Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol?

(Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Erika Kathleen Smith

T hesi s submi t t ed f or t he degr ee of Doctor of Philosophy

I nst i t ut e f or Cul t ur e and Soci et y Uni versi t y of West ern Sydney

February 2016

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Statement of authentication

The work presented in this thesis is, to the best of my knowledge and belief, original except as acknowl edged i n t he t ext . I her eby decl ar e t hat I have not submi t t ed t hi s material either in full or in part, for a degree at this or any other institution.

Erika Kathleen Smith 2 February 2016.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Dedication

I dedicate this thesis to my parents and grandparents.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Acknowledgements

I must begin by thanking my parents for their support throughout my studies at university. Their selfless determination to provide me with all your support made completing this task possible and something I am so deeply appreciative of.

I am deepl y gr at ef ul t o my ext r aor di nar y super vi sor s Pr of essor D avi d Rowe, A ssoci at e Pr of essor Robyn Bushel l , and D oct or Russel l St ai f f . M y speci al t hanks t o D avi d f or hi s patience, for critically reading my work, and providing me with incisive and constructive feedback. His expertise has helped me develop my writing, editing and conceptual skills. Thank you to Russell who spent many afternoons over tea in the QVB, helping me develop my research topic and prompting me to pursue new ideas. And thank you to Robyn for offering suggestions for developing sections of the thesis, and who has been such a supportive and positive supervisor. I am indebted to all my supervisors for their knowledge, but I acknowledge that any errors or shortcomings in this dissertation are my own.

I want t o acknowl edge t he Uni ver si t y of West er n Sydney f or t hei r gener ous hi gher degree research scholarship, for which I am very thankful. I would like to recognise the I nst i t ut e of Cul t ur e and Soci et y (I CS) f or of f er i ng me a pl ace t o st udy and a gr eat and supportive learning environment. I am grateful to the ICS for giving me the opportunity to travel to the Advanced Cultural Studies Institute at Linköping, University in Sweden, and to conduct my fieldwork on the Kokoda Track in Papua New Guinea. I would also l i ke t o expr ess my gr at i t ude t o Pr of essor G reg N obl e and t he H i gher D egr ee Resear ch Committee who were encouraging and supportive, especially in my final years.

It is now that I have been away from the ICS for some time and seen so many of my comr ades gr aduat e t hat I t r ul y appr eci at e t he wonder f ul soci al and l ear ni ng envi r onment that we had. It was because of the ICS that I met great people and dear friends. In no particular order, thank you Jacqui, Ingrid, Brendan, Bettie, Shanna, Pariece, Kev, Jo, Takeshi, Ryan, Jackie, Kearrin, Cathy, Mike, Michelle, Christy, Ruth, Johanna, Ann, Simone, Enda, Jen, Michael, Christian, Scott, Vibha, Louise, Bryn, Deb, Giulia, Willem, Seb, A ndr ea, K ar i n, Jacki e, Sherene, Sue A nn, E ce, and M i cke.

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

I would like to thank my sister Alison and her partner Alex for coping with me when we l i ved under t he same r oof . T hank you t o my gr andpar ent s M ama, Papa, O gi san and Obasan, you were the inspiration behind this dissertation. Also, to Benji, Charlie, Meow- Meow, Mr. Pickles and Sally, thank you for showing me, especially during the more challenging times, that you still loved me.

To my trek leader and fellow trekkers, it seems a contradiction because of the difficult times we faced, but thank you for the many laughs and friendships on the Kokoda Track. A special thank you to Guy for being a hobby photographer and lugging his professional camera equipment along. Your photos were of far better quality than mine, and I thank you for providing me with copies.

The trek would not have been possible without the help of the Papua New Guinean guides and carriers, especially Bob, Sammy and Pete. I would like to acknowledge the tradition owners of the land, the Orokaivan, Koiari, and Binideri peoples, and thank the people who live along the Track. What a sight we must have been when we ‘rolled into town’, with our walking poles, hydralyte and head torches. I do hope that we (Australians) improve our relationship with Papua New Guinea and see the peoples as more than Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. Finally, thank you to Doctor Ben Imbun from the School of Business at UWS, for correcting my Tok Pisin.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Table of contents List of Tables ix List of Plates x List of Figures xv Glossary xvi Abstract xix

Chapter 1. The Kokoda Track Phenomenon 2 T he st ar t of a phenomenon 3 Identifying the gaps in texts based on the Kokoda Track 4 O ver ar chi ng thesi s stat ement 8 The Kokoda Track 10 Clarifying terms 14 Subjective positionality 18 Aim 20 Methodology 20 Thesis structure 22

Chapter 2. Contextualising the research 24 Introduction 25 Birth of the nation 27 Papua New Guineans and representations in the early period 30 Forging national identity in the colonial period 33 Development of the Japanese Other 37 The Anzac tradition 41 Whiteness in Australia 48 Digital nationalism 49 Conclusion 50

Chapter 3. The Cultures of Kokoda 52 Introduction 53 Political discourse 54 The trekkers 61 Secular pilgrimage meets adventure tourism 64

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

The Kokoda spirit: building leadership and team bonding 68 Whi t eness and ‘r ace’ on t he K okoda T r ack 70 Expressing nationalism 74 Online expressions of nationalism 74 Charity events that inspire and raise awareness 75 Expressing nationalism with memorial walks in Australia 76 Everyday objects: music, coins, stamps, images and documentaries 76 Expressing nationalism with body art (tattoos) 79 Meanings in print images 83 Conclusion 85

Vignette I. Sapos yu laik kisim gutpela save pastaim yu mas go longpela wokabaut (If you want knowledge, first you must go on a journey) 87

Chapter 4. Whiteman fantasies of Papua New Guineans 110 Introduction 111 How a ‘Boong’ became a ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ 113 The untold history of the Papua New Guinean war experience 123 A Sydney council welcomes Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels 130 The naked native in contemporary representations 133 Homogenisation 138 The ideal native 139 E vi dence of Whi t eman on t he K okoda T r ack 140 Whi t e I ndi genei t y on t he K okoda Tr ack 146 Conclusion 149

Vignette II. 忠実な戦没者へ (To the loyal war dead) 152

Chapter 5. White Indigeneity: examination of Kokoda Track memorials 165 Introduction 166 Background to war memorials 168 War memorials on the Kokoda Track 170 Unmarked memorial sites 171

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Institutional memorials 172 Military museums 182 Personal memorials 188 Statue 192 D i scussi on of t he war memor i al s on t he K okoda T r ack 192 Memorialising the Kokoda Track in Australia 195 Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway at Concord 196 The Kokoda Trail Memorial Walk at St. Agnes 200 D i scussi on of t he K okoda T r ack M emor i al Wal ks i n A ust r al i a 205 The Second World War Gallery of the AWM 206 Sections in the Second World War II Gallery 212 Section 1 213 Section 2 and 3 214 Section 4 214 Section 5 215 Section 6 217 Section 7 220 Section 8 222 Section 9 225 Section 10, 11 and 12 230 Section 13 231 Section 14 233 Section 15 233 Section 16 233 Compet i ng el ement s i n t he Second Wor l d War G al l er y 235 A balancing act: representations of the enemy 237 Photographs excluded from the Second World War Gallery 242 Political viewpoints and ‘race’ in the Second World War Gallery 250 Conclusion 253

Chapter 6. In search of ‘Australian identity’ in contemporary Australia 255 Introduction 256 The Cronulla Riots 257 Cronulla to Kokoda: Ali’s Story 260

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

The Australian flag – inclusion or exclusion 269 The fall of multiculturalism and the rise of the White populist 273 The rise of digital nationalism 282 Conclusion 284

Chapter 7. The Kokoda Track: perpetuating postcolonial discourse and privileging White Australians 286

References 298

Appendices 346 1. A listing of texts written about the Kokoda Track 346 2. A l i st of audi o- vi sual medi a pr oduced about t he K okoda T r ack 353 3. Listing of licensed tour operators (by the Kokoda Track Authority) 355 4. Tattoos that have been inspired by the Kokoda Track plus personal accounts that have been posted on the web 358

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List of Tables

Table Title Page 1.1 Fieldwork and summar y of si t e vi si t s. 21 3.1 Annual permit numbers issued to Australian trekkers f rom 2001-2012. 56 3.2 Pr i me M i ni st er s of AustraliasincetheKokoda Campaign in 1942 and 58 their contributions to the politicisation of the Kokoda Track. 5.1 K okoda Track Memorial WalksinAustralia. 196 5.2 Australian casualties of WWII. Compiledfrom dataextractedfrom 238 Gavin Long (1963).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

List of Plates

Plate Title Page 1.1 Prime Minister Paul K eat i ng ‘ki ssed t he ground’ at the Kokoda M emor i al , 3 PN G, in 1992 in a ‘deliberate act to reposition the battle’s place in our history’ (Photograph courtesy of The D aily Telegraph, Black, 2012). 1.2 Map of Papua N ew G ui nea. The Kokoda Track connects Owers’ Corner, 11 near Sogeri (north of Port Moresby), to Kokoda (Ezilon, 2009). 1.3 The Kokoda Track – Owers’ Corner to Kokoda (Back Track Adventures, 12 n.d.). 2.1 13th Platoon D Company, 2/ 1st M achi ne G un Bat t al i on i n I kingi, Egypt, 46 1941. 3.1 Commemoration stamps (photograph by Christopher de H aer, 2009-2012). 78 3.2 Commemor at i ve 50 cent coin to mark the 70th anniversary of the Kokoda 78 T r ack Campai gn (phot ogr aph by D owni es.com). 3.3 Pet er M orr i son, t r ek leader with Adventure Kokoda, n.d. (photograph by 80 Adventure Kokoda). 3.4 Terrence Wallis, 2011 (photograph by Terence Wallis). 80 3.5 N arrell, 2008 (photograph by Adventure Kokoda). 80 3.6 K ade Walter, 2011 (photograph by KokodaBrothers). 81 3.7 Australian book covers, film posters and documentaries DVD jacket s 84 representing Australians and the Kokoda Track during WWI I . VI.1 The trekking groups at Soger i L odgethenight before our trek commenced 89 (photograph by Guy, 2010). VI.2 Photograph of soldiers on the Kokoda Track. Original footage t aken by 91 D amien Parer (1942). The photograph shows soldiers f rom the 39th Militia and 2/ 3rd Battalion. My grandfather is second from the right. VI.3 T he r oad t o O wer s’ Corner (phot ograph by Guy, 2010). 92 VI.4 Sorting out the packs at O wer s’ Corner . The gui des wai t i n t he 93 background. (Photograph by Guy, 2010). VI.5 Bob and the author at Digger ’ s Camp (phot ograph by author, 2010). 93 VI.6 Group photograph at the Kokoda Memorial Archway, Owers’ Corner 94 (photograph by author, 2010). VI.7 Beginning our trek from Owers’Corner(photograph by author, 2010). 94 VI.8 Crossing theriver (photograph by author, 2010). 95 VI.9 Papuan guides having morningtea(photograph by Guy, 2010). 96 VI.10 The trekker s having morningtea(photograph by Guy, 2010). 96 VI.11 I mage of a typical toilet block on the Kokoda Track (photograph by 97 author, 2010). VI.12 The one-person tents for trekkers (photograph by Guy, 2010). 97 VI.13 T he shar ed accommodat i on f or t he guides (photograph by Guy, 2010). 98 VI.14 G uy and t he aut hor havi ng a coconut on our last night on the Kokoda 100 Track in Kovelo village (photograph by author). VI.15 Surgeon’s Rock, just before Isurava (photograph by author, 2010). 101 VI.16 Br ad and Tat e (phot ograph by Guy, 2010). 103 VI.17 Guy and Tate (photograph by Guy, 2010). 103 VI.18 Aut hor and T at e (phot ograph by author, 2010). 103 VI.19 Aut hor and T at e (phot ograph by author, 2010). 104

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

VI.20 Trekker s r est i ng by a creek. The gui des wai t i n t he di st ance (phot ograph by 105 Guy, 2010). VI.21 Sammy (in white) wearing a glove while serving food (photograph by 106 author, 2010). VI.22 Ri ver cr ossi ng. G ui des assi st i ng trekkers and stabilising alog bridge 107 (photograph by author, 2010). VI.23 K okoda f r ui t and veget abl e mar ket (photograph by Guy, 2010). 108 VI.24 K okoda airport (photograph by Guy, 2010). 109 4.1 Cover jacket of the film Angles of War by Andrew Pike, H ank Nelson and 126 Gavin D aws (1982) 4.2 ‘Council welcomes Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel s. Mayor Angel o T si r ekas 130 welcomed the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels of Papua N ew Guinea to the City of Canada Bay with a civic reception. Also pictured are Hunters Hill mayor Susan Hoopman and Adam Taylor, a regular Kokoda trekker.’ (City of Canada Bay website). 4.3 The original photograph: ‘Blinded Sol di er , N ew G ui nea’ . Fuzzy Wuzzy 135 Angel Raphael Oimbari leading wounded Australian soldier George Whittington. Photographer: George Silk (25/ 12/ 1943), AWM014028. 4.4 The gr ani t e wal l at t he K okoda Track Memorial Walkway, Concord, NSW. 136 Raphael Oimbari leading the wounded Australian soldier George ‘Dick’ Whittington. Image taken by author (6/ 12/ 2012). 4.5 The ‘Oro Oro Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels Remedial Therapies Ltd’ massage hut 147 (Photograph by Charlie Lynn, 2012b). VII.1 V i ew of t he O wen Stanley Ranges f r om Br i gade Hill (photograph by 153 author, 2010). VII.2 T he f ar end of t he cl ear i ng at Br i gadeHill (photograph by Guy, 2010). 153 VII.3 Brigade H i l l M emor i al Plaque. In theforeground are fragments of metal 154 from the battle sites and red poppies, which are symbolic of Remembrance day (photograph by author, 2010). VII.4 View of theentrance to Brigade H i l l . Some trekker s ar e si t t i ng to the right 156 and others at the memorial (photograph by Guy, 2010). VII.5 The trekking group stop outside Efogi village. We stand in front of a tree 157 where Nishimura, the ‘Bone Man of Kokoda”, hid from Australian soldiers (photograph by author, 2010). VII.6 The tree in which Nishimura hid from Australia troops. This tree was 158 known to his platoon as ‘Ippongi’, meaning ‘one tree’ in Japanese (photograph by author, 2010). VII.7 Our Papuan car r i er s and guides hang back while Matthew stops us at 159 Ippongi to tell us about Nishimura, the ‘Bone Man of Kokoda’ (photograph by author, 2010). VII.8 ‘To the loyal war dead’. T he memor i al at L aunumu whi ch was desi gned 160 and constructed with the help of local Papuans (photograph by Guy, 2010). VII.9 T he second of t he onl y t wo Japanese memor i al s on t he K okoda T r ack 164 (photograph by author, 2010). 5.1 Plaque on one of the pillars of the Kokoda Track Ar chway at O wer s’ 174 Cor ner . T he Pl aque commemor at es t he ser vi ces of t he Papua N ew G ui nea Units. 5.2 An information plaque at the start of the Kokoda Track at O wer s’ Cor ner . 174 St at i st i cs of t he dead and i nj ur ed ar e pr ovi ded i n t he t op l ef t cor ner .

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

5.3 T he pl aque at t he I sur ava M emor i al st at es t hat i t i s a pl ace t hat wi t nessed 176 gr eat cour age, mat eshi p, suf f er i ng and l oss. 5.4 The four granite monuments at the Isurava Memorial – courage, 176 endurance, mateship and sacrifice. 5.5 The Papuan War M emor i al i n ‘ memor y of t he nat i ve car r i er s of t he 178 Kokoda Track’. 5.6 Plaque in the Papuan War M emor i al . 179 5.7 The Kokoda War M emor i al on t he K okoda Plateau. 179 5.8 Commemorating the pilgrimagebymembersofthe39th Battalion on the 180 30th anni ver sar y of t he st ar t of t he K okoda T r ack Campai gn. 5.9 Pl aque commemor at i ng the heroism of Private Bruce Kingsbur y V C at t he 180 Kokoda War Memorial. 5.10 The plaque commemorating the school house, which was erected in June 181 2005 in memory of the Australian diggers and Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. 5.11 The KokodaMemorial Hospital at Kokoda. 182 5.12 The Australian 25 Pound Gun on display at Owers’ Corner. The 183 information plaque is in the background near the guide. 5.13 The military museum at Efogi. 184 5.14 A display of some of the military artefactsinsidethemuseum at Efogi. 184 5.15 The sign at the Sikai Brothers’ Mortar Dump at Digger s Camp. 185 5.16 A vi ew of t he unexpl oded mor t ar s and objects at the Sikai Brothers’ 186 Mortar Dump. 5.17 The sign at t he O el a Besi G uest house and Japanese Camp M emor i al Par k. 187 5.18 Shel l s, mort ar s, shovel s and t ool s at t he O el a Besi G uest house and 187 Japanese Camp Memorial Park. 5.19 T he pl aque at t he H er ber t K i enzl e M emor i al M useum. 188 5.20 T he Bi sset memor i al near Surgeon’s Rock. 189 5.21 Commemor at i ve pl aque f or I an Ber gman, a trekker who died while on the 191 K okoda Track in 2006. 5.22 The war memorial at McDonalds’ Corner, Ilolo, with a statue, garden and 192 plaques. 5.23 Signage at t he ent r ance t o t he K okoda Track Memorial Walkway, Concord, 197 NSW. 5.24 Example of a plaque of a Gold sponsor – the Cronulla Sutherland Sharks, 197 an N RL t eam. 5.25 T he int er pr et at i ve di spl ay f or O wer s’ Corner . Visitors are able to read, 198 exami ne maps and phot ogr aphs as wel l as l i st en. 5.26 Interpretative display of Templeton’s Crossing. The display contains 198 phot ogr aphs, t ext , a di agr am and a r ecor ded message. T hr ee sponsor shi p plaques are visible in the bottom of the photograph. 5.27 The amphitheatre has a central stone monument and is surrounded by 199 st one wal l s whi ch ar e engr aved wi t h i mages f r om t he K okoda T r ack. 5.28 The stone walls of the amphitheatre are engraved with famous images and 199 key words, such as mateship and Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. 5.29 The Kokoda Trail Walk at St Agnesislocatedinabushlandsetting and i s 201 serviced by public transport. 5.30 The sign at t he st ar t of t he St Agnes K okodaTrail Memorial Walk. 201 5.31 T he summar y st at ement of t he K okoda Campaign. 202 5.32 The plaque commemoratingtheBattleof Isuravaand thecounter attack by 202 Private K ingsbury VC.

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5.33 The plaque commemorating the help provided to Australia’s injured 203 soldiers by Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. 5.34 Imitation steps and a children’splaygroundinthebackground. 203 5.35 Imitation bridge. 204 5.36 Monument to the victory of AustraliansoldiersontheKokoda T r ack – 204 retaking Kokoda on 2nd N ovember 1942. 5.37 Early advertisements for the Aust r al i an War M emor i al . (Images f r om t he 208 Museum Victoria website). 5.38 The AWM Canberra. 209 5.39 Plan of the AWM, Canberra. 211 5.40 ‘1939 War is declared’, Sect ion 1 of t he Second World War Gallery, AWM. 213 5.41 ‘1940-41 Victory and def eat, Sect i on 2 of t he Second World War Gallery, 214 AWM. 5.42 ‘1942 Turning Point’, Sect i on 5 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 215 5.43 Japanese Imperial flag silhouette (floor) and replica(back wall) in Section 5 216 and 6 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.44 Japanese Imperial Army, Sect i on 5 of the Second World War Gallery, 217 AWM. 5.45 Section 6 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 218 5.46 ‘Two women among rubble’ 1942. (AWM011529/ 22), Section 6 of the 218 Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.47 Japanese Imperial flag, Sect i on 6 of t he Second World War Gallery, AWM. 219 5.48 Propaganda post er “ H e’ s Comi ng South” AWM-ART09225), Section 7 of 220 the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.49 Japanese Imperial flag captured from a mini submarine in Sydney Harbour 221 (REL-AWM-30125), Section 7 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.50 POW (AWM-p1433/ 19), Sect i on 8 of t he Second World War Gallery, 223 AWM. 5.51 POW Gunner Thomas Hussey and his ventriloquist doll, Joey (AWM- 223 116036), Section 8 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.52 POW Private H.A. Purvis (AWM-116269), Section 8 of the Second World 224 War Gallery, AWM. 5.53 POWs (AWM-P02569.192), Sect i on 8 of t he Second World War Gallery, 224 AWM. 5.54 The flag of the Nazi Par t y of Sydney (AWM-RELAWM32207.001), 225 Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.55 Kokoda Campai gn Dome in the centre of the room (behind the car), 226 Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.56 ‘St r et cher bear er s i n t he O wen Stanleys’ by William Dargie (1947), Section 226 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. 5.57 Entrance to the Kokoda Dome, Sect i on 9 of t he Second Wor l d War 227 Gallery, AWM. 5.58 I nside the Kokoda Dome, Australian soldiers, Sect i on 9 of t he Second 227 World War Gallery, AWM. 5.59 I nside the Kokoda Dome, Papua New Guineans, Section 9 of the Second 228 World War Gallery, AWM. 5.60 I nside the Kokoda Dome, Papua New Guineans, Section 9 of the Second 228 World War Gallery, AWM. 5.61 I nside the Kokoda Dome, Life-sized replica Australian soldiers, Section 9 229 of the SWWG, AWM.

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5.62 I nside the Kokoda Dome, Stuart Tank Turret, Sect i on 9 of t he SWWG, 229 AWM. 5.63 Inside the Kokoda Dome, ‘Papuan N at i ve Car r i er ’ by Geor geAllen (1947), 229 Sect i o n 9 o f t h e SWWG , A WM . 5.64 Entrance to Sect ion 13 of t he SWWG, AWM. 230 5.65 Officer Yasuno Chikao execut i ng Ser geant L en Siffleet at Aitape in 1943 231 (AWM-101099), Section 13 of the SWWG, AWM. 5.66 Portrait photographs of the 1,787 Australian POWs who died in the 232 Sandakan ‘D eath March’ in N orth Borneo, 1945, Section 16 of the SWWG, AWM. 5.67 Australian cricket team at the Annaberg Camp in 1943 (UK 2534E), Sect i on 234 4 of the SWWG, AWM. 5.68 Australian timber-get t er s i n t he f or est of Austria (SUK-13740), Sect i on 4 240 of the SWWG, AWM. 5.69 Pant i ng by Albert H. Comber in Sect i on 4 of t he SWWG, AWM. 241 5.70 Pai nt i ng by Albert H. Comber, Sect i on 4 of t he SWWG, AWM. 241 5.71 The 2/12th Battalion discovered nine dead Japanese at Shaggy Ridge. 244 Photographer: Colin T. H almarick (22/ 01/ 1944), AWM064214. 5.72 The bodies of four dead Japanese soldiers in the Buna action. 244 Photographer: George Silk (28/ 12/ 1942), AWM013933. 5.73 Sol di er s of t he 2/ 17th Battalion checking dead Japanese soldiers for 245 documents in Brunei. Photographer unknown (13/ 06/ 1945), AWM109317. 5.74 An Australian burial party after fierce one-to-one fighting wher e 500 245 Japanese soldiers were killed and buried. Photographer: George Silk (N ovember/ 1942), AWM151114. 5.75 Sol di er s of t he 2/ 16th Bat t al i on unear t h a dead Japanese sol di er at Shaggy 246 Ridge. Photographer: N orman B. Stuckey (27/ 12/ 1943), AWM062305. 5.76 Sol di er s of t he 25th Battalion moving 311 dead Japanese sol di er s i nt o a 246 mass grave at Bougainville. Photographer: Ronald N. Kean (4/ 06/ 1945), AWM090380. 5.77 ‘Australian soldier on Borneo uses flamethrower on Jap hiding place. Life, 247 13/ 08/ 1945:34. 5.78 ‘ H e had been over wor ked and was near l y st ar vi ng when taken prisoner. He 248 is seen being cared for by Australian stretcher bearers near Nauro. Photographer: Frank N . Bagnall (19/ 10/ 1942), AWM026824. 6.1 ‘Love it or leave it’ sticker on a car i n Pet er sham, Sydney. 280

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List of Figures

Figure Title Page 3.1 Summary of the age and gender of t r ekker s on t he K okoda Track in 62 June 2010. 5.1 The numbers of visitors and types of visitors to the AWM in the 207 years 2009 to 2013. (D ata f rom AWM Annual Reports). 6.1 The number of articles mentioning Khawajaor Ammar in relation to 262 ‘flag burner’ during the period 2005-2010.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Glossary

Term Meaning 2UE A radio station in Sydney 2GB A radio station in Sydney 39er Australian soldiers who enlisted in 1939. AAP Australian Associ at ed Press ABC Australian Broadcasting Corporation ABS Australian Bureau of Statistics ACMA Australian Community and Media Authority ADF Australian Drug Foundation ACT Australian Capital Territory AIF Australian Imperial Force AKL Adventure Kokoda Track Pty Ltd ANZAC Australian and New Zealand Army Corps ARL Australian Rules League ARM Australian Republican Movement ATOM Australian Teachers of Media AWM Australian War Memorial BDO Big D ay Out (concert) Binideri People who traditionallylivein areasnear Kokoda. C-14 Carbon 14 (radioactive f orm of carbon) Choco Choco is a nickname that was given to the volunteer militia units whose role was to protect the homeland of Australia and New Guinea. CTS Carto Tech Ser vi ces DIAC Department of Immigration and Citizenship

DOI Commonwealth Department of Information (during WWII) DFAT Department of Foreign Af f ai r s and T r ade DVA Department of Veterans’ Affairs DoE Department of the Environment EU European Union (includes20 countriesof the European Community)

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Term Meaning FAO Food and AgricultureOrganisation of theUnitedNations FCC Footscray City College Fuzzy A t rope used f or Papua New Guineans, particularly those people Wuzzy connected to the Kokoda Track. Angel G8 Group of 8 (a forum for the world’s 8 out of 11 largest national economi es i ncl udi ng Canada, Fr ance, G er many, I t al y, Japan, Russi a, U K , USA, EU) G20 Group of 20 (a group of finance ministers and central bank governors from 20 major economies including South Africa, US, Canada, Mexico, Br azi l , A r gent i na, Chi na, Japan, Sout h K or ea, I ndi a, I ndonesi a, Russi a, Turkey, EU, Germany, France, UK, Italy, Saudi Arabia and Australia) ISIL Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, also known asISISor I slamic State ISIS Islamic State of Iraqand ash-Sham, also known asISIL or Islamic State JAF Jobs Australia Foundation KFK Kokoda Foundation Kingst on K oal a K oal a i s a ni ckname that was given to thevolunteer militia units whose role was to protect the homeland of Australia and New Guinea. Koiari People who traditionally live on the southern regionsof the Kokoda Track. KTA Kokoda T r ack Authority KTF Kokoda T r ack Foundation KTMW Kokoda T r ack Memorial Walkway M.M. Military Medal – thesecond highest military decoration for bravery. MP Member of Parliament NGV National Gallery ofVictoria NMA National Museum of Australia NRL National Rugby League NSW New South Wales O basan Japanese wor d f or G r andmot her . Ogi san Japanese wor d f or G r andf at her . Orokai van People who traditionally live in the northern regions of the Kokoda T r ack

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Term Meaning (from Yoda to Buna). PNG Papua N ew G ui nea POW Prisoner of War Q&A A weekly question and answer show on the ABC QLD Queensland Q.S.J.M. Q ueen’s Silver JubileeMedal Rascal (or A term used in Tok Pisin to describeatroublemaker , or gangs of l awl ess raskol) Papua N ew G ui nean yout hs and men . RSL Returned and Ser vi ces L eague SA South Australia SBS Speci al Br oadcast i ng Ser vi ce SJU Second Joint Understanding SMH Sydney Morning Herald Tok Pisin Thecreole languagespoken by t he majority of Papua N ew G ui neans. TTOC Townsville/ Thuringowa O r i ent eer i ngClub I ncorporated UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization US/USA United States of America V B V i ct or i a Bi t t er (beer) VIC Victoria WA Western Australia WWI World War One WWI I World War Two

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Abstract

Since 1992 the Kokoda Track has become a cultural phenomenon and has increased in popularity as a site of pilgrimage and adventure tourism for Australians. This trend has paralleled an increased interest in Australian military history and its link with national identity. The Kokoda Track has extended the Anzac tradition, which studies have shown has come to dominate not only perspectives on Australian history and nationalism, but has also deeply influenced contemporary Australian culture and society. In comparison, the depth of analysis and research carried out on the Kokoda Track has rarely gone beyond its military history. This study explores the many different facets that surround the Kokoda Track, which include politics, tourism, Whiteness, ‘Whiteman’, White Indigeneity, the ‘ideal native’, exclusion, identity, and memorials. It examines and analyses media articles, political speeches, photographs, literature, films, documentaries and academic work. Additionally, this thesis adds to original insights of the subject by i ncor por at i ng t he r esear cher ’ s f i el d exper i ences of t he K okoda T r ack and empi r i cal dat a collected from the Australian War Memorial and Kokoda Track memorials in Papua New Guinea and Australia. It provides original contributions to knowledge by combi ni ng t heor et i cal anal ysi s, l i t er ar y anal ysi s and vi gnet t es t o encapsul at e t he mul t i l ayer ed and compl ex nat ur e of t he st udy. T he di spar at e el ement s ar e connect ed through an integration of relevant theories and the development of original theoretically- informed argument. The Kokoda Track, as it has been narrated, not only celebrates war, it promotes a White history of Australia that excludes many contemporary Australians. Herein lies the original theoretical position of the thesis. As long as Australia relies on its military history and the heroism of its soldiers to construct its national identity, some will be more ‘ Australian’ than others. As shown in the thesis, the tropes of the Papua New Guinean, most recently the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel, are embedded in colonialist ideology. The memorialisation and romanticisation of Australia’s military history, and demonising of t he ‘ enemy ot her ’ , per p0et uat es f ear and t he per cept i on t hat war i s an i nnat e characteristic of Australia’s national identity. In the years following the Cronulla Riots (2005) the Kokoda Track has been the setting for young Muslim-Australians to learn more about ‘Australian culture’ and ‘what it means to be an Australian’. But it is argued t hat t hese concept s ar e i nher ent l y i l l usor y. I n concl usi on, t hi s t hesi s f i nds t hat nat i onal i dent i t y, as evi denced i n t he anal ysi s of t he K okoda T r ack, promot es Whi t e nat i onal i sm

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?) and White Indigeneity, thus constructing symbolic inequality rather than unity among Australian citizens.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Chapter 1

The Kokoda Track Phenomenon

There can be no deeper spiritual basis for the meaning of the Australian nation than the blood that was spilt on this very knoll, this very plateau, in defence of […] Australia. Prime Minister Paul K eating (Foster, 1997: 11).

What better way to pay homage to the men who fought to save Australia […] by learning the history while walking in their footsteps. (Kokoda Historical Tours, n.d.: n.p.).

[…] as Kokoda takes on an ever-increasing prominence in Australia’s military pantheon, second only to Gallipoli in the nation’s sentiment, the ‘track’ versus ‘trail’ debate has become an impassioned, and at times almost belligerent, argument. (K arl James, 2009a: 1).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

The start of a phenomenon

I n 1992 Pr i me M i ni st er Paul K eat i ng el evat ed t he K okoda T r ack i nt o nat i onal consci ousness when he proclaimed that the Australian nation was founded at Gallipoli, but that its ‘depth and soul ’ wer e conf i r med on t he K okoda T r ack i n t he def ence of A ust r al i a and an A ust r al i an way of life.1 As highlighted on the cover page of this chapter, Keating stated:

There can be no deeper spiritual basis for the meaning of the Australian nation than the blood that was spilt on this very knoll, this very plateau, in defence of Australia (Black, 2012).

The following image (Plate 1.1) captures Keating at the memorial in Kokoda, showing respect and humility in an unconventional and unprecedented display of public emotion.

Plate 1.1: Prime Minister Paul Keating ‘kissed the ground’ at the Kokoda Memorial, PNG, in 1992 in a ‘deliberate act to reposition the battle’s place in our history’ (Photograph courtesy of The Daily Telegraph, Black, 2012).

Prior to Keating’s visit Papua New Guinea was not as frequently highlighted in the media or by politicians. The ‘silence’ surrounding the subject of Kokoda in Australia could be due to sensitivity surrounding Australia’s ‘complex and somewhat chequered’ relationship with

1 This thesis argues that Keating’s visit was a key contributing factor, but it must be acknowledged that there were other contributing factors in the 20th century leading up to K eating’s visit that allowed the K okoda Track phenomenon to develop (specifically, the republican debate). After the surprise dismissal of Prime Minister Gough Whitlam by Governor-General Sir John Kerr in 1975, the republican debate in Australia gained more ground with regard to the power and control of the Queen’s representative over the Australian government and national affairs.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

I ndonesia, especially with regard to West Papua (O’Brien, 2015: 477). I n the mid-1950s when Indonesia sought to claim West Papua from the Netherlands, the Menzies Government opposed it on the basis that it would be a security threat to Australia. This view was only strengthened when Indonesia assertively resisted Malaysia’s claims to Northern Borneo, and when Indonesia invaded East Timor in 1975, during which f ive Australian newsmen ‘the Balibo Five’ were killed by Indonesian soldiers (2015: 477-8). Furthermore, Australia’s focus on interacting with its immediate region (the Pacific and Asia) became more prominent in Keating’s Prime Ministership when he made Indonesia his first overseas visit (most Australians made the White House their first overseas visit). Keating claimed, ‘I wanted to break that tradition to make the point that I regarded I ndonesia as a supremely important country’ (2015: 482). Journalist K erry O’Brien (2015: 474) argues that K eating saw ‘enormous opportunity f or Australia to deal itself into what would inevitably be a new strategic game in the Asia-Pacif ic’. Arguably, prior to the 1990s Australia had lost interest in its region, and many regional relationships were non-existent, tense or cautious. The renewed recognition of the Kokoda Track was a key symbolic part of Keating’s regional activities. A decade later Prime Minister John Howard visited the Kokoda Track and unveiled the I sur ava M emor i al , f our gr ani t e pl i nt hs engr aved wi t h t he wor ds: cour age, endur ance, sacr i f i ce and mat eshi p. H owar d decl ar ed t hat t h e K okoda Campai gn had ‘ br ought out al l t hat i s best i n the Australian traditions and the Australian f ighting spirit ’ (N elson, 2003: 118). I t appears that both major political parties have found some common ground when it comes to the Kokoda T r ack. A possi bl e expl anat i on f or t hi s shar ed agr eement i s t he ef f ect i veness of t he T r ack as a political tool in creating a collective history and forging an imagined community (Anderson, 1983). The political interest in the Kokoda Track has mirrored an accelerated rate of publications on the topic. This research sourced, categorised (by genre and year of publication), and analysed these publications to identify the trends and gaps which are discussed in the following section.

