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The Local Kumeyaay Indians Appear to Be Almost Invisible in the Historical Record of the Casa De Bandini, but Their Presence

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The Local Kumeyaay Indians Appear to Be Almost Invisible in the Historical Record of the Casa De Bandini, but Their Presence ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCE OF NATIVE AMERICAN PARTICIPATION IN THE CASA DE BANDINI HOUSEHOLD, OLD TOWN SAN DIEGO STATE HISTORIC PARK JERRY SCHAEFER ASM AFFILIATES, INC., CARLSBAD The local Kumeyaay Indians appear to be almost invisible in the historical record of the Casa de Bandini, but their presence and importance to the operation of the Bandini household is manifest in the abundant archaeological remains, including Tizon Brown Ware ceramics, milling equipment, and other finds. Their participation in the daily life of the Bandini household and how their experiences transformed their own cultural traditions are explored by a detailed examination of distinctive Native American artifacts. HISTORIC CONTEXT OF NATIVE AMERICANS IN OLD TOWN AND THE CASA DE BANDINI The native Kumeyaay Indians are almost invisible in the historical record of Old Town San Diego. In one early American-era lithograph, there is the Bandini Adobe (Figure 1, arrow) and there are the Native Americans on Presidio Hill looking down from a distance. In a way, this image reflects the marginalization of Native Americans from Euro-American society after the collapse of the missions and the American takeover. Life in Old Town could be very severe for them, as Richard Carrico documents. It included indentured servitude of Indian children and adults, public flogging for minor offenses, and even unprosecuted murders at the hands of Euro-Americans (R. Carrico 1986; Shipek 1986, 1987). At the same time, some Native American children and adults who were taken into American households were treated kindly, if not paternally (Chandler and Quinn 1991). Such Americans thought they were following religious precepts of good works by helping their wards assimilate into Yankee Victorian society. This might mean they were training Indians to be servants or skilled workers only, with no regard for their traditional culture, and permanently assigning them to the socioeconomic underclass. Throughout this period, Native Americans increasingly lost their land base and traditional means of livelihood as their numbers steadily diminished. As a result, the threat of Native uprisings was a constant source of worry, including to Bandini himself, as his personal letters attest. Conditions were especially unsettled at his Tecate Rancho below the U.S./Mexican border. Despite these abuses, many Native Americans found gainful employment in Old Town, and a small number became integral members of important households. Although the written record about the Native Americans who lived and worked in Old Town is scant indeed, it is through the archaeological context of ceramics, milling tools, stone tools, and personal items that insights can be gained about the diversity of cultural traditions and technologies that were practiced under the roof of the Casa de Bandini, for example. Indian laborers were very likely involved in the construction of the adobe and very likely were installed as household servants when the Bandini family took up residence around 1829. Among the people very familiar with the southern California Indians was Juan Bandini himself, as trustee for Mission San Gabriel, proprietor of a rancho that employed Indians, and intimately involved in local affairs involving Native Americans (Caughey 1995:16, 18, 21). Bandini employed many Indians at his Rancho Jurupa on the Santa Ana River across the present Riverside-San Bernardino county border and at his Tecate Rancho in Baja California. Bandini’s letters from the 1840s reflect both benign and harsh treatment of his Indian workers and ex-mission wards on different occasions. He could be both exploitive and humane, it seems, depending on the situation (Walch 2011:39-40). Of Bandini, Richard Henry Dana on January 6, 1836, wrote that at his home in Old Town he “kept a retinue of Indians” (Dana 1911:297). SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 137 Figure 1. Lithograph of Old Town San Diego, based on the original 1850 sketch by H. M. T. Powell. View south from Presidio Hill. The arrow points to the Bandini Adobe (Pourade 1963:131). Other prominent families also likely brought household servants with them when they arrived in Old Town. Indians, however, were always a small segment of the pueblo population. Farris (2006) suggests that some Indians formerly at the missions likely sought employment by necessity or choice at the pueblo after the missions were secularized in 1834-1835, although a much larger number either found work on the ranchos, joined one of the Indian pueblos libres or took up residence in a rancheria. Farris found 26 servants and their families