Dfat Thematic Report Hazaras in Afghanistan
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19 October 2020 "Generated on Refers to the Date on Which the User Accessed the List and Not the Last Date of Substantive Update to the List
Res. 1988 (2011) List The List established and maintained pursuant to Security Council res. 1988 (2011) Generated on: 19 October 2020 "Generated on refers to the date on which the user accessed the list and not the last date of substantive update to the list. Information on the substantive list updates are provided on the Council / Committee’s website." Composition of the List The list consists of the two sections specified below: A. Individuals B. Entities and other groups Information about de-listing may be found at: https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/ombudsperson (for res. 1267) https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/sanctions/delisting (for other Committees) https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/content/2231/list (for res. 2231) A. Individuals TAi.155 Name: 1: ABDUL AZIZ 2: ABBASIN 3: na 4: na ﻋﺒﺪ اﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﺒﺎﺳﯿﻦ :(Name (original script Title: na Designation: na DOB: 1969 POB: Sheykhan Village, Pirkowti Area, Orgun District, Paktika Province, Afghanistan Good quality a.k.a.: Abdul Aziz Mahsud Low quality a.k.a.: na Nationality: na Passport no: na National identification no: na Address: na Listed on: 4 Oct. 2011 (amended on 22 Apr. 2013) Other information: Key commander in the Haqqani Network (TAe.012) under Sirajuddin Jallaloudine Haqqani (TAi.144). Taliban Shadow Governor for Orgun District, Paktika Province as of early 2010. Operated a training camp for non- Afghan fighters in Paktika Province. Has been involved in the transport of weapons to Afghanistan. INTERPOL- UN Security Council Special Notice web link: https://www.interpol.int/en/How-we-work/Notices/View-UN-Notices- Individuals click here TAi.121 Name: 1: AZIZIRAHMAN 2: ABDUL AHAD 3: na 4: na ﻋﺰﯾﺰ اﻟﺮﺣﻤﺎن ﻋﺒﺪ اﻻﺣﺪ :(Name (original script Title: Mr Designation: Third Secretary, Taliban Embassy, Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates DOB: 1972 POB: Shega District, Kandahar Province, Afghanistan Good quality a.k.a.: na Low quality a.k.a.: na Nationality: Afghanistan Passport no: na National identification no: Afghan national identification card (tazkira) number 44323 na Address: na Listed on: 25 Jan. -
Afghanistan Ghazni Province Land Cover
W # AFGHANISTAN E C Sar-e K har Dew#lak A N # GHAZNI PROVINCE Qarah Qowl( 1) I Qarkh Kamarak # # # # # Regak # # Gowshak # # # Qarah Qowl( 2) R V Qada # # # # # # Bandsang # # Dopushta Panqash # # # # # # # Qashkoh Kholaqol # LAND COVER MAP # Faqir an O # Sang Qowl Rahim Dad # # Diktur (1) # Owr Mordah Dahane Barikak D # Barigah # # # Sare Jiska # Baday # # Kheyr Khaneh # Uchak # R # Jandad # # # # # # # # # # Shakhalkhar Zardargin Bumak # # Takhuni # # # # # # # Karez Nazar # Ambolagh # # # # # # Barikak # # Hesar # # # # # Yarum # # # A P # # # # # # Kataqal'a Kormurda # # # # Qeshlaqha Riga Jusha Tar Bulagh # # # # # # ## # # # # # # # # # # # Ahangari # # Kuz Foladay # Minqol # # # Syahreg (2) # # # Maqa # Sanginak # # Baghalak # # # # # # # # # Sangband # Orka B aba # Godowl # Nayak # # # Gadagak # # # # Kota Khwab Altan # # Bahram # # # Katar # # # Barik # Qafak # Qargatak # # # # # # Garmak (3) # # # # # # # # # # Ternawa # # # Kadul # # # # Ghwach # K # # Ata # # # Dandab # # # # # Qole Khugan Sewak (2) Sorkh Dival # # # # # # # # Qabzar (2) # # Bandali # Ajar # Shebar # Hajegak # Sawzsang Podina N ## # # Churka # Nala # # # # # # # Qabzar-1 Turgha # Tughni # Warzang Sultani # # # # # # # # # # # # # Ramzi Qureh Now Juy Negah # # # # # # # # Shew Qowl # Syahsangak A # # # # # # # O # Diktur (2) # Kajak # # Mar Bolagh R V # Ajeda # Gola Karizak # # # Navor Sham # # Dahane Yakhshi Kolukh P # # # # AIMS Y Tanakhak Qal'a-i Dasht I Qole Aymad # Kotal Olsenak Mianah Bed # # # # N Tarbolagh Mar qolak Minqolak Sare Bed Sare Kor ya Ta`ina -
Local Perspectives on Peace and Elections Ghazni Province, South-Eastern Afghanistan