Identifying the gaps in texts based on Kokoda

T he i ncr ease i n popul ar i t y of t he K okoda T r ack, as a pi l gr i mage and as an emot i ve subj ect f or Australians, has coincided with an increase in the publication of books on Kokoda by contemporary Australian authors. This section explores the topics covered in those texts and identifies gaps in the existing literature on the subject. At the time of writing (February 2015),

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

this thesis found that 121 written texts (see Appendix 1) and 16 audio-visual texts (see Appendix 2) have been published on the subject of the Kokoda Track. In the period before Paul Keating’s speech in 1992, 27 books were published, eleven of which focused specifically on the accounts of involvements of individual battalions. Many of those books were written by veterans of the K okoda T r ack Campai gn : f or exampl e, Brown and Blue Diamond at War (Burns, 1960) is based on the 2/ 27th Battalion; Footsoldiers (Cr ooks, 1971) i s based on t he 2/ 33rd Battalion; and The Chocos: The Story of the Militia Infantry Battalions in the South West Pacific Area 1941-1945 (Budden, 1973) is based on the 39th Militia.2 Another nine books were written on the military history of the Kokoda Track more generally, and three such books are Retreat from Kokoda (Paull, 1958), The Knights of Kokoda (Scott, 1963), and The Kokoda Campaign (Browne, 1985). There was one autobiography, Recollections of a Regimental Medical Officer (Steward, 1983), and one book of poetry, The Road to Kokoda and Other Verses (Bessell-Browne, 1943). The K okoda Campaign f eatured in books on the military history of WWII, such as New Guinea Diary (Johnston, 1943), Papua Story (Reading, 1943), and Six Year War (Long, 1973). Also prior to 1992, the Academy Award winning documentary Kok oda F ront L ine! (Parer, 1942) introduced, for the f irst time, images of the K okoda Track to Australian and international audiences. I n 1988 the story of D amien Parer was portrayed in a telemovie F ragments of War: The Story of D amien Parer (D uigan, 1988), and in the same year Dennis O’Rourke’s documentary Cannibal Tours (1988) was released. Cannibal Tours follows European and American tourists as they visit villages along the Sepik River in Papua N ew G ui nea. T he document ar y r eveal s t hei r neo - col oni al i st at t i t udes i n t hei r assessment of t he Papua New Guinean peoples and cultures that they encounter. With the exception of O’Rourke’ s documentary, this examination of the literature reveals that , in the period before 1992, books and audio-visual texts focused mainly on narrating the military history of the battles of the Kokoda Track, as well as emphasising the bravery of Australian soldiers and actions of key individuals. In the last 22 years, 94 books have been published and at an accelerating rate, with 31 texts published by 2004 and 63 in the 10 years since (see Appendix 1). A total of 41 texts, approximately 50% of the books, focus on the military battles of the Kokoda Track and three wel l -known exampl es ar e Kok oda (FitzSimons, 2004), Kok oda (H am, 2004), and A Bastard of a

2 In the first two years of WWI I the Militia consisted of volunteers and conscripts who were restricted to barrack duties (Stanley, 2008: 130-1). Their role was to protect the homeland of Australia and New Guinea. It was during this period that the Militia units were labelled ‘chocolate soldiers’ or ‘koalas’ by the AIF (as discussed later in this chapter). Prior to that, in 1929 the military training scheme was abolished and replaced by the Citizens Forces, whi ch were mai nt ai ned on a part -t i me, volunt ary basi s (Grey, 2008: 138). Al so, t he name of t he f or ce was changed to ‘Militia’ in order to reflect the voluntary nature of the service (Palazzo, 2001: 110). At the start of WWII there was large-scale opposition to the concept of conscription and the Defence Act precluded conscripts from serving outside of Australian territory.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Place (Brune, 2004). Many of these K okoda books have been reprinted several times and some ar e r ecogni sed as number one best sel l er s, f or exampl e Kok oda (FitzSimons, 2004), thus demonstrating the popularity of Kokoda texts. In addition, there are seven books about specific battalions and thirteen biographies of heroic figures. An important feature of the recent texts is the increasing diversity of topics linked to the Kokoda Track. The Kokoda Trail: A History by historian by Stuart H awthorne (2003), describes 130 years of the history of the K okoda Track. Walking the Kokoda Trail: Do-It-Yourself Trekking Guide (Baker, 1994) and Field Guide to the Kokoda Track: an Historical Guide to the Lost Battlefields (James, 2006) are trekking guidebooks that include military history and information about the location and details of lost battlefields. Kokoda Walk in the Dandenong Ranges N ational Park by Ross Bast i aan (2001) l i nks mi l i t ar y hi st or y wi t h t r ekki ng i n A ust r al i a. A l so, on a si mi l ar t heme of advent ur e t r ekki ng, maps of t he K okoda T r ack have been produced f or trekkers and orienteering clubs (TTOC, 1995, n.p.; Adventure K okoda, 2011; Morrison, 1992: n.p.; CTS, 2010: n.p.). Marks of War by psychologist John Raf tery (2003) explores the post-war experiences of veterans of the Kokoda Track and the impact on their families. The Kokoda Campaign 1942: Myth and Reality (Williams, 2012b) is atypical because it relies on Japanese sources to challenge popular accounts of the aforementioned authors and argues t hat t he bat t l es of t he K okoda T r ack have been at t i mes f abr i cat ed, exagger at ed and mythologised. According to the critique by historian Garth Pratten (2013: 320), Williams’ aim of di spel l i ng t he myt h sur r oundi ng t he K okoda Campai gn f al l s shor t because t her e i s l i t t l e discussion of ‘the myth, its origins, or how and why it continues to be perpetuated’. The r evi si oni st hi st or y of t he K okoda Tr ack i s di scussed at a l at er st age i n t hi s chapt er . There are two books on the Japanese experience, which provide new perspectives of the brutal conflict and break the convention of portraying the Japanese as a shadowy and sinister enemy. The Path of Infinite Sorrow (Collie & Hajime, 2009) is the story of the Kokoda campaign based on the personal experiences of six Japanese soldiers and information from war diaries. The Bone Man of Kokoda (H appell, 2008) is about a Japanese soldier’s experience af ter the war, and this book was translated into Japanese in 2009. Angel of Kokoda: Kari by Mark Wilson (2010) is a picture book for younger readers which tells the story of a ‘free-spirited mountain boy’ who assi st s a wounded A ust r al i an sol di er dur i ng t he K okoda Campai gn , descr i bi ng t he f i er ce f i ght i ng as seen through the eyes of this young Papua New Guinean boy. In a similar vein, Angels of Kok oda by D avid Mulligan (2006) is a novel based on the wartime experiences of D erek, the son of Australian missionaries, and his friend Morso, a Papua New Guinean boy. Also for younger r eader s t her e ar e t wo comi c books, Kok oda that Bloody Track (Dolan & Howell, 2012) and Z Comics (2012), which recount stories of the K okoda Track based on veteran’s accounts. The

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

remaining texts are inspirational stories which describe how the Kokoda Track has been instrumental in self-improvement. Freeman (2014) is about how the Kokoda Track is helping wounded soldiers to recover from recent engagements in war, while Year 9 students of Footscray City College (FCC, 2011) write of the inf luence that the K okoda Track has had on t hei r l i ves. Blind leading the Blind: a Journey of Vision across the Torres Strait and Kokoda Track recounts the inspirational story of a group of blind people who journey from Australia in kayaks, eventually to trek the K okoda Track (Stuart, 2004). Young First Australians also write of trekking the Kokoda Track in For our People, for our Future: the First Indigenous Youth Leadership Program Trek to Kokoda as part of the Jobs Australia Foundation Youth Leadership Program (JAF, 2010). Spirit of the Warriors is a D VD by Gasser, Pigott & Sturman (2012) which tells the story of members of an Indigenous Australian family who travel to Papua New Guinea with the mission of bringing home the spirits of Indigenous Australian soldiers that were killed in the Kokoda Campaign. Audio-visual texts in the recent period (Appendix 2) have topics that are similar to those of written texts, principally covering historical accounts of the Kokoda Campaign and inspirational stories. Four DVDs have been produced that are based on the military campaign (Aitken, 2006; Grierson, 2006; Featherstone, 2010) and the story of D amien Parer (Grierson, 2014). Five audio book CD’s have been produced which are based on the texts of the same name, for instance The Spirit of Kokoda (Lindsay, 2003), reflecting the popularity of these texts. An audio CD presented by K earney (2008) called Kokoda: Steps to Healing: The Camp Quality Challenge chronicles the personal experiences of a group of children, who having survived cancer, trek the Kokoda Track in order to challenge themselves and to raise funds for charity. Also, a musical work, Kok oda Trail, has been produced for violin and piano by Holland (2007), showing the diversity of themes that surround the Kokoda phenomenon and indicate its special place in Australia. Websites based on the Kokoda Track have also been rapidly developing in recent years. Many of these sites have been created by different organisations and businesses, including tourism companies (Adventure Kokoda Treks),3 government bodies (Operation CLICK ANZAC to Kokoda investigating A ust r a lia ' s wa r t ime hist or y wit h t he websit es),4 aid organisations (The Kokoda Track Foundation)5 and local councils (Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway in Concord and Kokoda Track Memorial in Kojonup).6 7 The abundance and ease of accessing and creating websites highlights another

3 See: Lynn, 2004: n.p. 4 See: DVA, 2005: n.p. 5 See: KTF, 2010: n.p. 6 See: K TMW, 2002; and WA Gov., 2013. 7 ‘K okoda Track’, K ings Park & Botanic Garden, 28/ 11/ 2013, http:/ / www.bgpa.wa.gov.au/ kings- park/ events/ walks-and-tours/ kokoda-track, accessed 13/ 06/ 2014.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

important consideration to this study. This dissertation examines the use of digital technology, digital media, and the concept of ‘digital nationalism’ in the following chapters. Hank Nelson, the foremost historian of the Pacific (especially Papua New Guinea), has written extensively on the subject of Kokoda and its rising popularity since Keating’s speech (N elson, 1997, 2009, 2010). I n ‘Gallipoli, Kokoda and the Making of Nation’, Nelson (1997) analysed the political agenda that have linked Kokoda’s military history with the building of national identity, and questioned the relevance of Kokoda to multicultural Australia. Nelson’s work will be examined closely in later chapters. Anthropologist Ira Bashkow (2006) addresses the perceptions of the Orokaiva people’ on the subject of Whitemen, and Stella (2007) the representations of the Papua New Guinean Other.8 N ei t her aut hor anal yses t he i mpact of t he Kokoda Track on cultural issues in Australia, although they do provide important contributions that inform the theoretical work of this thesis. Trekking the Kokoda Track has been examined by several academics and is examined in this thesis. Battlefield tourism has been analysed by Bruce Skates et al. (2013) in Anzac Journeys: Returning to the Battlefields of World War II. This study explores the stories and motivations of pilgrims who return to WWII battlefields to remember and mourn the dead. Grabowski (2007) and H awkins (2013) have used surveys that f ocus on the motivations of trekkers to explore tourism on the Kokoda Track, but their studies are limited to a busi ness and t our i sm cont ext , and do not i nvest i gat e t he cul t ur al t hemes t hat ar e r el evant t o this thesis. Although historian H umphrey McQueen (1991) described K okoda as a mythic site that produced an enormous upsurge of race patriotism, to date there has been insufficient exploration of many contemporary cultural themes, particularly those that surround Whiteness. I n f act , t hi s br i ef exami nat i on of t he l i t er at ur e r eveal s t hat t her e i s a pauci t y of r esear ch on many important cultural themes in relation to the Kokoda Track, an absence that this thesis now seeks to address.

Overarching thesis statement

This study will show that the Kokoda Track is different from other military sites in that it is implicated in a narrative that is characterised by the defence of the Australian ‘homeland’ in a hostile environment and was responsible for characterising Australian soldiers in terms of

8 At the time of writing this thesis (early 2016) the research project ‘Scholarships and Connections: I ndonesians, Papua New Guinean and Australians 1960-2010’, which includes the oral histories of Papua New Guineans involved in the War to compile a Papua New Guinean account of the Kokoda Campaign, had not been published.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

courage, mateship, sacrifice and endurance. The military history of the Kokoda Track has been extensively explored, but this thesis demonstrates that there are many other different facets that have not been investigated. The research presented here is based on the premise that the Kokoda phenomenon has a breadth of concerns and that its disparate elements can be connect ed i n a meani ngf ul way by anal ysi s and t heor i sat i on. T he al t er nat i ve appr oach, of focusing on only a few narrow aspects and building a nuanced analysis around them, does not do justice to the scope and impact of the Kokoda Track on Australian nationalism and culture. This t hesi s i dent i f i es and expl or es t hese r esear ch gaps in cur rent wor k on t he K okoda T r ack. The l i nks bet ween t he K okoda T r ack and cont empor ar y cul t ur al t hemes have been l ar gel y overlooked. These many, interwoven themes include: the ‘ideal native’, the ‘enemy other’, Whiteness, exclusion, impacts of digital technology on nationalism, the Australian flag, gender, symbolism, the republic debate, identity, pilgrimage, politics, tourism, and memorials. This study i dent i f i es t hese compl ex el ement s and ai ms t o anal yse and di scuss t hem i n r el at i on t o t he semi nal works of Ghassan Hage, Hank Nelson, Regis Tove Stella, Marilyn Lake, Henry Reynolds, and other academics whose works have been instrumental in influencing and developing the ar gument s i n t hi s di sser t at i on. T he r esear ch anal yses medi a ar t i cl es, pol i t i cal speeches, photographs, literature, films, documentaries and academic work. Additionally, the work incorporates empirical data collected from the Kokoda Track, the Australian War Memorial, and ot her memor i al si t es wi t hi n A ust r al i a and over seas. T hi s t hesi s combi nes t heor et i cal anal ysi s, literary analysis and fieldwork to encapsulate the multilayered and complex nature of the study. Whenever researchers investigate and question Australia’s military history, particularly from a critical cultural or social position, the outcomes can be controversial. Often any discussion that questions the Anzac tradition has been quickly extinguished with accusations of being ‘unAustralian’ (Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 1, 4). This thesis agrees with the principle that such discussions are necessary in order to contest underlying and overt examples of entitlement and privilege that are present in Australian contemporary society. As cultural sociologist David Rowe (1998: 87) reasons:

Without symbolic struggle for Australianness, uncontested narratives and uncorroborated travelogues wi l l domi nat e t he i deol ogi cal space of Aust r al i a, wi t h very t angi bl e mat er i al consequences.

I n light of Rowe’s argument and developments in public discourse during the ensuing 15 years, this study critically analyses the proposition that because the Kokoda Track Campaign occurred in a period that was dominated by British ‘race patriotism’ and a policy of White Australia, the contemporary narrative of the Kokoda phenomenon harks back to Australia’s White history and

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

reinforces a White national identity. Herein lies the original theoretical position of this thesis: the Kokoda Track Campaign as it has been narrated to date does not only celebrate war, it promotes a White history of Australia that excludes many contemporary Australians. This thesis argues that the popular history which Australian politicians, authors and others selectively portray and cel ebr at e excl udes t he voi ces and exper i ences of Papua N ew G ui neans. A ccor di ngl y, i t recognises that an analysis of the Kokoda Track from a critical cultural perspective has inherent intricacies and sensitivities. Before undertaking this analysis, there are specific terms and concept s t hat need t o be exami ned.

The Kokoda Track

The Kokoda Track is a walkway which crosses over the Owen Stanley Ranges and is the only link between Owers’ Corner, near Port Moresby, and Kokoda, on the northern side of the Owen Stanley Range (see Plate 1.2). Traditionally, it has been used by the Koiari, the Orokaivan and the Binideri peoples. The Koiari people live on the southern region of the Kokoda Track (Central Province) and consist of three groups: Grasslanders or ‘Ius-bia’, Forrest-men or ‘Idutu-bia’, and Mountaineers or ‘Movota’ (Lynn, nd: 11). The Orokaiva people live on the northern region of the Kokoda Track (Oro Province) and consist of three groups: Bush people or ‘Pereho’, River people ‘Umo-ke’, and Salt-water people or ‘Eva-Embo’ (Lynn, nd: 13). The Binideri people live in areas near the Kokoda Track (Nelson, 2007: 81) but very little is known of them.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate 1.2. Map of Papua New Guinea. The Kokoda Track connects Owers’ Corner, near Sogeri (north of Port Moresby), to Kokoda (Ezilon, 2009).

Over its length of approximately 100 km, the K okoda Track rises f rom 735 metres above sea level at Owers' Corner to over 2,000 metres near Myola, and then f alls to 350 metres at K okoda (see Pl at e 1.3). T he T r ack undul at es t hr ough r egi ons of mount ai nous wet t r opi cal rainforest, rivers, grasslands and barren earth. The trek is known to be challenging, even for experienced walkers, because of the high altitude, heavy rainfall, thick mud, heat, humidity, slippery surfaces and narrow passageways on steep mountains. There is also the constant threat of injury, malaria and other tropical diseases, and the possibility of assault by ‘rascals’.9 10 Local Papua N ew G ui neans f ami l i ar wi t h t he t er r ai n can compl et e t he t r ek i n as l i t t l e as t hr ee days,

9 Seven Australians and one New Zealander were trekking on the Black Cat Track in September 2013 when they were attacked. One of the assailants carried a WWII-era .303 rifle, and two others carried three-foot-long machetes, also known as ‘bush knives’ in Papua New Guinea. According to the trek leader, Australian expatriate Christy King, the attackers demanded money (Hoffman, 2014: 3). For the Papua New Guineans however, it appeared the main objective was the assassination of Papua New Guinean guide K erry Rarovu, ‘the big man who got all the work had been struck first, targeted and hacked into oblivion’ (2014: 13). Although the media put a spotlight on the Australian trekkers, ‘a certain care had been taken’ to ensure that their injuries were not fatal or as violent as those experienced by t he Papua N ew Gui nean gui des (2014: 5). O f t he Aust r alia t rekkers N ick Bennet t was hi t i n t he head, Z ol t an M akl ary r ecei ved a sl ash t o hi s ar m, and Pet er Stevens was i mpal ed i n t he l eg wi t h hi s wal ki ng st i ck (2014: 5). O n t he other hand, two of the Papua New Guinean guides, K erry Rarovu and Matthew Gibob, were hacked to death with machetes (Fox, 2013: n.p.), and most of the seven other guides who were at the campsite at the time had their calves and Achilles tendon sliced, some blows were so fierce they shattered bone (Hoffman, 2014: 3). During my field study in 2010, there was an attempted robbery at Ofi Creek by a group of Papua New Guineans who were wiel di ng machet es (see V ignet t e I ). 10 The term ‘rascals’, or raskols in Tok Pisin, is often used to describe gangs of lawless Papua New Guinean youths and men.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

often barefooted. In comparison, most Australian trekking groups take between seven to twelve days to complete the same journey, and often without carrying much more than a small day bag11 (AAP, 2009b).

Plate 1.3. The Kokoda Track – Owers’ Corner to Kokoda (Back Track Adventures, n.d., n.p.).

The name ‘Kokoda’ translates as ‘place of the skull people’, derived from ‘koko’ meaning skull and ‘da’ meaning place of (Kienzle, 2011: 80). The Orokaivan people inhabit the land from Yoda, which is northwest of Kokoda, to Buna on the north coast of Papua New Guinea (Bashkow, 2006). Early Europeans viewed them as a violent, troublesome people with a history of cannibalism, and ‘who trusted no one, nor could they be trusted […] a reputation they maintained right through World War II’ (2011: 79). As a result of WWII this perception changed and the Orokaivan people were referred to as ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’. This trope has been used to represent the various peoples, on and near the Kokoda Track, specifically the Orokaivan, Koiari and Binideri peoples. I n 1889 British explorer George Bedf ord became the f irst non-Papua N ew Guinean to cross the Owen Stanley Range (Williams, 2013a: 9). In the 1890s the Kokoda Track was used to service the Yodda goldfield, northwest of Kokoda (N elson, 1976: 101, H awthorne, 2003: 26;

11 Papua New Guineans have been employed by the majority of trekking companies as porters or guides to carry tents, food, cooking equipment and help the trekkers. Many trekking companies offer trekkers the option of engaging a personal porter/ guide to carry their main backpack, which typically contains toiletries, sleeping bag and clothing. Therefore, trekkers usually carry a small day bag with water and personal items (such as toilet paper), while t he Papua N ew Gui neans carry t he bulk of t he packs.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

James, 2009b: 1; Williams, 2013a: 10). Almost one tonne of gold was extracted from Yodda per annum, making it one of the most successful gold mines in Papua New Guinea (Williams, 2012: 10). 12 In 1904 a f ortnightly mail route was established between Port Moresby and K okoda (Williams, 2012: 11). The villages between Owers’ Corner and Kokoda include Naoro, Menari, E f ogi K agi , A l ol a, I sur ava and D eni ki (see Pl at e 1.3), and f or t he Papua N ew G ui neans i n t hese vi l l ages, t he K okoda T r ack ser ves as t he onl y way t o t r avel on l and t o ot her vi l l ages and t o r each Port Moresby. It was during WWII that the greater Australian population became aware of the Kokoda T r ack as t he si t e of ‘ some of t he most desper at e and vi ci ous f i ght i ng encount er ed by A ust r al i an troops in the Second World War’ (Campbell, 2012: n.p.). The f ilm Kok oda F rontline! by Australian war photographer D amien Parer (1942) conveyed the nature of the f ighting to the audiences in Australia. Australian journalist, Osmar White described the conflict thus:

T he K okoda T r ai l was t he i nf ant r yman’ s cal vary where t he pai n of ef f or t , t he bi t i ng sweat , t he hunger, the cheerless shivering nights were made dim by exhaustion’s merciful drug. Surely no war was ever fought under worse conditions. Surely no war has ever demanded more of a man in f ortitude (White cited in Clift, 1980: 346).

T he bat t l es al ong t he K okoda T r ack, and i n t he speci f i c ar eas of I sur ava, I mi t a Ri dge and Brigade Hill, were responsible for thwarting the Japanese plan of capturing Port Moresby. Had t he A ust r al i an sol di er s f ai l ed, A ust r al i a woul d hav e been i sol at ed, t her eby i mposi ng a much greater threat. Japan’s strategy was to capture Port Moresby and to prevent the Allies from using Australia as a base f or operations (Milner, 1955: 1). I f successf ul , this plan would have restricted Australian and American shipping routes between the Pacific and Indian Oceans. Port Moresby could also have provided the Japanese with a base to strike at north and eastern Australia (Milner, 1955: 1). I n contrast to this generally accepted history, Anthony (2001: 71-72), in his book I n F ear of Secur it y: A ust r alia ’s Invasion Anxiety, i s of t he vi ew t hat t he K okoda T r ack was of mythic significance, formed out of a ‘combination of strategic perception and potent imagery’. Burke believes that Prime Minister Curtin exaggerated the security threat because ‘Japan had no plans to invade Australia by this time’. This thesis does not aim to engage in a debate over military history, but it is important to consider the histories that have been included, and those that have not been included. In Chapter 3 these perspectives are discussed in greater detail because of the engagement of the political element in the remembering of history. Important terms are now clarified prior to the analysis that will follow.

12 By 1906 nearly 24% of all the gold produced in British New Guinea came from Yodda (Kienzle, 2011: 82).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Clarifying terms

T he gr owi ng i nt er est and awar eness i n A ust r al i a of t he K okoda T r ack has spar ked debat es, which have often been quite emotional, concerning the naming of the Kokoda Track and its act ual physi cal l ocat i on. T hese debat es, as wel l as t he def i ni t i on of sever al t er ms, ar e cl ar i f i ed here. The terms ‘Anzac’ and ‘Digger’ were originally used to refer to Australian soldiers in the First World War, but today they are often interpreted to refer to all Australian soldiers. ‘ Australian and New Zealand Army Corps’ was coined in late 1914 to refer to the Australian and New Zealand troops, although the term did not enter common usage until after the Gallipoli landings in 1915. It was quickly abbreviated to ‘A. & N. Z. Army Corps’, then ‘A.N.Z.A.C.’ or ‘ A .& N .Z .A .C’ , as t he unabr i dged ver si on was deemed t o be t oo cumber some (D enni s et . al. , 1995), before full stops were omitted altogether, so creating ‘ANZAC’. Today, ‘ANZAC’, ‘ A .N .Z .A .C’ or ‘ A nzac’ ar e t he var i at i ons t hat ar e used by wr i t er s. T he A ust r al i an G over nment by legislation employs ‘Anzac Day’, not ‘ANZAC Day’. Marilyn Lake and Henry Reynolds, in their provocative book What’s Wrong with Anzac? (2010: viii), which they describe as ‘f ollow[ing] common usage’ and in keeping with Charles Edwin Bean’s The A nzac Book published in 1916 (A WM , 1946). I al so adopt s i t s use, except wher e quot ed ot her wi se. ‘D igger’ was a colloquialism used in Australia as early as the 1850s to ref er to a miner and was cl osel y associ at ed wi t h t he concept of mat eshi p and had egal i t ar i an connot at i ons (McQueen, 2004: 137-138; Big Black D og Communications, 2007). D uring the Boer War (1899- 1902) the term was appropriated by the Australian and New Zealand soldiers because of their hastiness in constructing dugout def ences (Coulthard-Clark, 1998: 68). D uring WWI it was reported that ‘Digger’ gained prominence because of the manner in which Australian and New Zealand soldiers endured battle, and, as such, the term has become synonymous with Australian soldiers in general, including contemporary soldiers such as Corporal Benjamin Robert-Smith.13 A r guabl y, because of t he egal i t ar i an connot at i ons associ at ed wi t h ‘ D i gger ’ and t he val ues of mateship that it conveys, the term has been used more liberally than ‘Anzac’, which is protected by legislation and regarded by many as a sacred name in Australian collective history. ‘Chocos’ and ‘Koalas’ were nicknames that were used by the Australian Infantry Force (AI F) to ref er to the Militia in WWI I . According to historian Paul H am (2004: 25), ‘some of the AIF volunteers believed them to be “chocolate soldiers” […], who would “melt” if action ever came’, and the name ‘Koala’, which was particularly offensive to the militia, meant that they were

13 See AAP, ‘SAS digger Benjamin Roberts-Smith awarded Victoria Cross’, The Australian, 23/ 01/ 2011, http:/ / www.theaustralian.com.au/ national-affairs/ sas-digger-benjamin-roberts-smith-awarded-victoria-cross/ story- f n59niix-1225993158058, accessed 2/ 08/ 2014.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

‘ not t o be expor t ed or shot at ’ . H owever , i t was t he Bat t l e of I sur ava t hat changed t he meani ng of ‘Chocos’ and destroyed perceptions among the AIF that the Militia were incapable fighters (2004: 161). Af ter the Second World War, books and f ilms14 raised the profile of the Chocos and pr ai sed t hei r achi evement s on t he K okoda T r ack as:

a classic illustration of what egalitarian Australia has always celebrated and commemorated: the seemingly impossible triumph of the underdog against all conceivable odds (2004: 160).

I ni t i al l y t he t er ms Choco and K oal a wer e r epr esent at i ons pr oduced by member s of a mor e powerful group (the AIF), and the meanings were accepted as ‘true’. However, events changed the interpretation of these representations, revealing that there is no ‘final moment of absolute t r ut h ’ , but r at her ‘ i nt er pr et at i ons ar e al ways f ol l owed by ot her i nt er pr et at i ons, i n an endl ess chain’ (Hall, 2003: 42). Just as different terms and meanings have been given to Australian soldiers during WWII, the names and meanings of the Kokoda Track have changed as a result of the War. According to historian Stuart Hawthorne, the Track was referred to as ‘the overland mail route’ or ‘Buna road’ prior to WWI I (2003: 161, 178). The Australian War Memorial acknowledges that ‘Track’ has been used by many veterans and is derived from the language of the Australian bush, whereas ‘Trail’, which has become more widely used, is of American origin (James, 2009a: 1). News reports during WWII used ‘Kokoda Track’ and ‘Kokoda Trail’ interchangeably, as well as with other variations such as ‘Buna Kokoda-Moresby Track’ and ‘ I mita-I oribaiwa-N auro Track’ (James, 2009a). H awthorne (2003: 235-39) argues that when Australian newspapers wrote of the warfare, the ‘Kokoda Trail’ became more commonplace, r ef er enci ng G eof f r ey Readi ng’ s ar t i cl e i n t he Daily Mirror, which used the term ‘Kokoda Trail’ on 27th October 1942. (James, 2009a: 3). H istorian H ank N elson (2010: 126), who acknowledges the use of Track and Trail in media reports from the period, cites an earlier article, published on 10th September 1942, which used ‘Trail’. N elson (2010: 126) argues that the use of ‘Trail’ by journalists in 1942 was derived from the communications of (American) General Douglas MacArthur. Also, the use of ‘trail’, with a lower case ‘t’, was attributed to American influences on Australia-based journalists (H awthorne, 2009: 235-239; James, 2009a: 3; N elson, 2003: 119). The AWM’s official magazine, Wartime, adopted ‘Trail’ because ‘[Trail] is favoured by a majority of veterans’ (2002: 3). The Papua New Guinea government, prior to independence, supported the use of ‘Trail’ when the Department of Lands gazetted that the route from Owers’ Cor ner t o K okoda be f or mal l y known as t he ‘ K okoda T r ai l ’ (PN G , 1972: 1362). A t t he

14 These are detailed later in this chapter.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Australian War Memorial’s ‘Kokoda: beyond the legend’ conference, Adventure Kokoda owner and Liberal MP Charlie Lynn (2012) presented his paper ‘Trekking K okoda’ and adamantly asserted that ‘Trail’ is ‘its correct title’. He described historians who use the word ‘Trail’ as ‘ authentic historians’, and excused those who ‘swore black and blue that “ it’s a bloody track mate”’ for having no understanding because they had never served in the military. In contrast to Lynn’s opinion, my grandfather, who fought in the AIF on the Kokoda Track during WWII, would only use the term ‘Track’. In the immediate post-war period some military units officially obj ect ed t o t he use of ‘ K okoda T r ai l ’ on t he bat t l e honour s awar ded t o uni t s t hat f ought between I mita and K okoda (N elson, 2010: 127). The monument at Owers’ Corner has pre- emptively avoided semantic arguments by recognising both names, labelling one side ‘Kokoda Track’ and the other ‘K okoda Trail’. James (2009) examines the various sides of the debate and ar gues t hat ‘ t oo much t i me and ener gy has been spent on t he “ t r ack” ver sus “ t r ai l ” debat e’ . History shows that neither name was used before WWII and that both terms were used during t he war , and t hat ‘ i t i s f ar mor e i mpor t ant t o r emember t he ser vi ce and sacr i f i ce of t hose Australians, Papuans, and Japanese who fought and died along it’ (James, 2009a: 5). In light of the various opinions and the many discussions on the topic, I acknowledge that the argument over the two names is unlikely to be resolved in the near future, and opts to use ‘Kokoda Track’. T he physi cal r out e of t he T r ack has changed si nce WWI I and t he D epar t ment of V et er an Affairs (DVA) estimates that only three quarters of the Track today remains the same as that used by Australian and Japanese soldiers during WWII. The DVA (n.d.) states:

The location of the track has changed since 1942. Just as the Koiari people in the mountains move their villages to a different place every now and again, so they also alter the route the track follows [sic]. […] The track is also shorter than it was in 1942. At the Port Moresby end it once began at McDonald's Corner. I n mid-1942 two Australian units, 7th Field Company and 2/ 14th Field Company, constructed a road from McDonald's Corner to Owers' Corner shaving seven kilometres [sic] off the length of the track.

Historian Bill James in his book Field Guide to the Kokoda Track (2006) identif ies the localities of many of the 1942-43 battlefields and the location of the original Track by examining the diaries and memoirs of soldiers, and the locations of supply dumps, aid posts, and hospitals. He found t hat dur i ng t he War many vi l l ages al ong t he K okoda T r ack wer e abandoned or r el ocat ed t o avoi d the fighting between Australian and Japanese soldiers. Since WWII paths have been created to connect these relocated villages, thus adding to the confusion. Furthermore, trekkers pass through some villages, which were not part of the original Kokoda Track, in order to access facilities such as accommodation, food, rest stops and pit-toilets. In addition, since WWII some

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

villages have been resettled and others established, thus altering the Kokoda Track to suit the needs of the local villagers. Mining and resource companies have expressed an interest in developing parts of the land on or near the Kokoda Track, and their plans have been met with criticism from trekking companies, organisations such as the Returned Services League (RSL), and some politicians who are intent on preserving the ‘route’. As a result of lobbying, an application to protect the Kokoda Track and the Owen Stanley Ranges was submitted on 6th June 2006 by the Papua N ew Guinea Department of Environment and Conservation. This site is currently on the tentative list of World Heritage Sites of UNESCO (submitted in 2006) under the following criteria:

(iii) to bear a unique or at least exceptional testimony to a cultural tradition or to a civilization which is living or which has disappeared;

(v) to be an outstanding example of a traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea- use which is representative of a culture (or cultures), or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change;

(vi) to be directly or tangibly associated with events or living traditions, with ideas, or with beliefs, with artistic and literary works of outstanding universal significance.

(vii) to contain superlative natural phenomena or areas of exceptional natural beauty and aesthetic importance;

(x) to contain the most important and significant natural habitats for in-situ conservation of biological diversity, including those containing threatened species of outstanding universal value from the point of view of science or conservation.15

Soon after the application was submitted for World Heritage listing, Prime Minister John Howard increased the Australian Government’s commitment to the preservation of the Track by pledging $15.9 million in 2007 (ABC, 2007). I n 2008 the K okoda I nitiative was established which was a partnership between the Australian and Papua New Guinean governments to work together to manage and protect the Kokoda Track and the Owen Stanley Ranges, and improve the livelihoods of communities living along the Kokoda Track (the Second Joint Understanding has continued this work, 2010-2015) (D oE, n.d.). Activities under the goals of the K okoda Initiative focus on the Kokoda Interim Protection Zone, which includes the Central Province and northern provinces, encompassing the Kokoda Track, and the Brown, Naoro and Goldie r i ver s (D oE, 2015: 8). T he I nt er i m Pr ot ect i on Z one manages compet i ng l and uses i n t he ar ea f or

15 U N E SCO , ‘K okoda T r ack and O wen St anl ey Ranges’, 2006, http:/ / whc.unesco.org/ en/ tentativelists/5061/ , accessed 31/ 03/ 2014.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

the primary purpose of helping assure the long-term protection of the aforementioned areas (SJU, 2010; D oE, 2015: 8). The factors highlighted in this section demonstrate a nexus of politics, history, the military, tourism, economics, management (decision making), mining, and the environment. The K okoda T r ack has been af f ect ed by t hese el ement s and, conver sel y, t he K okoda T r ack has had an impact on those elements. The issues that surround the Kokoda Track, as highlighted above, r eveal t he compl exi t y of t he subj ect mat t er and i t s abi l i t y t o evoke st r ong, emot i ve responses. They are likely to influence the subjectivity of the author/ creator, so prior to clarifying the aims, methodology and structure of this thesis, an explanation of the author’s subjectivity is provided in the following section.

