UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Subjects of the Global: An Aesthetic and Historical Inquiry into Neoliberal Change in Palestine, Israel and France 1945-2010 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9v60b497 Author Cohen, Kfir Publication Date 2014 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Subjects of the Global: An Aesthetic and Historical Inquiry into Neoliberal Change in Palestine, Israel and France 1945- 2010 By Kfir Cohen A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Dissertation Committee Professor Daniel Boyarin, Co-Chair Professor Chana Kronfeld, Co-Chair Professor Martin Jay Professor Margaret Larkin Professor Barbara Spackman Spring 2014 Abstract Subjects of the Global: An Aesthetic and Historical Inquiry into Neoliberal Change in Palestine, Israel and France 1945-2010 by Kfir Cohen Doctor of Philosophy in Comparative Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Daniel Boyarin, Co-Chair Professor Chana Kronfeld, Co-Chair The dissertation proposes a new historical understanding of Palestinian, Israeli and French-Algerian (Beur) literary imagination beginning in the second half of the twentieth century. This line of thought concentrates on the relationship between literary production and state formation, and in so doing contests and at times rejects the historical and aesthetic categories of post-Zionism and postcolonial studies, which privilege nationalism and its ideological content. Taking a new direction, the dissertation advances two claims. First, I argue that to understand changes in literary form, as well as the conditions for the emergence of aesthetic autonomy we need to account for the changing conjuncture of global capital, national political forms and the entry of immigrant population into civil society. I maintain that as economic liberalization processes separate the categories of the personal and the political, whether in a nationalist or ethnicized communities, civil society, as the site of the private, emerges as a semiautonomous third term, providing the ground and forms of literary imagination. My inquiry is then attentive to the consequences of privatization - establishment of NGOs in Palestine after the 1993 Oslo Accords, liberalization in Israel beginning in 1985, and the shift of the Algerian community from immigrants to citizens in France in the early 1980s - and understands them as moments of historical and aesthetic transformation. Second, as the sphere of private life (civil society) is separated from the sphere of the political (state), the conditions for “aesthetic autonomy” in Immanuel Kant’s sense of an aesthetic activity lacking a concept emerge. For if in the first historical moment the immediacy of the “the political” provided the determinate concept, or universal, for the literary work, in the second moment the social separation of the “political” from the “private” allows for the indeterminate relation between the particular and the universal, akin to reflective (aesthetic) judgments in Kant’s sense. In Palestine (Ch. 1), I trace the changes in literary political imagination as Palestine enters the global network of foreign capital flows. Such changes are associated with the creation of proto-state institutions such as the Palestinian National Authority (PA), but more importantly with the constitution of a professional civil society in the form of foreign funded NGOs. Such changes initiated a symbolic separation between the political and civil spheres and correspondingly reoriented the literary gaze. As a civil activity, separated from the Palestinian national struggle, now novels not only imagine Palestine through the 1 individual lives of private citizens gazing into the political as a separate sphere, they are also written for a global rather than a Palestinian readership. Comparing between Sahar Khalifeh’s Wild Thorns (al-Subar, 1976) and the 21st century works of Adania Shibli, I demonstrate how the latter develops figures of “inwardness” - diaries, letters, perception - that re-imagine the relation between the subject of civil society and the sphere of the political. In Israel (Ch. 2, 3), I trace the shift from Zionist-centric to a neoliberal imagination through readings in Shimon Ballas’s trilogy Tel-Aviv East, written in installments between 1950s and the 1990s. Following new globalization studies on Israel, I show that since 1985 the liberalization of the Israeli economy altered the statist model and brought about the autonomization of civil society in which private interests began operating separately from the state. Drawing from these studies, I argue that such a structural transition concomitantly altered both social subjectivities and the manner in which Israeli society is imagined. In Ballas’s first and second installments, The Transit Camp and Tel-Aviv East (1950s; 1960s) we see how the struggle between the Zionist state and the Mizrahi subaltern constitutes the spatio-temporal dimensions of the world such that the outcome of the struggle is bound up with the fate of the novelistic world and its space-time. In comparison, the third installment, Outsiders (1990s), imagines a world where characters meet each other not as political subjects but as private producers and distributors of texts on the grounds of a cultural industry allegorized as the Israeli society as a whole. With the evacuation of the temporality of political organization, the novel takes a synchronic temporality, a spatial urban mapping based on the principle of paradigmatic equivalence where all characters meet each other as equivalent identities. In France (Ch. 4, 5), I argue that the shift of the Algerian immigration from the category of “migrant labor” devoid of political rights to the category of “citizen” in the 1980s concomitantly altered the nature of their literary production. If the post-1945 generation was exclusively inscribed in the category of labor and in the aesthetic category of “testimony” in which no separation exists between the body of the immigrant and his speech, then with the entry into the French state and the separation of the private from the political, work from culture, intellectual from manual labor, the conditions for the autonomy of the signifier emerged. This change is most evident in the generic shift from Mehdi Charef’s picaresque novel Tea in the Harem (Le thé au harem d’Archi Ahmed, 1983) to Azouz Begag’s bildungsroman Shantytown Kid (Le gone du Chaâba, 1986). 