Local perspectives on peace and elections Ghazni Province, south-eastern Afghanistan Interviews conducted by Abdul Hadi Sadat, a researcher with Unit (AREU), the Center for Policy and Human Development over 15 years of experience in qualitative social research with (CPHD) and Creative Associates International. He has a degree organisations including the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation injournalism from Kabul University. ABSTRACT The following statements are taken from longer their views on elections, peace and reconciliation. interviews with community members across two Respondents’ ages and ethnic groups vary, as do their different rural districts in Ghazni Province in south- levels of literacy. Data were collected by Abdul Hadi eastern Afghanistan between November 2017 and Sadat as part of a larger research project funded by the March 2018. Interviewees were asked questions about UK’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Female NGO employee I think the international organisations’ involvement is very Government officials and the IEC [Independent Election vital and they have an important role in elections, but I Commission] are not capable of talking with the Taliban don’t think they will have an important role in reconciliation regarding the election, but community representatives can with the Taliban because they themselves do not want convince them not to do anything to disrupt the election and Afghanistan to be in peace. If they wanted this we would even encourage them to participate in the election process. have better life. They have the power to force the Taliban to reconcile with Afghanistan government. Female youth, unemployed I don’t know for sure whether the Taliban will allow elections Male village elder to take place here or not, but in those villages where the For decades we have been experiencing war so all people security is low the Taliban will not let the people go to the are very tired with fighting, killing and bombing. -
LAND RELATIONS in BAMYAN PROVINCE Findings from a 15 Village Case Study
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics Case Studies Series LAND RELATIONS IN BAMYAN PROVINCE Findings from a 15 village case study Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit By Liz Alden Wily February 2004 Funding for this study was provided by the European Commission, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan and the governments of Sweden and Switzerland. © 2004 The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU). All rights reserved. This case study report was prepared by an independent consultant. The views and opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of AREU. About the Author Liz Alden Wily is an independent political economist specialising in rural property issues and in the promotion of common property rights and devolved systems for land administration in particular. She gained her PhD in the political economy of land tenure in 1988 from the University of East Anglia, United Kingdom. Since the 1970s, she has worked for ten third world governments, variously providing research, project design, implementation and policy guidance. Dr. Alden Wily has been closely involved in recent years in the strategic and legal reform of land and forest administration in a number of African states. In 2002 the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit invited Dr. Alden Wily to examine land ownership problems in Afghanistan, and she continues to return to follow up on particular concerns. About the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) is an independent research organisation that conducts and facilitates action-oriented research and learning that informs and influences policy and practice. -
LAND RELATIONS in BAMYAN PROVINCE Findings from a 15 Village Case Study
Case Studies Series LAND RELATIONS IN BAMYAN PROVINCE Findings from a 15 village case study Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit By Liz Alden Wily February 2004 Funding for this study was provided by the European Commission, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan and the governments of Sweden and Switzerland. © 2004 The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU). All rights reserved. This case study report was prepared by an independent consultant. The views and opinions expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of AREU. About the Author Liz Alden Wily is an independent political economist specialising in rural property issues and in the promotion of common property rights and devolved systems for land administration in particular. She gained her PhD in the political economy of land tenure in 1988 from the University of East Anglia, United Kingdom. Since the 1970s, she has worked for ten third world governments, variously providing research, project design, implementation