Subjective positionality

A motivating factor for this thesis stems from my ethnic and cultural heritage as an Australian- born citizen of Japanese and Anglo-Saxon heritage. My father was born in Sydney, Australia and my mother in Gifu, Japan. Both my grandfathers, Wilfred ‘Bill’ Smith (Australia, M.M., Q.S.J.M., 1921-2009) and H iroshi K akami (nee I to) (Japanese, 1923-1994), f ought in Papua N ew Guniea during WWII on opposing sides. In September 1939, at 18 years of age, my Australian grandfather Bill Smith, from Beverly Hills in Sydney’s south, signed up to the AIF along with his two older brothers. He was proud to be called a ‘39er’16 and to have served in the 2/ 3rd I nf antry Battalion. He fought in Palestine, Jerusalem, North Africa (Elkantra, Egypt, Derna, Alexandria, Tobruk, Bardia), Greece (Port Piraeus, Veria Pass, Sfakia, Tripoli), Crete (Suda Bay), Syria (D amascus), Ceyl on (Col ombo) and t hen on t he K okoda T r ack. H e spent al most t hr ee year s i n Papua New Guinea (Port Moresby, Owers' Corner, Eora Creek, Kokoda, Oivi, Sanananda, Wondecla, Ataipe, and Wewak) until the War ended. When reflecting on his decision to enlist, he wrote, ‘I thought I was duty bound’ (Smith, 2008: 6). H e said that the f ighting on the K okoda track was the hardest that he had experienced during the whole of WWII. At the same time that Bill was enlisting, my Japanese grandfather Hiroshi Ito, from Tajimi, in Nagoya’s north, was 17 years old and had already been conscripted and had served for four years in the Japanese Army. Hiroshi, known as Ogisan to me, mentioned very little about what he had seen and experienced as a soldier in the Imperial Japanese Army. In the early years of WWII, Ogisan wor ked as a guar d at

16 A ‘39er’ referred to Australian soldiers who enlisted in 1939, the year that War was declared (3 September 1939).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

an experimentation camp in Harbin known as ‘Unit 731’. He later told my grandmother Obachan that he was aware that Japanese doctors and scientists were conducting tests on human subjects, but did not know more than that.17 Ogisan spent some time in Manchuria before he was sent to Vietnam, and then Papua New Guinea. While in Rabaul18, Ogisan developed appendicitis. An orderly removed his appendix without anaesthetic before he was sent back to Japan to recover. After the war both of my grandfathers found it difficult joining the workforce as much of t hei r educat i on was mi ssed because of t hei r ser vi ce dur i ng t he war . Papa served in the Australian i nf ant r y f or seven year s, and Ogisan in the Japanese Imperial Army for eight years. Both my grandfathers did their best to put the War behind them. Ogisan refused his war pension and remained critical of the Japanese government and of Japanese politics altogether. He encouraged all his children to learn English and travel outside of Japan, which is largely why all three of his children went to university in Australia, and live in Sydney today. In contrast, Papa was vocal about his criticisms of Robert Menzies. It took many years before he could participate in Anzac D ay D awn Services and Marches, let alone talk about his experiences in the war. I n 1996, at 80 years of age, he wrote a memoir of his wartime experiences but did not include any terrible or shocking experiences (Smith, 2008). Bill and Hiroshi met for the first time in Sydney during spring, 1985, and with my mother as interpreter, spoke about many things, but nothing of the War. Both men have passed away since then. My parents encouraged my younger sister and me to have a ‘bicultural’ childhood and upbringing. I grew up in two different cultures, spending regular periods of time in Japanese schools in Kyoto and Tajimi. Looking back at my primary and high school years I see distinct differences between the Japanese and Australian ways of teaching history and remembrance. In Japan I learnt of the history of samurai and shogun, but with no real conversation about WWII apar t f r om H i roshi ma and N agasaki . I n A ust r al i a, t he hi st or y of WWI and WWI I was a maj or f ocus. I n f act , my hi st ory cl asses f ocused on l i t t l e el se. Bot h appr oaches t o hi st or y are pr obl emat i c and i t i s pr eci sel y t hi s concer n t hat has pr ompt ed t hi s r esear ch. I decl ar e t hat I am a pacifist and support the republican movement in Australia. I share the concerns of historians I nga Clendinnen (2006), Marilyn Lake and H enry Reynolds (2010) that in recent decades the A nzac t r adi t i on has become a domi nant , romant i ci sed, sacr ed and unt ouchabl e el ement of Australian history. This situation represents a worrying trend in contemporary Australia because, as the collective national narrative, it normalises war and is divisive because it is too narrow and

17 Since the war, Japanese experimental testing on humans, especially the experiments at Unit 731, have been publically discussed and officially recognised by the UN as a crime against humanity. 18 Rabaul was a major shipping harbour for the Japanese during WWII and is located in the north-east of New Br i t ai n (see Pl at e 1.1).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

excludes many Australians. My position, which I will elaborate upon in this thesis, is that the phenomenon of the Kokoda Track, which has become part of the Anzac tradition, is a narrative that should be examined in light of the complex elements of multicultural Australia. The military history of the Kokoda Track is, then, inextricably linked to the context of Australia’s colonial administration of Papua New Guinea and the White Australia policy.

Aim

This thesis ‘Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol?’ (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman st or y?) ai ms t o anal yse t he phenomenon of t he K okoda T r ack and quest i ons whet her t he Kokoda Track is ‘just’ a story of Whiteness. It tests the novel propositions that the Kokoda Track maintains White Indigeneity and Whiteness, or, put in other words, that the Kokoda Track r ei nf or ces and pr eser ves Whi t e hi st or y and power i n A ust r al i a. I t expl or es t he many di spar at e el ement s t hat sur round t he compl ex and mul t i l ayer ed nat ur e of t he K okoda T r ack phenomenon. T he cul t ur e sur r oundi ng t he K okoda T r ack i s anal ysed wi t h t he ai m of i nt er pr et i ng how t hi s phenomenon has become regarded and promoted as epitomising Australian national identity, values, spirit and qualities. I investigate how Australians have used the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel, and other tropes of the peoples of Papua New Guinea, to further a collective Australian national identity and history. The undertaking of field studies of memorials and memorialisation of the K okoda T r ack i n Papua N ew G ui nea and A ust r al i a ai ms t o deepen t he anal ysi s of r ace, Whiteness, and nationalism. The study of treks by young non-White Australians aims to unpack themes of multiculturalism and White ethnocentrism. These research aims are pursued using the following methodology, which have not previously been used to analyse the Kokoda Track.

Methodology

The research presented here uses two principal data sources, textual material and fieldwork (see Table 1.1) to investigate the multilayered and sometimes competing elements that surround the Kokoda Track. The textual material, all of which is in the public domain, is diverse and reflects the rapidly increasing forms of communication in the digital world, and includes films, books,

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

images, websites, comics, tattoos, games, media articles, political speeches, documentaries, YouTube videos, blogs, radio commentary, text messages, studies, government documents, memor i al s, and museum di spl ays. T he t ext ual mat er i al was col l ect ed t hrough ext ensi ve and intensive searches of websites, libraries, books, theses, newspapers, museums and academic ar t i cl es.

T a b le 1.1: F ield work a n d su m m a ry of s it e visit s

Location Country Year Type / Name Canberra Australia 2009, 2011, 2012, Aust r al i an War M emor i al 2013, 2014 Berlin Germany 2008 TheJewish Museum, the Berlin Wall, Topography of Terror, Berlin Wall Memorial London England 2008 Imperial War Museum, Churchill War Rooms Ypres Belgium 2008 Menin Gate,Menin Gate Memorial

Oświęcim Poland 2008 Auschwitz-Birkenau M emor i al and Museum Choeung Ek, Cambodia 2007 Killing Fi el ds, T he T uol Sl eng Phnom Penh Genocide Museum Hiroshima, Japan 2008, 2009 H iroshima Peace M emor i al Nagasaki, Tokyo Museum, Nagasaki Atomic Bomb M useum, Y asakuni Shr i ne Owers’ Corner to Papua N ew 2010 The K okoda T r ack Kokoda Guinea Gold Coast Australia 2011 K okoda Track Memorial Walk Concord Australia 2010, 2014 K okoda Track Memorial Walk St . Agnes Australia 2013 K okoda Track Memorial Walk

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

The author’s fieldwork, as recorded in the following vignettes, is a new approach to gathering empirical data on the Kokoda Track and provides opportunities for original and innovative conceptual contributions to scholarship. In the preliminary stages of the thesis the site visits as detailed in this table were conducted better to understand and interpret war sites, military museums and memorials. As the thesis took shape, site visits to Kokoda Track memorial wal ks (Q ueensl and, N ew Sout h Wal es and Sout h A ust r al i a) and t he A ust r al i an War M emor i al wer e under t aken t o exami ne how t he K okoda T r ack has been memor i al i sed and r epr esent ed i n Australia (see Chapter 5). The vignettes provide insight into the trekking experiences and the data collected, which this thesis then critically analyses in the relevant chapters. A number of ot her f i el d t r i ps, i n par t i cul ar t o K okoda T r ack memor i al s and t he A ust r al i an War M emor i al , wer e under t aken dur i ng t he st udy and t he anal ysi s of t he obser vat i ons i s pr esent ed i n Chapt er s 4 and 5 (see Table 1.1 above). The data from texts and fieldwork were analysed deductively, to identify themes of Whiteness, nationalism, and race, as well as inductively to identify thematic patterns that emerged from the study. Operating between these two modes of thinking helped to ensur e a nuanced and r i gor ous anal ysi s of t he r i ch dat a set .

Thesis structure

The context of the phenomenon of the Kokoda Track is underpinned by the colonial history of Papua N ew G ui nea. T her ef or e, t he t hesis exami nes t heor y t hat i s speci f i c t o col oni al i sm and related issues, including race, Whiteness, gender, racism, neo-colonialism, tourism, history and the native, and the Other. After considering the many complex and multifaceted issues surrounding the research subject, it was decided that a methodological mix of observation, par t i ci pat i on and t ext ual anal ysi s woul d pr ovi de a r i ch and di ver se way of exami ni ng and reporting on the field of study. In particular, vignettes are provided based on the observations that were made during fieldwork, provided opportunities to illustrate the range of themes addr essed i n t he t hesi s. T o pr esent and anal yse t he f i ndi ngs, t hi s t hesi s i s di vi ded i nt o seven chapt er s and t wo vi gnet t es. Chapt er 2 cont ext ual i ses t he r esear ch by anal ysi ng t he l i t er at ur e, theory pertaining to nationalism and Whiteness, and themes that have been introduced here. It reviews and analyses the established theories of national identity, the Anzac tradition, race, neo- col oni al i sm and Whi t eness, and al so exami nes t he A ust r al i a- Japan r el at i onshi p. Chapt er 3 cr i t i cal l y anal yses t he many f acet s of t he cul t ur e of K okoda, expl or i ng t he uni que aspect s of t he

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Kokoda Track and how they have permeated the contemporary Australian culture and lexicon. Chapters 4 to 6 deploy fieldwork data to explore the gaps in knowledge with regard to the K okoda Tr ack phenomenon and t o i dent i f y t hemes of Whit eness, nat i onal i sm, r ace, and ot her emergent thematic patterns. Chapter 4 analyses textual (historical accounts, photographs, literature, and films) representations of Papua New Guineans that contribute to the forging of Australian national identity and to persistent neo-colonialist attitudes. Chapter 5 documents and anal yses t he memor i al s on t he K okoda T r ack i n Papua N ew G ui nea, K okoda T r ack memor i al wal ks i n A ust r al i a, and t he A ust r al i an War M emor i al . T hese memor i al s ar e expl or ed because t hey are markers linking collective national history to place, functioning as tangible place-markers, and reinforcing national identity. The Australian War Memorial is a focus of this chapter and the museum displays of the Second World War Gallery are analysed in relation to its representations of race. Chapter 6 is centred on the attitudes of contemporary young, non-White Australians towards the Kokoda Track and military history. In the aftermath of the Cronulla Riots (2005), a documentary followed a group of young Australians and highlighted the RSL’s use of the K okoda T r ack as a pi l gr i mage t eachi ng A ust r al i an val ues t o waywar d t een ager s. T he chapt er eval uat es t he degr ee of i ncl usi veness of t hi s use of t he K okoda T r ack as a t ool t o educat e non - White Australians. The influence of modern forms of digital technology on performing nationalism was observed and is examined here, while Chapter 7 summarises the thesis’s key ar gument s and t i es t oget her t he many di spar at e el ement s of t he K okoda T r ack phenomenon. The following chapter explores how the context of the Kokoda Track has become part of Australia’s collective national history and collective national identity.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Chapter 2

Contextualising the research

…nationality, or, […] nation-ness, as well as nationalism, are cultural artefacts of a particular kind. To understand them properly we need to consider carefully how they have come into historical being, in what ways their meanings have changed over time, and why, today, they command such a profound emotional legitimacy. (Benedict Anderson, 2006: 4).

Nationalism is a world-wide phenomenon which has been responsible for as much misery and upheaval as it has brought cultural enrichment and liberation of the spirit. (H ugh Seton-Watson, 1977: 5).

E x ternal events, rather than abstract arguments, will cause A ustralians to become A ustralian-minded. We are being forced into national consciousness, almost against our wish. (Percy “ I nky” Reginald Stephensen, 1936, n.p.).

In 1901, when the Australian nation was created, it reflected the ideas and biases of the time. One bias had as its cornerstone the exclusion of the native peoples of the country. (N oel Pearson, 2014: n.p.).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Introduction

As was revealed in the previous chapter, this thesis has argued that contemporary texts and publ i c di scour se have hel ped shape t he K okoda phenomenon by connect i ng i t wi t h t he A nzac tradition and national identity. The literature review revealed that there is a paucity of research t hat anal yses t he K okoda T r ack and t hemes of ‘ r ace’ and Whi t eness. Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? poses the question: is the narrative of the Kokoda Track only a story of and for Whites? The position of the thesis, which is demonstrated by the ensuing investigation, is that the Kokoda Track reaffirms concepts of national identity by legitimising Whiteness and White Indigeneity for White Australians, but excludes and denies legitimacy for non-White Australians (and for Papua New Guineans, which is discussed in Chapter 4). This chapter examines the development of nationalism in Australia, and considers key theories on subjects including Whi t eness i n or der t o pr ovi de t he anal yt i cal f r amewor k of t h e t hesi s. T he di scour ses of key political figures, academics and community leaders are also examined here in Chapter 3 as evidence of the development of a White Eurocentric Australian identity. Benedict Anderson, in his influential book Imagined Communities (2006) argues that since the French and American Revolutions, nationalism has become one of the most significant political and social forces in history. He supports this position with the observation that nationalism is the:

Fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries, for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willing to die for such limited imaginings (Anderson, 2006: 7).

G i ven t he i mmense i nf l uence t hat nat i onal i sm has had on t he wor l d and t he ever yday use of words such as ‘nation’, ‘nationalism’ and ‘nationhood’, ‘national identity’, it is critical to recognise that the concepts that underpin these terms are ‘notoriously difficult to define, let alone analyse’ (A nder son, 2006: 3). But , t hi s t hesi s agr ees wi t h A nder son ’ s cl ai m t hat t he nat i on i s a soci al l y constructed community, imagined by the people who perceive themselves to be part of it (2006: 22). He also points to several fundamental changes that occurred during the Age of Enlightenment of the 17th and 18th centuries which collectively ‘made it possible to “think” the nation’. The nexus of change encompassed the widespread use of the printing press, or what Benedict Anderson (2006: 22) ref ers to as ‘print-capitalism’, and a growth in publications written in the local vernacular, the demise of Latin, and the decline of sacred (religious) communities. The importance of the nation as expressed through language was recognised during this period (the latter half of the 18th century) by German philosopher Johann Gottfried von Herder, who

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

ar gued t hat t he ‘ nat ur al basi s of a nat i on, i t s her edi t y char act er and excl usi v i t y, ar e r ef l ect ed and expressed through language’ (Pryke, 1995: 66) because:

T he poet i s a cr eat or of a people around himself: he gives them a world to see and has their soul in his hand, to lead them to it (Herder cited in Spencer, 2012: 81).

Herder was speaking of the importance of language with reference to ancient texts, such as the Old Testament, the Edda19, and t he wor ks of t he A nci ent G r eek poet H omer . H i s vi ew on conveying nationalism through language is relevant to this thesis and its analysis of language as conveyed in more modern forms, such as media articles, films, and political commentary. Imagined Communities, which was f irst published in 1983, has been criticised f or its restrictive f ocus on literacy and print media (Barker, 1999: 5-6; Edensor, 2002: 7). I t has been critiqued for ‘reduc[ing] the rich complexity of cultural production to one field’, and that its ‘ excessive f ocus on literacy and printed media prof fers a reductive view of culture’ (2202: 7-8). Television (Barker, 1999: 5-6), popular music, festivals, fashion, film, radio, and information technology, it is argued, have been just as influential and powerful as traditional forms of print (Edensor, 2002: 8). Michael Billig (1995: 6, 15) asserts that even less visible, everyday, mundane forms of nationalism which comprise the daily reproduction of values and symbols, are just as important examples of nationalism. He cites the routine display of flagging (for example, outside post offices and schools), and the use of ‘we’, ‘us’, and ‘our’ to naturalise the concept and spatiality of nations in everyday discourse. Further, an unexpected observation during the course of research for this thesis identified the rapid development of digital technology and digital communications, and the influence of this new ‘driver’ on national identity and performing nationalism. There is a rapidly changing national and international environment which is driven by recent developments in digital technology and, vice ver sa, t her e ar e changes i n nat i ons and international settings that are driving the use of digital technology. For want of a simple phrase to describe this phenomenon, this study introduces the term ‘digital nationalism’. Digital nationalism is unpacked and discussed further in the ensuing chapters. The sections that follow will examine the construction of the Australia and the nation, the changes to collective national identity that have occurred, and the forces that have influenced these changes.

19 The Edda refers to books that were written in the 13th century in Icelandic during the Viking Age and contained sources of the medieval skaldic tradition in I celand and Norse (North Germanic) mythology.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Birth of the nation

This section provides the necessary background to its treatment of ‘race’ in the context of Australia. The nation’s name is derived from the hypothetical land of Terra Australis (Latin for the South Land) and its present form can be traced to Matthew Flinders’ report on his voyage in 1814, where he proposed the name ‘Australia’, ‘as it was more agreeable to the ear’ (Stallard, 2010). But, when was the nation born? The answer depends on the context, certain biases, legal constructions and constitutional arguments. The vagueness of this position is consistent with the difficulties that were examined in the previous section. First Australians did not have written laws so the Western concept of the nation did not exist. As such, according to legal construction, from the time of British settlement until 1992, when the High Court of Australia handed down i t s deci si on i n t he Mabo Case, the country was unoccupied at the time of settlement; it was terra nullius20 (‘land belonging to no one’). So, if the question had been put prior to 1992, the legal and constitutional argument would be simply that the nation was born in 190121. But law reform f ollowing the Mabo case, combined with the Racial D iscrimination Act 1975, add new layers of complexity to the question. The language that was used and, as will be shown later in this section, persists in public discourse today, is based on the legal construction that British colonisers were ‘settlers’ rather than ‘invaders’, and that the country was ‘settled’ rather than ‘ conquered’ (McQueen, 2004: 45; Reynolds, 1982). As a consequence, f or many people the nation’s birth remains clearly defined by the Federation of 1901, while for others the question is ambiguous because the nation or, more accurately, the nations22 of Australia, may have been born prior to ‘settlement’. Most scientists and historians agree that humans have inhabited Australia for at least 40,000 years23. The Indigenous Australians, or First Australians (as I pr ef er and empl oy i n t hi s

20 Prior to British colonialisation, or pre-contact, the country ‘was classless and stateless, which is what British jurists meant by terra nullius’ (McQueen, 2004: 253). 21 On 1 January 1901, after a decade of planning and consultation, the colonies were federated and The Commonwealth of Australia was born. In 1907 it became a dominion of the British Empire. I n 1911 the Federal Capital Territory, which was later renamed the Australian Capital Territory, was formed. From 1901 to 1927, while Canberra was being constructed, Melbourne was the temporary seat of government. I t was a decade after Federation when the Northern Territory was separated from South Australia and transferred to Commonwealth control. 22 Before British colonisation the population of 300,000 to 600,000 I ndigenous Australians was ‘split into 250 individual nations, many of which were in alliance with one another, and within each nation there existed several clans, from as little as 5 or 6 to as many as 30 or 40. Each nation had its own language and a few had several. Thus over 250 languages existed’ (Gadian Society, n.d., n.p.). Australian Aboriginal. Gadian Society. Retrieved 18th November 2014 f rom: http:/ / www.gadian.org/ Aboriginal.htm). 23 Based on many oral stories from groups of Indigenous Australians and scientific research on rocks, artefacts and remains, historian Richard Broome (2010: 5) concludes that people inhabited the land and its surrounding islands 40,000 to 60,000 thousand years before British colonisation.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

thesis24), have been f requently described as ‘hunter-gatherers’ (K eely, 1988; O’D ea et . al. , 1991; Lourandos, 1997; Webb, 2009). H owever, more recent evidence suggests that there was ‘ rudimentary and intelligent farming intensification’, such as fish traps at Brewarrina, and eel f arms in the Western D istrict of Victoria (Broome, 2010: 9-10). While First Australians may have been described as ‘nomadic’25, research by historian Richard Broome (2005: 10) indicates that each ‘tribe’ managed and nurtured the country, marking place by hills, rivers and other recognisable landmarks. But because histories, laws, and traditions were mostly oral (although al so depi ct ed i n cave and r ock ar t wor k) r at her t han wr i t t en, Fi r st A ust r al i an r i ght s t o count r y and claims to nationhood were and continue to be ignored or maligned. For example, no First Australians contributed to the Constitution of Australia that was adopted in 1901 (Pearson, 2014: 7). Historian Henry Reynolds has devoted much of his academic life to recognising and raising the importance of the history and perspectives of First Australians (Reynolds, 1972, 1982, 1987, 1998, 1999a, 1999b, 2001). H is works have provided a narrative f or the recent changes in understandings of the effects of British colonisation and the historical basis for interpreting the nation prior to 1788. Contemporary Australian leaders have had the benef it of perspectives on the birth of the nation, so now it is timely to examine the recent opinions of these leaders. Noel Pearson (2014) has described Australia as a ‘triune nation’, meaning that it has three parts, which consist of an ‘ancient heritage’, a British heritage and a ‘multicultural triumph’. Pearson argues that colonial history is the reason that there is a troubled relationship, and appeal s f or mut ual r ecogni t ion, st at i ng:

There is no denying it. It is the reality and it is the truth, no matter how much White Australians might want t o i gnor e i t or Bl ack A ust r al i ans mi ght want t o rej ect i t . What ever t he mut ual deni al of t he past , t he future must be one of mutual recognition (2014: 55).

Pearson’s perspective on the nation and its history and layers is at odds with many contemporary public figures, including serving and past Prime Ministers, who have their own narrative and definition of the nation. As already highlighted, Prime Minister Paul Keating proclaimed that the Australian nation was founded at Gallipoli, but that its ‘depth and soul’ were confirmed on the K okoda Track in the def ence of Australia (K eating cited in Black, 2012, n.p.). H e said: ‘There can be no deeper spiritual basis f or the meaning of the Australian nation’ (1992: n.p.). Prime

24 I chose to use the term ‘First Australians’ in this thesis to show my respect to Indigenous and Torres Strait I slanders and acknowledge that they are the first peoples of this land. Furthermore, conceiving of ‘hyper-identities’ such as I ndigenous Australian or Lebanese-Australian may be seen as provocative and/ or destructive because they can imply a ‘half’, ‘less’ or ‘part’ of being Australian. 25 T he vi ew t hat Fi r st A ust r al i ans wer e nomadi c was an ar gument used by Whi t e set t l er s t o cl ai m A ust r al i a as t err a nullius. Anthropologist and architect Paul Memmott discredited this belief with evidence of dome housing and architecture (McMahon, 2007: n.p.).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Ministers Howard and Rudd have taken the view that the military history at Gallipoli is paramount. Rudd stated that ‘Gallipoli, can I say, for me, it is absolutely fundamental to the Australian national identity’ (Shanahan, 2008). These attitudes ref lect the power of the ‘Anzac mythology in Australia today’ and how it has ‘come to serve as White Australia’s creation myth’ (Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 1). More recently, on 31st August 2014 Prime Minister Tony Abbott added to the public discourse in a speech at the National Museum of Australia’s launch of its ‘ 100 D ef ining Moments in Australian H istory’ project. Abbott identif ied White settlement, specifically ‘the arrival of the First Fleet’, as ‘the defining moment in the history of this continent’ , and Captain Phillip as the defining figure (Dingle, 2014). Abbott unveiled a plaque that states in ‘1788 Captain Arthur Phillip establishes convict settlement at Sydney Cove’ (D ingle, 2014).26 Abbott during his speech continued with this theme. Asserting that:

As Noel Pearson frequently reminds us, modern Australia has an important Indigenous and multicultural character. Still it’s British settlement that has most profoundly shaped the country that we are. I t has provided the foundation for Australia to become one of the freest, fairest and most prosperous societies on the face of the earth (Abbott cited in Hurst, 2014: n.p.).

Some may di smi ss t hi s speech as an er r or , but on sever al ot her occasi ons A bbot t has expr essed similar views on White settlement and the (in)significance of First Australians, despite stating that he wanted to be Australia’s f irst Prime Minister for Aboriginal Af f airs (Strakosch, 2013). 27 The significant events in Australian history and the perception of Australia at the time of settlement that have been projected by Australian Prime Ministers and institutions like the National Museum of Australia, contribute to White Eurocentric views of the nation. Anthropologist Ghassan Hage reflects on a dilemma with regard to the ‘problematic representation of Aboriginality within White fantasies’ in White Nation (2000). H age articulates that:

This work is the uncritical product of an institutionalised division of labour between academics interested in ‘multiculturalism’ and academics interested in ‘Aboriginality’ […] such an academic

26 The National Museum of Australia (NMA) appears to share Abbott’s view of the significance of White settlement as the Museum only identifies seven defining moments prior to the arrival of Captain James Cook in 1770, of which only two make specific reference to the First Peoples. In total there are 14 out of 100 ‘defining moments’ specific to Fi r st Aust ral i ans. And of t hese 12 ‘moment s’, onl y t hree acknowl edged vi olence and aggressi on, i ncludi ng t he Bl ack L i ne (or Bl ack War ) on t he T asman Peni nsul a i n 1830, t he Myal l Cr eek massacre i n 1838, and t he i nt r oduct i on of legislation for the removal of children (the Aboriginal Protection Act 1869, VIC; the Aborigines Act 1905, WA; Aborigines Act 1911, SA; the A bor igines P r ot ect ion A mending A ct, 1915). 27 On 3rd July 2014 Abbott, speaking at a Melbourne conference in response to a question about foreign investment, stated that, ‘I guess our country owes its existence to a form of foreign investment by the British government in the then unsettled or, um, scarcely settled, Great South Land’ (Harrison and Hutchens, 2014). Then on 15th November 2014, during a breakfast for British Prime Minister David Cameron, Abbott in comparing Australia in 1788 to today said, ‘as we look around this glorious city, as we see the extraordinary development, it’s hard to think that back in 1788 it was nothing but bush’, thereby reinvoking the view of terra nullius (H enderson, 2014).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

division of labour is the product of a White governmental tendency to treat ‘White-Aboriginal’ relations and ‘Anglo-Ethnic’ relations as two separate spheres of life. I n this process, the Whites relating to Aboriginal people appear as totally unaffected by multiculturalism, while ‘Anglos’ relating to the ‘ethnics’ appear as if they have no Aboriginal question about which to worry. Finally, this has left the question of Aboriginal-ethnic relations highly unexplored (2000: 24).

In this view academics, politicians and community leaders are a product of the system that has produced the nation’s attitudes. This thesis recognises and critiques the absence of Indigenous Australians in considering the birth of the nation, nationalism and Whiteness. I acknowledge that this problem is spurred by a self(ish) interest in the experiences of non-White, non-Indigenous A ust r al i ans who ‘f eel A ust r al i an’ but , because of ei t her i nt er nal or ext er nal f or ces, ref l ect upon notions of belonging and identity. In light of this gap, aspects of this thesis address the lack of inclusion of First Australians, and it is hoped that future research, including my own, will go further in correcting the problematic under- or non-representation of Indigenous and Indigenous-Ethnic relations. These reflections on Australia’s First peoples, I contend, apply all the more to the cultural analysis of Papua New Guinea. As mentioned in Chapter 1, there is an overwhelming absence of t he anal ysi s of ‘ r ace’ and Whi t eness i n A ust r al i an l i t er at ur e wr i t t en about K okoda. T her ef or e, a f undament al r eason f or under t aki ng t hi s r esear ch has been t o exami ne how Papua N ew G ui neans have been r epr esent ed. So, i n or der t o cont ext ual i se t he K okoda T r ack and t he t hemes of this thesis, the following section introduces the Indigenous peoples of Papua New Guinea, and provides an historical account of the ‘discovery’ of the islands by explorers and the early representations of their Indigenous peoples.

Papua New Guinea and representations in the early period

Papua New Guinea is recognised as the second largest island in the world, but in the Pleistocene er a28, the lands known as Papua New Guinea, Australia and Tasmania, were joined as a single landmass (the Sahul Shelf ). Some 8,000-12,000 years ago the sea levels rose by approximately 60 metres and the land bridges drowned, causing the lands to be separated (Redd and Stoneking, 1999: 808). Archaeologists disagree on the approximate date when humans began to colonise

28 The Pleistocene Epoch was 1.6 million-10,000 years ago. The climate cycled rapidly between cold, dry conditions (icehouse) and warmer, wetter conditions (greenhouse), and these changes accordingly caused the sea level change. D uri ng t he Plei st ocene t he gi ant mar supi al s (megaf auna) roamed t he Aust ral asi an l andscape. Ret rieved on 16 th November from: http:/ / australianmuseum.net.au/ The-Pleistocene-Epoch See: http:/ / australianmuseum.net.au/ The-Pleistocene-Epoch# sthash.BFQpwFYo.dpuf

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Papua New Guinea, but luminescence dating29, radiocarbon dating30, dating of changes in the paleovegetation31, and scientific research into a human skeleton from Lake Mungo32 (Australia), have offered a range of dates for periods of human existence in the Sahul Shelf (Redd and Stoneking, 1999: 808). It is estimated that human colonisation could have taken place up to 65,000 years ago (Johnson, Fogel et al. 1999; Miller, Magee et al. 1999) or as recently as 53,000- 60,000 years ago (Roberts, Jones et al. 1990; Roberts and Jones 1994; Summerhayes et al., 2010). Archaeological evidence suggests that gardening began in Papua N ew Guinea some 9,000 years ago, t her eby maki ng Papua N ew G ui neans among t he wor l d’ s f i r st f ar mer s33 (Waiko, 1993: iix; McMichael, 2001: 137). At that time villages were already well-established and Papua New Guineans were practising shifting cultivation34, as well as fishing and hunting. Prior to European acquisition, Papua New Guineans ‘lived in small, fragmented, isolated and self-sufficient societies […] connected by a complex web of trading relationships by which ideas and values as well as goods wer e exchanged acr oss consi der abl e di st ances’ (i i x). D iscovery of the islands of Papua N ew Guinea began in the early 1500s when Portuguese explorer Jorge de Menezes named the island ‘Papua’. This word was derived from puahpuah or pepuah, the Malay word that describes the distinctive f rizzy hair of the people (Wood, 1870: 898; Ballard, 2008: 161). A couple of decades later, the Spanish explorer Yñigo Ortiz de Retez, applied the name ‘Nueva Guinea’ (which translates as New Guinea) because of the resemblance that he drew between the people he encountered there to those of Guinea on the west-coast of Africa. From this point ‘Papua’ and ‘New Guinea’ have been used in the naming and renaming of the region.35 Early European explorers categorised the native population into ‘three distinct

29 Luminescence dating is used to determine the age of artefacts and soil by measuring the light energy trapped in the minerals of samples. 30 Radio carbon dating uses the amount of carbon 14 (C-14) in a dead organism and compares it to available levels i n t he at mospher e, pr ovi di ng an est i mat e as t o when t hat or gani sm di ed. 31 Pal eoveget at i on anal ysi s exami nes t he f ossi l i sed remai ns of pl ant s t o det er mi ne age of sampl es. 32 Lake Mungo is near Menindee, NSW approximately 720kms west of Sydney. 33 A 45,000 year old site indicative of complex forest use, namely for nut harvest, in Kosipe village (in Central Province Papua New Guinea) has been discovered. This discovery is part of a long-term research project conducted by archaeologists from the University of PNG, PNG National Museum and Art Gallery, the Australian National Uni versi ty and academic Mat t hew Prebbl e, t o det er mi ne whether t here i s evi dence t hat t ree nut f ar mi ng was carried out more than thousands of years as preliminary findings suggest (2015: n.p.). 34 Shifting cultivation is an agricultural process whereby land is cultivated temporarily and then abandoned. 35 A little over a century after the Portuguese and Spanish first engaged with Papua New Guineans, new colonial empi res began t o emerge and European i nt erest i n t he Pacif ic regi on grew. T he D ut ch, speci al i si ng i n t r adi ng spi ces, arrived in the 1660s, occupied the western region, and named it ‘Dutch New Guinea’ and ‘Netherlands New Guinea’ f rom 1898 to 1962. On 3rd N ovember 1884 Germany decl ared t he N or t h-East of N ew Gui nea a Ger man protectorate, and renamed the region ‘German New Guinea’. Three days later Britain declared the South-East of New Guinea a British protectorate, and renamed the region ‘British New Guinea’. After WWI , Germany’s colonies were relinquished and Britain added the north-east part of the island to its empire and renamed the eastern half the ‘ Territory of Papua’. Almost two decades later the ‘Territory of New Guinea’ was declared. This division of the landmass into three colonies, then two, was based on the interest of the colonial empires involved and the power t hat t hey possessed at t he t i me.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

races – the Negro-like Papuans of New Guinea and Melanesia, the Malay race of Indonesia, and the Polynesians of the outer islands’ (Sapir, 1921: 212). H ere the f irst representations of Papua New Guineans were constructed in consideration of the native populations ‘discovered’ in other parts of the world as a method of categorising and making sense of the Other. After the British arrived in New Guinea, Christian missionaries36 soon followed and became the first Europeans to engage with a substantial proportion of the Papua New Guinean population, particularly those in areas far from the coastline in the highland regions. Missionaries became the main communicators of Papua New Guineans to the rest of the world. The impact and legacy of these missionaries can be seen today, with 96% of Papua N ew Guineans in the 2000 census identif ying themselves as members of a Christian Church (U.S. D epartment of State, 2003). 37 Socio-cultural anthropologist John Barker (1996: 107-142) wrote an in-depth synthesis and analysis of publications by missionaries that included representations of coastal and highland Papua New Guineans. Barker found that the early accounts by missionaries reflected the popular belief in Europe of biological determinism, whereby a person’s skin colour determined their social position and established their inherent character. Colonialist attitudes largely deemed that the Papua New Guineans were tribal, primitive, uncivilised, simple and animalistic. These attitudes were commonplace and perpetuated in many publications. For example, in Uncivilised Races of Men in All Countries of the World (1870), Reverend John George Wood represented Papua New Guineans in terms that today would be considered condescending, racist and ignorant. In ‘ Chapt er X C N ew G ui nea’ , Wood f r equent l y uses t er ms such as ‘ pr i mi t i ve’ , ‘ nat i ve’ , ‘ savage’ and ‘ unci vi l i sed’ t o descr i be t he Papua N ew G ui neans t hat he encount er ed. H e al so l i kens Papua N ew Guineans to animals when describing the skill that Papua New Guineans demonstrated in running and leaping off branches ‘as easily as monkeys’ (1870: 900). Darwin’s theory of evolution and natural selection was used to justify discriminatory attitudes, and abuse of Indigenous peoples throughout the colonial world, including Papua New Guineans, as follows:

When civilised nations come into contact with barbarians the struggle is short […] Of the causes which lead to the victory of civilised nations, some are plain and simple, others complex and obscure. We can see that the cultivation of the land be fatal in many ways to savages, for they cannot, or will not, change their habits (Darwin, 2009: 297)

36 The Embassy of PNG (2004) reports that Roman Catholic Missions date from 1847 in Woodlark I sland, Methodists from 1870 in the Duke of York I slands (North of Rabaul), and Anglican missions from 1891 on the Dogura Coast, Milne Bay Province. 37 Most of the people who live along and near the Kokoda Track identify themselves as Seventh-Day Adventists. See websites: Kokoda Tribute (n.d.), The K okoda Foundation (2013), Adventure Kokoda (n.d.).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Papua N ew Guineans were also brought to Queensland f rom the 1870s to work in the cane f i el ds, al t hough t hey wer e not ensl aved per se 38 , they were mistreated (Mortensen, 2009). 39 However, not all representations of Papua New Guineans adopted racist or violent imagery. At times they were represented in what could only be described as ‘missionary propaganda’, which was designed to gather support from those ‘back home’ and to encourage rather than scare away new missionary recruits (Barker, 1996: 109). I t was not until the late 1800s that Australians began to travel to Papua N ew Guinea in search of gold and other minerals/ resources. During WWII, especially during the Kokoda Track Campaign, Australian soldiers began closely interacting with Papua New Guineans, and their representation as the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel emerged. The detailed analysis of representations of Papua N ew Guineans af ter 1901, particularly representations during and af ter WWI I is carried out in Chapter 4. The broader contextualisation now returns to the theme of nationalism and the forging of national identity in Australia.