2 Subjects of the Global: An Aesthetic and Historical Inquiry into Neoliberal Change in Palestine, Israel and France 1945-2010 Kfir Cohen i Acknowledgments In the long course of writing this dissertation I have been guided, aided and advised by many whom I would like to acknowledge here. I thank Chana Kronfeld for accompanying the project from its inception, and for offering meticulous notes and comments throughout. I owe profound gratitude to Daniel Boyarin for taking up my project and for providing me with the warmest and most generous advice and guidance. I owe him some of my happiest moments in Berkeley. I am grateful for Martin Jay’s careful and caring guidance; he has kept a close watch on the theoretical elaborations of the dissertation, ever presenting me with hard questions and expanding the scope of my readings. For opening up for me the world of Arabic language and literature I thank Margaret Larkin. I am thankful for Barbara Spackman’s calm support and encouragement. I thank Robert Alter for taking me through the intricacies of Medieval Hebrew poetry and for showing me the beauty of biblical prose. Special thanks go here to Fredric Jameson who has accompanied and supported my graduate studies from applications to the full manuscript, first moment to last. I owe him all that I know about Marx, Hegel, dialectical sentences and so much more. I cannot imagine what course my theoretical inquiries would have taken had I not met him at UCLA in Spring of 2003. I am indebted also to J. Hillis Miller. I thank him for welcoming me as an auditor to his seminar at UC Irvine, the first I took in the US, and for supporting my application for graduate school. I thank also Samuel Weber for welcoming me as an outside member to Northwestern’s Paris Program in Critical Theory. My Paris year wouldn’t have been the same without the conversations and interlocutors of his weekly seminar. I would like to acknowledge also the Arabic and French language instructors I met along the way. They were many of course but I am especially indebted to my Arabic teachers at Middlebury College, Housni Bennis and Swasan Awad. I also would like to acknowledge Nevenka Korica, at the time the Executive Director of the Center for the Arabic Study Abroad in Cairo. I will be forever grateful for the patience and kindness she showed me during my time in Cairo. For helping me with my French and for insisting on my pronunciation I thank Nicole Dufresne of UCLA French Department. I would like to thank the faculty and staff of the Bryn Mawr Avignon Program, and especially Mélanie Giraud, Philippe Osmalin and Martine Dufor. Special thanks go also to the organizers and regular participants of the Interdisciplinary Marxist Working Group: Annie Macclanahan, Satyel Larsen, Jasper Bernes, Chris Chen, Shane Boyle, Jill Richards, Neil Larsen and Joshua Clover. I had the good fortune
Recommended publications
  • The Lost Decade of the Israeli Peace Camp
    The Lost Decade of the Israeli Peace Camp By Ksenia Svetlova Now that Israeli annexation of Jewish settlements in the West Bank is a commonplace notion, it seems almost impossible that just twelve years ago, Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA) were making significant progress in the US-sponsored bilateral peace negotiations. Since then, the stalemate in the talks has become the new normal, under three consecutive governments headed by Benjamin Netanyahu. The Palestinians, led by Mahmoud Abbas and his government, have been cast as “diplomatic terrorists” for asking the international community for help. The Israeli peace camp has been subjected to a vicious smear campaign that has shaken its self-esteem and ruined its chances of winning over the public. This systematic smearing of Israeli and Palestinian two-staters has paid off. In the April 2019 elections, Israel’s progressive Meretz party teetered on the edge of the electoral barrier while Labor, once the ruling party, gained only six mandates (5% of the votes). The centrist Blue and White, a party led by ex-army chief Benny Gantz, carefully avoided any mention of loaded terms such as “the two-state solution” or “evacuation of settlements”, only calling vaguely to “advance peace” – as part of Israel’s new political vocabulary, which no longer includes “occupation” or even “the West Bank”. Despite offering no clear alternative to the peace option it managed to successfully derail, the Israeli right under Netanyahu has been in power for over a decade in a row, since 2009. Israel’s left-wing parties are fighting to survive; the Palestinians are continuing their fruitless efforts to engage the international community; and the horrid reality of a single state, in which different groups have different political and civil rights, seems just around the corner.
