and exterior units.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 143

Figure 5 Tizon Brown Ware rim profiles from Room 105 and monitoring trenches.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 144

Figure 6. Range of Tizon Brown Ware shapes. Those marked with an “X” were not represented at the Casa de Bandini.

Figure 7. Cobble-based mano and vesicular basalt mano from Unit 26, Stratum II.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 145

Table 2. Milling tools. CAT. MATERIAL / LENGTH WIDTH THICKNESS WEIGHT NO. UNIT AREA ARTIFACT TYPE ALTERATION * CONDITION (MM) (MM) (MM) COUNT (G) 4249 27 Courtyard unifacial hand stone metavolcanic complete 102.2 90.4 35.7 1 494.7 4250 26 Exterior multifacial hand stone granite complete 151.5 96.4 44.2 1 1170.1 4251 26 Exterior multifacial hand stone volcanic / basalt complete 137.5 71.3 76.1 1 1068.0 4252 26 Exterior multifacial hand stone cryptocrystalline complete 143.8 110.7 55.8 1 1367.5 4253 26 Exterior multifacial hand stone granite nearly complete 81.7 67.2 56.5 1 479.2 4254 26 Exterior bifacial hand stone cryptocrystalline – FAR end 63.7 29.4 34.1 1 107.2 4255 26 Exterior multifacial hand stone granite - FAR complete 105.2 89.8 41.0 1 595.3 4256 9 Exterior multifacial hand stone metavolcanic - FAR nearly complete 110.0 128.0 70.9 1 1664.1 4257 31 Courtyard multifacial hand stone granite - FAR nearly complete 157.8 96.6 92.6 1 1879.5 4258 Trench 2 Courtyard bifacial hand stone granite complete 99.7 68.3 49.2 1 526.7 4259 Trench 2 Courtyard multifacial hand stone metavolcanic nearly complete 166.6 113.5 62.7 1 1466.2 4260 Trench 2 Courtyard multifacial hand stone granite nearly complete 145.0 90.5 76.6 1 1166.7 4261 26 Exterior multifacial hand stone volcanic / basalt nearly complete 88.0 64.1 29.7 1 143.6 4262 29 Room 105 multifacial hand stone granite end 87.2 48.9 29.1 1 198.4 4263 20 Room 103 bifacial hand stone granite end 81.9 108.1 46.4 1 566.9 4264 24 Courtyard multifacial hand stone granite end 97.1 48.7 40.2 1 255.1 4265 27 Courtyard multifacial hand stone granite end 61.9 48.7 29.8 1 112.7 4266 30 Courtyard multifacial hand stone granite - FAR end 113.2 88.1 50.7 1 566.9 4267 27 Courtyard bifacial hand stone granite - FAR end 71.6 43.1 41.8 1 196.4 4270 7 Exterior bifacial hand stone granite nearly complete 76.9 90.2 51.5 1 516.1 4271 28 Exterior multifacial hand stone granite - FAR nearly complete 93.7 67.6 49.0 1 473.7 4272 30 Courtyard bifacial hand stone granite - FAR end 100.2 88.8 47.4 1 478.4 4273 30 Courtyard multifacial hand stone granite - FAR end 60.9 50.9 25.1 1 73.6 4274 3 Exterior unifacial hand stone granite end 43.5 34.7 27.0 1 49.2 4275 3 Exterior unifacial hand stone granite end 51.0 35.0 15.6 1 27.3 4326 14-15 Room 105 unifacial hand stone metavolcanic complete 88.0 69.0 31.0 3 -- 4327 20 Room 104 bifacial hand stone granite - FAR ------1 564.1 4692 other Other hand stone FAR ------1 929.0 4697 2 Exterior hand stone granite -- 42.9 23.4 16.3 1 17.0 4718 other Exterior hand stone -- fragment ------1 269.0