Forging national identity in the colonial period

Prior to the Federation of Australia in 1901, Britain appointed governors to preside independently over the states of New South Wales, Victoria, Tasmania, Queensland, South Australia and Western Australia.40 In the lead up to Federation two principal security issues were r ai sed: a E ur opean i nvasi on by G er many, Fr ance, t he N et her l ands or Russi a who at t he t i me were colonising the Pacific, or an invasion by a country from Asia which, given Australia’s close proximity to Asia and the far greater numbers of the Chinese and Japanese populations, conjured f ears that an Asian invasion was imminent (McQueen, 2004: 31; Stanley, 2008a: 23). Alf red Deakin, Chief Security (VIC), was not alone in warning Australians of the ‘yellow peril’ when he sai d:

The Asiatic wave[,] which has threatened to engulf us[,] is only suspended for a short time, but if the colonies do not federate our comparatively trifling white population will be swept before it like a feather (Deakin cited in Parliamentary Education Office, n.d.).

38 For instance, in South Africa, the Sub-Sahara, the Americas, I ndia and other colonies, where native populations were exploited, particularly when the ‘slave trade’ was at its peak. 39 Papua New Guineans were recruited by means of violence and trickery to work as labourers in the cane fields of Queensland, a practice known as ‘blackbirding’ (Burns, 1943: 8). 40 At the time of Federation the Northern Territory was part of South Australia. The Australian Capital Territory was transferred to the Commonwealth of Australia by New South Wales in 1911, and Canberra was named as the nation’s capital in 1913.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

The proponents of Federation argued that a national government would be better at handling defence issues by restricting and controlling immigration. Also, there were concerns that cheap non-White labour from China and the Pacific Islands would cause wages and the standard of living to drop (McQueen, 2004: 31). This theme has continued to arise in Australia from time to time, including the introduction of the 457 visa41 in 1996. The majority of the White population, while of British heritage, was born in Australia, as the census records of 1901 show. There were only 495,074 people in the colonies who were born in the United K ingdom (excluding those f rom I reland), making up 13.1% of the population. This number f ell to 451,288 in 1911. Given these figures, the moves to unify the colonies and form one nation became increasingly popular t owar ds t he end of t he ni net eent h cent ur y. Federation was an important temporal marker for the nation, although national identity was forming in the White colonies prior to 1901. The culture of the pre-Federation period frequently referenced the bush and bush life (White, 1981: 104-5), and this theme continued until World War I, when the Anzac tradition was created and immortalised in Australian culture (Lake and Reynolds, 2010). Bush mythology and iconography inspired art, clothing, music, poetry, literature, magazines, language and national heroes. The bush was viewed in terms of a variety of unf ami l i ar and j uxt aposi ng char act er i st i cs. I t was per cei ved as danger ous 42 but al so as representative of freedom. It was characterised by extreme weather (drought, floods, fire, heat, humidity) and unique flora and fauna that Europeans had never before seen. The bush was depicted and viewed as romantic but also violent, unpredictable and unpleasant. Frequently, it was gendered masculine, especially in comparison to the English countryside, though less

41 The 457 visa is a subclass visa of Temporary Business (Long Stay), changed on 24 November 2012 to Temporary Work (Skilled) (Subclass 457). The 457 visa is a program whereby overseas workers are sponsored to work in Australia temporarily. In recent years criticism of the program has grown, specifically the findings of an audit by the Fair Work Ombudsman between September 2013 and June 2014 which found that 40% of 457 visa holders were no longer employed by their nominated employer or not being paid at the rate which they were promised and/ or below the statutory minimum of $53,900 (Aston, 2014: n.p.). 42 For instance, some met horrible fates while trying to explore the Australian bush in the nineteenth century. German explorer Ludwig Leichhardt (1813-1848) and his party went missing while trying to travel from Brisbane to Perth. Irish born Inspector of Police Robert O’Hara Burke (1821-1861) and English surveyor William John Willis (1834-1861), who set off to travel from Melbourne to the Gulf of Carpentaria in a mission to learn of the centre of Australia, died of starvation short of halfway at Coopers Creek, Queensland. Diary entries made by Burke, and evi dence f rom ot her part y member s who had lef t at earli er st ages of t he j ourney, led many t o beli eve t hat the explorers ingested ngardu sporocarps (seed), which contains thiaminase. The seed depleted their bodies of vitamin B and caused a deficiency known as beri-beri, which contributed to and accelerated their deaths. First Australians, who were familiar with this seed, would have been aware of its toxicity (Chaffey, 2002). The climate also contributed to the deaths of some explorers, such as Scottish born Thomas Mitchell (1792-1855). Mitchell was a surveyor and explorer who was responsible for laying out roads, bridges and towns in New South Wales. He caught a chill when surveying, leading to fatal pneumonia. Violent encounters were also a danger in the exploration of the continent. I n one well known case English surveyor Edmund Kennedy (1818-1848) reportedly died in Cape York when a group of First Australians speared him in the back.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

commonly the bush could also be described as ‘a feminine other against which the bushman-as- hero is constructed’ (D wyer, 1997: 226, 228). I t represented adventure and undiscovered territory for Europeans that many explorers sought to conquer. It also was the home of the Indigenous peoples (First Australians) who were feared and treated with contempt. In many instances, the First Australians were recognised, perhaps begrudgingly, to possess a great deal of knowledge about the bush, the land and the environment and of use as trackers (Reynolds, 1990; Lowe, 2002). At times their skills and knowledge came to be of great use to the colonialists who ‘settled’ the bush or embarked on journeys into remote regions. The intensity of the desire of settlers to possess land was common among settlers because of the ‘mythical, indeed religious qualities with which it can be endowed’ (McQueen, 2004: 147). As a result of this f orce, the possession of the nation’s land by settlers occurred, while the ‘Aborigines were not accorded even the rights of a conquered people’ (McQueen, 2004: 45). A century after British settlement the bush became central to developing ideas of the nation and the character of the country, as evidenced by the works of many late-colonial artists, most of whom were of the Heidelberg School, including Fredrick McCubbin, Arthur Streeton, Tom Roberts, Jane Sutherland and Charles Condor. Their works were described in 1891 by art critic Sidney Dickenson as ‘Australian Impressionism’ because the artists were inspired by the international impressionist movement and the unique landscapes of the bush (NGV, n.d.). The bush also had an impact on clothing which had to withstand the environment, such as the cloth akubra hat, slouch hat and oilskin coats.43 A particular style of music that was influenced by the bush became known as a ‘Bush Ballad’. Andrew Barton ‘Banjo’ Paterson was a popular contributor to this genre and he is credited with writing the unofficial national anthem, ‘Waltzing Matilda’ in 1895. 44 Pat er son and H enr y L awson ar e r egar ded as t wo of t he gr eat A ust r al i an writers of the period. They used the bush as the subject of their famous poetic feud between 1892 and 1893 in J. F. Archibald’s The Bulletin.45 Lawson attacked Paterson’s romanticised view of the bush, but, according to Paterson, it was Lawson’s idea to create a poetic feud between the two writers to increase their readership (Gleeson-White, 2010: 70). The Bulletin (published from 1880-2008) was a politically-charged weekly magazine and in the late nineteenth century it became known as ‘the Bushman’s Bible’. Its position was nationalist, anti-imperialist, racist, republican, masculinist and supportive of White-dominated trade unionism. Additionally, the magazine’s masthead slogan, ‘Australia for the White Man’, became a national political credo

43 I n Henry Lawson’s The Drover’s Wife (1892) he says, ‘She put on an old pair of her husband's trousers and beat out the flames with a green bough’, to emphasise the harshness of the Australian bush (Lawson, 2004). 44 See more of Banjo Paterson’s music in Old Bush Songs (1905). 45 Writers Edward Dyson and Francis Kenna also contributed a poem each to the debate.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

(ABC, 2008). Writers like Paterson, Lawson and other contributors to The Bulletin incorporated bush language into their works, with mainstream Australian culture becoming infused with words like jumbuck, jackeroo, swag, tucker, billy, billabong and drover. T he t er m ‘bushr anger ’ ent er ed t he ver nacul ar dur i ng t he ear l y col oni al year s, descr i b i ng convicts who had escaped and who possessed the skills to survive in the bush and to hide from the authorities (Ward, 1978: 184). I n the mid to late 1800s, during the Gold Rush period, the t er m ‘ bushr anger ’ t ook on new connot at i ons when i ndi vi dual s such as ‘ Capt ai n T hunder bol t ’ (Frederick Wordsworth Ward), John Gilbert, Ben Hall, and Edward ‘Ned’ Kelly and the Kelly Gang46 emerged. The term then came to mean an outlaw or someone who took up a life of crime using the bush as a way of avoiding being captured. Perceptions of bushrangers at the time were varied, f or some ‘they were thoroughly detested’ (McQueen, 2004: 136) and f or others they were folk heroes (Ward, 1978: 183, 185, 200). The great majority of White Australians lived in the cities, but the Australian bush was the key symbolic factor in the development of national identity in the colonial period and in the decades surrounding Federation. The constant and consistent focus on the bush and the bushman established a ‘cultural hero’ and contributed to a legacy of folklore that has continually shaped perceptions of Australian national identity (Ward, 1992: 190). The similarit y between the archetypal bushranger and Prime Minister John Howard’s reinvigoration of the Anzac tradition has been identified as a strategic move to ‘takeover the symbolic repertoire of Australia’s radical nationalist past’ (Ball, 2004).47 Russell Ward’s book The Australian Legend (1958) is arguably the best-known book on the topic of Australian national identity and nationalism (McQueen, 2004: 3; Roberts, 2008). Although the book overlooks several fundamental areas of Australian history, it has stimulated much debate and generated further contributions by other scholars on the topic of Australian nationalism and national identity. Australia is not unique when it comes to having a colonial history and a ‘rural mythology’ (Turner, 1990: 166); it has proven to be a popular theme in the forging of nations worldwide. Russel Ward outlined the origins and evolution of characteristics, mannerisms and traits commonly perceived as ‘Australian’ (Ward, 1966: 1-2). H e characterised the ‘typical Australian’ as masculine, pragmatic, independent, resourceful, aloof, restless, drinking, swearing, gambling, critical of pretentiousness and authority, and resourceful and capable but more inclined to laxity (1-2). According to historian D rew Andrew Roberts (2008),

46 The Kelly Gang consisted of Ned, his brother Dan, and their two friends Joe Byrne and Steve Hart. 47 Lake and Reynolds (2010: 124-125) claim that when the demand increased for a public apology to the ‘stolen generation’, Howard turned away from what was called a ‘Black armband’ view of I ndigenous history, and turned to the Anzac legend as the national story.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Ward arrived at this description after considering the convicts, Celts and ‘Currency Lads’48 of the early colonial years, particularly those who faced hardships in the bush or pastoral industry. It was t he myt h of t he A ust r al i an bush, War d ar gued, t hat i nf l uenced A ust r al i an cul t ur e and constructed the notion of the ‘typical Australian’. Key critics of The Australian Legend include H umphrey McQueen (1970), Miriam D ixson (1976), and H enry Reynolds (1999), who have each focused on dif f erent aspects of what they view as the book’s failings. The omission of women in Ward’s account of Australian history caused D ixson to accuse the text of being ‘misogynistic to the core’ (1999: 24). Reynolds (1999: 131-2), though admittedly a great admirer of Ward, questioned why The Australian Legend (1958) neglected to include First Australians in frontier life. Preferring instead to identify the char act er i st i cs and her oi c i mage of t he bushman (Bean, 1921: 46). M cQ ueen t ook i ssue wi t h Ward’s account of the typical Australian and assertion that racism is not necessarily an aspect of the Australian character (2004: 3). He is critical of Ward’s inability to accept that racism is largely overlooked while it is ‘the linchpin of his precious nationalism’ (McQueen, 2004: 31; Roberts, 2008). This perceived threat of Japan and fear of the Asian nations were themes in Australia’s White national identity that, I argue in the following section, started before Federation and materialised during WWII and on the Kokoda Track.

Development of the Japanese Other

T he f i r st r ecor d of cont act bet ween A ust r al i a and Japan can be t r aced t o 1831 when t he Australian whaling boat, the Lady Rowena, was damaged in a storm off the east coast of Hokkaido (the north island of Japan), forcing the crew on board to evacuate. Captain Bourn Russell and his crew were the first recorded Australians to have encountered the Japanese. Their arrival took place during Japan’s strict isolationist period, known as Sakoku (“ locked country” ), under which no foreigner could enter, nor any Japanese leave, the country. The whalers received a cold reception from the local Japanese villagers during the weeks that they spent there repairing the Lady Rowena (Jones, 2008: xx). When samurai arrived, barricades were erected and the villagers were provided with arms in preparation for a confrontation with the foreign intruders. Captain Russell led a pre-emptive assault and ordered his men to fire at a group of samurai, which resulted in one Samurai having been wounded and captured. Before the Australian whalers left

48 The term ‘Currency lad’ refers primarily to the children of convicts or emancipists (My Place, n.d., n.p.).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

they plundered and set fire to the nearest village, and released the wounded samurai with a letter addressed to the Emperor justifying their aggression as a response to the hostility and unfriendly reception that they had received (Howard, 2011). I t is f air to say that the event lef t both sides feeling animosity towards each other. Trade relations between Japan and Australia began with the exportation of coal in 1865, and which was f ollowed by wool in 1888 (Carr, 2012: n.p.). The f irst recorded Japanese immigrant was an acrobat who settled in Queensland in 1871 to work in the pearling industry (SBS, n.d.: n.p.). I n 1911 the national census recorded 3,281 Japanese men and 208 Japanese women living in Australia. Most of the Japanese who came to Australia in the late 19th and ear l y 20th centuries came by way of indentured labour schemes of the pearling industry, which were largely based in Broome and Thursday Island. Although there were some Japanese in Australia they were largely based in areas away from the main population and, therefore, remained largely unknown t o t hem. The Chi nese, on t he ot her hand, wer e set t l ed i n mor e t owns and ci t i es nationwide, having arrived in larger numbers in the mid-1800s either as indentured labourers f or private landowners or as prospectors during the Gold Rush. In the late nineteenth century contracted labour immigrants from Japan were brought to work, mostly in the Torres Strait, Darwin and Queensland, in the pearl diving industry, at sugar plantations and in the sex industry.49 Interaction between White settlers and the Chinese was far greater than with the Japanese but, for the majority of Australians, the Japanese were indistinguishable from the Chinese and, like them, were seen as a threat to their livelihood. At that time the Japanese only really ‘existed’ in the nation’s imagination and in Australian literature (Kato, 2008: 1-2). But, after more than one hundred years of British colonisation and with growing hostility towards Chinese gold miners and indentured non-White labourers (from Asia and the Pacific Islands), the representations had become xenophobic and racist. These attitudes were reinforced and led by articles in the The Bulletin’s editorial support for the protection of Australia as a ‘White nation’ (McQueen, 2004: 225). During WWI, Japan was a minor member of the Entente, and assisted Britain with naval conflicts in and around Russia, China and the Pacific. At this time Australia had already designed and implemented the White Australia Policy, which was aimed at controlling and limiting the number of Asians (mostly Chinese) in Australia. Hence, the alliance between Australia and Japan during WWI could be best described as one of ‘hesitant allies’ (Kato, 2008: 2). Negative representations of Asians in popular culture helped to stir invasion fears and anxiety among

49 Femal e Japanese pr ost i t ut es most l y wor ked i n areas wher e Japanese, A si an and ‘col oured’ (Fi r st Aust r al i an, Papua New Guinean and Pacific I slander) men were working.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

White-Australians (Burke, 2001). I n this period ‘invasion literature’ was popular. This genre effectively stirred up fears of a ‘yellow peril’. When the Japanese began moving into China and South Asia during the 1930s it was as if the earlier predictions of these books were becoming a reality. The Japanese entered WWI I in D ecember 1941, which soon led to Australia and Japan fighting against one another on the Kokoda Track, and elsewhere in Southeast Asia and Papua New Guinea. The Australian War Memorial states that, during WWII, 22,376 Australians became POWs of the Japanese and, of these, 8,031 died. It was not until after the war that the majority of A ust r al i ans became f ul l y awar e of t he abysmal condi t i ons and br ut al t r eat ment t hat was suffered by many Australian POWs at the hands of the Japanese. In recent times some historians have highlighted cases of historical inaccuracy, and describe some accounts of the conditions and treatment of POWs as myths or as gross exaggerations.50 However, for the most part Australian PO Ws wer e not t r eat ed i n accor dance wi t h t he G eneva Convent i on, t o whi ch Japan was a signatory, and the majority was malnourished, over-worked and brutally treated. Today, Japanese companies, products and culture have been incorporated into the lives of many Australians. Brand names such as Toyota, Mitsubishi, Honda, Fujitsu, Sony, Panasonic, Shi sedo, A sahi and Canon, as wel l as wor ds l i ke wasabi , sushi , t empur a, manga, sake, bonsai , haiku, karaoke, origami, kimono, miso, geisha, samurai, sumo, karate and shiatsu, are so frequently used that they have become part of the Australian lexicon and can be found in many English dictionaries. The Australia-Japan relationship is complex and has undergone change because of various economic, political, social and security interests. Mining, trade and tourism have st rengt hened A ust r al i a’ s r el at i onshi p wi t h Japan, but i t has al so been st r ai ned by t he controversial issue of Japanese whaling in the Antarctic waters of the southern ocean and the legacy of WWI I . I n 2009 the Rudd Government emphasised the importance of China to Australia (Brissenden, 2009). In contrast, a month after being elected Prime Minister in 2013, Tony Abbott expressed ‘as far as I’m concerned, Japan is Australia’s best friend in Asia and we want to keep it a very strong f riendship’ (Abbott cited in Woodley, 2013). Shortly af ter, Prime Minister Shinzō A be spar ked cont rover sy i n Chi na, Sout h K or ea, t he Uni t ed St at es of A mer i ca, and, to a lesser extent, Australia, when he visited the Yasukuni Shrine. This Japanese memorial in Tokyo has incited controversy since WWII because it honours 2.5 million war dead, including high-ranking Japanese war criminals (Callick, 2013; Walker 2014). The Second World War had a profound impact on how Australians viewed and depicted the Japanese, and further reinforced negative stereotypes of the Japanese Other (Mouer and

50 See Prisoners of the Japanese: Literary Imagination and the Prisoner-Of-War Experience, Roger Bourke, 2006; Reassessing the Japanese Prisoner of War E x per ience: The Changi POW Camp, Singapor e, 19 42 -5 , R. P. W. Havers, 2003; Japanese Prisoners of War, Philip Towle, 2000.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Sugimoto, 1982; Johnson, 1988). My examination of Australian literature published dur ing WWI I shows an increase in the number of Japanese representations, but also that these were limited in char act er i sat i on. M ost l y because t hese r epr esent at i ons wer e f or pr opaganda pur poses, t hey wer e intentionally simplistic, limited in-depth and uncomplicated. Much of the published propaganda depicted the flag of the Imperial Japanese Army and a menacing or aggressive looking Asian (Japanese) soldier set on invading Australia (see Plate 5.48). In the decades following WWII, the literature that was based on the Papuan Campaign revealed little or no interest in humanising or understanding the Japanese. These publications were focused on the Australian point of view and experience of the war. The Japanese enemy was typically represented as inhuman, animalistic and cruel (see Raymond Paull, Retreat from Kokoda, 1960; Geof f rey Scott, Knights of Kokoda, 1963; Timothy Hall, New Guinea, 1981). These f indings correlate with K ato’s that, in the 60 years since WWII, there has been only a limited amount of literature published that represents contemporary Japanese people (K ato, 2008: 195-196), and a few recent publications that seek to humanise the Japanese Other (H am, 2004; Bullard, 2004; Williams, 2012b). Kok oda (2006), a recent f ilm directed by Alister Grierson, is directly relevant to this thesis because of its content and the representation of the Japanese. Based on events of the Kokoda Track Campaign in 1942, the f ilm f ocuses on the experiences of approximately ten soldiers f rom the 39th Battalion Australian Infantry, the ‘Chocos’. The film intends to ‘get to the heart of the meaning of Kokoda’51 but goes beyond representations of brutality into areas of the macabre. The Japanese are intentionally portrayed as aliens (of the science fiction variety). Neil Prescott (2006), in a review f or the Adelaide ABC, stated:

[…] one of the most interesting things about Kok oda is its director’s conscious use of techniques drawn from horror films in order to endow this film with its requisite elements of tension, shock and suspense [0:22:16].

Prescott is highlighting the film’s use of the horror film genre in presenting to ‘a young audience an awareness of the complex history of K okoda f rom an Australian point of view’ (2006). This perspective is contradicted by Reg Markham, a former corporal of the Kokoda campaign, who argues that the film was only ‘factual so far as the conditions were concerned, […t]here’s no real story in it except the terrible conditions’ (Markham cited in Maddox, 2006). Grierson exchanges historical facts for a popular nationalistic agenda that reinforces the Japanese Other in the minds of a new gener at i on of A ust r al i an vi ewer s. G r i er son’ s K okoda port r ays t he young i nexper i enced Australian soldiers with the patriotic fervour of the Anzac tradition, and in a way that is difficult

51 From the perspective of WWII on the Kokoda track this was only the beginning of the battle. As the film only r epr esent s t hr ee days i n 1942, t here are st i l l t hree mor e year s of f i ght i ng t o come (Maddox, 2006).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

to criticise without sounding ‘traitorous or disrespectful of the dead’ (Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 1). T he f ol l owi ng sect i on now exami nes t he A nzac t r adi t i on as an i mpor t ant component i n contextualising this research.

The Anzac tradition

In 2005 when speaking about the Anzacs and the Anzac tradition, John Howard stated:

The original Anzacs could not have known at the time that their service would leave all Australians with another enduring legacy – our sense of self. The Anzac legend has helped us to define who we are as Australians.

These words reflect the belief of some Australians that the Australian nation was born at Gallipoli. According to the AWM’s principal historian, Peter Stanley, Gallipoli ‘has become an important founding legend’ and an overwhelming ‘symbol of Australia’s national identity’; it represents achievement on an international stage and establishment as a nation (Stanley, 2008b). McK enna (2009) has argued that Australia’s increased ‘f eelings’ f or the Anzac legend have not occur r ed t hrough a bet t er under st andi ng of mi l i t ar y deeds. I nst ead, A ust r al i ans have used a ‘ historical myth’ to generate ‘national pride’ and construct ‘a new sentimental nationalism’ (McK enna, 2009: 7). As explained in the previous chapter, the term ‘Anzac’ (Australian and N ew Zealand Army Corps) originated during the First World War and was a shorthand way of referring to the Australian and New Zealand soldiers. The term ‘Anzac’ became popular after the first observance of Anzac Day on April 25th 1916, the anniversary of the landing at Gallipoli. By the 1920s Anzac D ay was an of f icial public holiday in every Australian state and territory. I t was desi gned f or A ust r al i ans t o commemor at e, r emember and r ef l ect on ‘t he deeds of t he A nzacs, their victories and sacrifices’ (Buchanan and James, 1999: 25; Cochrane, 2001: 257). ‘Anzac’ became protected by an Act of Parliament 52 so t hat commer ci al use of t he wor d r equi r ed ministerial approval (Laf f in, 1965: 21; White, 1981: 135-6; Seal, 2007: 136-137; White and H arper, 2010). Only in 1994 was an exception made f or the commercial use of ‘Anzac’ in the sale of Anzac biscuits. More recently, in 2009, there was public disapproval of an ‘Anzac D ay sale’ by Tiger Airways and an attempt to market 50 Anzac songs by iTunes, which included contemporary songs such as ‘Working Class Man’ (1985) by Jimmy Barnes, ‘Scar’ (2004) by

52 The word ‘Anzac’ became protected by law in 1921 to prevent businesses from using it for profitable or commercial reasons (White, 1981: 135-6).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Missy H iggins and ‘My People’ (2007) by The Presets (White and H arper, 2010; Guthrie, 2009). The only connection between these songs and the Anzacs is that the musicians are Australians. A f ew years later, in 2010 N SW Premier K ristina K eneally opposed K mart ’s request f or permission to trade before the conclusion to Anzac Day ceremonies, because she reasoned that it was out of step with community sentiment (Blenkin, 2010). After many politicians, the general public and t he RSL expr essed t hei r anger and opposi t i on t o K mar t ’ s r equest , i t was qui ckl y wi t hdr awn and Kmart remarked that they ‘got this one wrong’ (The Daily Telegraph, 2010). This example demonstrates the view that Anzac Day is ‘the most sacred day in the [Australian] calendar’ (Clendinnen, 2006: 9), and is Australia’s ‘substitute religion’ (I nglis, 1999: 61-70). As experienced by Kmart, those who dare to question, criticise or alter the ‘traditions’ of Anzac Day and the Anzac tradition are often publically shamed and quickly ‘dismissed as un-Australian or sacrilegious’ (Buchanan and James, 1999: 29; Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 1). I n recent years there has been increase in popularity of more controversial ceremonial activities such as football games inspired by Anzac Day, the Australian Football League (AFL) ‘Anzac Day Clash’ and the ‘Anzac Day Double’ in National Rugby League (NRL).53 As a further example of the emotional and political importance of Anzac Day, foreign editor of the Australian, Greg Sheridan (2010), criticised the attitude of the ‘ideological Lef t’ in Australia. He wrote that because of their criticism of the Anzac tradition, they were comparable to the supporters of the German invasions of Belgium in WWI and of Poland in WWII, and of Japanese aggr essi on i n Sout h- East A si a i n WWI I . Sher i dan f i ni shed hi s ar t i cl e by st at i ng t hat :

Anzac Day is neither modern nor anachronistic, but timeless, profound and beautiful. These words are seldom used about academics.

Despite Sheridan’s claims, public support of Anzac Day in Australia has not always enjoyed the same popularity, attention and loyalty of recent years. I n the mid-1920s, when the ceremonial traditions of Anzac Day were becoming established, participation was around 25,000 in Australia. By the start of WWI I this number grew to approximately 82,000 (Rickar d, 1996: 126), but af ter WWI I Anzac D ay participation declined. According to historian Paul Skrebels (2006), Anzac D ay in the 1960s received a bad press as some regarded it ‘as an excuse f or returned servicemen to drink too much and reminisce about the war in a way that some people perceived as glorification’. This perception increased in the 1970s as the anti-Vietnam War movement st r engt hened. Par t i ci pat i on number s wer e at t hei r l owest l evel and pr ot est er s t ar get ed mar ches,

53 To be discussed in this chapter at a later stage.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

causing some to believe that Anzac Day may ‘vanish into obscurity, like Empire Day’54 (Stanley, 2008b). The f ear that Anzac D ay would disappear resurf aced in the 1990s when there were very f ew living WWI veterans (Cochrane, 2001: 259-260; Blagg, 2006: 10). H owever, deliberate ef fort and attention by politicians, media and the RSL has been effective in re-establishing and maintaining the popularity of Anzac D ay (Seal, 2007: 135). I nterestingly, this rise in the last two decades has coincided with the decline in the observance of Remembrance Day (also known as Armistice Day 55 ). Historian Inga Clendinnen has described how Remembrance Day was observed, drawing on her experiences as a child:

I also remember those two minutes of silence at the eleventh hour of the eleventh day of the eleventh month […] Chatter stopped. Commerce stopped. The people stood silent, heads bowed for two long minutes. I n the streets the trams stopped, too. That felt like a nation, mourning (Clendinnen, 2006: 11).

Clendinnen’s nostalgic memories of Remembrance Day emphasise how a once powerful and significant date in the Australian calendar declined in attention and public knowledge. On Remembrance D ay in 2009 The Sydney Morning Herald asked a 23- year - ol d bank empl o yee i f she knew what the significance of that day was. She said, ‘she had “no idea” it was Remembrance Day. “What’s the whole poppy thing about anyways?”’ (Elliott, 2009: n.p.). H istorian Peter St anl ey (1999) concl uded mor e t han a decade ago t hat A nzac D ay has sur passed Remembr ance Day as the nation’s day of remembrance, especially for younger generations who have been brought up without having observed or learnt about Remembrance Day. In recent years the interest in, and popularity of, Anzac history has spread beyond Australian cities and towns to overseas locations of military significance, most notably Gallipoli (Turkey), Villers-Bretonneux (France), Ypres (Belgium) and the Kokoda Track (Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 12; Seal, 2007: 135). Also in the past two decades, all Australian Prime Ministers have del i ver ed t hei r A nzac D ay speeches at si gni f i cant over seas war si t es. I n 1990 Pr i me M i ni st er Bob H awke visited Anzac Cove, as did Prime Minister John Howard a decade later in 2000, and in 1992 Prime Minister Paul Keating gave his Anzac Day speech at Bomana Cemetery, Papua New Guinea. Such Prime Ministerial speeches at significant military sites on Anzac Day have become the norm and, as such, reinforce the significance of Australia’s military history.

54 Empire Day was devised as a day for people to show their pride in being part of the British Empire. I t was introduced in the United Kingdom in 1904 and extended throughout the Commonwealth countries; however, there is no uniform observance of the day, worldwide. I n 1958 Empire Day was renamed Commonwealth Day. 55 The date of Remembrance Day coincides with the end of the First World War (1918), as suggested by the time, date and month (11am on 11th N ovember) when Germany si gned t he A rmi sti ce.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

T hese changes i n at t i t ude t o Remembr ance D ay and A nzac D ay demonst r at e t he evolving and fluid nature of nationalism that has been identified by Edensor (2002). Remembrance Day has international significance, while a rise in observance of Anzac Day is principally a national phenomenon. The thesis argues that this shif t since the 1990s f rom a global to a national focus on Australian military involvement and remembrance has been influenced by political agenda. As highlighted earlier, during the Howard era there was a deliberate resurrection of Anzac Day so as to recognise April 25th as the defining moment in Australian history (Green, 2013). H owar d’ s speechwr i t er , t he l at e Chr i st opher Pear son, cl ai med t hat i n t he l ead up t o t he 1996 election, ‘we were firing a shot in the culture wars’ by making Keating consider nationalism in the midst of discussions surrounding reconciliation and the republic (2008: 220-1). Both Keating and Howard took on the task of conjuring an Australian nation that did not exist; Keating challenged Australians to consider the treatment of First Australians and Australia’s future as part of the Asia-Pacific region, ‘and in so doing he left the way open for Howard to explore popular nationalism’ (Errington and Van Onselen, 2008: 221). Thus, McK enna (2009: 7) ar gues t hat :

From 2001 to 2007 […] Australia underwent a narrowing of national mythology to one key legend, which encapsulated values, defined the moment of national birth, and gave rise to a military tradition within which those values and ideals were given their most profound expression.

This emphasis on military history was fundamental to Howard’s call in 2006 ‘for a root and branch renewal of the teaching of Australian history in our schools’, in the belief that history was the building block of ‘social cohesion’ and ‘national unity’ (McKenna, 2009: 4-5). Further, school s wer e i nst r uct ed t o f l y t he A ust r al i an f l ag i n a pr omi nent pl ace i f t hey wer e t o avoi d having their f unding reduced (2009: 6). In History’s Children: H istory Wars in the Classroom, Anna Clark (2008: 49) claims that Anzac history receives more education funding than any other area of Australia’s history. Similarly, the f ederal government since 1995 has ‘lent its authority and vast resources to a new pedagogical project we might call the militarisation of Australian history’ (Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 139). M cK enna al so bel i eves t hat t he H owar d gover nment ’ s encour aged r esur gence of A nzac D ay has r eached a poi nt wher e i t ‘ has become A ust r al i a’ s si ngul ar and most cohesi ve nat i o nal myt h’ t hat has been ‘elevated to a point beyond historical understanding and critical appreciation’ (McK enna, 2009: 6). This conclusion is supported by Clark’s research in Australian schools, which found that many schoolchildren believe that a ‘militarised national identity [is] intrinsically Australian’ (2008: 46). The observations of Clark, McK enna and Lake raise serious concerns about the growth of the Anzac focus in education and in the wider public sphere, as a tool to

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

create national sentiment as opposed to historical understanding (Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 153, 46). As the Anzac tradition expands there is, necessarily, less space for other aspects of Australia’ s history (McK enna, 2009: 7; Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 140). The annual ceremonies of the Anzac tradition are most obvious on Anzac Day (25th April) and they symbolise national unity and sense of belonging. In The Inventing of tradition (1983) Hobsbawm and Ranger argue that pageants and ceremonies transmit a sense of tradition, decree power to institutions and communicate ideologies that uphold shared values and beliefs. The ceremonies for Australians on Anzac Day include attending or participating in Anzac Day marches, plus other ceremonial activities such as community or religious services, community breakfasts,56 or attending Dawn Services. In addition to the Anzac Day Clash and the Anzac Day Double, there has been some criticism surrounding the promotion of gambling and consuming excessive quantities of alcohol, namely beer (Victoria Bitter “VB” has been specifically promoted). 57 Those who par t i ci pat e i n and endor se t hese act i vi t i es of t en ar gue t hat t hei r involvement is not only justified, but that it is a tribute to the Anzacs. Images of Anzacs playing two-up58 59 and football 60 can be seen in hundreds of photographs at the AWM and help to maintain this perception. The Australian hunger (albeit stimulated by public and private organisations) for Anzac as the founding mythology of the nation has forcibly created traditions in sport. Every year both the NRL and AFL play on or around Anzac Day in honour of the A nzacs. I n N RL A ust r al i a and N ew Z eal and pl ay t he ‘ A nzac T est ’ , al so known as t he ‘ Bundaber g Rum Test’ (2004 – 2008) and the ‘VB Test’ (from 2009). I n AFL Collingwood and Essendon play one another in ‘The Anzac Day Clash’ which began in 1995 and by 1997 was described as ‘ traditional’ (Murray, 2009: n.p.). The f irst game was playing on Anzac D ay in 1995 and by 1997 the annual event was considered to be ‘traditional’ (2009: n.p.). Murray also cites journalists who have used military terminology and imagery in their descriptions of ‘The Anzac Day Clash’, i ncl udi ng wor ds and phr ases such as, ‘ bat t l e’ , ‘ sl umped [ … ] and dabbed at t hei r wounds’ , ‘ t r ench’ , and references to Gallipoli (2009: n.p.). The ‘ceremonial’ use of the Anzac tradition in the promotion of drinking VB (beer) was made culturally acceptable by the discovery of a WWI I photograph that depicted soldiers of the

56 I n many Australian towns/ suburbs, breakfasts cooked on a barbecue are common after the Dawn Service. 57 Urban Society, a lifestyle city guide, sent a promotional email to members stating, ‘After paying your respects at the Dawn Service this Thursday for ANZAC day, don’t just go home and catch up on those three hours of sleep. Do something constructive – like participate in good ol’ Aussie traditions. And by traditions, we mean beer’ (Urban Society, 2013). 58 Two-up is a game involving a ‘spinner’ throwing two pennies into the air, with players gambling on whether the coins will fall heads up, tails up or one head and one tail - known as ‘odds’. 59 See photographs at the AWM: P00734.004, P00066.015, J02913; MEB0198; 109882; P02914.001 (disturbing images of soldiers in the middle of a game of two-up just before a shell came down and killed them). 60 See the following AWM photographs: C03957, J05728; 009362.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

2/ 1st Machine Gun Battalion behind an arrangement of beer bottles which spelt ‘VB’. The photograph was taken when the soldiers were in I kingi, Egypt, in 1941 (see Plate 2.1). I n 2009 t he ‘ Rai se a G l ass’ Campai gn was devel oped by t he RSL and L egacy t o obt ai n money t o suppor t veterans and their families. The spokesperson for the campaign is Sir General Peter Cosgrove (appointed as Governor General in 2014), stated in a television advertisement in the lead up to Anzac D ay in 2013, ‘This Anzac D ay there is no excuse. Along with raising a glass we’re asking you to attend your local Anzac Day Service (Cosgrove cited in Alcohol Advertising Review Boar d, 2013: 1).’ T he agr eement bet ween Car l t on and U ni t ed Br ewer i es 61 and t he RSL and Legacy states that $1 million per annum is to be donated to the campaign regardless of the profit f rom sales. By 2013 the campaign had received $5 million from the beer company, which stated that it had no interest in making a prof it from Anzac D ay (K ennedy and Bone, 2013). Aside f r om t he pr of i t s and campai gn f undi ng, what i s cl ear i s t hat Car l t on and U ni t ed Br ewer i es and Legacy Australia together promote the ceremonial drinking of beer as part of the Anzac tradition. They affirm that it has long been part of Australian culture, that it is an acceptable way for contemporary Australians to remember the Anzacs, and that by repeating these ‘traditions’ and ceremonies they are ‘performing’ Australian national identity.