and policy guidance. Dr. Alden Wily has been closely involved in recent years in the strategic and legal reform of land and forest administration in a number of African states. In 2002 the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit invited Dr. Alden Wily to examine land ownership problems in Afghanistan, and she continues to return to follow up on particular concerns. About the Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) The Afghanistan Research and Evaluation Unit (AREU) is an independent research organisation that conducts and facilitates action-oriented research and learning that informs and influences policy and practice. AREU also actively promotes a culture of research and learning by strengthening analytical capacity in Afghanistan and by creating opportunities for analysis, thought and debate. -
Kabul Municipality
د اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن اﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺟﻤﻬﻮری دوﻟﺖ دوﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮری اﺳﻼﻣﯽ اﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎن Kabul Municipality ﺩ ﺳﻴﻤﻪ ﻳﻴﺰﻭ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻮﻧﻮ ﺧﭙﻠﻮﺍﮐﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺭﮔﺎﻧﻬﺎي ﻣﺤﻠﻲ Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Islamic Republic of Afghanistan Independent Directorate of Local Governance THE STATE OF AFGHAN CITIES 2015 MINISTER’S FOREWORD Ministry of Urban Development Affairs Cities have great potential to improve livelihoods, drive economic growth and provide safe and affordable housing and adequate services. With continued urbanisation in Afghan cities occurring in the next few decades, there is a great opportunity to promote urban development that is sustainable, equitable and a catalyst for economic growth. The priorities of the National Unity Government of Afghanistan for the urban sector are very clear. The ‘Realizing Self-Reliance’ Framework presented at the London Conference on Afghanistan in 2014 explicitly stated cities are to be drivers of economic development. The Ministry of Urban Development Affairs (MUDA) is currently leading the drafting of an Urban National Priority Programme (U-NPP) and associated comprehensive urban development programme. Together these will lay the foundations for a sustainable urban future. However in Afghanistan, basic information for urban areas does not exist, is outdated, or not shared. As a result, MUDA has been challenged to pro-actively guide the growth of Afghanistan’s cities and harness urbanisation as a driver of development. This State of Afghan Cities 2014/15 report and associated dataset is already providing essential inputs to these ongoing processes. It will ensure the outcomes are pragmatic and reflect the ground realities across the country. I sincerely thank all programme partners, the Government of Australia, and UN-Habitat for supporting MUDA to implement this programme. -
Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Urban Studies Senior Seminar Papers Urban Studies Program 11-2009 Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan Benjamin Dubow University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/senior_seminar Dubow, Benjamin, "Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan" (2009). Urban Studies Senior Seminar Papers. 13. https://repository.upenn.edu/senior_seminar/13 Suggested Citation: Benjamin Dubow. "Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan." University of Pennsylvania, Urban Studies Program. 2009. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/senior_seminar/13 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Ethnicity, Space, and Politics in Afghanistan Abstract The 2004 election was a disaster. For all the unity that could have come from 2001, the election results shattered any hope that the country had overcome its fractures. The winner needed to find a way to unite a country that could not be more divided. In Afghanistan’s Panjshir Province, runner-up Yunis Qanooni received 95.0% of the vote. In Paktia Province, incumbent Hamid Karzai received 95.9%. Those were only two of the seven provinces where more than 90% or more of the vote went to a single candidate. Two minor candidates who received less than a tenth of the total won 83% and 78% of the vote in their home provinces. For comparison, the most lopsided state in the 2004 United States was Wyoming, with 69% of the vote going to Bush. This means Wyoming voters were 1.8 times as likely to vote for Bush as were Massachusetts voters. Paktia voters were 120 times as likely to vote for Karzai as were Panjshir voters. -