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 146

CAT. MATERIAL / LENGTH WIDTH THICKNESS WEIGHT NO. UNIT AREA ARTIFACT TYPE ALTERATION * CONDITION (MM) (MM) (MM) COUNT (G) 4719 other Exterior hand stone -- fragment ------4 624.1 4751 hearth Exterior hand stone -- fragment ------1 85.3 4809 Trench 11 Room 101 hand stone -- fragments ------4 195.0 4810 other Exterior hand stone -- fragments ------2 331.8 5214 other Courtyard hand stone granite fragment ------1 526.3 5215 other Courtyard hand stone granite fragment ------1 593.9 bifacial hand stone, 5531 drain hearth Courtyard metavolcanic complete ------1 74.9 sharpening stone percussing tool - 5536 drain hearth Courtyard granite nearly complete ------1 139.2 sharpening stone unifacial hand stone, 6147 other Courtyard granite complete 10.0 9.0 7.5 1 958.4 used in foundation * FAR = fire-affected rock

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 147

Figure 8. Fire-affected stones from Room 105 with evidence of polish and ground surfaces (Cat. 4326). foodways and technology that, even before they first appeared in San Diego, incorporated elements of Native American and European traditions in the Mexican heartland.

LITHICS AND OTHER ARTIFACTS Other traditional Native American artifacts included 30 pieces of lithic debitage, a late-stage biface core, two other cores, a couple of retouched flakes, and one hammer stone. There were no projectile points. All these items occur in obvious historic contexts. Items of possible Native American ownership include a Phoenix button (Carrico 1982; Strong 1960, 1975), found on top of one of the earliest wall foundations at the site. Two perforated silver coins may also be from Native American ornaments or clothing. Another object of likely Native manufacture is a ceramic disk with ground edges (Figure 10). Similar worked Euro-American ceramics come from ethnohistoric-period sites. Although typically classified as “gaming pieces,” they may also have been used as jar stoppers or had some other utilitarian use. This one was made from a blue transfer-printed earthenware. The pattern is “English Cities,” made by Enoch Wood & Sons of Staffordshire, England (1828-1846). Several other fragments of the same pattern were found nearby in the same context (Unit 26), where a Bandini-era trash deposit occurred outside of the kitchen and in association with milling tools and Tizon Brown Ware. One whole Olivella biplicata shell bead and 53 glass trade beads are also likely evidence of Native Americans (Figure 11). Drawn and Mandrel-wound bead types are found in ethnohistoric-period Native American sites throughout the Pacific West and in historic sites at which Native Americans were present, including ranches, presidios, pueblos, missions, and early American cities (Baker et al. 1995:18; Karklins and Sprague 1972, 1980; Kidd and Kidd 1970; Motz and Schulz 1980; Ross 1976). Most of these inexpensive beads were not used by Euro-Americans. Among the most common of the 12 types were short, ground, multisided drawn beads that occur in translucent blue, opaque black, and clear. They are often referred to as “Russian Beads” because they were widely traded in the northern Pacific, although they likely derive from Bohemian manufacturers. So, a few final questions remain. By what economic or cultural process did ceramics in particular come into the Bandini household? Do they represent Tizon ceramics becoming a commodity and Native potters finding an economic niche in Old Town trade? The quantity of Tizon in historic contexts

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 148

Figure 9. Typical Mexican kitchen assemblage (California Department of Parks and Recreation 2003).