Plate 2.1: 13th Platoon D Company, 2/ 1st Machine Gun Battalion in Ikingi, Egypt, 1941.

61 Carlton and United Breweries, owned by South African Corporation SAB Miller since 2011, is Australia’s largest brewer, having either created or acquired Abbotsford, Bluetongue (now discontinued), Bruers, Carlton, Cascade, Crown, Foster’s, Great Northern, Grolsch, Matilda Bay, Melbourne Bitter, Miller, NT, Peroni, Pilsner Urquell, Pure Blonde, Reschs and Sheaf.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

I n 2013 the ‘Raise a Glass’ campaign added a ‘D awn Service Wake Up Call’ service, where people who registered online would receive a pre-recorded message from General Cosgrove to wake them up in time for the Dawn Service in their local area. Herald Sun journalist Susie O’Brien picked up on this issue in her article in the week bef ore Anzac D ay in 2013. O’ Brien criticised VB for making Anzac Day more about selling beer and less about an ‘altruistic corporate gesture, which that company can well aff ord’ (O’Brien, 2013). Others have raised concern over the mixed messages in advertisements promoting alcohol on Anzac Day, claiming t hat i t cont r adi ct s G over nment - f unded campai gns t hat ar e ai med at r educi ng t he amount of binge drinking in Australia (Grogwatch, 2013; Sinclair, 2009). It becomes even more perplexing that alcohol consumption is promoted as something to do in honour of Anzacs in light of the f act that the Australian D rug Foundation was established in 1959 ‘in response to community concern around war veterans returning with alcohol problems’ (AD F, 2010). Accepted alcohol abuse on Anzac D ay has caused problems with Australians abroad too. I n 2010, travel writer David Whitley observed that ‘an alcohol ban was slapped on the Gallipoli dawn service because of ‘backpacking bogans who saw it as a slightly more exotic Oktoberf est ’ (I reland, 2010). The ceremonial activities on Anzac Day are not the only controversial topics that tarnish the celebrated legend of the Anzacs. RSL clubs have also come under recent criticism from the NSW President, Don Rowe. These clubs were originally set up in the 1950s to provide veterans with a social venue, and in the 1970s they opened their doors to the wider public and amalgamated with community clubs. I n recent decades some clubs make millions of dollars each year in poker machine revenue (Browne, 2013). I n 2013, Rowe argued that RSL clubs had st r ayed f r om t hei r r ol e as ‘ a not - f or - pr of i t char i t y, l ooki ng af t er t he wel f ar e of vet er ans and ensur i ng t hey ar e pr oper l y car ed f or ’, t o a busi ness t hat i s i nt er est ed i n prof i t i ng f r om poker machines and alcohol consumption (quoted in Browne, 2013). According to annual reports in 2011, Cabra-Vale Diggers Club in Canley Vale, in Western Sydney, generated more than $50 million in profit from poker machines, and less than 10 kilometres away, Merrylands RSL generated more than $23 million in profit (Browne, 2013). In addition to the problematic alliance of the Anzac tradition with excessive consumption of alcohol and gambling, Whiteness and ‘race’ add further layers of complexity. Incidents of bad behaviour in the Middle East by the Anzacs have been described by historians Manning Clark (1993) in A H istory of Australia, Bill Gammage (1974) in The Broken Years, Patsy Adam-Smith in The ANZACS (1978) and Lake and Reynolds (2010: 161-162) in What’s Wrong wit h A nz a c. Clark (1993: 374, 453, 7457) f ound that some Anzacs were involved in ‘wild sex or gi es’ and br awl ed wi t h l ocal s, wer e dr unk and r i ot ed. G ammage cor r esponded wi t h WWI

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

veterans and studied the letters and diaries of over 1,000 Anzacs, and wrote of occasions when they rioted, exhibited bad behaviour, and drunkenness (1974: 36, 37, 120, 123). Patsy Adam- Smith (1978) wrote that over 5,000 Australian soldiers in Egypt were treated for venereal disease in 1915, highlighting the likelihood that many Anzacs visited brothels. Lake and Reynolds (2010: 161) argue that Anzac soldiers had self -conf idence in their inherent superiority and ‘pride in bei ng whi t e men ’ . T hey concl ude t hat t he A nzacs’ di sr espect and cont empt uous t r eat ment of t he Egyptians occurred because ‘they were the proud representatives of the White Australia Policy, which promoted racial purity at home and abroad’ (2010: 161). The f eelings of superiority that the Australian soldiers brought with them to the Middle East in WWI were, therefore, not restricted to the soldiers, but a manifestation of Australia’s White privilege. White privilege is part of the broader theme of Whiteness that this thesis examines in relation to the Kokoda Track. It is therefore necessary to now investigate Whiteness in an Australian context.

Whiteness in Australia

The social construction of Whiteness is based on cultural, historical and social aspects of people and i s t i ed t o soci al st at us. T heor i st H omi K . Bhabha ar gues t hat ‘ t he Whi t e posi t i on’ i s a means of using privilege and power to shift the norm through a strategy of authority rather than through an authentic ‘identity’ (Bhabha, 1998: 21). It places the representation of Whites at the centre of everything (White ethnocentrism and White Eurocentrism) and displays a persistent ref usal to take into account the perspectives of non-Whites (D yer, 1997: 2, 9; Roediger, 2001: 75). Whiteness is often interpreted and understood by definitions of non-Whiteness (Schech and Haggis, 2000: 232). It ‘signals the production and reproduction of dominance rather than subordination, normativity rather than marginality, and privilege rather than disadvantage’ (Frankenberg, 1993: 236-237). For D avid Roediger (2001: 81) Whiteness is identif iable in the exercise of power by some people over others:

[…] the cent r al over archi ng t heme i n schol arshi p on whi teness i s t he argument t hat whi te ident i ty i s deci sivel y shaped by t he exerci se of power [ …]

This explanation links Whiteness to White identity, which adds another layer of complexity because White identity does not necessarily refer to White skin or ‘race’, also could depend on the accumulation of cultural possessions deemed valuable, such as having blond hair or an

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Australian accent (Hage, 2000: 56). The position of this thesis is that definitions of White ‘will al ways be dynami c and cont ext - speci f i c’ (Rasmussen, K l i nenber g, et . al ., 2001: 7), and t hat i t ‘ colonises the def inition of the normal’ (D yer, 1997: 2; H aggis, Scech et. al., 1999: 169), thereby highlighting the complexity of the subject. In an Australian context, ‘the legacy of the White Australia Policy continues to ‘haunt’ contemporary multicultural Australia and multicultural practices’ (Stratton, 1999: 163). ‘White racism is entrenched in the very make-up of Australian institutions’ (H age, 2003: 118). ‘The Australian Republic - Love it or Leave it!’ (Smith, 2013: 82- 86) 62 contends that there is an underlying inequality regarding citizenship in contemporary Australian society. In each of these examples, White Australians have felt justified in identifying what kinds of beliefs, attitudes, cultures, clothes, races and ethnicities are ‘unAustralian’. White Indigeneity has moved from its roots in Australia to control invisibly and subconsciously the communal l and of t he K okoda T r ack and t he Papua N ew G ui neans who l i ve t her e. T he following section examines ‘digital nationalism’, a term introduced earlier in this chapter as an unexpected observation that was made in the course of this research.

Digital nationalism

The new concept ‘digital nationalism’ is used in this thesis to describe recent impacts of the digital age of information technology on nationalism. This term is examined in the thesis in addressing how modern digital technology has influenced national identity and its performance with respect to Kokoda. Digital nationalism identifies digital technology as a new dynamic form that influences ideas of the nation and national identity. I identify digital technology to refer to forms of communication and information dissemination including: Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, mobile phones, the Internet, satellite, text messaging, picture messaging, ‘selfies’63, blogs, Skype, phone apps, email, Instagram, and Tumblr. It is contended in this thesis that these digital forms of technology are impacting upon nations and national identity in new ways. Specifically that gr eat er sect i ons of t he communi t y can access t he I nt er net t o expr ess t hemsel ves and access t he views of others on a more rapid and global scale, at little to no cost. Governments have become

62 The book of essays Project Republic: Plans and Arguments for a N ew Australia (Jones and McKenna, 2013) was released with forewords from politicians Minister for Communications Malcolm Turnbull and former Deputy Leader Wayne Swan, and an essay by some of Australia’s leading historians including Mark McKenna, Ken Inglis, Henry Reynolds, Alistair Thomson and John Hirst. 63 ‘Selfies’ are photographs taken by the individual of the individual – a self-photograph.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

aware of the dangers and unpredictability of digital technology. Instantaneous transmission of images and live video footage by mobile phones have revealed to the world how a nation’s identity, governance and future can be influenced by modern digital technologies. Likewise, the release of digital information by Julian Assange, Bradley (now Chelsea) Manning (WikiLeaks) and Edward Snowden are recent incidents that have highlighted the new dangers to nations and to nationalism that are posed by digital media. In these cases, Assange, Manning and Snowden chose to apply their own personal approach to freedom of information with the aid of digital technology. These incidents compromised and embarrassed governments. In another recent exampl e, I sl ami c St at e (I S) 64 has used digital technology as a tool in their claim of religious, political and military authority over all Muslims worldwide (Roggio, 2014: n.p.). IS’s sophisticated use of soci al medi a t o r ecr ui t f i ght er s, pr omot e vi ol ence and pr opagat e f ear ‘ has become a hal l mar k of t he conf l i ct i n Syr i a and I r aq, as i nsur gent s use Facebook, T wi t t er and YouT ube… ’ (Richards, 2014). H owever, digital technology does not just have negative impacts, as expressed by deputy executive director of the I nstitute of Public Af f air s, James Paterson (Jones, 2014):

Every new technology attracts this kind of fear. Believe it or not, when the paperback novel became widely available, people were terrif ied that young people would get lost in them and they wouldn’t interact with their friends and colleagues. The same thing happened to radio and to television and now to t he di gi t al age.

Digital nationalism may be used by governments, conformist groups and conservative groups in various ways. This thesis identifies one manifestation of digital nationalism among many, specifically how the Kokoda Track has been used in the forging of national identity. The following chapter examines trekker blogs as one dimension of digital nationalism, and Chapter 6 explores the use and performance of digital nationalism during the Cronulla Riots.

Conclusion

T hi s chapt er has expl or ed t he di spar at e f acet s of t he K okoda T r ack phenomenon and, i n t he chapt er s t hat f ol l ow, t hese el ement s ar e connect ed t oget her t o demonst r at e t he mul t i f acet ed and complex nature of the subject. Prior to the 1990s, the Kokoda Track was regarded by historians as a site where gallant military battles occurred in the 1940s. H owever, in recent years the

64 A l so known as I sl ami c St at e of I r aq and Syri a (I SI S), and I sl ami c St at e of I r aq t he L evant (I SI L ).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Kokoda Track phenomenon has evolved into a more important component of ‘Australia’s national identity’. In order to understand the rise in prominence of the Kokoda Track, this chapter has examined the literature on Australian nationalism and national identity. The Anzac tradition, which is based on military history, has become an integral part of modern Australian culture and contemporary “Australian national identity” . It has dominated the Bush Legend in addition to other Australian events and icons. In recent decades there has been a concerted effort by Australian Prime Ministers, particularly Paul Keating and John Howard, to establish connections between Kokoda and ‘Australian national identity’. Although those icons have not been lost, they have been incorporated into the Anzac tradition and have now become overshadowed by the intensity of emotions that are generated by images of the military heroism of the Australian soldier. The Anzac tradition, it will be argued, is problematic because it excludes many Australians on the basis of gender, class, race and ethnicity (Rowe, 1998: 87). The Anzac tradition ‘is a myth of White Australia’ (Ball, 2004), and ‘is a contrived image, which is exclusionary […] in a multicultural Australia (Blagg, 2006: 9). It immobilises ‘the nation as it was in 1915, when the White population reached a peak of 98 per cent ’, and becomes a divisive ‘ wedge’ in making some Australians more Australian than others (Ball, 2004). This chapter has examined controversial activities surrounding Anzac Day and the meanings projected onto it. It is argued that the Anzac tradition tends to reinforce notions of Whiteness and White privilege, which then contributed to notions of ‘Australian national identity’, thereby effectively omitting a growing section of the (non-White) Australian population.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Chapter 3

The Cultures of Kokoda

A t the time I was playing ordinary footy [ …] Since [trekking the Kokoda Track], I have no doubt it has helped me become a bett er player.

‘Leaping’ Leo Barry, Sydney Swans AFL Player (2006).

Why do t hey come?

Matthew, Experience Kokoda, Trek Leader (Vignette I).

My Grandfather served in PN G during the war so I grew up listening to his stories which has given me a strong basis of being a proud A ussie.

Peter Morrison, K okoda Trekker, Adventure K okoda (Morrison, 2011).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Introduction

The Kokoda Track Campaign of WWII has been recognised as one of the outstanding conflicts in Australia’s military history. In the words of General Sir Thomas Blamey on 24th December 1942 when addressing the remains of the 16th Brigade of the 2/ 3rd A.I.F.:

Never before have men been asked to do what you men have just done….The 1st A.I.F.65 never had a task more difficult than that which was fulfilled by the victors of the Owen Stanleys. (Clift, 1980: 346)

T he ext ent t o whi ch many cont empor ar y A ust r al i ans ar e dr awn t o t he K okoda T r ack i s demonstrated by the recent production of books, films, academic papers and numerous media articles and, as shown in Chapter 1, there is no sense that this interest has started to wane. The phenomenon of the Kokoda Track occurred in a period in which the importance of Australia’s military history has been emphasized and linked to the development of military-based nationalism (N elson, 1997). The previous chapter examined the history of the development of Australian national identity, finding that White Australia has been a dominant theme. Historian H umphrey McQueen (2004: 30) argues that, soon after Governor Arthur Phillip arrived in N ew Holland, Whiteness and racism have been ‘the pivot of Australian nationalism’. The link between the War in the Pacific and Whiteness, which distinguishes it from the War in Europe, can be observed in statements of the time. For example, after the Japanese bombing of Darwin on 19th February 1942, which realised long-held f ears of invasion, f ormer Prime Minister Billy Hughes told a Sydney crowd:

I n t hi s supreme cri si s….deeds al one can keep Aust r al i a whi te and f ree. (St anley, 2008: 131).

But , i n spi t e of t he nexus bet ween t he mi l i t ar y hi st or y of t he K okoda T r ack and A ust r al i an nationalism, the contemporary narrative of the Kokoda phenomenon has not been critically exami ned i n t er ms of Whi t eness or ot her rel at ed cul t ur al t hemes (see Chapt er 1). H ence, t hi s chapt er begi ns t he exami nat i on of t he cul t ur al el ement s of t he K okoda T r ack i n cont empor ar y

65 In his speech to the Kokoda troops, Blamey was comparing their efforts to those of the 1st Australian Infantry Battalion. The 2/ 3rd Battalion on the K okoda Campaign upheld the tradition of the 1st /3rd Battalion who ‘stormed the heights of Gallipoli on 25th April 1915 carrying their banner to the bitter end through the mud and blood of France in the “ war to end all wars” ’ (Clif t, 1980: cover page).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

A ust r al i an soci et y and ai ms t o cont ext ual i se t he subj ect f or t he pur pose of deeper anal ysi s i n t he r emai nder of t he t hesi s. T he anal ysi s i n t hi s chapt er al so exami nes empi r i cal dat a, der i ved f r om fieldwork carried out by the author (see Vignettes I and II), as well as academic studies, fictional and non-fictional literature, digital social media (especially the internet and blogs) and news media reports. The following section critically examines the recent political discourse, which was introduced in Chapter 1, and how politicians have exploited the Kokoda Track with the intention of furthering their agendas in the forging of their preferred versions of Australian national identity.

Political discourse

Political discourse on the importance of the Kokoda Track to Australia began in the depths of WWI I when, in September 1942, Australia’s wartime Prime Minister John Curtin spoke to the Australian people through cine film and radio broadcast about the battles in the Pacific and the Kokoda Track. If the Japanese invasion were successful, Australia would be faced with:

A bloody struggle on our soil, a struggle in which we would be forced to fight grimly… until our land might become a blackened ruin (Curtin cited in Burke, 2001: 71).

Curtin took the controversial step of sending the Militia to the Kokoda Track in order to halt the Japanese advance on Port Moresby. As a consequence, the story of the Chocos and the battles of the Kokoda Track became, in many Australian eyes, the turning point in the war against Japan. T he over whel mi ng maj or i t y of publ i cat i ons si nce t hen (books, medi a ar t i cl es and academi c papers as discussed in Chapter 2), as well as the public perception of Australians (based on trekker blogs, and other information described in this chapter), are of the view that the Kokoda Track was a campaign fought by Australian soldiers for Australians. Historian Humphrey McQueen (1984: 8) wrote that K okoda is a mythic site that became the birthplace of the Australian nation, arguing that the Kokoda Track produced an ‘enormous upsurge of race patriotism’ (1984: 4).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

On the 50th anniversary of the fierce battles of the Kokoda Track, as discussed in Chapter 1, Prime Minister Paul Keating called for increased recognition of the heroism of Australians at Kokoda in WWII, and his speech propelled the Kokoda Track into the Australian collective memory (Watson, 2002: 183). On the K okoda Track ‘the depth and soul of the Australian nation was confirmed’ (Keating, 1992) because it ‘represent[ed] a moment in our history when Australia’ s forces were no longer fighting as a junior partner in the British Empire’ (Williams, 2012a: 20). Keating’s actions rekindled memories and initiated a phenomenon that would ‘burn into the Australian psyche to rival Gallipoli’ (Doogue, 2007). Keating stated at Bomana Cemetery, Port Moresby, on Anzac D ay in 1992:

The Australians who served here in Papua New Guinea fought and died not in defence of the old world, but the new world. Their world. They died in defence of Australia, and the civilisation and values which had grown up there. That is why it might be said that, for Australians, the battles in Papua New Guinea were the most important ever fought (Keating cited in Foster, 1997: 11).

This speech aimed to provide a substantive foundation for his political agenda of shifting Australia’s national identity from one that was focused on British heritage to one located in the Asia-Pacif ic region (Long, 2008; Wiseman, 1998: 111). K eating believed that the events and actions of Australian soldiers on the Kokoda Track could provide a focus for building Australian national identity and a collective narrative because, ‘legends bind nations together. They define us to ourselves’ (Black, 2012).

I n 2002, on the 60th anni ver sar y of t he Bat t l e of I sur ava, Pr i me M i ni st er John H owar d and t he Papua N ew G ui nean Pr i me M i ni st er M i chael Somar e unvei l ed t he I sur ava M emor i al on t he K okoda T r ack 66. H owar d spoke of hi s hope t hat t he K okoda T r ack woul d becom e ‘ a magnet for young Australians, like Gallipoli’ (Forbes, 2002). In the year following Howard’s visit, the number of trekker permits grew f rom 365 (2002) to 1,074 (2003), and then rapidly increased wi t hi n si x year s t o 5,621 (see T abl e 3.1). I n r ecent t i mes t he number s have decr eased f r om t he peak to approximately 3,000 p.a., and Vignette I (below) provides evidence that this decrease was caused by a combination of the Global Financial Crisis and the deaths of trekkers on the K okoda Track. Since 2001, when permits were f irst recorded, over 33,000 Australians have trekked the Kokoda Track.

66 I n A ugust 1942 A ust r ali an sol di er s of t he 39th and 2/ 14th Battalions were engaged in one of the most desperate battles on the Kokoda Track. I t was here that Private Bruce K ingsbury earned his posthumous Victoria Cross by giving up his life in a counter-attack on the Japanese. His actions are considered by many to have been a turning point in the Battle of I surava (Ham, 2005: 176-177; Lindsay, 2002: 77-81).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Table 3.1 Annual permit numbers issued to Australian trekkers from 2001-2012.67

2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 76 365 1,074 1,584 2,374 3,747 5,146 5,621 4,366 2,871 2,914 2,936

K okoda Track historian H ank N elson (2009) summarised the way that Australians have accepted the political narrative thus:

I t seemed Aust r al i ans had deci ded t hat K okoda was f or t hem t he most si gni f i cant event of t he Second World War [sic], a place where Australians demonstrated those virtues that Australians want to believe they possess and the virtues that they hope others recognise in them.

Nelson believed that the Keating Government had attempted to use the Kokoda Track to foster a popular nationalism, but the nation, while receptive to Australian military history and the links that it forged to contemporary Australian identity, was no longer responsive to his Labor government (N elson, 1997: 158). I t appears that K eating had managed to f ind a new area of memorialisation for Australians to consider, yet the approach lacked a persistent, dominating nationalist follow-through to become accepted by the public at the time. Howard, in contrast to Keating, was able to ‘read the mood of nation’ better by stressing ‘continuity and tradition, rather t han change and r evi si on ’ (Bal l , 2004: n.p.).

Subsequent Prime Ministers and politicians have continued, although with less emphasis and success, t o i ncl ude t he K okoda T r ack i n t hei r pol i t i cal agenda (see T abl e 3.2). O n 9th May 2013 Prime Minister Julia Gillard, speaking at Port Moresby, reaffirmed the significance of the Kokoda Track when she described it as an annual pilgrimage for thousands of Australians (2013). Two days later Gillard visited the Bomana Cemetery and said:

I 've come here to PNG to commemorate our past and build for our future. I 'm very please I had the opportunity today to come and pay my respects and the respects of the Australian nation to those who sacrificed so much for the freedom that we enjoy today […] And if they'd failed to do so, and if the Japanese had taken Port Moresby, then the history would be a very different one, so we are really commemorating the sacrifice that made our nation the safe place that it is today (Gillard cited in Hall, 2013: n.p.).

67 Derived from: Kokoda Track Authority, 2012; Kokoda Track Authority, 2009; K okoda Trekking, 2008; No Roads Expedition, 2012. The 2,936 permits issued in 2012 reflect data gathered from January – September.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

In 2006, then Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs Kevin Rudd trekked the Kokoda Track with then Minister for H uman Services Joe H ockey. Later, during the 2013 election campaign, as Prime Minister Rudd sought to capitalise on his trek when he described himself as a ‘Kokoda survivor’. Rudd’s comment was met with derision by sections of the media and the public, especially by some veterans (ABC, 2013; Lion, 2013; McPhedran, 2013). H is K okoda trekking partner, Hockey, took political advantage by quipping, ‘I wished that I had let him drown’ [on the Track] (Francis, 2013). I n another example of political one-upmanship, N SW Opposition Leader Barry O’Farrell boasted that he was a good leader because he had walked the Kokoda Track, to which Premier Kristina Keneally responded, ‘Well so did Miss Australia, so congratulations Barry!’ (K amper, 2010: page). Some media critics said that K eneally had denigrated the significance of the Kokoda Track, and Miss World Australia 2007, Caroline Pember t on, st at ed t hat :

To bring up K okoda in jest is not only offensive to our Diggers, it’s offensive to all Australians. Probably because she's got an American background she doesn't know what it means to trek it. [… ]Come and trek K okoda, feel the blood, sweat and tears (K amper, 2010).

As a result, Keneally apologised for her comment, but also said that O’Farrell should not use the Kokoda Track as a political football in attempts to show his strength. O’Farrell then alluded to Keneally’s country of birth (America) 68 when he responded, ‘I understand that you don’t understand our history – some of us do’ (Morello, 2010). I n other words, O’Farrell was articulating that the symbolism of the Kokoda Track is something only native-born Australians can under st and and appr eci at e.

Other Australian politicians from the major parties who have trekked the Kokoda Track include Kerry Chikarovski, Guy Barnett, Jackie Kelly, David Morris, Scott Morrison, Terry Mulder, Gary Blackwood, Hugh Delahunty, Andrew Powell, Bill Sykes, Jason Clare, Bill Shorten, Jeff Kennett, and Charlie Lynn.69 One prominent politician, Prime Minister Tony Abbott, has not yet trekked the K okoda track, but in March 2013, as Opposition Leader, Abbott, said on a Rockhampton radio station 4RO that he was on his way to walk the K okoda Track in 1980 but met a woman in Rockhampton and went to Mount Morgan to look at the historical mine site instead (2013).

68 K eneal l y i s an Aust r al i an ci t i zen who moved t o Aust r al i a i n 1994. 69 Charlie Lynn is also the owner of Adventure Kokoda. Since its establishment in 1991 Lynn has led over 65 expeditions of the Kokoda track. Lynn has also been successful in using his political profile to promote the Kokoda Track.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Table 3.2 Prime Ministers of Australia since the Kokoda Track Campaign and their contribution to the politicisation of the Kokoda Track.

Prime Minister Period Significance to Kokoda Track John Curtin 1941 - 1944 Prime Minister during warfare on K okoda T r ack. Sen t the Militia (Chocos) to defend Port Moresby, and later the AIF to the Kokoda Track. Ben Chifley 1945 - 1949 Robert Menzies 1949 - 1966 H arold H olt 1966 - 1967 John McEwen 1967 - 1968 John Gorton 1968 - 1971 William McMahon 1971 - 1972 Gough Whitlam 1972 - 1975 On 16th Sep t em b er 1975 the Australian Parliament l egi sl at ed t he i ndependence of Papua N ew G ui nea. Malcolm Fraser 1975 - 1983 Robert Hawke 1983 - 1991 Paul K eat i ng 1991 - 1996 K issed the ground at the Kokoda Memorial, Kokoda, and spoke at t he Bomana War Cemet er y i n Por t Moresby, PN G in 1992. John Howard 1996 - 2007 O pened t he I sur ava M emor i al i n 2002. Kevin Rudd 2007 - 2010 Trekked t he K okoda Track in 2006 when he was Shadow Minister for Foreign Affairs. Julia Gillard 2010 - 2013 Visited Bomana Cemetery in 2013 and spoke i n Port M or esby descr i bi ng t he K okoda T r ack as a ‘ pi l gr i mage for Australians’. Kevin Rudd 2013 - 2013 D escribed himself as a ‘K okoda Track sur vi vor ’ . Tony Abbot t 2013 - Cl ai med t hat he was on hi s way t o wal k the Kokoda Track in 1980, but visited Mount Morgan (QLD) instead.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

While numerous politicians have, in their own way, promoted the importance of the Kokoda Track, a counterpoint has been given by a few authors who have claimed that the significance of the Kokoda Track is a myth that has been manufactured by various governments. Academic Martin Ball (2004, n.p.) argues that Keating’s ‘references to the “betrayal” of Australia by the British were seen as an attempt to politicise the Anzac tradition, and alienated many’. Paul K elly (2009) and Mervyn F. Bendle (2014) have criticised K eating f or manuf acturing signif icance out of t he K okoda T r ack Campai gn t o f ur t her hi s pol i t i cal agenda. 70 Anthony Burke (2001: 71-2) goes further, arguing that ‘the Kokoda Campaign is of mythic significance’ which ‘turns on a combination of strategic perception and potent imagery’, and that, ‘[m]y view is that Kokoda appeared as evidence of direct Asian threat, fulfilling fears which had coursed through the Australian identity for decades’. Burke catalogues political discussion regarding fears of an Asian invasion and says that it can be traced back to at least 1855 in a report into the Eureka Rebellion71 (Burke, 2001: 14). I n the nineteenth century politicians of various political parties f ostered anxiety about a possible Japanese invasion of Australia (McQueen, 2004: 82-92). I n 1903 Labor Party leader J. C. Watson stated that ‘the feasibility of an invasion is such that we ought to make adequate provision to repel it’ (Burke, 2001: 27). Two years later, Protectionist Party leader Alfred Deakin urged that Australia develop its own navy after the defeat of the Russian Navy by Japan in the Tsushima Straits (Burke, 2001: 28; McQueen, 2004: 84). I n view of this background, Burke argues that Curtin’s language in September 1942 alarmed Australians, but that ‘Curtin would have known Japan had no plans to invade Australia’ by September 1942. For this reason, Burke (2001: 70) justifies his view that ‘out of such untruths myths are made’. A similar conclusion is reached by Historian Peter Stanley (2008a) in Invading Australia: Japan and the Battle for Australia, 1942. St anl ey anal yses t he hi st or i cal dat a and f i nds t hat , because A ust r al i a had f eared invasion by Japan for 50 years, the anxiety over the events of 1942:

colours the memory of the invasion threat: memory has turned ‘could’ into ‘virtually did’. Since 1942 … . t here i s an ever per si st ent f ant asy t hat t he Japanese di d ar ri ve and t hat t he t rut h has been concealed. (2008: 18).

Stanley (2008) argues in a f ashion similar to Burke (2001) that the Japanese ‘did not plan to invade in 1942’ and that the idea is ‘one of the most persistent fallacies in Australia’s popular

70 This thesis does not examine historical accounts to contribute directly to history debates or to the re-writing of history, but focuses on the popular representations and imaginings of the Kokoda Track. 71 The Eureka Rebellion in December 1854 was organised by gold miners of Ballarat in Victoria. The battle was fought between the miners and the British colonial authority, resulting in the death of at least 27 people (see Eureka Stock ade: A F erocious and Bloody Battle (Blake, 2012) and Eureka Stockade: The Unfinished Revolution (FitzSimons, 2013).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

historical imagination’ (Stanley, 2008a: 18). He specifically critiques the works of Lindsay (2003, 200), Mulligan (2006), D ornan (1999), FitzSimons (2004), McAulay (1991), Edgar (1999), Braga (2004), H am (2005), Brune (1991, 2004, 2007) and Grierson (2006), claiming that the type of writing on Kokoda by this ‘platoon of writers’ is ‘the sort of hyperbole that Australians would once have decried’ (Stanley, 2008a: 191-3, 228-231). Stanley downplays the signif icance of the K okoda T r ack and wr i t es:

Let us remember those who gave their lives for the freedom of the millions who actually were occupied and oppressed by Germany and Japan, and not in memory of a ‘battle’ that did not actually occur in the way some say (2008: 255).

H e writes that Prime Minister Paul K eating (in 1992) demonstrated that he wanted Australians to end its ‘cultural cringe’ and, since then, Australians have responded by ‘finding new meanings in K okoda’ (Stanley, 2008: 228).

H owever, I argue that Burke (2001), Stanley (2008) and other critics are attempting to confound the phenomenon of the Kokoda Track by simplifying its narrative. Their construction is based on downplaying the threat of Japanese invasion in 1942 and reducing the importance of the Kokoda Track as a turning point in the war in the Pacific. But, despite their arguments to the contrary, Kokoda is distinguished because it ‘speaks to’ Australians at a variety of levels, and the evidence provided in this chapter reveals that many political leaders, numerous authors of Kokoda texts (Appendix 1 and 2), thousands of trekkers to Kokoda, and many in the Australian community have found the narrative compelling and life-changing. This chapter will show that a new culture has developed amongst contemporary Australians that is based on the Kokoda Track that is independent of those criticisms. The purpose of this thesis is not no engage in debate over the military history of 1942, but rather to explore and analyse how the phenomenon is narrated and its cultural and political impact on contemporary Australia. This section has shown that Australia’s major political parties have found common ground when it comes to the Kokoda Track because its narrative is an effective topic for fostering nationalism and forging a collective Australian history. One of the responses to this political discourse has been the growth in Australian tourism to the Kokoda Track.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

The trekkers

Political discourse may provide direction but, by itself, is unlikely to account for the thousands of Australians who pay between AU$5,000-12,000 (Saurine, 2009) to trek across the Owen Stanley Range of Papua New Guinea on ‘one of the hardest walks anywhere in the world’ (ABC, 2013). Furthermore, interest in trekking the Kokoda Track has been sustained even though the politicians who first championed it have left the political stage. There has been very little research on the trekkers of the Kokoda Track, so the following combines observations of t r ekker s, and t hose gat her ed by ot her r esear cher s. T hi s sect i on ai ms t o i nvest i gat e t he mot i vat i on of t r ekker s and t he t ypes of t our i sm exper i enced. I n t he pensi ve wor ds of my exper i enced t rek leader ‘Why do they come?’.

A field study of trekkers on the Kokoda Track (see Vignette I) was carried out from 8th June t o 17th June 2010 with an Australian-owned company that has been conducting treks for nearly twenty years. Observational data were collected regarding seven trekking groups during ten days on the Kokoda Track. The smallest group consisted of two couples (four people) and the largest consisted of twelve people. All groups had at least one woman and the ages of the trekkers ranged from 24 to 70 years. One group, which was involved in the Kokoda Challenge, consisted of two women and five men who were noticeably physically fit.72 All groups of trekkers were supplied with a corporate t-shirt, the colour of which was used to identify the trekking company (for example, those with blue t-shirts were trekking with ‘Breathe Kokoda’, and those with black t-shirts with ‘Journey Kokoda’).73 The dat a ar e summar i sed i n Fi gur e 3.1 and show that, of the 55 trekkers, 15 were women (27%), 40 were men (73%), and the most common age gr oup was 25- 30 year s. I al so obser ved t hat , apar t f r om me, al l of t he 54 t r ekker s wer e Whi t e74.