    [Show full text]
  • Strateg Ic a Ssessmen T
    Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Volume 19 Volume The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | No. 4 No. Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | January 2017 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities Emily B. Landau and Ephraim Asculai Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 19 | No. 4 | January 2017 Abstracts | 3 The Prime Minister and “Smart Power”: The Role of the Israeli Prime Minister in the 21st Century | 9 Yair Lapid The Israeli-Palestinian Political Process: Back to the Process Approach | 29 Udi Dekel and Emma Petrack Who’s Afraid of BDS? Economic and Academic Boycotts and the Threat to Israel | 43 Amit Efrati Israel’s Warming Ties with Regional Powers: Is Turkey Next? | 57 Ari Heistein Hezbollah as an Army | 67 Yiftah S. Shapir The Modi Government’s Policy on Israel: The Rhetoric and Reality of De-hyphenation | 79 Vinay Kaura India-Israel Relations: Perceptions and Prospects | 93 Manoj Kumar The Trump Effect in Eastern Europe: Heightened Risks of NATO-Russia Miscalculations | 103 Sarah Fainberg Negotiating Global Nuclear Disarmament: Between “Fairness” and Strategic Realities | 117 Emily B.
    [Show full text]
  • Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
    Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019).
    [Show full text]
  • Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As Of, January 27, 2015) Elections • in Israel, Elections for the Knesset A
    Israel and Overseas: Israeli Election Primer 2015 (As of, January 27, 2015) Elections In Israel, elections for the Knesset are held at least every four years. As is frequently the case, the outgoing government coalition collapsed due to disagreements between the parties. As a result, the Knesset fell significantly short of seeing out its full four year term. Knesset elections in Israel will now be held on March 17, 2015, slightly over two years since the last time that this occurred. The Basics of the Israeli Electoral System All Israeli citizens above the age of 18 and currently in the country are eligible to vote. Voters simply select one political party. Votes are tallied and each party is then basically awarded the same percentage of Knesset seats as the percentage of votes that it received. So a party that wins 10% of total votes, receives 10% of the seats in the Knesset (In other words, they would win 12, out of a total of 120 seats). To discourage small parties, the law was recently amended and now the votes of any party that does not win at least 3.25% of the total (probably around 130,000 votes) are completely discarded and that party will not receive any seats. (Until recently, the “electoral threshold,” as it is known, was only 2%). For the upcoming elections, by January 29, each party must submit a numbered list of its candidates, which cannot later be altered. So a party that receives 10 seats will send to the Knesset the top 10 people listed on its pre-submitted list.