Afghanistan: the Conflict Between Hazaras and Kuchis in the Beshud Districts of Wardak Province
Response Afghanistan: The conflict between Hazaras and Kuchis in the Beshud Districts of Wardak Province Topics/questions: What are the main causes of the conflict between Hazaras and Kuchis in Behsud in Wardak province? How are the attacks between the groups organised? Brief information about the background of the conflict The conflict between Hazaras and Kuchis1 in Wardak province dates back to Abdur Rahman Khan’s regime at the end of the 19th century and the policy pursued by the regime to secure control of the Hazara-dominated central areas of Afghanistan (Hazarajat). In addition to waging war, endeavours were made to establish influence and control by moving religiously educated Sunni Pashtuns into these areas. Taxes were also levied on the Hazaras, arrangements were made to facilitate the buying and selling of Hazara slaves (prohibited in 1923), and Pashtuns from the south, primarily from the Kandahar area, were encouraged to migrate into these areas (Milich 2009). According to Rassul (2010), the Hazara communities in the central parts of Afghanistan were relatively independent before Abdur Rahman gained control. During the reign of Rahman, many Hazaras were killed or forced to leave the area, and Kuchis allied with Rahman were given rights to grazing land in the areas (Ferdinand 2006, pp. 186 – 188)2. Since Abdur Rahman’s time, the Hazara people have been exploited and oppressed by many regimes in Kabul, most recently by the Taliban, among other things through taxation, the redistribution of land, forced marriages and the promotion of Pashto at the expense of Hazaragi (the Hazaras’ spoken language, a dialect variant of Dari). -
Over a Century of Persecution: Massive Human Rights Violation Against Hazaras in Afghanistan
OVER A CENTURY OF PERSECUTION: MASSIVE HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION AGAINST HAZARAS IN AFGHANISTAN CONCENTRATED ON ATTACKS OCCURRED DURING THE NATIONAL UNITY GOVERNMENT PREPARED BY: MOHAMMAD HUSSAIN HASRAT DATE: FEBRUARY,2019 ABBREVIATIONS AIHRC Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission ALP Afghan Local Police ANA Afghanistan National Army ANBP Afghanistan National Border Police ANP Afghanistan National Police ANSF Afghanistan National Security Forces ANDS Afghanistan National Directorate of Security BBC British Broadcasting Corporation DFAT Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade EU European Union HRW Human Rights Watch IDE Improvised Explosive Devices IDP Internal Displaced Person ISAF International Security Assistance Force IS-PK Islamic state- Khorasan Province MP Member of Parliament NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organizations NUG National Unity Government PC Provincial Council UNAMA United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan UNDP United Nations Development Programmes I TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…….…1 2. SECURITY CONTEXT OF AFGHANISTAN …………………………………………………………………………….….…3 3. METHODOLOGY…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………6 4. THE EXTENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATION AGAINST HAZARAS IN AFGHANISTAN....6 5. TARGET KILLING AND ORCHESTRATED ATTACK...………………………....…….………….………………….11 a. THE TALIBAN ATTACKS ON JAGHORI, UROZGAN AND MALISTAN…...…................………….….…11 b. SUICIDE ATTACKS ON MAIWAND WRESTLING CLUB..................................................................................16 -
Country Profiles
Global Coalition EDUCATION UNDER ATTACK 2020 GCPEA to Protect Education from Attack COUNTRY PROFILES AFGHANISTAN Attacks on education accelerated in Afghanistan during the reporting period. In 2018, a dramatic rise in attacks on schools occurred, almost half of which were associated with the use of educational facilities for voter registration and polling; polling-related attacks also occurred throughout the 2019 presidential elections process. Threats and attacks against students and education personnel also increased, particularly in areas of the country controlled by non-state armed groups. Context The 2017-2019 reporting period saw increased fighting between theAfghan government, international forces, and non- state armed groups, including the Taliban and the “Islamic State of Khorasan Province” (ISKP) in