The results of my study broadly support the findings of two surveys of trekkers by Grabowski (2007) and H awkins (2013). Ecotrekking: a viable development alternative for the Kokoda track? by Grabowski (2007), was based on a questionnaire75 , which was completed by 137 participants after they had trekked the Kokoda Track. Grabowski found that the typical trekker in her survey group was ‘male, middle to older aged, university educated and in full-time, paid

72 The Kokoda Challenge is an annual competition that will be discussed later in this chapter. 73 The group with which I trekked decided not to wear the t-shirt because it was made of polyester and was uncomfortable in the humid conditions. 74 The classification ‘White’ is unpacked later in this chapter. 75 Grabowski first conducted a pilot study and made six changes the pilot questionnaire (2007: 38-39).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

employment’ (2007: 64). 76 Of the 135 trekkers who answered the question on gender, 100 (76.9%) were male, while 35 (23.1%) were f emale (2007: 132). The male-f emale gender ratio obtained by Grabowski (2007) is consistent with the data from the author’s field trip of the Kokoda Track in June 2010. In all three studies the sex of trekkers was predominantly male, a finding that is in keeping more broadly with extreme sport and adventure tourism (Kusz, 2001; 2004; Stoddart, 2012).

Male Female

Frequency (persons) (persons) Frequency 2

0 <20 21-25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-45 46-50 51-55 56-60 61-65 >66

Age group (years)

Figure 3.1. Summary of the age and sex of trekkers on the Kokoda Track 8-16/ 06/ 2010.

76 It must be pointed out that an internet-based search of K okoda Track trekking companies discovered two women-only groups that trek the Kokoda Track. However, these are not treks conducted on a regular basis like the more well-known trekking companies. As well as conducting mixed-sex treks, ‘Getaway Trekking’ provides a ‘ women’s only trek’ for 12 women once a year, or if a pre-organised group of 12 women want to trek (Getaway Trekking, n.d.).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Grabowski’s (2007: 70) questionnaire asked participants to select up to three responses to the question, ‘reasons given for visit’. She found that the most popular reasons for trekking the Kokoda Track were a) ‘a physical challenge’ (78.5%), and b) ‘to learn about Australian history’ (66.6%).77 When Grabowski (2007: 70, 76) compared the responses of male and f emale t r ekker s she f ound t hat mor e ‘ mal es pr ef er [ r ed] hi st or i c/ war t our i sm’ t o f emal es. 78 The difference suggests that males tend to undertake the trek in order to pursue extreme sport and military history. Hawkins (2013) reports on the results of a self -administered online survey of 107 trekkers. H er survey f ound that 73% of the respondents were male, and the most common age group was 34-44 years (31%), with under 25 years 11% and over 55 years 9%.79 Educational qualifications of respondents were mainly Diploma/ Degree (66%) or Higher Degree (10%), revealing that middle-aged, tertiary educated males were over-represented in the sample. H awkins (2013: 9) contends that the K okoda Track attracts travellers who are variously motivated by adventure, honouring the Anzacs, learning about Australian history, a fitness challenge, to celebrate what it is to be Australian, and to stand on sacred ground.

Grabowski (2007), Hawkins (2013), and I (see Figure 3.1) extracted descriptive statistics f rom independent samples of trekkers (135, 107 and 55 respectively). I t is noted that none of the st udi es used any st at i st i cal t est s t o compar e means (f or exampl e St udent ’s t-test), nor were statistics on the variability of the figures quoted. As a result of these statistical limitations, no major quantitative claims are made in this thesis, which deploys qualitative method. Nevertheless, all three studies provide useful findings in developing insights into patterns of t r ekki ng par t i ci pat i on on t he K okoda T r ack. T hi s t hesi s f ound t hat Whi t eness was a si gni f i cant f actor, but this aspect was not reported or discussed by Grabowski (2007) or H awkins (2013). Prior to examining Whiteness in relation to the Kokoda Track, this thesis considers the various categories of tourism better to understand the Kokoda Track and contextualise this travel destination, which has only in recent decades seen a dramatic increase in Australian interest.

77 Grabowski’s results were as follows: 1) a physical challenge (78.5%); 2) to learn about Australian history; 3) for your own personal development (44.4%); 4) to discover a different culture/ environment (25.9%); 5) to retrace personal family history (21.5%); 6) to learn about Papua New Guinean culture (15.6%); 7) to take a holiday (12.6%); 8) Other (7.4%); 9) to be surrounded by nature (5.9%). I nterestingly, ‘to learn about Papua New Guinean culture’, ranked sixth (15.6%) for trekkers in their ‘reasons given for visit’ (2007: 70). 78 Grabowski found that 66% of males preferred historic/ war tourism in comparison to 54.3% of females (2007: 76). 79 Hawkins’s survey found: 11% of trekkers under 25 years of age, 24% of trekkers were between 25-34 years of age, 31% of trekkers were between 35-44 years of age, 25% of trekkers were between 45-54 years of age, and 9% of trekkers were over 55 years of age (2013: 8).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Secular pilgrimage meets adventure tourism

The journey of Australians to Kokoda has been referred to by many as a ‘pilgrimage’, but what does t hi s not i on mean, and i s i t accur at e? O n my t r ek no one r ef er r ed t o t hemsel ves as a pi l gr i m, and H awki ns (2013: 14) r eport s a si mi l ar f i ndi ng. M any t our i sm schol ar s have descr i bed pilgrimage as one of the oldest forms of tourism (Hyde and Harman, 2011; Cohen, 1992; D igance, 2003; Olsen & Timothy, 2006; Rinschede, 1992). A pilgrimage may be regarded as an i mpor t ant j our ney t hat i s of t en qui t e l ong and di f f i cul t , t hat i s made t o a sacr ed pl ace as an act of devotion, and provides the pilgrim with a sense of spiritual meaning. Pilgrimages are often associ at ed wi t h t he gr eat r el i gi ons of t he wor l d, and a j our ney whi ch ai ms emot i onal l y t o t r ansf or m t he t r avel l er t hr ough ‘ r i t ual s, hol y obj ect s and sacr ed ar chi t ect ur e’ (Col eman and Elsner, 1995: 6). The study of the secular pilgrimage to Gallipoli by historian Bruce Scates (2006: xx) finds that Australian travellers are looking for meaning and craving rituals in a secular age of materialism. H istorians Mark McK enna and Stuart Ward (2007: 151) similarly argue that the meanings that travellers attribute to Gallipoli are more to do with ‘valorising war and military endeavour above all other forms of human activity’. A survey by academics Kenneth Hyde and Serhat H arman (2011: 1349) of tourists attending the Anzac D ay services at Gallipoli found that, for those who covered the longest distance to get to Gallipoli, the journey was closest to the idea of a secular pilgrimage. The journey for younger travellers was most similar to leisure tourism because they also visited other parts of Europe and the United Kingdom during the same trip. Factors such as the close proximity of Gallipoli to Europe and low cost air travel options combine to blur the boundaries between secular pilgrimage and leisure tourism.

The research on Gallipoli tourism provides a foundation for considering tourism of the K okoda T r ack. O n t he basi s of t he aut hor ’ s f i el dwor k, t r avel t o t he K okoda T r ack can be categorised as adventure tourism or as secular pilgrimage, although, as is discussed later, leadership and bonding tourism are also important.80 Many trekkers said that they came to the

80 D ar k t ouri sm i s a f or m of t our i sm concer ned wi t h si t es t hat are r ecogni sed f or t hei r associ at i on wi t h deat h and the macabre. The literature on this topic has been aptly identified as ‘both eclectic and theoretically fragile’ (Stone, 2006: 145). Its fundamental problems surround questions over whether it is possible or justifiable to describe a variety of sites as examples of dark tourism simply because of their connection with death and the macabre, or whether there are, conceptually at least, product features, perceptions and characteristics that certain suppliers share (2006: 145). As a consequence, tourism products may lie along a ‘scale of darkness’ involving various defining characteristics and perceptions that are influenced by suppliers. I t is with this problem in mind that this thesis identified that, while death is associated with the Kokoda Track, there were many other key features that did not fit within this ‘scale of darkness’. The conflicting features identified by this research on the subject of the Kokoda Track include the emphasis on the physical (see p. 64), adventure (see p. 64-65), association with bonding and

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Kokoda Track with a motivation to learn more about Australian military history. When asked at our trek briefing about our motivations, one of the trekkers said that he wanted to show respect to the diggers ‘who saved Australia from invasion by the Japanese’, thus demonstrating his interest in the military component of the Kokoda Track (Stanley (2008) would disagree with the opinion of this trekker). In fact, the study found that the Kokoda trekking companies tap into this connection and market their treks by drawing on Australia’s military history, as the following exampl es show:

[Trek] in the footsteps of heroes […] you are truly living and participating in an historic and monumental K okoda adventure. Unlock some of the great mysteries […] including the lost and forgotten Kokoda battlefields […] (‘Home’, Kokoda spirit website).

Trek in the footsteps of the brave […] and live the history of the entire Kokoda campaign […] The militaristic history of the Kokoda campaign is the key feature of our treks […] our treks take you to the sites that matter […] (‘Home’, Adventure Kokoda website).

What better way to pay homage to the men who fought to save Australia […] by learning the history while walking in their footsteps (‘About’, K okoda Historical website).

The three excerpts above refer to military history and encourage trekkers to follow in the footsteps of Australian soldiers. Other words such as ‘Kokoda battlefields’, ‘militaristic history’ and ‘saving Australia’ indicate that trekking the Kokoda Track seeks to bring military history to l i f e. T he l anguage i n t hese excerpt s al so evokes i mages of advent ur e on t he K okoda T r ack and i n this way also references adventure tourism, which refers to travel that involves degrees of physically demanding activities (Buckley, 2006: 281; Beedie and H udson, 2003: 627; H udson, 2003: 210). Tourism scholar Ralf Buckley (2006: 1) def ines adventure tourism as:

[…] guided commercial tours where the principal attraction is an outdoor attraction that relies on features of the natural terrain, generally requires specialised sporting or similar equipment, and is exciting for the tour clients. This definition does not require that the clients themselves operate the equipment […].

H owever, Buckley (2006: 126) also acknowledges that adventure tourism is an ambiguous term because it is not clearly distinguished from other types of niche tourism, such as backpacker adventure travel, ecotourism, adventure travel, commercial expedition, outdoor recreation and outdoor education.

mateship (p. 67-69), and the view that this conflict was an Australian military victory (see p. 63). In light of these features, I argue that the Kokoda Track does not fall into the category, or sub-category, of dark tourism.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

A physical challenge was a common motivation for many of the trekkers in my field st udy, suggest i ng t hat advent ur e t our i sm was t he mai n appeal f or t r ekker s. For i nst ance, one female trekker in the group, who was 54 years old, had already climbed Mount Everest, and one group of six friends had said that they regularly travelled together for sporting events and sport i ng act i vi t i es. A l l of t hese t r ekker s expressed an i nt er est i n what coul d be cat egor i sed as adventure tourism. Similarly, Grabowski (2007) and H awkins (2013) both conclude that trekkers of the Kokoda Track are motivated by the physical and mental challenge, which is a key char act er i st i c of advent ur e t our i sm. H owever , t hei r f i ndi ngs and mi ne (dur i ng t he f i el d st udy) i ndi cat e t hat young mal es ar e under r epr esent ed on t he K okoda T r ack, i n cont r ast t o t he archetypes of adventure tourism (Swarbrooke and Beard, 2006). The prof ile that is f orming, as not ed above, i s t hat of a mi ddl e-aged, educat ed, empl oyed, Whi t e mal e who i s seeki ng an extreme sports challenge and to explore military history.

The adventure on the evidence of the fieldwork could be described as well managed. Trekkers were not required to prepare their own food, set up their sleeping arrangements, provide basic facilities or carry any equipment, all of which indicate that it was an organised advent ur e. Fur t her mor e, t r ekker s f ol l owed a cl ear l y def i ned r out e and wer e gui ded ever y st ep of the way, which implies that the trek is in some ways a predictable adventure. So, although the Kokoda Track is physically, mentally and emotionally demanding for all trekkers, there exists a paradox which has been identified when mountaineering is called adventure tourism (Miles and Pr i est , 1999). I t i s ar gued t hat , by def i ni t i o n, an advent ur e r equi r es t hat t he out come i s uncer t ai n, so whenever itineraries become too planned and detailed, the experience becomes removed from the notion of adventure. Beedie and H udson (2003: 267) claim that the marketing of adventure tourism is facilitated by three key factors: the ‘deferring of control to experts, a proliferation of promotional media including brochures, and the application of technology in adventure settings’. T hese aut hor s ar gue t hat t hese f act or s act t o cushi on t he mount ai neer , who i s used t o ‘ an ur ban f r ame’ of comf or t , f r om t he ext r aor di nar y exper i ences of t he advent ur e.

The commodification of adventure has been a key feature in the marketing of the Kokoda Track, as can been seen in the following quotes from trekking websites:

Kokoda Trekking: Trek with us and have an adventure of a lifetime! (n.d.)

Adventure Kokoda: Adventure K okoda is a trekking company specializing in Kokoda Treks (n.d.).

World Expeditions: Take an adventure holiday to PAPUA NEW GUINEA with World Expeditions, one of the world's leading travel companies (n.d.).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Kokoda T rail E xpeditions: T he K okoda T r ai l i s a t r ue t r ekki ng advent ure t hat wi nds al ong vi ne- choked trails, past raging rivers and through rugged and isolated terrain in the footsteps of Australian military history (2014).

These quotes from promotional material demonstrate that the tourist, by travelling with the trekking companies, will receive a holiday that is managed by operators who specialise in pr ovi di ng such advent ur es. T hese f act or s mi r r or in some r espect s t he sense of advent ur e as those identif ied in mountaineering (Beedie and H udson, 2003: 627).

N ever t hel ess, t her e i s a ser i ous el ement of r i sk when t r ekki ng t he K okoda Tr ack. M edi a coverage of fatalities and illness has drawn attention to the dangers involved in pursuing this kind of trek (K TA, 2012: 4). Each year up to 50 trekkers have been airlif ted f rom the K okoda Track by medivac (SBS, 2009). Six Australians have died while trekking the Kokoda Track since 2001: one in 200181, one in 2008, and f our in 2009. What i s mor e, i n A ugust 2009 a l i ght pl ane carrying 13 people, including nine Australian trekkers, crashed en route to Kokoda Airport, killing all those on board. As a result of these deaths the Australian Government has committed AU$1.8 million to improving safety on the Kokoda Track (Sunday Telegraph, 2009: 13). I n addition, two Papuans died at the hands of bandits while guiding Australians and a New Z eal ander on t he Bl ack Cat T r ack i n Sept ember 2013 (see Chapt er 1). D espi t e t hese dan ger s and risks, the annual number of permits has remained steady at almost 3,000 in recent years (see Table 3.1). Furthermore, the number of trekking companies has mirrored the increase in trekkers over the last decade, with a total of 52 licenced trekking companies operating on the Kokoda Track.82 T hese st at i st i cs suggest t hat t he el ement s of advent ur e t our i sm, i ncl udi ng t he associ at ed r i sks, ar e par t of i t s appeal f or A ust r al i ans.

A common aspect of K okoda T r ack t our i sm i s t hat t her e ar e si mi l ar i t i es i n t he needs of secular pilgrims and adventure travellers, including money, time, infrastructure and motivations, the last including the search for meaning. Therefore, these two tourism categories can be difficult to distinguish (N elson-Graburn, 1989: 27-29). Furthermore, H awkins (2013: 10) argues that her f i ndi ngs r egar di ng t he t rekker s of t he K okoda T r ack do not cor r espond t o ar chet ypes f ound i n battlefield, adventure or heritage tourism, which demonstrates the complexity of the motivations of the trekkers. A comparison of secular pilgrimages reveals that the intense emotions exper i enced by t r ekker s on t he K okoda Tr ack, as r epor t ed her e, par al l el t hose of t r avel l er s at

81 Details about the 2001 death were not reported at the time and is only referred to when the media discusses Kokoda trekking-related deaths. 82 See Appendi x 3, ‘Regi st ered t rekki ng compani es i n 2012’

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Gallipoli (Scates, 2006). However, leisure tourism, which is an important aspect of Gallipoli (H yde and H arman, 2011: 1349; H awkins, 2013: 4), is not signif icant f or trekkers of the K okoda Track. No one from the trekking group cited leisure or consumption (shopping) as a reason for trekking when questioned by me in the field. The only example of leisure tourism that can be f ound on the K okoda Track is the establishment in 2012 of a massage hut, ‘Oro Oro, Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels Remedial Therapies Ltd’ (see Chapter 4, Plate 4.5).83 I n f act , t our oper at or Char l i e Lynn M.P. is critical of any attempt to provide leisure facilities for trekkers. Lynn’s criticism could be interpreted as a desire to maintain the wartime experience or military appeal of the K okoda T r ack, whi ch has been achi evabl e so f ar because of t he l ack of devel opment on t he Track or in Papua New Guinea generally of infrastructure. Furthermore, Kokoda tourism in part relies on its image as an adventure, which is consistent with the findings of Grabowski (2007) H awkins (2013) and mine f or this thesis that the majority of trekkers seek a physical challenge.

Also, there is little evidence that trekkers are driven by cultural tourism; as the trek leader pointed out in the author’s field study, no one said that they came to Papua New Guinea to meet the Papuan people or to learn about their cultures. However, after trekking the Kokoda Track, trekkers often describe how moved they were by the Papuans that they met. The next section examines a type of trekker who has not yet been covered by previous work or any cultural anal ysi s of t he K okoda T r ack.

The Kokoda spirit: building leadership and team bonding

This study found that themes of leadership and/ or team bonding were a distinctive feature of t our i sm on t he K okoda T r ack and, t her ef or e, r equi r e exami nat i on . T he i nt ent i on of t hese t ypes of t rek i s t o ‘br i ng t he gr oup cl oser ’ (M at t hews84 quoted in The Sunday Mail, 2005). Trekking groups include athletes, sporting teams, business people, high school students85 , and RSL sponsored youth86. These treks are organised privately with trekking companies, and often the details and outcomes of these treks are not published. However, the following paragraphs

83 Opened in 2012 and closed in 2013 (Callinan, The Sydney Mor ning H erald, 2013). 84 Brisbane Lions Coach. 85 I could not find published information by students or teachers on their impressions or details of organised treks for high school students. However, Kokoda Trekking offers 9 day treks for AU$2,000 per student with a Papuan guide (not including return airfares). An additional fee is incurred for a personal porter for AU$580 per student or an Australian guide for $1,000 per group. 86 The RSL sponsors the Kokoda Youth Leadership Treks, which is discussed in Chapter 6.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

summar i se and di scuss t he i nf or mat i on t hat was gai ned by me f r om st udyi ng t ext ual mat er i al . A large number of well-known sporting teams, including the Newcastle Knights (NRL) and the Sydney Swans (AFL), send players regularly to trek Kokoda because it is viewed as ‘a valuable team bonding experience’ for players (Voss87 cited in ABC, 2005). This aspect of the K okoda Track is captured in the words (quoted at the start of the chapter) of Leo Barry, Sydney Swans 2005 grand f inal hero. A t hlet es who have t r ekked t he K okoda Tr ack i ncl ude Br et t K i r k (A FL ), Graham Cornes (AFL), Josh Gibson (AFL), Brent Guerra (AFL), Stuart Drew (AFL), Paul Puopolo (AFL), Xavier Ellis (AFL), Andrew Krakouer (AFL), James Kelly (AFL), Ryan O’Keefe (AFL), Leo Barry (AFL), Adam Goodes (AFL), Luke Power (AFL), Michael Voss (AFL), Allan Border (Australian Cricket Team), Sarah Aley (NSW women’s cricket), Paul Harragon (NRL comment at or and f or mer pl ayer ), G or den T al l i s (N RL ), M al M eni nga (N RL ), D uncan A r mst r ong (O l ympi c Swi mmer ), K ur t Fear nl ey (Par al ympi an) 88, Chris Handy (Rugby Union) and Kyle Vander-Kuyp (Athlete). Some trekking companies have recognised this marketing avenue and have developed specialised ‘team bonding treks’ in order to attract sporting clubs to send pl ayer s by st at i ng t hat :

The Kokoda Track is an ideal environment for Sporting Club and [sic] Corporate Team Building. [I t is] an expedition to build team work, harmony and depth as a pre-season [sic] training program […] (No Roads Expeditions website).

Trekking companies have marketed leadership and bonding treks to organisations by speaking about the culture of the Kokoda track, as can be seen in the quotations below:

The legendary Kokoda campaign provides abundant examples of Australian leadership and team espri t-de-cor ps. […] T he pr ogram exposes young managers t o t he envi ronment where exampl es of A ust r al i an l eader shi p and t eamwork are t he st uf f of l egend[ s] . (A dvent ure K okoda websi t e).

[…] the Kokoda Leadership Program was to develop personally; to learn more about teams and how they work, to identify personal strengths and opportunities for growth, to learn about leadership, to identify how I might instil [sic] better qualities in myself, to appreciate others, to learn and appreciate Australia’s history, to live and learn and appreciate another culture […] (Dunshea cited in Adventure Kokoda website, ‘Corporate Leadership Programs’).

[…] just as the diggers formed a brotherhood on the track so will you with your fellow trekkers (Kokoda Brothers website, ‘Home’).

87 Captain of the Brisbane Lions. 88 In November 2009, Australian Paralympian Kurt Fearnley (born without the lower section of his spine) crawled the Track in 11 days (Fox, 2009). A multiple Paralympic gold medallist, he used customized shin pads and wrist guards. His journey intended to raise awareness of men's health issues and was inspired by the story of Corporal John Metson, who during WWII crawled the Track for three weeks, refusing the assistance of a stretcher on the grounds that it would burden his comrades (Butson, 2009).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

It appears that bonding, which is a key theme used by trekking companies, has become the cont empor ar y f or m f or mat eshi p, and t her ef or e dr aws i nspi r at i on f r om t he val ues t hat have been attached to the Diggers on the Kokoda Track. Bonding is frequently used in lieu of ‘mateship’, which is one of the four words on the granite pillars at the Isurava Memorial.

This section and the analysis of fieldwork in previous sections have shown that there is no ar chet ypal t r ekker i n t er ms of t he K okoda T r ack. T he t hr ee mai n f or ms of t our i sm t hat have been identified are secular pilgrimage, adventure tourism, and a category identified here as leadership and bonding tourism. The fieldwork revealed that all the trekkers, excluding myself, were White, but Whiteness has not so far been analysed in relation to contemporary tourism on the Kokoda Track. The following section builds upon this statement to examine Whiteness and ‘ race’ on the Kokoda Track.

Whiteness and ‘race’ on the Kokoda Track

I n literature Papua N ew Guineans are commonly referred to as Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels, and this trope is usually justified with an explanation that the term is used with affection. During my f i el dwor k t he t r ekker s wer e i nt roduced t o ‘r eal ’ 89 Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels and their descendants, and saw numerous monuments that described Papua New Guineans as ‘natives’ or Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. This type of label or trope tends to stereotype people and, as such, inhibits communication and connection between people. It is a term that has its origins in the categorisation of ‘race’90, which means that it is a culturally insensitive term that needs critical examination. The use of racial tropes such as native, Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel and bush kanaka pr oduces a soci al hi er ar chy i n whi ch I ndi genous peopl es ar e ‘ r el egat ed and di spossessed as Others’ (Stella, 2007: 10). As previously mentioned, so f ar there has been little or no discussion of Whi t eness and ‘ r ace’ wi t h r egar d t o t he t r ekki ng of t he K okoda T r ack, so t hi s sect i on begi ns t he anal ysi s and t he f ol l owi ng chapt er s ext ends i t . T hi s t hesi s r ecogni ses t hat t he concept of ‘

89 Trekking companies often advertise that they can offer trekkers the opportunity to meet Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. During my fieldwork Matthew, my trek leader, questioned some Papua New Guineans who claimed to be Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels during the War, something he said was hard to determine because, as he argued, Papua New Guineans do not count their age as we (Australians) do. 90 I recognise the convention of Adair and Rowe (2010: 251), by which placing inverted commas around ‘race’ signifies a ‘refusal to legitimize the concept while recognizing its stubborn persistence within language, culture and politics’.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

race’ is controversial because in differentiating people on the basis of skin colour and other assumed ‘racial’ characteristics it invites stereotypical assumptions surrounding identity (Adair and Rowe, 2010: 251). ‘Race’ as a classif ication system has been used, though not exclusively, to link people to observable physical traits and, as such, promotes hierarchies of people which are favourable to certain groups. Thus ‘race’ has been used to justify actions that have caused some of humani t y’ s most at r oci ous event s, act i ons and genoci de, such as t he H ol ocaust , sl aver y and the killing of many Indigenous peoples worldwide. Normally, a person is not able to change their secondar y physi cal char act er i st i cs, so ar e not at l i ber t y t o change t hei r ‘ r ace’ (Connel l and H artman, 2007).

‘Black’, is generally used as a discursive descriptor of skin colour to represent a form of social categorisation. For this reason, discussions of Blackness are uncomfortable because, in order to discuss it socially, we inevitably draw upon biological notions of Blackness that are still rooted in the original discriminatory hierarchy. In this sense, cultural essentialism has come to replace biological essentialism (Pascale, 2007: 48). In other words, it is difficult, if not impossible, to separate ‘race’ from the historical production of ‘race’. This point reiterates once again how ‘ race’ is complex and problematic. In spite of the difficulties surrounding the concept of ‘race’, this thesis accepts that it is necessary to work with it because it has currency and legitimacy in social practice (Warmington, 2009: 281). The aim of this section is to explore the concept of ‘ race’ on the Kokoda Track and to draw upon the author’s fieldwork in Papua New Guinea (see V i gnet t e I ). E xampl es of ‘ r ace’ - i n par t i cul ar Whi t eness - on t he K okoda T r ack ar e exami ned. Also, the process of narrating and replaying the Kokoda Track Campaign explores how the Kokoda Track is used to strengthen White Australians’ sense of national belonging.

A distinguishing feature of the Kokoda Track is that there are three nationalities that occupy varying degrees of the space: the Papua New Guineans, Japanese, and Australians. The Papua N ew G ui neans ar e t he I ndi genous peopl es of t he K okoda T r ack and t hey t end t o be represented as one ‘race’ group. The Japanese who invaded Papua New Guinea and fought on t he K okoda T r ack ar e not physi cal l y pr esent , but t hey r epr esent a ‘r ace’ gr oup whi ch i s ever present in the recounting of military history. The Australians are not technically a ‘race’ group, but Australians were identified by the trek leader as ‘Whities’, and this term was not contested by the trekkers (see Vignette I). During the first briefing at Sogeri the trek leader used two loaded terms, ‘Whiteman’ and ‘Whities’, to describe two entirely different concepts. My interpretation is that ‘Whiteman’ refers to colonial attitudes of racism and ‘Whities’ to Australians. In this thesis I maintain a consistent distinction between ‘Whities’ on the one hand and ‘Whiteman’ or ‘

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Whitemen’ on the other. ‘Whiteman’ refers to the behaviour and customs that originate from the colonial period (see Chapter 2) and which are still present in contemporary societies. In The Meaning of Whitemen (2006: 1, 6), cultural anthropologist I ra Bashkow analyses the Orakaivan people of Papua New Guinea in order to see ‘how white people are viewed by black people’. This text is relevant to my thesis and is used in exploring and unpacking the concept of ‘ Whiteman’ in Chapter 4. The following section focuses on ‘Whities’.

‘Whities’ is a variation of the word ‘White’, and may be used in place of other terms with similar meanings, such as ‘Whites’ and ‘White people’. In the context of the Kokoda Track, the trek leader used ‘Whities’ to refer to all the Australians on the trek. The implication was that all Australian trekkers are racially White, which is a term that I was uncomfortable with because I have not been described as ‘White’ before. Nor have I felt ‘White’ before. However, upon consideration, I am in some respects a ‘Whitie’ because I benefit from White-privileging mechani sms. D ur i ng t he t r ek t her e wer e sever al occasi ons when I was asked about my r aci al heritage by fellow trekkers and my guide. Bob, having problems ‘locating’ my ‘race’, was moved to ask, ‘where are your parents from?’ Later, Douglas asked me about my background in front of some of the other trekkers. On both of these occasions I avoided saying that I had Japanese heritage because I did not want the group to feel inhibited about expressing their opinions and views on the Track, especially when discussing the Japanese and their involvement during WWII. On another occasion, Mitchell and I were talking about parents and their expectations of children. I made a comment that my parents would not want me to live at home with them for the rest of my life, to which Mitchell responded, ‘Yeah, I have a few Asian friends whose parents want them to get married young too’. I did not respond or correct Mitchell, but I understood that, for Mitchell, my ‘race’ had been ‘settled’ within the broad racial category of ‘Asian’. Also, at t he I sur ava M emor i al , G uy, want i ng conf or mat i on asked, ‘ you’ r e hal f Japanese, ar en ’ t you?’ Because I had developed a good relationship with Guy, I disclosed to him that my mother was Japanese. On this occasion, as I have found in Australia, further enquiries about me stop after my ‘race’ has been ‘located’ or categorised.

These incidents indicated for me who the archetypal trekker is, or is imagined to be. Similar to my experiences in Australia, those who are non-Whites are questioned, whereas such questions are not as frequently put to Whites. This interpretation paraphrases feminist scholar Sara Ahmed’s (2007: 157) experience:

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

At one conference we organize, four Black feminists arrive. They all happen to walk into the room at the same time. Yes, we do notice such arrivals. The fact that we notice such arrivals tells us more about what is already in place than it does about “ who” arrives.

According to the events described above, the archetypal trekker on the Kokoda Track is White and, as stated earlier in this chapter, all of the 54 trekkers who were observed during the f i el dwor k wer e Whi t e. D ur i ng t he t r ek t here wer e sever al ot her i nst ances wher e t he ar chet ypal t r ekker was ‘ i magi ned’ as Whi t e. O n a r egul ar basi s t he t r ek l eader , as al r eady not ed, r ef er r ed t o the group as ‘Whities’. As mentioned above, this term was never contested on any of those occasions; there seemed to be an acceptance that this is a logical or accurate perspective. When asked about people who trek the Kokoda Track, the trek leader commented that the Japanese somet i mes come t o Papua N ew G ui nea. 91 He recalled an occasion when he trekked with a Vietnamese-born Australian who wanted to feel more connected to Australia. Interestingly, he did not recall Ali Ammar92 until prompted, and described him as a Lebanese-Muslim teenager. T he di scussi on r eveal ed t hat non - Whi t e t r ekker s ar e mor e not i ceabl e t han Whi t e t r ekker s, echoing the findings of Whiteness studies, whereby Whiteness itself is invisible in contrast with Blackness (D yer, 1997: 45; H age, 1999: x). I n Australia the notion of Whiteness is a dominant mode of self-perception of White people whether at a conscious or unconscious level (Hage, 2000: 19). Whiteness from this perspective is a ‘fantasy position’ that is born out the history of European expansion and normalises cultural dominance (20). Whiteness does not only depend on ‘White skin’ or ‘race’, but the accumulation of cultural possessions deemed valuable.

T hi s sect i on has begun t he exami nat i on of ‘ r ace’ on t he K okoda T r ack, f i ndi ng t hat social hierarchy is built on the Whiteness that is brought to it by Australians. Whiteness is normalised, subconscious and invisible amongst White people on the Kokoda Track. The field work revealed that segregation of the Whities and the Papua New Guineans was easily accepted by t he t r ekker s as a r easonabl e and nor mal pr ocedur e. T he K okoda T r ack has, t her ef or e, become a space for Australians to be uninhibited in expressing nationalistic pride, a significant concept of this thesis that is now address in the following section.

91 It must be noted that Japanese travellers to the Kokoda Track and other parts of Papua New Guinea that are significant to WWII do not use Australian trekking companies. 92 Ali Ammar, as mentioned previously, was involved in the Cronulla Riots in 2005. His actions and experiences on the Kokoda Track are discussed in Chapter 6.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Expressing nationalism

This thesis has illustrated how in recent decades the Kokoda Track has been used to propagate Australian nationalism by way of focusing on Australian military history, and many have embraced and contributed to this development. Thus, the Kokoda Track has become a symbol of collective Australian national identity and this chapter examines: online forums (for example, blogs), charity events, competitions93, memor i al wal ks, musi c, coi ns, st amps, body art (t at t oos) and images. Often, as Billig (1995) points out, these forms of banal nationalism are not recognised for their role in forging national identity, and therefore go unnoticed. This section exami nes t hese el ement s as cul t ur al component s of t he K okoda T r ack i n or der t o under st and t he nat ur e and ext ent of t hese compet i ng el ement s of nat i onal i dent i t y.

Online ex pressions of nationalism

People in contemporary society are increasingly using online blogs and other forms of digital media to express their opinions and observations for free consumption by interested publics. Trekking companies have websites which provide forums for trekkers to blog about their experiences on the Kokoda Track. These forums, in addition to the personal blogs set up by individuals, provided this study with insight into how Australians express their perceptions of the Kokoda Track. The following ten examples, from a range of online sources, illustrate the sentiments of trekkers:

Dr Kirkham […] wanted to raise awareness of its [Kokoda Track] historical significance (Hornsby and Upper North Shore Advocate, 26/ 05/ 2005).

There's [sic] a lot of things that you get out of the trip. I t's an understanding of how important it is historically […] (K im Fisher quotes in North West News, 2007).

93 For example, the K okoda Challenge Race was inaugurated in 1975, and in 2005 it was transformed into an annual endurance running race. The race is limited to 70 competitors, with 20 of those spots reserved for non-Papuans. Competitors have to pass through specified check points along the Track in order to fulfil the requirements of the race. The current record holder is Papuan Brendan Buka, who achieved the best time of 16 hours and 34.5 minutes in 2008 (Williams, 2012a: 33). Buka took f irst place in 2006, 2007, 2008 and 2011. I n 2006, a 32 year old Australian, Sydney engineer Damon Goerke, completed the trek in third place with a time of 19.5 hours, making him the first Australian to have raced in under 24 hours (SMH, 2006). In 2012, Ramsy I dau, a guide f or K okoda Trekking, became the new champion. That year there were several top-class competitors from Australia, Goerke returned, and Chris Wright, the nephew of the late Stan and Butch Bissett of the 2/ 14th, ent ered. T here were ei ght r epresent at ives from Australia, 22 from Papua New Guinea, and for the first time two Japanese competitors entered (Meri, 2012).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

[…] it was like walking through a history book of extraordinary intensity and emotion […] I feel privileged to now know their story with detail (Lieutenant Colonel Peter Keane, K okoda Historical website blog, 2008).

We learnt so much by following in the footsteps of our heroes, how brave our Australian Soldiers were, who fought to save Australia from Japanese invasion in World War 11 [sic] (Angela Maclean, Adventure Kokoda blog, 2009).

Kokoda was arguably Australia’s most significant crusade of the 2nd world war (Jessica Wilson, RSL and Service Club website ‘The Kokoda Youth Leadership Challenge’, 2009).