    [Show full text]
  • The Bennett-Lapid ‘Change Government’
    BICOM Briefing The Bennett-Lapid ‘Change Government’ June 2021 The Bennett-Lapid ‘Change Government’ On Wednesday evening, 2 June, Yesh Atid leader Yair Lapid informed President Rivlin that he had succeeded in forming a coalition government, adding that it would “work for all the citizens of Israel, those that voted for it and those that didn’t. It will do everything to unite Israeli society”. Swearing the new government into office, which only requires only a relative majority, will take place within the next 11 days. Yamina’s Naftali Bennett will serve as Prime Minister for the first two years, followed by Lapid. Maariv 1 June, Bennett and Lapid stare lovingly at eachother as the sun – with the face of Netan- yahu sets The Change Government How did we get here? The elections for the 24th Knesset which took place on 23 March 2021 gave neither the pro-Netanyahu bloc nor the anti-Netanyahu bloc a clear majority of 61 seats. Following the results, two parties who defined themselves as unaligned were considered to be key to both sides - Naftali Bennett of Yamina (7 seats) and Mansour Abbas of Raam (4 seats). Bennett emphasised his preference for a right-wing and ultra- Orthodox coalition. When Likud sources sent out feelers to Raam to support the government from outside 2 the coalition, that move was opposed by Bezalel Smotrich and his Religious Zionist party. With Saar unwilling to sit with Netanyahu, and Smotrich unwilling to countenance outside support from Raam, the pro-Netanyahu right-wing/ultra-Orthodox coalition could only muster 59 seats.
    [Show full text]
  • Historical Memory and History in the Memoirs of Iraqi Jews*
    Historical Memory and History in the Memoirs of Iraqi Jews* Mark R. Cohen Memoirs, History, and Historical Memory Following their departure en masse from their homeland in the middle years of the twentieth century, Jews from Iraq produced a small library of memoirs, in English, French, Hebrew, and Arabic. These works reveal much about the place of Arab Jews in that Muslim society, their role in public life, their relations with Muslims, their involvement in Arab culture, the crises that led to their departure from a country in which they had lived for centuries, and, finally, their life in the lands of their dispersion. The memoirs are complemented by some documentary films. The written sources have aroused the interest of historians and scholars of literature, though not much attention has been paid to them as artifacts of historical memory.1 That is the subject of the present essay. Jews in the Islamic World before the Twentieth Century Most would agree, despite vociferous demurrer in certain "neo-lachrymose" circles, that, especially compared to the bleaker history of Jews living in Christian lands, Jews lived fairly securely during the early, or classical, Islamic * In researching and writing this paper I benefited from conversations and correspondence with Professors Sasson Somekh, Orit Bashkin, and Lital Levy and with Mr. Ezra Zilkha. Though a historian of Jews in the Islamic world in the Middle Ages, I chose to write on a literary topic in honor of Tova Rosen, who has contributed so much to our knowledge of another branch of Jewish literature written by Arab Jews.
    [Show full text]
  • Netanyahu Formally Denies Charges in Court
    WWW.JPOST.COM THE Volume LXXXIX, Number 26922 JERUSALEFOUNDED IN 1932 M POSTNIS 13.00 (EILAT NIS 11.00) TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2021 27 SHVAT, 5781 Eye in the sky A joint goal Feminist religious art IAI unveils aerial Amos Yadlin on the need to When God, Jesus surveillance system 6 work with Biden to stop Iran and Allah were women Page 6 Page 9 Page 16 How did we miss Netanyahu formally denies charges in court Judges hint witnesses to be called only after election • PM leaves hearing early the exit • By YONAH JEREMY BOB two to three weeks to review these documents before wit- Prime Minister Benjamin nesses are called, that would ramp? Netanyahu’s defense team easily move the first witness fought with the prosecution beyond March 23. ANALYSIS on Monday at the Jerusalem Judge Rivkah Friedman Feld- • By YONAH JEREMY BOB District Court over calling man echoed the prosecution’s witnesses in his public cor- arguments that the defense A lifetime ago when living ruption trial before the March had between one to two years in northern New Jersey, I 23 election. to prepare for witnesses. But often drove further north for It seemed that the judges ultimately the judges did not work. were leaning toward calling seem anxious to call the first Sometimes the correct exit the first witness in late March witness before March 23. was small and easy to miss. or early April, which they A parallel fight between the But there were around five would present as a compro- sides was the prosecution’s or so exits I could use to avoid mise between the sides.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel's Social Media Elections