in 13 different households listed in the April 17, 1836 census of Old Town. In most cases, they are described as attached to the woman who was head of the household. Three Indian servants of Don Juan Bandini are listed: Juan Miguel; his wife, Juana; and a single man also named Miguel. Married couples were often listed as servants, sometimes with their children who also likely worked for the family. Farris mentions that the cook was sometimes a male because of his previous mission experience. Other jobs included housemaids, nannies, and gardeners. The types of manual labor performed by household staff included cooking, grinding corn and grains, slaughtering animals, and collecting firewood. Indian servants continued as household members in Old Town well into the American era. They can be identified in the 1860 San Diego County Census (San Diego Genealogical Society n.d.) as “domestic servants” or “servant” born in California and listed with only a first name, as are most of the people living in the Indian rancherias as enumerated in the census (Figure 2). Approximately 28 Indian servants can be identified in Old Town, about the same number as counted in the 1836 census. Quite a number of them were children and teenagers. By this time, Juan Bandini had died and the adobe was unoccupied. Indian alienation and poverty were getting worse by then, but the Indians continued to live in small camps in Mission Valley and elsewhere. The 1860 census lists 59 individuals distributed among 11 households at “San Diego Indian Village,” a location at Florida Canyon and Pershing Drive (S. Carrico 1986). SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 138 Figure 2. Late nineteenth-century Kumeyaay rancheria in San Diego (commercial postcard in possession of the author). It is not known if Indian servants or workmen attended to the Albert Seeley household, although it is probable they were employed in the renovation and for various tasks in the hotel and adjacent stables. The 1870 and 1880 U.S. censuses list no Indians in residence at the Cosmo. As foodways and cooking technology changed with the conversion of the Casa de Bandini to the Cosmopolitan Hotel, it is likely that there was much less desire for the cooking staff to use traditional Indian pottery or other Native American tools for utilitarian purposes. Once a cast-iron stove was installed, round-bottomed cooking pots were probably not as practical. Susan Davis Tiffany reported in her memoirs of her time in residence at the Bandini Adobe (1898-1911) when it was a boarding house during the Ackerman and Tuffley era, that it was no trouble to acquire the services of Mexican and Indian girls and workmen who lived nearby. In fact, they had a “full blooded” Indian cook who prepared excellent Mexican dishes on their cast-iron stove (Tiffany 1973:8-9, 17). CERAMICS The archaeological record provides the clearest testimony to Indian participation in the Bandini household. A large sample of Tizon Brown Ware was recovered from the excavations, most of it in good SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 139 Figure 3. Sample of Tizon Brown Ware rim sherds. Note the extensive sooting. historic contexts and with distinct attributes that indicate it was in use during the Bandini era (Figure 3). This presence of Native American ceramics is a continuation of a pattern that began at the royal presidio, where Tizon Brown Ware was found in abundance, along with smaller quantities of Lower Colorado River Buff Ware (Bartel 1991; Ezell and Ezell 1980; Schuyler 1978; Williams 2004). In fact, Tizon Brown Ware commonly occurs in Mexican- and early American-era Old Town household debris (Barter et al. 2012; Schulz et al. 1987), as it does in contemporary ranchos and other establishments in rural San Diego and elsewhere in southern California (Evans 1969; Wade 2004). A total of 1,140 sherds (5,508.5g) of Tizon Brown Ware were collected, this being only a small sample of what must exist there. Although not necessarily a representative sample because of the purposive nature of testing and recovery, there clearly appear to be some spatial patterns that inform on the function of native ceramics in the Bandini household (Table 1). The largest percentage by count (41.8 percent) and almost the highest percentage by weight (33.6 percent) derived from Room 105, the kitchen area, with many small pieces trampled into the floors. Concentrations were highest in the southern half of the room but also in the sediments in the drain. Numerous vessels are represented by the diverse number of rim sherds. Almost equal percentages of ceramics derive from the various units and trenches in the courtyard (27.2 percent) and around the exterior of the building (28 percent). A higher percentage by SCA Proceedings, Volume 26 (2012) Schaefer, p. 140 Table 1. Tizon Brown Ware ceramic counts and weights. PROVENIENCE COUNT WEIGHT (G) Unit 3 2 12.5 Unit 21 9 31.0 Unit 22 11 16.3 Unit 24 3
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