[…] Hawthorn Football Club and the Kokoda Track Foundation hope to continue to raise awareness of this important period in the history of Australia and Papua New Guinea (Hawthorn FC website, ‘ Season 2010: K okoda Round 10’, 2010).

You walk it as a tribute to the bravery of Australian soldiers […] (Matt Martin in The Travel Bug, 2009).

[Butch and Stan Bisset] and the men who fought with them embody the words mateship, endurance, courage and sacrifice (‘Home’, K okoda Brothers website).

Walking Kokoda has really made me appreciate what these men did for us (Natalie Edwick, ‘RSL Kokoda Youth Leadership Challenge’, 2009).

[ … ] I t hi nk I gai ned a gr eater r espect f or anyone who had ser ved dur i ng t hat campai gn and t hat war […] what this trek gives you is a sense of the man on the street who volunteered to fight, and the personal hell that they would have gone through (MP Andrew Powell, Hinterland Times, 07/ 09/ 2010).

A n under l yi ng t heme i n onl i ne sour ces, as r eveal ed above, i s t he expr essi on by t r ekker s of t hei r increased understanding of Australian military history and recognition of certain associated values (mateship, honour, sacrifice, endurance). The online comments indicate that, whatever the mot i vat i ons of t he t r ekker s, t her e i s an acknowl edgement t hat t he T r ack i s under st ood t o be of great significance in their understanding of Australian national identity.

Charity events that inspire and raise awareness

In recent years the Kokoda Track has become the setting for many Australians to test their capabilities, overcome personal challenges, and to raise money for many causes, including medi cal r esear ch, educat i on and t o suppor t t he communi t i es al ong t he T r ack. T he chal l engi ng environment and terrain of the Kokoda Track has made it the ideal setting for competitions. The aim is to raise awareness and to use its military history to inspire Australians to reach their potential. Australian companies which have been involved in fundraising treks on the Kokoda T r ack i ncl ude: V ar i et y, t he A ust r al i an M ar i ne Conser vat i on Soci et y, t he N at i onal Br east Cancer Foundat i on, t he K i d’ s Cancer Pr oj ect , Juveni l e D i abet es Resear ch Foundat i on, H i ke4H unger , Autism Victoria, Cerebral Palsy Education Centre, the Royal Flying Doctor Service,

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Trek4Trauma, Cancer Council NSW, Camp Quality, the Prostate Foundation, Beyond Blue, Lifeline and the Kids Plus Foundation.

In addition, the Kokoda Challenge Association (established in 2005) organises team races for fundraising purposes in Australia. 94 Its mission is ‘to raise awareness of the Kokoda Campaign of 1942 and use the Spirit of K okoda to help young Australian’s reach their f ull potential’ (Kokoda Challenge, n.d.). The Kokoda Challenge has organised fundraising events for a range of causes, including: the Champions Cup, the GCCC Pet Expo, the Salvation Army, Sur f i ng f or t he D i sabl ed, M udgeer aba Communi t y Fai r , Ri di ng f or t he D i sabl ed, N umi nbah State School and Greenslopes RSL. The Kokoda Challenge has grown to 3,000 participants and 10,000 spectators each year, making it a successful and popular method of fundraising in the name of the Kokoda Track.

E xpressing nationalism with Kokoda Memorial walks in Australia

The Kokoda Track has been replicated in six out of eight Australian states and territories in ‘ tribute to the bravery of Australian troops’ (WA Government, 2013; RSL N SW, 2014), ‘to help visitors […] appreciate the courage and determination of the men who fought’ (Rotary, Gold Coast ) and t o ‘ exper i ence a t i ny sense of t he exhaust i on f el t by t he A ust r al i an sol di er s’ on t he Track (Melbourne, n.d.: n.p.). Memorial walks are analysed comprehensively in Chapter 5, but t hi s chapt er r ecogni ses t hat memor i al s ar e anot her i mpor t ant f eat ur e of t he use of t he K okoda Track in expressions of Australian nationalism.

Everyday objects: music, coins, stamps, images and documentaries

The Kokoda Track has featured as a key subject in music, performance, books, comics and digital media. Two songs have been written in tribute to the Kokoda Track and its significance to A ust r al i an mi l i t ar y hi st or y. Sl i m D ust y’s Kok oda, r el eased i n 1994, and Fr ank G al l agher ’ s Kok oda Anthem (Battle for Australia), released in 2003, both make ref erences to the Australian soldiers,

94 The Melbourne Kokoda Challenge is a 15 or 30 kilometre trek through the Dandenong Ranges in Eastern Victoria, http:/ / kokodachallenge.com/ melbourne-kokoda-challenge; the Brisbane Kokoda Challenge a 15 or 30 kilometre trek that takes place in the west of Brisbane Forest Park, http:/ / kokodachallenge.com/ brisbane-kokodachallenge; the Gold Coast Kokoda Challenge a 96 kilometre cross-country event with a 39-hour time limit for completion inland of the Gold Coast, http:/ / kokodachallenge.com/ kokoda-challenge; and the Toowoomba Kokoda Challenge takes place east of Toowoomba, Queensland, https:/ / kokodachallenge.com/ toowoomba- kokoda-challenge.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

describing them as heroes, the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels as loyal helpers to Australia, and the Japanese as ‘the D evil’ (1994) or ‘The Rising Sun’ (2003). 95 In 2007 Calwell H igh School, Canberra won the ACT and NSW Rock Eisteddfod96 for their entry ‘Kokoda’, based on the four key themes attributed to the Kokoda campaign, mateship, courage, sacrifice and endurance (Ward, 2007). I n 2012, The Kokoda Track for Dummies was published by historian Peter Williams for those preparing to trek Kokoda, and especially for those who want to learn about Kokoda without being overwhelmed with military jargon. In November 2012, Hugh Dolan and David Howell released Kok oda: That Bloody Track as part of their series of comics (Z Beach True Comics) based on Australian military involvement. Also, in the same month a 3D Kokoda mobile phone application, conceived by Kokoda author Patrick Lindsay, was launched. This software saw Kokoda enter the genre of digital formats, and the application was released by the Kokoda Foundation, RSL and News Limited, and was promoted to allow ‘users to get a feel for what the Diggers would have been up against’ and claiming that for ‘the first time people will be able to walk the Kokoda trail from home’ (The Daily Telegraph, 2012).

I n 2010 Australia Post, in cooperation with Post PN G, released f ive stamps depicting the ‘remarkable bond [that] was formed in 1942 […] This is one of Australia’s most dramatic war t i me i nvol vement s and we f el t t hat t o commemor at e i t was ext remel y i mpor t ant ’ (N oel Leahy97 quoted in SMH, 2010). The stamps depict Australian soldiers on the Kokoda Track, Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels, the I surava Memorial, veterans, and contemporary trekkers (see Plate 3.1). To mark the 70th anni ver sar y of t he K okoda Campai gn, t he Royal A ust r al i an M i nt r el eased a commemorative uncirculated 50c coin, which was inspired by the four words on the granite pillars of the Isurava Memorial (MacDiarmid, 2012: 1, 4, 5) (see Plate 3.2). These examples show t he var i et y of f orms of cont empor ar y A ust r al i an cul t ur e t hat have been ent wi ned wi t h t he popularity of the Kokoda Track and the pervasive use of the everyday in expressing nationalism.

95 Both these songs are analysed in Chapters 4 and 5 for their representations of the Papua New Guineans and the Japanese. 96 The Rock Eisteddfod is an Australian not-for-profit organisation that promotes a nationwide competition involving school students in drama, dance and music. 97 Noel Leahy is the Australia Post Philatelic Group manager.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate 3.1: Commemoration stamps (photograph by Christopher de H aer, 2009-2012).

Plate3.2: Commemor at i ve 50 cent coin to mark the 70th anniversary of the Kokoda Track Campaign (photograph by Downies.com).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

E x pressing nationalism with body art (tattoos)

Historically in the West, permanent corporeal markers, known as body art or more commonly as tattoos, were stigmatised and associated with criminals and social delinquents (Bell, 1999; Atkinson and Young, 2001; D oss and H ubbard, 2009: 63). However, today tattoos have become mai nst r eam and ar e mor e pr omi nent t han bef or e, wi t h one i n seven A ust r al i ans havi ng at l east one tattoo (2012). 98 Recent r esear ch has r ecogni sed t at t oos as mor e t han a f or m of body modif ication, but performative (Fenske, 2007; Garot, 2007: 51; Wilson, 2008; Michaud, 2012; Lee, 2012: 153). This thesis f ound that, while there has been some discussion in the media about the performance of nationalism in tattoos,99 ver y l i t t l e academi c wor k has been car r i ed out on t he subject. A search of Kokoda-inspired tattoos on trekking websites, blogs and online forums f ound el even 100 examples of trekkers who were part of an emerging tattoo subculture. These trekkers submitted images of their tattoos and, in five cases, provided accompanying explanations of their tattoos. Four tattoos were selected for analysis in this chapter.101

98 This study was conducted by the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) in early 2012, with 8,656 Aust ral i ans bet ween 16 t o 64 years of age surveyed i t s f indi ngs showed t hat Aust rali an men were more l ikely to possess a tattoo than Australian women, but that Australian women in their 20s were more likely to have tattoos than Australian men in the same age category (Costhetics, 2012). 99 Australian newspaper articles in the aftermath of the Cronulla Riots (2005) frequently made reference to the Sout her n Cr oss, t he Aust r ali an f l ag and ‘ A ussi e Pr i de’ t at t oos (see Fenel ey, 2010). 100 Four trekkers with tattoos are shown in Plate 3.3 – 3.6. 101 See Appendix 4 for all other images of tattoos and the information provided about them on the websites where they were found.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate 3.3 Peter Morrison, trek leader with Adventure Kokoda, n.d. (photograph by Adventure Kokoda).

Plate 3.4 (left): Terence Wallis, 2011 (photograph by Terence Wallis).

Plate 3.5 (right): N arrell, 2008 (photograph by Adventure K okoda).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate 3.6: K ade Walter, 2011 (photograph by K okoda Brothers).

Of the eleven tattoos, eight include the word Kokoda, and all make reference to Kokoda ei t her by name or by usi ng i mages t hat are speci f i c t o i t (see Pl at es 3.3–3.6 and A ppendi x 4). T he images include a Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel leading an injured Australian soldier (see Appendix 4), the Kokoda Archway at Owers’ Corner (see Appendix 4), the four values inscribed on the pillars at I sur ava M emor i al (see Pl at es 3.3 and 3.5), and a map of t he T r ack (see A ppendi x 4). Seven out of the eleven tattoos include trek dates or the year that the trekker went to the Kokoda Track (see Pl at es 3.4 and 3.6). T he Sout her n Cr oss appear ed i n t hr ee of t he el even t at t oos (see Pl at e 3.6 and Appendix 4), and the green and gold slouch hat is also used to connect to Australia’s military

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

history (see Appendix 4). Australian soldiers are depicted in seven out of eleven tattoos (see Plate 3.6 and Appendix 4). The reasons given by some of the trekkers for getting a Kokoda-inspired t at t oo r eveal t hat t he K okoda T r ack was seen as a posi t i ve, l i f e- changi ng exper i ence, and t hat getting a tattoo was an important part of that experience. Reasons for trekking included a physical challenge (see Narelle, below), to learn more about Australian history (see Kade Walter, below), and ‘being a proud Aussie’ (see Peter Morrison, below). Excerpts from statements of Pet er Morrison 102, Terence Wallis, Narelle and Kade Walter are provided here and complete st at ement s ar e pr ovi ded i n A ppendi x 4:

Peter Morrison: I grew up listening to his (Grandfather’s) stories which has given me a strong basis of being a proud Aussie (Morrison, 2001: n.p.).

Terence Wallis: I wanted something that would highlight my journey in a powerful way […] I knew exactly what I wanted – the rising sun emblem from the Australian military forces over the words ‘ Kokoda 2011’. I wanted it on my shoulder so that others could see it and it could serve as a conversations piece for me to tell the story of my adventure. […] I n fact to date I’ve had 3500 people from all corners of the globe read my blog in the last two months (Wallace, 2011: n.p.).

Narelle: The allure of K okoda first began as a physical challenge to me […] I n retrospect I realise I had emotionally quit before the trek began as I had no faith in myself, and I fully expected the trek leader to oust me from the group the moment we landed in Kokoda. Things began to change for me as I listened to the history as we walked onwards. The unfair and unfortunate positions the young Australian men were in were both horrid and mesmerising at the same time. I found such peace and knew that I had to continue. Part of this was in respect for my grandfather who had fought in Milne Bay and Port Moresby during the War. […] Following this first trek, I went on to complete the trek a second time 8 months later after training thoroughly and losing a lot of weight […] Both treks taught me many lessons […] These lessons have affected my life on my many levels, and made me a better person that I would have ever thought. It is one of those life changing experiences I can’t recommend highly enough (Narelle, 2008: n.p.).

Kade Walter: It’s the best thing I have ever done in my life absolutely life changing […] the people I did it with are now a big part of my life […] I never knew K okoda would change me so much but it has for the better […] getting the Kokoda Brother logo (tattoo) meant so much more to me because it shows mateship, courage, endurance and sacrifice (Walter, 2011: n.p.).

A notable feature of some of the tattoos was the representation of the Southern Cross (see Plate 3.6 and Appendix 4). The meaning of the Southern Cross tattoo has changed since it was or i gi nal l y used as a symbol of i ndependence at t he E ur eka St ockade (as di scussed above) and by t r ade uni oni st s dur i ng st r i kes. T hi s change was ar guabl y accel er at ed at t he t i me of t he Cr onul l a Ri ot s i n 2005 when Whi t e r i ot er s wer e seen par adi ng t he A ust r al i an f l ag and t he Sout her n Cr oss i n var i ous f or ms (f or exampl e, t - shi r t s, f l ags, t at t oos and boar dshor t s). T oday, t he i mage of t he Southern Cross is seen as an example of collective intentionality, and as a marker for those ‘

102 After trekking the Kokoda Track in 2007, Peter Morrison wrote to Adventure Kokoda manager, Charlie Lynn, and requested to be considered for a trek leader position stating, ‘I ’ll do anything to get involved in this, [i]t’s something that is close to my heart’ (Adventure Kokoda, 2014).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

belonging to a special club, and that club being Australia’ (White, 2012). I t has been argued that those who are accepting of the Southern Cross tattoo, ‘have strong personal views and opinions on nationalism’ (White, 2012). Political scientist Jo Coghlan (2013) has gone so f ar as t o argue t hat t he Sout hern Cross has become synonymous wi t h t he Swast i ka (see al so Ross, 2010; A A P, 2010). To draw such comparisons between the Southern Cross and the Swastika is extreme, however its use and symbolism during the Cronulla Riots, as with many other iconic Australian symbols103, by White Australian rioters indicates a claim to the nation. Similarly, Kokoda-inspired tattoos could be argued as evidence of ‘flagging’, a term used, as noted, in Billig’s Banal Nationalism (1995: 6) to describe everyday ‘reproductions’ of the nation. Hence, trekkers who have tattoos are representative of a subculture which expresses Australian nationalism. Nationalistic tattoos, such as those inspired by Kokoda, adopt a symbolic potency that both marks difference.

This section has revealed that the phenomenon of the Kokoda Track has inspired trekkers to perform nationalism by displaying images by way of tattoos. Australianness is materialised in the tattoos through images that evoke the nation, national identity and national symbols thereby creating the performance of nationalism and performing the construction of belonging. In the next section, more orthodox images of the Kokoda Track are examined.

Meanings in print images

T he cover i mages of books, f i l ms and document ar i es pr ovi de a t r adi t i onal and al so a commer ci al per spect i ve on t he t hemes t hat sur r ound t he K okoda T r ack t hat cont r ast s wi t h t he i nf or mal and rudimentary images of Kokoda-inspired tattoos. Cover images were collected and compressed in a r epr esent at i ve mont age (see Pl at e 3.7) t hat depi ct s i mages whi ch t ypi cal l y char act er i se t he Kokoda Track and its military history.

103 These symbols are discussed at greater length in Chapter 6.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate 3.7: Australian book covers, film posters and documentary DVD jackets representing A ust r al i ans and t he K okoda T r ack dur i ng WWI I . 104

The ‘print capitalism’ of book jackets or cover images contributes to establishing and sustaining a collective Australian history and nationalism. A dominant visual theme in the montage is of White bodies either fully or partially dressed in army uniforms. The various images have many similarities which indicate that the marketing decision to select them is based on a desire carefully to construct and produce particular meanings and associations. Often, the images depict one soldier or several soldiers working together (see Kokoda Track: 101 Days by Peter Macinnis, 2007), helping one another (see Kok oda by Paul Ham, 2011), marching together (see The Essence of Kokoda by Patrick Lindsay, 2005; A Bastard of a Place by Peter Brune, 2004; The Spirit

104 Left to right: Kok oda, Paul Ham (2011); Warrior of Kokoda: a Biography of Brigadier Arnold Potts, Bill Edgar (1999); Kok oda (film), Alister Grierson (Director, 2007); Those Ragged Bloody H eroes, Peter Brune (1991); Kok oda, Peter FitzSimons (2005); Ralph Honner: Kokoda Hero, Peter Brune (2007); The E ssence of Kokoda, Patrick Lindsay (2005); Field Guide to the Kokoda Track, Bi l l James (2006); Kok oda, Paul Ham (2005); A Bastard of a Place: the Australians in Papua, Peter Brune (2004); The Spirit of Kokoda: Then and Now, Patrick Lindsay (2003).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

of Kokoda: Then and N ow by Patrick Lindsay, 2003), or temporarily relaxed (see Kok oda by Peter FitzSimons, 2005; Those Ragged Bloody H eroes by Peter Brune, 2005). The homosocial bond bet ween men in t hese i mages evokes mat eshi p, a val ue synonymous wi t h t he K okoda T r ack and often used by politicians ‘as a particularly Australian virtue unique to Australian identity’ (H oward, 2003). Most of these texts are simply entitled ‘K okoda’, implying that the author and publisher are confident that readers/ viewers have enough prior knowledge to recognise the name and to associate it with WWII and its military significance to Australia. According to Hank Nelson (2007: 77), evidence of the marketability of ‘Kokoda’ can be seen in the success of Peter Fitzsimons’s book, which has sold over 145,000 copies; Paul H am’s book, which sold 15,000 within the first 6 months of being published; and Alister Grierson’s film, which earned over AU$1,500,000 in its f irst two weeks at cinemas.

T her e ar e sever al i mport ant si mi l ar i t i es bet ween t he pr i nt i mages (see Pl at e 3.7) and t he tattoos discussed in the previous section (Plates 3.3 – 3.6). The iconic slouch hat, which appeared in some of the Kokoda-inspired tattoos, is also present in some images in Plate 3.7. The plain and simple use of the name Kokoda is a feature that is common to the cover images and tattoos. The words courage, endurance, mateship and sacrifice (inscribed on the four pillars at Isurava M emor i al ) ar e wr i t t en i n some of t he t at t oos, and ar e conveyed t hr ough t he i mages of sol di er s i n Plate 3.7. Importantly, the feature which is common to print images of Kokoda (see Plate 3.7) and to Kokoda-inspired tattoos (see Plates 3.3 – 3.6 and Appendix 4) is the presence of Whiteness. The commonality of Whiteness supports the conclusion drawn from the previous sect i ons, t hat t he K okoda T r ack r epr esent s a Whi t e mi l i t ar y hi st or y and pr omot es Whi t e nationalism.

Conclusion

T hi s chapt er has f ound t hat t he devel opment of t he K okoda T r ack phenomenon has been deeply influenced by political discourse, which has emphasised military history and nationalism. The Kokoda Track has many unique elements that have differentiated its military history and enhanced its status among trekkers, and in particular has been perceived to be the first defence of the homeland, which was carried out initially by an unprepared and ill equipped Militia against the Japanese enemy Other. A range of data has been used to show that Australians have varied

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

r easons f or t r avel i ng t o t he K okoda T r ack, and t our i sm t ypes ar e cl osel y r el at ed t o secul ar pilgrimage, adventure tourism and leadership and bonding tourism. Whatever their motivations t o t r avel t o t he K okoda T r ack, t rekker s wer e af f ect ed by t he domi nant nar r at i ve of A ust r al i a’ s military history, and for many the experience was a life changing experience. The fieldwork explored ‘race’ in relation to the Kokoda Track for the first time. The evidence suggests that Whiteness is an identifying characteristic of the trekkers on the Kokoda Track., which for many Australians is normalised and invisible. The research also found that the Kokoda Track has become a symbol of collective Australian national identity, with many expressions of nationalism found, including online forums (for example, blogs), charity events, competitions, memorial wal ks, musi c, coi ns, st amps, and t at t oos.

The primary and secondary research presented in this chapter supports the principal theoretical position of this thesis, which is that the Kokoda Track, as it has been narrated and experienced by trekkers, appears not only to celebrate war, but to promote a White history of Australia. As long as Australians rely on military history and the heroism of its soldiers to construct their national identity, it is contended, an increasing number of its citizens, especially non-White and Indigenous peoples, will be perceived to be less Australian than others. The next chapter develops this argument further by considering the concept of Whiteman, as introduced in this chapter, and the attitudes and perceptions of Australian trekkers of the Papua New Guineans on the Kokoda Track. But first the following vignette provides a fieldwork-based reflection, with a specific focus on our interactions with the Papua New Guineans.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Sapos yu laik kisim gutpela save pastaim yu mas go longpela wokabaut

(If you want knowledge, first you must go on a journey)

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

I knew f r om readi ng t he bl ogs of t r ekker s t hat my t rek of t he K okoda T r ack woul d be unl i ke anything that I had experienced before. But if you want knowledge, first you must go on a journey (Sapos yu laik kisim gutpela save pastaim yu mas go long tromwe lek). When on the 7th June 2010 I lef t Sydney f or Port Moresby, I was ‘the modern subject […] on the move’ (Urry, 1995: 141). I had been briefed in an email to wear the T-shirt provided by the trekking company so that the trekkers could be identified upon arrival. I was the first trekker to enter the arrival hall in Port Moresby and I followed the instructions provided by the trekking company to wait near the arrival gate and, under no circumstances, to leave the airport. I spotted a couple of Papua New Guinean men who were waiting with the company’s sign. As I walked up to them, we made eye cont act and t hey seemed awkwar d and shy. I gr eeted them and we stood in silence watching the arrival gate for the other trekkers to emerge. Soon we were joined by a group of six other trekkers who introduced themselves and told me that they were friends who often travelled together to sporting events, treks and other group activities. They decided to trek Kokoda as part of their group’s tradition. Sometime after all trekkers had arrived, Lee, a trek leader, came and led us to the mini bus outside. We boarded t he bus and headed f or our accommodat i on at Soger i , a smal l t own near t he st ar t of t he K okoda Track. That afternoon, Lee and the other trek leader, Matthew, held an orientation meeting. We wer e pr ovi ded wi t h a company t r ek di ar y t hat cont ai ned i nf or mat i on about t he K okoda T r ack, its military significance, the villages and the two different Papuan tribes that we would encounter. Matthew established some ground rules. He had trekked the Kokoda track three to four times each year for the last 10 years. We were told not to refer to the Papuans as ‘porters’ because ‘ porters work in hotels’. Instead, we should refer to the Papuans in the trekking team as ‘guides’. M at t hew r ef er r ed t o us as ‘ Whi t i es’ - an expl anat i on wasn’ t of f er ed, i t was t aken t o be sel f - explanatory. This term made me feel self-conscious because I have never been referred to as a ‘ Whitie’ before, and it was perhaps a term that the other trekkers had not been called before. M at t hew’ s st at ement was soon f ol l owed by a gener al war ni ng t o t r eat t he Papuans wi t h r espect , because ‘there is no White man here’. We were told that there was a weight restriction and our main packs could only weigh a maximum of 15 kilograms in order to prevent the guides from being injured. Matthew told us that many other trekking companies do not have weight restrictions and sometimes their guides did get injured. When we were asked who had chosen to carry their own pack, only Douglas and I raised our hands. I was surprised because I thought carrying one’s own pack was part of the experience. We were asked to introduce ourselves and say why we were here. When it was my turn to speak, I told the group that ‘my grandfather was in the 2/ 3rd and he died 9 months ago’. I

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

started to become overwhelmed with tears at that point. Thankfully, Matthew interrupted and said that during the trek ‘I will show you exactly where he was’. I wondered how I was going to stay composed over the next ten days. Many in the group said that their motivation was to learn more about Australian history, while others said that they wanted to experience a physical challenge. One of the men said that he wanted to show respect to the diggers ‘who saved Australia from invasion by the Japanese’. Only one of the trekkers, the man wearing an Akubra hat, said that he had been on the Track before. After everyone had spoken, Matthew drew to our attention that not one of us had mentioned anything about the Papuan people, who he told us, ‘ will touch you the most’. At dinner someone raised the question of unemployment in Papua New Guinea (see Plate VI.1). I mentioned that, on the hour-long bus ride from the airport to our hotel, almost every building was surrounded by tall fences with razor wire. Even our hotel in Sogeri was ringed with wire. Another trekker recalled media articles which mentioned problems with mining near the Track and asked for Matthew to share his opinion. Matthew told us that mining has had serious impacts on the environment and it had taken advantage of the local people. Everyone nodded in agreement when a trekker said that the environmental impacts of mining were ‘ disgusting’. I thought about the impacts of mining in Australia and wondered whether the group shared the same views about the Australian environment and the impacts that mining has had on its I ndigenous communities.

Plate VI.1: The trekking groups at Sogeri Lodge the night before our trek commenced (photograph by Guy, 7/ 06/ 2010).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

I had a few Pidgin-English (Tok Pisin) phrases memorised, ready for our guides and any Papuans t hat I woul d meet on t he T r ack. I asked M at t hew i f t her e wer e any par t i cul ar Pi dgi n - English phrases or colloquialisms that I should use during the trek. Matthew’s response was not to use Pidgin-English, that ‘Pidgin-English is just Japanese-English’. I nodded but did not understand – isn’t Pidgin-English the most widely used language in Papua New Guinea!? Someone at the table asked for Matthew’s advice on how to prevent any foot problems. Matthew explained to us that Papuan skin ‘is much more durable than [that of] us Whities’. He highlighted to us the importance of keeping our feet dry to avoid foot rot and never to walk around bare footed. Needless to say, we followed Matthew’s instructions as gospel. After dinner we had a briefing by Lee, the other trek leader. He spoke of the military history of the Kokoda Track and told us that, during WWII, the 38th, 39th and 53rd Militia were treated unfairly by the government, the military and the AIF. He said that the AIF thought that they were superior to the Militia. However, he qualified his statement by saying that the Militia did fight alongside the AI F once they arrived from the Middle East and Africa. I recalled my grandfather showing me a photograph of him walking uphill through mud with some of the men in his 2/ 3rd Infantry Battalion and the 39th Militia. The photograph is an image that was taken from footage of the film, Kokoda (1942). The photograph and f ootage are among the most used i mages of t he K okoda Campai gn (see Pl at e V I .2). 105

105 The soldiers in the series of photographs, according to the AWM, have been identified as the 39th Battalion. However, my grandfather wrote to the AWM to tell them that the ‘B’ Company of the 2/ 3rd Battalion had joined with the soldiers of the 39th Militia, and he recalled the occasion when Parer filmed them walking uphill. The AWM acknowledged in letters to my grandfather that the identities of the soldiers in this part of the film were in doubt because the original shot list was lost in Port Moresby shortly after filming. My grandfather was able to identify two other soldiers in the photograph, and identified as significant the helmet ‘tin hat’ that he is shown wearing, and which was issued only to AIF soldiers. The slouch hat was issued to the Chocos. However, the AWM has stood by the current interpretation.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate VI.2: Photograph of soldiers on the Kokoda Track. Original footage taken by Damien Parer (1942). The photograph shows soldiers from the 39th Militia and 2nd/3rd Battalion. My grandfather is second from the right.

T he next mor ni ng we headed t o O wer s’ Cor ner at t he st ar t of t he K okoda T r ack . T he other group flew with Lee to Kokoda to start their trek back to Owers’ Corner. In my group of twelve there was only one other woman. Rachel was 54 years old and had originally planned to trek with her husband, but he tore a ligament shortly before departing. The six friends who play sport and travel together were all in their 40s and married with children. Three of the men, Tim, Michael and Spenser, lived in Melbourne and Douglas, Max and Les lived in Sydney. Douglas, a lawyer with a PhD, had the highest level of education among us. The other four men in our group were from Queensland; Andrew and Brad lived in Brisbane and were each married with children (Andrew owned his own company and Brad worked for him). Guy and Mitchell were friends from Ipswich: Mitchell was a 29 year old carpenter who had never been married but was expecting to be a father in a couple of months, and Guy was a 53 year old divorcee who worked as a garbage truck driver and had four daughters.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate VI .3: The road to Owers’ Corner (photograph by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Once we got off the bus Matthew organised the Papuan guides, who had name tags, and we shook their hands. We had over thirty guides who carried our food, belongings, tents and personal packs106 (see Plate VI.4). Matthew arranged for Bob, one of the older guides in our trek, to walk with me and to help me through the tough spots (see Plate VI.5). I soon found that I was very fortunate to be paired with Bob, who lived in Boroko, a suburb of Port Moresby. His English was better than most of the other guides so, from time to time, we could talk while we were walking on the Track. Bob guided me to the halfway point on the Track (Diggers Camp) and then returned to Owers’ Corner. Pete was my guide for the remainder of the trek to Kokoda. His English was not as good as Bob so we seldom spoke even though we walked close together for the last several days of the trek.

106 Everyone i n t he group except f or myself and D ougl as had t heir packs carried by Papua N ew Gui nean gui des.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate VI.4: Sorting out the packs at Owers’ Corner. The guides wait in the background (photograph by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Pl at e V I .5: Bob and t he aut hor at D i gger ’ s Camp (phot ogr aph by aut hor , 12/ 06/ 2010).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Before commencing our trek, we gave our cameras to Matthew, who captured a group phot ogr aph as we st ood under t he K okoda M emor i al A r chway (see Pl at e V I .6). O ne by one, Matthew handed back the cameras until he came to a hot-pink camera and asked, ‘who owns the pink one?’ Scott, a tall blonde man, stepped forward to collect it and explained, ‘it’s my wife’s camera’. We all laughed.

Plate VI .6: Group photograph at the Kokoda Memorial Archway, Owers’ Corner (photograph by author, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Plate VI.7: Beginning our trek from Owers’ Corner (photograph by author, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

We left Owers’ Corner, climbing down a steep hill before reaching our first river crossing (see Plate VI.7). The Papuans in our trekking team carried the packs across while we fumbled about as we changed from our hiking boots into rubber sandals. Eventually we entered the cold water, walking like toddlers over rocks and trying to keep our clothes as dry as possible (see Plate VI.8).

Plate VI .8: Crossing the river (photograph by author, 8/ 06/ 2010).

We reached the other side of the river and once again fumbled about as we put on our hiking boots. We walked a little further before stopping at a clearing, which had two tables for our morning tea. We sat down and Scott informed us that, while trying to take a picture of us crossing the river, he had accidently dropped his camera in the stream. Someone in the group asked, ‘which camera was that, the pink one?’ We laughed, again. The coded feminine ‘pinkness’ of the camera contrasted with our perceptions of gender expectations and the masculine envi r onment .

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate VI .9: Papuan guides having morning tea (photograph by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Plate VI .10: The trekkers having morning tea (photograph by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Whi l e we sat at t he t abl e we hear d a l oud cr ack f r om t he bushes. We wat ched whi l e t hr ee guides sprang into action and ran to the pit toilet (see Plate VI.11). A few seconds later Michael emerged. The wooden planks had snapped under his weight and he had fallen into the pit and the guides helped to pull him out. He walked off towards the river to wash himself and when he returned he was nicknamed ‘Kenny’, a comical reference to an Australian film about a plumber

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

named Kenny, and this nickname stuck for the remainder of the trip. After we finished making fun of Kenny we pushed on.

Pl at e V I .11: I mage of a t ypi cal t oi l et bl ock on t he K okoda T r ack (phot ogr aph by aut hor , 14/ 06/ 2010).

We arrived at I mita Base Camp in the early afternoon and washed in the river. Some of our guides had walked ahead and set up our tents prior to our arrival. This practice was repeated each time we arrived at our overnight destination. The trekkers would sleep in individual tents and t he gui des woul d shar e a shel t er or hut f or t he ni ght (see Pl at e V I .12 and V I .13).

Plate VI.12: The one-person tents for trekkers (photography by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Pl at e V I .13: T he shar ed accommodat i on f or t he gui des (phot ogr aph by G uy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

After dinner some of us had a chat with Matthew. I thought that it would be a good time to ask about Ali Ammar, a teenager who had removed the Australian flag from the Brighton Le Sands RSL Club during the Cronulla Riots in 2005. The N SW RSL of f ered him the chance to atone for his actions by trekking the Kokoda Track. His trek was made into a documentary in 2007 and Matthew was the leader of his trek. I told Matthew that I had watched a documentary a few years ago about a Lebanese-Australian boy who had trekked the Kokoda Track. Matthew said that he had kept in contact with Ammar and explained that he believed that his behaviour in the Riots was a result of the people with whom he was hanging around. Matthew said that Ammar had turned his life around after trekking the Kokoda Track, and I then asked Matthew to describe the average trekker. He said that in the 1990s the trekkers were in their 20s on average, but more recently he thought that most trekkers were in their 40s. He also said that he had noticed a drop in trekker numbers in 2009 and 2010, attributing the f all to the death of Australians on the Track in 2008. Matthew thought that the period around Anzac Day was the most popular with trekkers, which is confirmed by the greater number of treks oriented around Anzac D ay.107 The next two days were the hardest days of the whole trek. We had to negotiate very st eep ascent s and descent s on ver y r ocky sur f aces and I was st r uggl i ng wi t h t he wei ght of my pack. Both nights after dinner I would ‘pass out’ in my tent. On the third night of the trek there

107 Kokoda Spirit offered 13 treks surrounding Anzac Day in 2015 (Kokoda Spirit, 2014: n.p.).

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

was a lot of noise and commotion and from my tent I could hear Papuan men and women speaking loudly in Pidgin-English. I wasn’t sure if I should come out of my tent or if it was safer to stay inside. I lay listening to the voices, then several flashlights started flickering about the t ent s. I unzi pped my t ent and f ool i shl y st uck my head out . D ougl as, t he l awyer , al so st uck hi s head out of his tent. I saw a group of Papuan men walking around the tents with machetes. In a panic I jumped back into my tent hoping that no one had seen me. I laid down as flat as I could, pretending to be asleep so that maybe I wouldn’t have to die. Eventually the voices disappeared, and exhaust ed I f el l asl eep. T he next mor ni ng at br eakf ast , whi l e we wer e t al ki ng about t he incident, Matthew came over and informed us that during the night there had been an attempted robbery and that he was the target. A group of Papuans who were unknown in the area took his bag, which also had our passports, and Matthew said that he was up until the early hours of the morning with our guides chasing the ‘raskals’. Finally, Matthew and the guides managed to get Matthew’s bag back, and he told us that this type of robbery on the Kokoda Track was very rare, but he didn’t elaborate any further. I tried to talk to Bob about it while we were trekking but he didn’t tell me anything more. M at t hew was a pecul i ar char act er . When t he gr oup woul d speak af t er a meal he woul d often sit silently listening to us and then add his opinion in a way that silenced us. Sometimes another trekker would ask him a question and he would give a sharp response that would make us feel embarrassed. Sometimes he was really dramatic in telling a story, at other times he was moody, and at others he was just unpredictable. But no one disagreed or argued with Matthew. On one occasion while we were walking up a hill, I was chatting with Guy about WWII and the r ol e of t he Papuans (see Pl at e V I .14) , and I sai d t hat my gr andf at her of t en gave cr edi t t o t he Papua New Guineans, and had told me that without them Australia would’ve lost the Kokoda Track Campaign. Matthew, who was walking behind us, interjected sarcastically, ‘Yeah, because it was t he Papuans who f ought t he Japanese’ . T he conver sat i on bet ween G uy and I st opped at t hat point, and I made a mental note to consider the implications of any future comments in case I unintentionally challenged any popular views of those on the Kokoda Track.