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 149

Figure 10. Worked transfer-printed English ceramic. throughout Old Town suggests persistent and well-established methods of procurement. Was it a barter system, a currency system, or a combination? Does the appearance of Native American artifacts represent the product of the social and economic relationships of the household staff with potters, perhaps even relatives, who continued to practice their craft and who lived in rancherias around Old Town? The historical record provides no answer. Up to now, no record exists of Tizon vessels being sold in stores, as occurred for the marketing of Quechan pottery in Yuma (Schaefer 1993; Trippel 1889). Nor is there a record of Kumeyaay women selling pots in the open markets that characterize many Mexican towns. Did Old Town even have open markets? I presume they did in the early period, but probably not in the American period. If some sort of market for Tizon pots existed, perhaps Kumeyaay women, or their agents, peddled their wares directly to each household in Old Town, or on the street, as was common for Tohono O’odham potters in Arizona (Fontana et al. 1962). I expect that somewhere a record exists, but for now we must content ourselves with the rich archaeological record of Native Americans in the life of Old Town.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 150

Figure 11. Representative sample of glass trade beads types.

REFERENCES CITED

Arnold, Dean E. 1985 Ceramic Theory and Cultural Process. Cambridge University Press. Baker, Leo R., Rebecca Allen, and Julia G. Costello 1995 The Archaeology of Spanish and Mexican Alta California. In The Archaeology of Spanish and Mexican Colonialism in the American Southwest, edited by James E. Ayres, pp. 3-52. Guides to the Archaeological Literature of the Immigrant Experience in America No. 3. Society for Historical Archaeology, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Bartel, Brad 1991 Archaeological Excavation and Education at the San Diego Royal Presidio, 1987-1990. Journal of San Diego History 37(1):1-29. Barter, Eloise Richards, and David L. Felton 2005 Tizon Brown Ware from Old Town San Diego State Historic Park (Block 408 Entrance Improvement Project). Cultural Heritage Section, California Parks Department, Sacramento.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 151

Barter, Eloise Richards, Glenn Farris, and David L. Felton 2012 Native American Ceramics Found at Old Town San Diego: Trade or Local Manufacture? In Recovering a Legacy: The Ceramics of Alta California, edited by Russell K. Skowronek, M. James Blackman, and Ronald L. Bishop (in preparation, draft provided by authors). University Press of Florida, Gainesville. California Department of Parks and Recreation 2003 Picturing Mexican California, 1821-1846. Sacramento. Carrico, Richard L. 1982 Phoenix Buttons from the San Diego Presidio Chapel Complex Excavation. In Approaches to Historical Archaeology: The Case of the Royal Presidio of San Diego. San Diego History Research Center, San Diego State University. 1986 Strangers in a Stolen Land: American Indians in San Diego 1850-1880. San Diego State University Publications in American Indian Studies No. 2. Carrico, Susan H. 1986 San Diego’s Urban Rancherias: A Reflection of Cultural Change. In The Impact of European Exploration and Settlement on Local Native Americans, pp. 26-37. Cabrillo Historical Association, San Diego. Caughey, John Walton (editor) 1995 The Indians of Southern California in 1852: The B.D. Wilson Report. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Chandler Robert J., and Ronald J. Quinn 1991 “Emma is a Good Girl.” The Californians 8(5):34-37. Dana, Richard Henry 1911 Two Years Before the Mast: A Personal Narrative. Houghton Mifflin, Boston. Evans, William S., Jr. 1969 California’s Indian Pottery: A Native Contribution to the Culture of the Ranchos. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 5(3):71-81. Ezell, Paul H., and Greta S. Ezell 1980 Bread and Barbecues at San Diego Presidio. In Spanish Colonial Frontier Research, compiled and edited by Henry F. Dobyns, pp. 85-90. Spanish Borderlands Research No. 1. Center for Anthropological Studies, Albuquerque, New Mexico. Farris, Glenn 2006 Peopling the Pueblo: Presidial Soldiers, Indian Servants and Foreigners in Old San Diego. Paper presented at the Society for Historical Archaeology Conference. Electronic document, www.parks.ca.gov/?page_id=24150. Fontana, Bernard L., William J. Robinson, Charles W. Cormack, and Ernest E. Leavitt, Jr. 1962 Papago Indian Pottery. University of Washington Press, Seattle. Griset, Suzanne 1990 Historic Transformations of Tizon Brown Ware in Southern California. In Hunter-Gatherer Pottery in the Far Southwest, edited by Joanne M. Mack, pp. 180-200. Nevada State Museum Anthropological Papers No. 23. Carson City. 1996 Southern California Brown Ware. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Davis. Karklins, Karlis, and Roderick Sprague 1972 Glass Trade Beads in North America: An Annotated Bibliography. Historical Archaeology 6:87-101. 1980 A Bibliography of Glass Trade Beads in North America. Electronic document, http://beadresearch.org/pages/bibliography.pdf, accessed October 2, 2012.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 152

