Anarchism and Political Theory

ANARCHISM AND POLITICAL THEORY: Contemporary Problems by Uri Gordon Mansfield College University of Oxford Submitted to the Department of Politics & International Relations in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (DPhil) Approximate word count: 95,000 1 For my parents, Shifra and Ze'ev and in memory of Yosef Gordon (1920-2005) 2 ABSTRACT Anarchism and Political Theory: Contemporary Problems / Uri Gordon, Mansfield College Submitted for the degree of DPhil in Politics, Trinity 2005 This thesis explores contemporary anarchism, in its re-emergence as a social movement and political theory over the past decade. Its method combines cultural sociology and philosophical argumentation, in a participatory research framework. The first part, “Explaining Anarchism”, argues that it should be addressed primarily as a political culture, with distinct forms of organisation, of campaigning and direct action repertoires, and of political discourse and ideology. Largely discontinuous with the historical workers’ and peasants’ anarchist movement, contemporary anarchism has fused in the intersection of radical direct-action movements in the North since the 1960s: feminism, ecology, and the resistance to nuclear energy and weapons, war, and neoliberal globalisation. Anarchist ideological discourse is analysed with attention to key concepts such as “domination” and “prefigurative politics”, emphasising the avowedly open-ended, experimental nature of the anarchist project. The second part, “Anarchist Anxieties”, is a set of theoretical interventions in four major topics of controversy in anarchism today. Leadership in anarchist politics is addressed through sustained attention to the concept of power, proposing an agenda for equalising access to influence among activists, and an “ethic of solidarity” around the wielding of non-coercive power. Violence is approached through a recipient-based definition of the concept, exploring the limits of any attempt to justify violence and offering observations on violent empowerment, revenge and armed struggle. Technology is subject to a strong anarchist critique, which stresses its inherently social nature, leading to the exploration of Luddism, the disillusioned use of ICTs, and the promotion of lo-tech, sustainable human-nature interfaces as strategical directions for an anarchist politics of technology. Finally, the lens of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is used to address anarchist dilemmas around national liberation, exploring anarchist responses in conflict-ridden societies, and direct action approaches to peacemaking. 3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My first and foremost debt is to my supervisor, Michael Freeden, without whose support and guidance this thesis would have never been possible. In his patient yet uncompromising way, Michael has provided a great deal of perspective, insight and criticism which were invaluable throughout my work. David Miller and Elizabeth Frazer read drafts of four of the chapters in this dissertation and offered important suggestions. Katherine Morris, my college advisor, was also of great help and support during the difficult and anxious process of writing. So many individual comrades and colleagues have contributed to this thesis without reading my written work that I could never mention some without doing injustice to others. If you, reader, have ever exchanged ideas with me in conversation, then something of the following pages is yours, as is my heartfelt thanks. During research for this thesis I have enjoyed the hospitality of several infospaces and collective houses, whose living example of “anarchy in action” will always be remembered: Can Masdeu (Barcelona), Centre Autonome (Lausanne), Cecco Rivolta (Firenze), CIA (Amsterdam), Equinox (Manchester) Eurodusnie (Leiden), Forte Prenestino (Roma), Les Naus (Barcelona), Les Tanneries (Dijon), Le Tour (Geneve), Ragman's Lane (Wye Valley) Salon Mazal (Tel Aviv) and Talamh (Lanarkshire). Finally, my parents, Ze’ev and Shifra, my sisters, Noa and If'at, and my partner, Lucy Michaels, have been there for me throughout, to offer their unconditional support. It is to them that I am ultimately indebted. 4 CONTENTS ABSTRACT.............................................................................................................................. .............3 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..................................................................................................................4 INTRODUCTION.................................................................................................................................6 PART I – EXPLAINING ANARCHISM Chapter 1 – WHAT MOVES THE MOVEMENT?.......................................................................43 Anarchism as a Political Culture Chapter 2 – THREADS OF RESISTANCE.....................................................................................80 Tracing the Genealogy of Contemporary Anarchism Chapter 3 – WHAT ANARCHISTS WANT...............................................................................101 T he Logic of Anti-Authoritarian Political Language PART II – ANARCHIST ANXIETIES Chapter 4 – POWER AND EQUALITY.........................................................................................131 Leadership and Power in Anarchist Organising, Part One Chapter 5 – POWER, INVISIBILITY AND SOLIDARITY..........................................................166 Leadership and Power in Anarchist Organising, Part Two Chapter 6 – BEYOND “DIVERSITY OF TACTICS”....................................................................205 Re-Assessing the Anarchist Debate on Violence Chapter 7 – LUDDITES AND HACKERS ...................................................................................248 Defining a Broad-based Anarchist Politics of Technology Chapter 8 – UNHOLY LAND.............................. .........................................................................293 Anarchism, Nationalism and Israeli-Palestinian Peace CONCLUSION.................................................................................................................................323 REFERENCES...................................................................................................................................328 5 INTRODUCTION Stirling, Scotland – July 6 2005 – 4AM. From the temporary “Hori-Zone” eco-village, where anti-G8 activists have been camping for the past week, a mass exodus is in progress. In small groups, thousands of people trek through fields and hills, making their way to the M9 motorway. It is still dark when scores of men in black riot gear emerge out of police vans to surround the eco-village, but most of its inhabitants have already made it to the tarmac – now dragging branches and bricks onto the road or staging mass sit-downs. The intention: to block delegates, staff and workers from arriving at the prestigious Gleneagles hotel, the G8 summit venue. Meanwhile, emerging from within the camp, a remaining five hundred protesters begin pushing their way through one police line after another, on their way to the motorway. Some use a “battering ram” made of large inflated tyre-liners. Others convince lines of riot police to retreat by pelting stones at their large transparent plastic shields. As reinforcements rush to the scene, the celebratory defacement of corporate retail outlets quickly ends in favour of a rush to the motorway. Then news arrives that the railway approach to Gleneagles has been disabled – the tracks raised off the ground with a compressor, tyres set aflame as warning. Meanwhile on the M9, police remove one group of protesters from the motorway, only to have another group blockade it a few hundred metres down. At that point, all access roads to Gleneagles from the north and southeast are simultaneously blockaded by six affinity groups, targeting the most obvious pressure-points for transport. There is no exit from Perth or Crieff, and American and Japanese delegates are forced to turn 6 back at Kinkell Bridge and Yetts o’ Muckhart. Small groups of people, who have been hiding near their targets overnight, now lie on the tarmac linked through metal arm- tubes, or attached to an obstructing vehicle. Tactics developed through two decades of anti-roads protests and resistance to forest clearing are now creating long queues of vehicles around Scotland delaying the start of the meeting of the leaders of the seven most industrialised nations in the world and Russia. A leaflet distributed earlier that week at the “Make Poverty History” march in Edinburgh, its text reproduced here, explains the blockaders’ motivations: MAKE HISTORY: SHUT DOWN THE G8 The G8 have shown time and time again that they are unable to do anything but further the destruction of this world we all share. Can we really believe that the G8 will “Make Poverty History” when their only response is to continue their colonial pillage of Africa through corporate privatisation? Can we expect them to tackle climate change when whether or not it is a serious problem is up for debate, as their own leaked documents show? Marching is only the first step. More is needed as marches are often ignored: think back to the mega- marches against the Iraq war. The G8 need to be given a message they can’t ignore. They can’t ignore us blocking the roads to their golf course, disrupting their meeting and saying with our bodies what we believe in – a better world. However, we don’t need to ask the G8 to create a better world. We can start right now,

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