    Open Journal of Political Science, 2018, 8, 525-535 http://www.scirp.org/journal/ojps ISSN Online: 2164-0513 ISSN Print: 2164-0505 Israel’s Social Media Elections Yaron Katz HIT—Holon Institute of Technology, Holon, Israel How to cite this paper: Katz, Y. (2018). Abstract Israel’s Social Media Elections. Open Jour- nal of Political Science, 8, 525-535. Social media has become a major tool to disseminate information, opinions https://doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2018.84032 and news, used for political campaigning and offering new opportunities for individuals and politicians alike. The Prime Minister of Israel, Binyamin Ne- Received: August 2, 2018 Accepted: October 28, 2018 tanyahu, has been particularly aggressive in his use of social media to gather Published: October 31, 2018 political support. Considered as the great survivor of Israeli politics, that flourished in the atmosphere of social protests and emerged from the old po- Copyright © 2018 by author and litical mechanism, he derives his power from social networks, using them as Scientific Research Publishing Inc. This work is licensed under the Creative alternative media to the traditional networks. As the research demonstrates, Commons Attribution International social media has determined dramatic changes in the balance of political License (CC BY 4.0). power, and although the main channels of information remain the traditional http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ media, the exposure of the public to social media is accelerating with a wide Open Access unmediated public debate. With social media, newcomers in Israeli politics could also create a presence and rise to become renowned politicians.
    [Show full text]
  • NAFTALI BENNETT INAUGURATION SPEECH at the Knesset in Jerusalem, Israel by Luis B
    NAFTALI BENNETT INAUGURATION SPEECH At the Knesset in Jerusalem, Israel by Luis B. Vega [email protected] www.PostScritpts.org ‘When Sanballat, Tobiah, Geshem the Arab, and the rest of our Enemies heard that I had rebuilt the Wall and not a gap was left, though to that time I had not yet installed the Doors in the Gates, Sanballat and Geshem sent me this message: Come, let us meet together in one of the villages on the plain of Ono. But they were planning to harm me.’ -Nehemiah 6:1-2 The purpose of this study is to 1st provide the official released Inauguration Speech of Israel’s new Prime Minister, Naftali Bennett. The 2nd purposed is to analyze key prophetic inferences related to the Last Days that are pertinent from the speech in light of a Christian perspective and interpretation of world event and Israel’s coming 70th Week for Years. It is very interesting how when such national events occur and the occasion is for a Transition of Government, for example, that such People invoke the Name of GOD, in this case, the GOD of Israel, YHVH. Bennett ended his speech with a prayer to ‘Our Heavenly Father, the Rock and Redeemer of Israel’. It is very interesting as it echoes the Triune Nature of YHVH being, Father, Son and the Holy Spirit. If one knows and has read the Gospel accounts of Jesus, it is striking how at the account of the Resurrection of Jesus, Mary Magdalene sought to locate the body of Jesus. Why? She came to the Garden Tomb and found that the Stone that had sealed the Tomb was rolled away.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dove Flyer Free
    FREE THE DOVE FLYER PDF Eli Amir,Hillel Halkin | 560 pages | 18 Feb 2010 | Halban Publishers | 9781905559183 | English | London, United Kingdom The Dove Flyer by Eli Amir: | : Books The Jews The Dove Flyer Iraq. Set in Baghdad,a young man named Kabi Daniel Gad sees his family as the final person in a legacy of seventy generations in the making. His family faces the news that the Jewish community is being forced to leave Iraq and depart the land where their ancestors lived for many years. Kabi finds himself with a mission for which he is much too young but for which he nevertheless steps up to— helping find justice for Hazkel. His The Dove Flyer Abu Uri Gavrielfinally, just wants to take care of his doves in peace and pretend that good. The film strongly conveys the political ideologies, religious affinities, and cultural identities that clashed at the time and still do today around the globe. It gives us a portrait of collective loss by intersecting various family members throughout their own journeys. He flirts with romance with his aunt- by-marriage Rachelle and his friend Adnan Tawfeek Barhoum teaches Kabi that revolution and sex go hand-in-hand. He is an innocent who goes through his own awakening as he cannot hold onto the conviction behind the play on home, family, and connection that his family emphasizes as The Dove Flyer try to hold onto their homeland and the home of seventy generations of his family. Gad as Kabi gives a very strong performance as Kabi searches for answers and guidance along the way.