Afghanistan. In 2019, multiple peace talks between the United States and the Taliban took place in Qatar amidst ongoing fighting, however no peace deal was reached during the reporting period.238 Fighting between armed parties, along with targeted attacks by the Taliban and “ISKP”, caused substantial numbers of civilian casualties.239 In 2019, the United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) recorded 3,403 civilian deaths and 6,989 civilian injuries – the lowest level of civilian casualties recorded since 2013.240 However, significant periods of violence occurred during the year; between July and September 2019, UNAMA recorded the highest number of civilian casualties in a single quarter since 2009.241 Violence particularly impacted young people in 2019, when the UN reported that children comprised 30 percent of all civilian causalities and 78 percent of all casualties from explosive remnants of war (ERW) and landmines.242 Rising insecurity appeared to have a negative effect on school attendance. -
Counterinsurgency, Local Militias, and Statebuilding in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ COUNTERINSURGENCY, LOCAL MILITIAS, AND STATEBUILDING IN AFGHANISTAN Jonathan Goodhand and Aziz Hakimi ABOUT THE REPORT Much international effort and funding have focused on building and bureaucratizing the means of violence in Afghanistan. At the same time, parallel government and NATO experiments have armed local defense forces, including local militias, under the Afghan Local Police (ALP) program to fight the insurgency and provide security at the local level. This report—which is based on a year’s research in Kabul and the provinces of Wardak, Baghlan, and Kunduz—seeks to understand the role and impact of the ALP on security and political dynamics in the context of ongoing counterinsurgency and stabilization operations and the projected drawdown of international troops in 2014 . ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jonathan Goodhand is a professor of conflict and development studies in the Development Studies department at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London. His research interests include the political economy of aid, conflict, and postwar reconstruction, with a particular focus on Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. Aziz Hakimi is a PhD candidate at SOAS. His dissertation focuses on the ALP in relation to Afghan statebuilding. Cover photo: Afghan Local Police candidates, Daykundi Province, by Petty Officer 2nd Class David Brandenburg, supplied by DVIDS The views expressed in this report are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Ave., NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
Reconnaissance Investigation of the Placer Gold Deposits in the Zarkashan Area of Interest, Ghazni Province, Afghanistan
Prepared in cooperation with the Afghan Geological Survey under the auspices of the U.S. Department of Defense Task Force for Business and Stability Operations Reconnaissance Investigation of the Placer Gold Deposits in the Zarkashan Area of Interest, Ghazni Province, Afghanistan By Katherine C. Malpeli, Peter G. Chirico, and Isabel H. McLoughlin Open-File Report 2013–1179 USGS Afghanistan Project Product No. 185 U.S. Department of the Interior U.S. Geological Survey U.S. Department of the Interior SALLY JEWELL, Secretary U.S. Geological Survey Suzette M. Kimball, Acting Director U.S. Geological Survey, Reston, Virginia: 2013 For more information on the USGS—the Federal source for science about the Earth, its natural and living resources, natural hazards, and the environment—visit http://www.usgs.gov or call 1–888–ASK–USGS For an overview of USGS information products, including maps, imagery, and publications, visit http://www.usgs.gov/pubprod To order this and other USGS information products, visit http://store.usgs.gov Suggested citation: Malpeli, K.C., Chirico, P.G., and McLoughlin, I.H., 2013, Reconnaissance investigation of the placer gold deposits in the Zarkashan Area of Interest, Ghazni Province, Afghanistan: U.S. Geological Survey Open-File Report 2013–1179, 12 p., http://pubs.usgs.gov/of/2013/1179. Any use of trade, firm, or product names is for descriptive purposes only and does not imply endorsement by the U.S. Government. Although this information product, for the most part, is in the public domain, it also may contain copyrighted materials as noted in the text. Permission to reproduce copyrighted items must be secured from the copyright owner.