Kidd, Kenneth E., and Martha Ann Kidd 1970 A Classification System for Glass Beads for the Use of Field Archaeologists. Canadian Historic Sites: Occasional Papers in Archaeology and History1:45-89. Motz, Lee, and Peter D. Schultz 1980 European “Trade” Beads from Old Sacramento. In Papers on Old Scramento Archeology, edited by Peter D. Schultz and Betty J. Rivers, pp. 49-68. California Archeological Reports No. 19. California Department of Parks and Recreation, Sacramento. Pourade, Richard F. 1963 The History of San Diego, Volume 3: The Silver Dons. Union-Tribune, San Diego. Rice, Prudence M. 1987 Pottery Analysis: A Sourcebook. University of Chicago Press. Ross, Lester A. 1976 Fort Vancouver, 1929-1960: A Historical Archaeological Investigation of the Goods Imported and Manufactured by the Hudson’s Bay Company. National Park Service, Washington, D.C. San Diego Genealogical Society n.d. Census 1860 San Diego County. San Diego. Schaefer, Jerry 1993 Historic Native American Pottery from the Mining Town of Hedges/Tumco, California. In Hedges/Tumco, Historic Mining Traditions of Southeastern California, by Michael S. Burney and Stephen R. Van Wormer, pp. B.1-11. Burney and Associates. Prepared for P.M. De Dycker and Associates, Inc., Colorado, and USDI Bureau of Land Management. Schulz, Peter, Ron Quinn, and Scott Fulmer 1987 Archaeological Investigations at the Rose-Robinson Site, Old Town San Diego. Pacific Coast Archaeological Society Quarterly 23(2):1-51. Schuyler, Robert L. 1978 Indian-Euro-American Interaction: Archaeological Evidence from Non-Indian Sites. In California, edited by Robert Heizer, pp. 69-79. Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 3, William C. Sturtevant, general editor. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Shipek, Florence Connolly 1986 The Impact of Europeans upon Kumeyaay Culture. In The Impact of European Exploration and Settlement on Local Native Americans, pp. 13-25. Cabrillo Historical Association, San Diego. 1987 Pushed into the Rocks: South California Indian Land Tenure, 1769-1986. University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln. Strong, Emory 1960 Phoenix Buttons. American Antiquity 25:418-419. 1975 The Enigma of the Phoenix Button. Historical Archaeology 9:74-80. Tiffany, Susan Davis 1973 Reminiscences of One Who Lived in the Bandini House, 1891-1911. Unpublished manuscript, San Diego History Center. Trippel, Eugene J. 1889 The Yuma Indians. Overland Monthly 13:561-584. Tuohy, Donald R., and Mary B. Strawn 1989 Thin Section Analysis of Mission Period Pottery from Baja California, Mexico. Nevada Archaeologist 17(2):36-48.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 153

Wade, Sue Anne 2004 Kumeyaay and Paipai Pottery as Evidence of Cultural Adaptation and Persistence in Alta and Baja California. Unpublished Master’s thesis, Department of History, San Diego State University. Walch, Victor A. 2011 The Casa and the Don: Juan Bandini’s Quest for Homeland in Early San Diego. Journal of San Diego History 57(1):25-52. Williams, Jack S. 2004 San Diego Presidio: A Vanished Military Community of Upper California. Historical Archaeology 38(3):121-134.

SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 154