    [Show full text]
  • Young Israel Shomrai Emunah - Shabbos Shorts May 1 - 2, 2020 - 8 Iyar 5780 - Parshas Acharei Mos/Kedoshim Light Candles by 7:43 - Havdalah 8:47
    Young Israel Shomrai Emunah - Shabbos Shorts May 1 - 2, 2020 - 8 Iyar 5780 - Parshas Acharei Mos/Kedoshim Light Candles by 7:43 - Havdalah 8:47 The Shabbos Shorts is sponsored this week by Debi and Max Rudmann in commemoration of the Yahrtzeit of Debi’s brother, Moshe Baruch Ben Natan Hacohen, Z”L. Mazal Tov Weekday Shiurim • Masha & Seth Katz on the engagement of their son, Yisrael Menachem, Options for remote learning are listed below. For the latest list, to Esther Yehudis, daughter of Naomi & Jan Meisler. Mazal Tov to go to https://wp.yise.org/remote-learning-schedule/ grandparents Howard Katz, Bobbi & Jules Meisler, and Beverly • Rabbi Rosenbaum - Daily - one chapter of Tehillim Rosenstein. Mazal Tov also to Yisrael's brothers, Hershel and Meir, and followed by a 15-minute Shiur on the Parsha. Sunday 9:00 Esther's siblings, Nossi and Chaya Malka, as well as to aunt & uncle AM/Monday through Friday 8:30 AM - Zoom A. Aliza & Manasseh Katz, and the extended Katz and Meisler families. • Rabbi Rosenbaum - Daily - one chapter of Tehillim, followed by a 15minute Halacha Shiur. Sunday through • Lois & Sid Meyers on the marriage of their granddaughter Shoshana Thursday, 7:30 PM - Zoom A. Strauss, daughter of Jessica & Rabbi Yekusiel Strauss of Fallsburg, NY, • Rabbi Rosenbaum’s Mussar Study Group for Women to Moshe Gleich, son of Rivka & Doniel Gleich of Monsey, NY. (spiritual self-improvement), Sundays at 9:30 AM, Zoom A. • Mindy & Shmuel Tolchinsky on the birth of a granddaughter, Toba • Rabbi Rosenbaum’s Gemara Shiur for Men, Tuesdays and Liba, to their children Motti & Batsheva Tolchinsky of Cleveland, OH.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel: 2021 Parliamentary Election and New Coalition Government
    By Nigel Walker 14 June 2021 Israel: 2021 parliamentary election and new coalition government Summary 1 Background 2 2021 Parliamentary election commonslibrary.parliament.uk Number CBP 9189 Israel: 2021 parliamentary election and new coalition government Image Credits .Wikimedia Commons page – טימי טרנר (Israel) flag by (Timmy Turner) ישראל / image cropped. Licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0). Disclaimer The Commons Library does not intend the information in our research publications and briefings to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. We have published it to support the work of MPs. You should not rely upon it as legal or professional advice, or as a substitute for it. We do not accept any liability whatsoever for any errors, omissions or misstatements contained herein. You should consult a suitably qualified professional if you require specific advice or information. Read our briefing ‘Legal help: where to go and how to pay’ for further information about sources of legal advice and help. This information is provided subject to the conditions of the Open Parliament Licence. Feedback Every effort is made to ensure that the information contained in these publicly available briefings is correct at the time of publication. Readers should be aware however that briefings are not necessarily updated to reflect subsequent changes. If you have any comments on our briefings please email [email protected]. Please note that authors are not always able to engage in discussions with members of the public who express opinions about the content of our research, although we will carefully consider and correct any factual errors.
    [Show full text]