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Plate VI.14: Guy and the author having a coconut on our last night on the Kokoda Track in K ovelo village (photograph by author, 15/ 06/ 2010).

Often, Matthew would tell the group about a violent battle or a soldier’s account of the horrors on the Track, and he would pose the question to the group, ‘was their sacrifice worth it?’ He would also share with us his poem from time to time, entitled ‘Why do they come?’ Matthew was forcing us to confront the connection between the military history of the Kokoda Track and our f or t unat e ci r cumst ances of t oday, usi ng dr amat i c ef f ect . For exampl e, bef or e we r eached I sur ava M emor i al , M at t hew st opped us at a l ar ge r ock wi t h a f l at t op, and whi ch st ood t o t he side of the Track and looked out of place. Unthinkingly, when we were told to wait for the trekkers at the back to catch up to the group, I sat on the rock to rest and to remove the weight of my pack. As soon as I sat on the rock Matthew said sternly, ‘that’s not a seat’, and I quickly jumped up like a naughty school kid. Half of the group observed the incident and there was a pause of momentary awkwardness before Max, who had just reached the group, sat down on the same rock. I had the opportunity to warn Max of what I knew Matthew would say but I said nothing and, as I predicted Matthew, just as he had before, said, ‘that is not a seat’. Max, just as I had, instantly stood up, and Matthew then proceeded to tell us the flat top of the rock ‘was used by Regi ment al medi cs t o oper at e on wounded sol di er s bef or e t hey wer e di spat ched back al ong the track’ (Lynn, n.d.: 35). Later that night I vented my frustrations about Matthew in my diary – specifically how the event was planned and intended to embarrass those who sat on the rock,

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and I questioned why I didn’t warn Max before he sat down in order to prevent him from feeling embarrassed in front of the group as I was.

Plate VI .15: Surgeon’s Rock, just before I surava (photograph by author, 15/ 06/ 2010).

In another of Matthew’s stories he told us that, when Ralph Honner, a lieutenant colonel and commander of t he 39 th Battalion, died in May 1994, an unknown Japanese veteran attended the funeral service in order to pay his respects. Matthew told us that this event was not covered by any of the media. When I got home I looked it up online, eager to find out more. The only record available was by Peter Brune in his book, Ralph H onner: Kokoda H ero (2007: 2). I n Brune’s account he states that no one at the funeral was prepared for ‘a representative of this warrior’s former foe’, who approached the pew, bowed and then with another formal bow presented a letter of condolence to Honner’s family. Later in 2012 politician Bob Katter, leader of Katter’s A ust r al i an Par t y, r ei t er at ed t he same st or y i n hi s book, An Amazing Race of People, addi ng t hat t he veteran was a representative of the Japanese Imperial Forces who had come to pay his respects to ‘a man whose reputation amongst the Japanese soldiers[,] was that of a brave and worthy warrior’.

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O ne of t he most memor abl e moment s on t he t r ek was meet i ng a ‘ Fuzzy Wuzzy A ngel ’ . It took place in Loni, a small village on the top of a hill, when we stopped for a morning tea of fruit and freshly cooked corn. We were in good spirits because the weather was good and we had had a f ai r l y easy t r ek t hat mor ni ng, and wer e al l happi l y chat t i ng away under a shel t er , eat i ng t he food prepared for us and sipping on tea and coffee, when Matthew came over to speak with us. Behind him stood an elderly Papua New Guinean man who Matthew introduced as Tavu Tate, a Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel who during the K okoda Track Campaign helped Australian soldiers. He was small in stature and used a wooden staff to support himself, wearing a navy blazer with several decorations which had been donated by Australians. The Australian Government hasn’t awarded medal s t o Papuans who assi st ed A ust r al i a dur i ng WWI I , but some A ust r al i ans hav e donat ed medals, pins and badges. Matthew told us about how he had formed a friendship with Tate and had spoken with him about his experiences during the Kokoda Track Campaign. Matthew shar ed wi t h us one of T at e’s war t i me exper i ences. T at e was i nst r uct ed by A ust r al i a sol di er s t o ‘ clean the shit in the toilets’ without a cloth, ‘just using his hands’, and Matthew told us that when he asked Tate how that made him feel, he told him that it made him feel sorry for the Australians. My jaw dropped in shock as I thought that we were going to hear a great story about mat eshi p and cour age. I l ooked ar ound at t he gr oup and ever yone seemed t o shar e my f eel i ngs of horror at the Diggers exercising their White privilege and superiority as proud representative of the White Australia Policy (Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 161). Perhaps Tate’s story did little to rattle the beliefs of the other members of my group, but I began to think about those Australian soldiers, including my grandfather and his mates, and whether they mistreated Papuans like Tate. From an early age I was only aware of the good and heroic deeds of Australian soldiers. Afterwards we each took turns to shake Tate’s hand, to thank him and to have our picture taken with him (see Plates VI.16 – I.19). I wondered what he thought of Australian trekkers frequently passing through his village, whether he knew the story that was being shared about him and what he thought about his celebrity status. When I went to shake Tate’s hand and give him a hug he was really happy. As I walked back to the group, one of the guys commented, ‘I think he wanted a kiss’, and laughter from the group broke out. Perhaps t hei r l aught er st emmed f r om a j uxt aposi t i on of ‘ r ace’ , gender , and/ or age. H owever , t he over - sexual i sed Bl ack man i n t he i magi nat i on of t he Whi t eman i s a per si st ent st er eot ype t hat somehow found its way onto the Track.

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Plate VI .16 (lef t): Brad and Tate (photograph by Guy, 11/ 06/ 2010). Plate VI .17 (right): Guy and Tate (photograph by Guy, 11/ 06/ 2010).

Plate VI .18: Author and Tate (photograph by author, 11/ 06/ 2010).

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Plate VI .19: Author and Tate (photograph by author, 11/ 06/ 2010).

Between these events and stories we had developed a routine – have breakfast, pack, walk, take morning tea, walk, have lunch, walk, arrive at our destination, wash, eat and sleep. We would wake at 6am and go to bed at 8pm. Early in the trek Matthew had told us that the trekkers would be segregated from the guides whenever we stopped: ‘It is as much for them, as it is for us.’ H e expl ai ned t hat t he gui des l i ke t o get t oget her and pl ay musi c and do t hei r own t hi ng, while we do our own thing, and that the guides were happy with this arrangement. On the Track I found that it was not easy to have a conversation with Bob or the other guides. Also, when we stopped, the guides would separate from the trekker s as descr i bed above (see Pl at e V I .20). Because the guides were trained to give us space it was difficult to communicate and to connect with them in any real depth, so that the trekkers were never able to become familiar with the guides.

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Pl at e V I .20: T r ekker s r est i ng by a cr eek. T he maj or i t y of t he gui des wai t i n t he di st ance (photograph by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

A l so, at meal t i mes t here wer e l i mi t ed opport uni t ies f or t he t r ekker s and gui des t o soci al i se. T he meal s wer e al ways pr epar ed f or us by t he head gui de, Sammy, and a f ew of hi s men woul d pr epar e and ser ve i t . Sammy and hi s men wor e gl oves t o ser ve t he f ood and t he t r ekker s would line up like at a buffet (see Plate VI.21). The guides that handled our food had better hygiene practices than in many restaurants in Australia, but were never more than service pr ovi der s. T her e seemed t o be no expect at i on of t he t our company f or t he gui des and t he trekkers to develop any real relationships beyond our roles.

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Plate VI.21: Sammy (in white) wearing a glove while serving food (photograph by author, 17/ 06/ 2010).

As an example of the lack of interaction between the guides and the trekkers I can recall an occasion when we had reached a shelter on the edge of a clearing to stop for morning tea. There were a few Papuans but they did not approach us nor did they show interest in our arrival. Cans of Coca-Cola were left on the table under our shelter and payment was based on an honesty system (Kina 5 ($2.5) per can). It was a hot day so the cans of Coke were a nice treat, not onl y as a dr i nk but al so as a r emi nder of home. M ost of us pur chased a can and as I purchased mine I thought about Bob, and so I asked Matthew if he thought it would be OK if I purchased another for my guide. At this point no one else was talking so, when Matthew responded by saying, ‘I think that he would really appreciate that’, the rest of the group had heard. I immediately felt awkward that perhaps I had made the other trekkers feel obliged to buy cans of Coke for their guides. I walked out of the shelter and towards Bob with these thoughts playing on my mind. Bob was about 100 metres away with the other guides. They didn’t have a shelter like us to sit under but had found a narrow pi ece of shade agai nst a hut , so t hey cr owded together to keep out of the sun while waiting for us to finish our morning tea. When I got closer I stopped analysing my actions regarding the trekking group and thought about the consequences of my actions in giving Bob the can of Coke. Was I being rude by not bringing ever yone el se a dr i nk? Woul d my act i ons be vi ewed as char i t y? Was i t r ude f or a younger woman

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to give an older man a drink? What was the cultural etiquette? It would have been rude to turn around at that point and I realised that I hadn’t thought it through, but this minor incident r epresent ed so much about t he r el at i onshi p bet ween t he ‘Whi t i es’ and t he gui des. A l l t he gui des were watching me as I approached and said, ‘Hi Bob, this is for you’. By this stage I felt so awkward. He accepted the Coke and said ‘thank you’. However, I couldn’t know what the other guides felt and what kinds of discussion would transpire because of my actions, but I returned to my group and was relieved to find that everyone was chatting and no one asked about Bob and the Coke.

Plate VI.22: River crossing. Guides assisting trekkers and stabilising a log bridge (photograph by author, 12/ 06/ 2010).

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The most intimate contact between the trekkers and the guides involved safety. Whenever there was difficulty the guides were there to look after the trekkers. One notable exampl e was when t he gr oup had t o wal k over a l og br i dge t o cr oss a st r eam , and some gui des got under the bridge to stabilise it and other guides assisted the trekkers across (see Plate VI. 22). This assistance was reminiscent of the descriptions in texts and depictions in photographs of how the Papuan Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels had helped Australia soldiers during the Kokoda Track Campai gn. Fi nal l y, af t er t en days of t r ekki ng we r eached K okoda and ever yone f el t a sense of achievement. The trekkers shook hands and congratulated each other on making it to the end, and individual and group photos were taken. When we finished and as we walked towards Kokoda airport, passing a fruit and vegetable market on the way (see Plate VI.23), Matthew bought some fruit while the rest of us just stood around. Our guides left us at Kokoda Airport and the trekkers farewelled them. Matthew had told us the night before to consider giving any unwanted clothing or equipment to our guides. I gave Pete my clothes, including my hiking boots, and he was really appreciative about the gesture. Everyone had expensive clothing and equi pment so t hey di dn’t par t wi t h t hese i t ems, and i nst ead some gave smal l i t ems t hat wer e no l onger of any use t o t hem. A f t er t he gui des l ef t us we wai t ed at K okoda A i r por t f or about an hour in the shade of the palm plantation for our plane (see Plate VI.24).

Plate: VI .23: Kokoda fruit and vegetable market (photograph by Guy, 16/ 06/ 2010).

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Plate: VI .24: K okoda airport (photograph by Guy, 16/ 06/ 2010).

After we flew out of Kokoda I wondered whether I had achieved my goal to learn more about the Kokoda Track and the Kokoda phenomenon, did I get knowledge (gut pela sa ve) by going on this journey (go long t r omwe lek )? Matthew had shared stories and given different perspectives than I had anticipated before I left Australia. I was surprised by the limited interaction that we had with Papuans after being told that they would ‘touch us’ the most. I was even more surprised by how quickly segregation between trekkers and guides became normalised, and was sceptical about how the Kokoda Track would impact on my life. However, it did. The next chapter examines more closely aspects of this vignette.

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Chapter 4

Whiteman fantasies of Papua New Guineans

I n some [Papuan] villages every able-bodied male over the approx imate age of six teen years was rounded up, transported to the clearing centres, and thence drafted to whatever type of work had priority in the immediate emergency. Brutal disciplinary measures had often to be taken in the field [...] Osmar White, WWI I correspondent and author (White, 1965: 128).

[T]o photograph or draw the colonial subject naked was also to demonstrate a particular form of epistemological power. I n a society where nak edness was unacceptable, nak ed images connoted the power of the viewer over the subject. (Philippa Levine, 2008: 198).

H ere, then, was a strange contrast developing in A ustralian attitudes towards other races. At the same time as they directed increased anger at the Japanese, they praised, ennobled and felt indebted to the Papuans. (H ank N elson, 2006: 136).

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Introduction

T he pr evi ous chapt er obser ved t hat t he t er m ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy A ngel ’ i s al most i nvar i abl y used when r ef er r i ng t o Papua N ew G ui neans and t he K okoda T r ack. A s Papua N ew G ui nean academic Revis Tove Stella (2007: 10) astutely points out:

Some of the colonial tropes deployed to represent the PNG subject included the uneducable or i ncompet ent nat i ve, t he bush kanaka, or (peculi ar t o Papua N ew Gui nea) t he “ f uzzy wuzzy angel ’.

The Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel is ‘affectionately’ portrayed in mainstream Australian texts, typically, as partially dressed, loyal, friendly, caring and male108 (see Chapt er 3). Fur t her , t he pr evi ous chapt er s have indicated that Australian mainstream texts have largely focused on the military history of the Kokoda Track from the Australian perspective, and Papua New Guineans have been shown to be included in order to heighten the heroism of Australian soldiers. In spite of the popular use of ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ in the discourse of the K okoda Track, there has been a paucity of research on the origin and development of this trope. This thesis contends that ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ is far from being an ‘affectionate’ term, but rather is a culturally insensitive, demeaning t r ope concei ved i n a cont ext of r aci sm and, t her ef or e, r equi r es cr i t i cal anal ysi s. H i st or i an H ank Nelson (2007: 76) explains that there are texts ‘that cover the range of experiences of Papua New Guineans in the war’ but none of these are ‘comprehensive and reach […] a wide audience’. Nelson was referring to texts such as T he P acific T heat r e: I sland r epr esent at ions of WWI I (White and Linstrom, 1989), Senso Daughters (Sekigushi, 1989) and T he P acific War in P apua N ew G uinea: Memories and Realities (Toyoda and N elson, 2006). N elson was ref erring to the texts by Pike, N elson and D awes (1982). To date there has been some examination of the representations of Papua New Guineans, but there has been minimal analysis of the representations of them in relation to the Kokoda Track. This thesis supports the contention of Stella that the term ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’:

Reflects the great gratitude felt by Australian soldiers, particularly those on the Kokoda Trail, [but] it is nevertheless belittling and consistent with the discourse of paternalism that largely characterised colonial administrative policy. (Stella, 2007: 110).

108 When texts make reference to Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels, past and present (for example, some trekking companies refer to the Papua New Guineans on the Track as Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels and descendants of Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels without any evidence of this claim), it is usually specific to males. Papua New Guinean women (their presence, experi ences and voi ces) are al most al ways excl uded.

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N ever t hel ess, t he t er m cont i nues t o per vade con t empor ar y di scour se as ‘ af f ect i onat e’ , j ust as t he image of the loyal, friendly, caring Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel persists. At the ‘K okoda: Beyond the Legend’ (2012) conf erence, D eveni Temu, the son of a Papua N ew Guinean carrier (or labourer, as he describes him), identifies the persistent stereotype of the Papua New Guinean (in relation to WWI I ) as the ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’, and challenges the widespread narrative which discounts the voices and experiences of Papua New Guineans. Temu’s presentation highlighted their mistreatment suffered at the hands of Australians during the War and claimed that it is overlooked. This f inding echoes the f indings of Stella (2007: 1), who argued that powerf ul, dominant groups produced representations of the Papua New Guineans that became accepted as ‘true’. Edward Said in Orientalism (1978: 272) questioned ‘whether indeed there can be a true representation of anything’ because representations are embedded in language, culture, institutions and politics, and, therefore, ‘implicated, intertwined, embedded, [and] interwoven with a great many other things besides the “truth”’. Similarly, Australian representations of Papua New Guineans ‘[are] a direct result of European representation and construction’ and say more about those who are doing the representing than those who are represented (Stella, 2007: 2). A handful of authors has analysed aspects of representations of Papua New Guineans more generally (i.e. not specific to the Kokoda Track), and include: K en S. I nglis (1969, 1971), N oah Riseman (2010), Chris Ballard (2008), Liz Reed (1999), H ank N elson (1978, 2006, 2007, 2008), and, as not ed, Papuan aut hor Regi s T ove St el l a (2007). I n addi t i on, t her e have been studies of representations of ‘the Other’ within Melanesian, Polynesian and Australian contexts, which of f er constructive methods of analysis. For example, Jane C. D esmond (1999) has developed the concept of the ‘ideal native’ based on research specific to Hawaii; Alison Devine N or dst r öm (1991) has anal ysed r epr esent at i ons of Samo ans i n The N ational Geographic Magazine, and Elizabeth Willis (2011) has written about the use and re-use of photographs of the Kulin people (the First Australians of Northern Victoria). The works of these authors are used in this chapt er t o exami ne r epr esent at i ons of t he Papua N ew G ui neans i n A ust r al i an t ext s based on t he Kokoda Track during WWII. There are no other cultural studies (to the author’s knowledge) that have gat her ed and anal ysed f i el d obser vat i ons on t he K okoda T r ack , so t hi s chapt er pr ovi des an original insight into the complex subject matter at multiple levels of analysis. Together, the critical analysis of texts and fieldwork highlights, for the first time, the relationship between the Kokoda Track and concepts of Whiteman, post-colonialism, Australian national identity, imperialism and racism. Furthermore, the analysis contributes to the broader theoretical position of the thesis that the portrayal of the Kokoda Track promotes dominant Whiteness and White

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Indigeneity. The work that follows places the study in context by examining the development of historical terms for Papua New Guineans (building on the analysis in Chapter 2) and critically anal ysi ng t he st er eot ypes of t hat have emer ged and per si st t oday.

How a ‘Boong’ became a Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel

By the very process of naming the land Papua New Guinea109 and the people who inhabited it Papua New Guineans, early explorers and later colonisers were able ‘to assert their control over their representation and incorporate them in their history’ (Stella, 2007: 2). One culture’s subordination of another starts with the naming and marking of an unknown territory, and:

I n its broadest sense, it includes the entire system by which one culture comes to interpret, to represent, and finally to dominate another (Spurr, 1993: 4-5).

Colonisation of Papua N ew Guinea began in 1526 when Portuguese explorer Jorge de Menezes named the west coast of the main island of present-day West Papua (now part of Indonesia) Ilhas dos Papuas (L and of t he Fr i zzy- H ai r ed Peopl e). Papuas is derived from the Malay word puahpuah or pepuah for frizzy hair (Stella, 2007: 2; Wood, 1870: 898; Ballard, 2008: 161; Gelpke, 1993: 320), signalling that, from the first documented contact, differences based on physical attributes were used to categorise the peoples of Papua New Guinea. 110 This process of identification was repeated two decades later when in 1545 Spanish explorer Yñigo Ortiz de Retez named the eastern part of the island N ueva Guinea (New Guinea) because he saw a physical resemblance to the ‘f rizzy haired inhabitants […] of the Guinea Coast in West Af rica’ (Gelpke, 1993: 318). T her eaf t er , ‘Papua’ and ‘ N ew G ui nea’ have been used by t he ‘West ’ i n t he nami ng and r enami ng of the region.111 At the same time the peoples of Papua New Guinea have continued to be compar t ment al i sed and vi ewed as a homogenous gr oup even t hough st udi es r eveal t hat Papua

109 In Chapter 2 it was argued that to view the Papua New Guinean as a homogeneous group (as the name suggests) is misleading because its peoples represent a diverse range of cultures, languages, customs and traditions. This thesis adopts the terms ‘Papua New Guinea’ and ‘Papua New Guinean’ because these words are accepted internationally for the region and the peoples. 110 The West’s appropriation of names is not a new concept; for example, ‘Greater I ndia’, ‘Lesser I ndia’ and ‘the I ndies’ were names used in the late 15th Century to refer to regions known today as South and East Asia. 111 West Papua or Western New Guinea is the current name for the western half of the island and smaller islands of Papua New Guinea. The region is administered by Indonesia as the provinces of Papua and West Papua (Nelson, 2006: 1-8).

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New Guinea is one of the most heterogeneous nations in the world with over 800 distinct languages (I ngman and Gyllensten, 2003; Thomas et . al, 2007). The significance of ‘naming the land went hand-in-hand with creating and perpetrating representations of the people’ (Stella, 2007: 3). As such, European representations of Papua New Guineans were constructed on preconceived ‘understandings’ of African peoples. The renaming of Papua New Guineans has continued to the present day, and since Papua New Guinea became an Australian mandated territory, almost 100 years ago, the terminology has been derived from Australia.

At the Paris Peace Conf erence (1919), Australian Prime Minister Billy H ughes, who wanted to secure a share of Germany’s colonies, argued ‘strategically the northern islands (such as N ew G ui nea) encompass A ust r al i a l i ke a f or t r ess. T hey ar e as necessar y t o A ust r al i a as wat er to a city’ (USFR, 1919: 720-722). The Treaty of Versailles (1919) sanctioned the division of Germany’s colonies, and as a result German New Guinea became a British colony under the mandate of Australia. The Eastern half was named the Territory of Papua. Almost two decades later the Territory of New Guinea was declared. This division of the landmass into three colonies, then later two, was based, as previously discussed, on the interest of the colonial empi r es i nvol ved and t he power s t hat t hey possessed at t he t i me (N el son, 2006: 7). 112 When the Second Wor l d War l oomed i t was assumed t hat Papua N ew G ui neans woul d be r eady t o assi st i n the war ef f ort. This attitude was conveyed in September 1939 when The Papuan V illager 113 communicated to its readers that ‘every Papuan should remember that he belongs to the British Empire; and he should be ready to do anything he can to help his empire win’ (Inglis, 1971: 507). At the outbreak of fighting, Papua New Guineans were absorbed into many war-related roles, such as: cooks, cleaners, soldiers, police, scouts/ intelligence, stewards, laundry cleaners, l abour er s (who unl oaded ships and ai r cr af t s), const ruct i on wor ker s (at ai r st r i ps, br i dges, whar f s, barracks and drains), farm hands (engaged in growing and gathering food), repairers, manual labourers, carriers of ammunition, and stretcher-bearers for the wounded (Riseman, 2010: 9). Today the representations of these roles have been reduced to that of the stretcher-bearer of sick and wounded A ust r al i an sol di er s. H i st or i cal sour ces conf i r m t hat Papua N ew G ui neans woul d invariably refer to Australian soldiers as mast a (master), bos (boss) and taubada (master) (Inglis, 1971: 515). I n contrast to those def erential names, several terms that today would be considered

112 Hank Nelson provides an extensive account of the name changes to Papua and New Guinea from 1828 to 2002 see The Pacific War in Papua New Guinea: Memories and Realities (2006: 7). 113 The Papuan V illager was a monthly newspaper founded and edited by Australian anthropologist Francis Edgar Williams from 1929 – 1942 (Campbell & Sherington, 2007: 213). The newspaper was published for the small minority of Papuans who could read English and was designed to promote ‘native education’, although its condescending content and tone made it more of a medium for colonial propaganda (I nglis, 1971: 507; Young, 1990).

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incredibly offensive and racist were used by Australians to refer to Papua New Guineans during WWI I . A ccor di ng t o t he wor k of sever al resear cher s di scussed bel ow, Papua N ew G ui neans were given derogatory names including boong, nigger, bush-boy, boy, coon, Jacky-Jacky, kanaka and wog, although there has been at time of writing no single in-depth analysis of all these terms. The following paragraphs examine each of these terms to reveal the cultural insensitivity surrounding the popular term ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ and its connection to complex colonial relationships of imperialism and racism. Terms used by Australians for Papua New Guineans in the period when WWII broke out can be seen in the f ollowing extracts f rom texts. I n N ovember 1942 The Argus114 published the article, ‘Natives played cricket where White men now f ight Japs’ (Fitzgerald, 1942), which provided readers with a description by prospector and miner J. T. Shelley of the scene of fighting in Papua New Guinea. The article explains that Shelley had lived in Papua New Guinea for more than twenty years and that the Track between Kokoda and Buna was originally called ‘a nigger track’ (1942: 2). The passage refers to Papua New Guineans as natives and niggers, and contrasts them with Whites and Japs. Similar terms can be found in the language used by Dixie Rigby, who lived in Papua New Guinea for almost thirty years. Rigby described how some plantation owners referred to her and her husband as ‘nigger-lovers’ or ‘boong-lovers’ because her husband’s role was to supervise labour contracts (Bulbeck, 2002: 60). I mportantly, the passage shows that Australian colonials who were living in Papua New Guinea prior to the arrival of Australian troops used the terms ‘boong’ and ‘nigger’. The use of ‘boong’ and other derogatory terms to descr i be t he Papua N ew G ui neans suggest s t hat t her e was a wi despr ead vi ew among A ust r al i ans that they were at liberty to deem and treat Papua New Guineans in the same oppressive manner as the First Australians. The history of racial tension between Australian White settlers and First Australians, Pacific Islanders and Asians (mainly the Chinese), and the White Australia Policy, provide a context for discriminatory attitudes among Australian colonials and soldiers during WWI I (as di scussed i n Chapt er 2). T he l i t er at ur e bef or e and dur i ng WWI I r eveal s t hat t he most common t erm among Australians f or Papua N ew Guineans was ‘boong’ (N elson, 2008: 247; I nglis, 1969: 515; K it uai, 1998: 282), veterans (AWM, 1943: 119; Connors, 1992: 183; H ogan et al., 1992: 121, 122; Collins, 2001: 6) and authors of mainstream books and f ilms (Parer, 1942; FitzSimons, 2004: 80, 331; Grierson, 2014). George Johnston wrote in the New Guinea Diary (1943: 186) that, when Australian soldiers arrived from the Middle East, they called:

114 The Argus was a daily morning newspaper in Melbourne established in 1846 and discontinued in 1957 (Trove, n.d.: n.p.).

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the [natives] “ wogs” at first, because this was the name for the Arabs. They soon learnt the New Guinea army term, which is “ boong” .

Tom, Nance and Bill Hogan, in their autobiography From Grabben Gullen to Kokoda (1992: 121), similarly explain, ‘the New Guinea natives […] were referred to as “Boongs”’. Nelson (2008: 247) describes the use of ‘boong’ led to variations, including ‘boong basher’ to ref er to an ANGAU115 officer, and a ‘boong train’ to describe a line of carriers (‘boong train’ is also cited in Peter FitzSimon’s book, Kokoda, 2004: 52). The origin of the term is unclear, with some suggest ing t hat it is of Malay and I ndonesian origin, meaning brother, and ot hers suggest ing t hat it originated from the languages of some First Australians.116 During the War the meaning of ‘boong’ was ambiguous and Ken Inglis (1969: 515) argues that its use ‘could contain more or less of respect or affection, according to how and by whom and of whom it was used’. Inglis’s view is supported by accounts such as that of signalman Lloyd Collins of the 2/ 3rd Division, who in New Guinea Narrative 1942-1943: Incorporating the Wartime Diary of a Cipher Operator (Collins, 2001: 6) said that boong ‘came to be used with much respect and endearment and were [sic] not interpreted as derogatory’. He described how in Wau he was with a group who had to carry supplies forward and who were proud to refer to themselves as ‘White boongs’ because ‘every soldier in New Guinea knew [that] the word “boong” stood for service, loyalty, sacrifice and discipline’. In another example, the narrator in Damien Parer’s film Kok oda F ront L ine! (1942) describes the importance of the Papua New Guineans to the war effort when he states, ‘no boongs, no battle’. In 1942 The Australian Women’s Weekly, in the article ‘New Guinea heroes tell their battle stories’, reports the following account from an Australian soldier:

115 Australian New Guinea Army Unit. 116 Author Gerald Alfred Wilkes in A Dictionary of Australian Colloquialisms (1978: 62) and William Sayers in Hoon, Coon, and Boong in Peter Temple’s Detective Fiction (2008: 166) state that the term ‘boong’ was first used in 1847 by John Dunmore Lang in his novel, Cooksland. According to Sayers, ‘Here boong is traced to the Aboriginal language Wemba of sout heast er n Aust r al i a, where i t means ‘ per son’ , and t he t er m may or i gi nat e f r om t he wor d ‘bi nghi ’ (el der brother), which exists in Aboriginal dialects. Kathleen Kylie Tennant used the word ‘boang’ when referring to Australian Aborigines in her novels about an unemployed itinerant worker travelling during the Depression years of the 1930s. I n one example from a passage in her novel, The Battlers (1941, 123), Tennant wrote: ‘These boangs are all too matey’, Thirty-Bob grumbled. ‘I f a bit of trouble starts, it’s a case of one in, all in.’ There are other examples of Australian literary works written after WWI I in which the term ‘boong’ is used in a derogatory way, including Rohan Rivett’s Behind Bamboo (1946, 395), which included the phrase: ‘boongs with boots on’ for the Japanese; Peter Mathers’ Trap (1966, 131), which included: ‘Was it proper to serve a boong?’; and Dorothy Hewett’s Bon-bons and Roses (1976, 53), which included: ‘Give it back to the Boongs, me ol’ Dad useta say.’ T hese examples demonst rat e t hat , what ever t he ori gi n of t he term, i t i s a part icul arly of f ensi ve and derogat ory one that is used in Australia for Australia’s Indigenous peoples. However, there is evidence that the connotations in Papua New Guinea during WWII were not as clearly defined.

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Believe me, when this war is over and its history written there is one chap that should get a large share of the praise. He is the lowly “ boong” … He sometimes arrives with bleeding shoulders, puts the wounded gently down, shakes himself, grins and off he goes for another trip (Rogerson, 2012: 8).

Similarly, in 1943 a newspaper headline read ‘New Guinea “boongs” must always be wards of Australia: sons of cannibal headhunters, they have proved faithful unto death’ (Burns, 1943: 8). There is a discussion about the term ‘boong’ in the recent film, Parer’s War (2014: 00:22:42 – 00:23:14) 117 involving Damien Parer (played by Matthew Le Nevez), his editor Ken G. Hall (pl ayed by Rob Car l t on) , and t he edi t or ’ s assi st ant (not i dent i f i ed):

Hall: You’ve spent a lot of footage on these native bearers, almost as many shots as you have on the troops. Parer: Because that’s the story Ken, ‘no boongs no battle’ the boys reckon. E di t or ’s assi st ant : Boongs? Parer: Native’s word. Hall: Do we know what it means? Parer: I t’s brother. We’d be wiped off the map up there without them. Hall: (to his assistant) We need to be saying that.118

H er e t he t er m ‘ boong’ i s j ust i f i ed as a Papua N ew G ui nean t er m t o mean br ot her . H owever , as the previous paragraphs have analysed, the term is at best ambiguous in meaning and origin, and, at worst, amongst the most derogatory terms f or First Australians (Sayers, 2008: 166). The decision to include and rationalise the use of the term ‘boong’ in Parer’s War is at odds with its contemporary interpretation as a derogatory term. It is important to now consider other terms that were used to refer to Papua New Guineans in order to develop a more nuanced understanding. As stated earlier in this section, there were other derogatory terms that were used by Australian soldiers during WWI I , including the term ‘wog’ (Johnston, 1943: 186). An example can be seen in the transcript of an interview119 (2 D ecember 1988) between H arry Martin and sergeant of the 39th Battalion Victor James Geisler, who describes the following event in which he r ef er s t o a Papua N ew G ui nean as a ‘ wog’ :

G ei sl er : [ … ] a l i t t l e 'wog' I was goi ng t o say – a l i t t l e nat i ve – what ever you cal l hi m – cl i mbed out from under a culvert and somebody shot him in the arse […] Martin: Was he badly hurt? Geisler: No, fairly superficial wound in one side of his backside.

117 Parer’s War was based on the book Damien Parer’s War by Neil McDonald (2003). 118 This scene is located at 22 minutes and 45 seconds into the film. 119 The Australian War Memorial’s Keith Murdoch Sound Archive of the Second World War contains 365 indexed and transcribed interviews with veterans. See: http:/ / www.awm.gov.au/ transcripts/ s00505_tran.htm

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The interview reveals that Geisler was uncertain as to the term that should be applied to the Papua New Guinean, but chose ‘wog’, a derogatory term that was used for Arabs by the AIF and brought to Papua New Guinea by them. Historical evidence also documents that ‘boy’ and other variations of the word, including ‘bush-boy’ and ‘house-boy’, were used by Australians to refer to Papua N ew Guineans during the War (Stella, 2007: 100, 101).120 T he nar r at or i n D ami en Par er ’ s Academy Award-winning film for Best Documentary, Kok oda F ront L ine! (1942), descr i bes Papua New Guineans as ‘boys’ and ‘bush-boys’. Similarly, author Robyn Kienzle (2011: 5) writes that ‘ boy’ was a commonly used term for Papua New Guineans prior to the war, and during the Kokoda Track campaign. In her Prologue to T he A rchit ect of Kok oda: Ber t Kienz le - t he Man who made the Kokoda Trail (2011), Robyn K ienzle recognises the problematic nature of using the term ‘boy’, but defends this decision by declaring:

My apologies to those who find my prose sometimes politically incorrect but I choose to use the ver nacul ar of t he t i me and pl ace. For exampl e, Papuan nat i ves are of t en r ef er r ed t o as ‘boys’ : t hi s i s not meant – nor was it ever used by members of the Kienzle family – in a condescending manner. I t was the term for indigenous men passed down from the British colonialists and adopted by the expats in the Territory. I n Bert’s case, it was used with affection and a sense of these people being family – not the derogatory for ‘boi’ that was banned in the 1950s. Employed were identified according to occupation – houseboy, laundry boy, cowboy – surely even John Wayne did not object to this!

On the surface, Kienzle’s distinction between ‘boi’ and ‘boy’ could be interpreted as confusing because when spoken t hese di st i nct i ons ar e not obvi ous. 121 On another level it could be viewed as a r at i onal i sat i on of r aci sm. According to N elson (1978: 186), ‘Jacky-Jacky’ and ‘K anaka’ were also used by Australian soldiers during WWII to refer to Papua New Guineans. The term ‘Jacky-Jacky’ (also ‘Jackey- Jackey’) is a slang term that refers to First Australians, and which originated from Galmahra ‘ Jackey- Jackey’ , who was r ecogni sed f or hi s her oi c deeds as a gui de and compani on t o t he surveyor, Edmund Kennedy. ‘Kanaka’, on the other hand, was a term that originated in the 1800s and, at the time, was used to refer to native Hawaiians. In Australia the term was used to refer to more than 60,000 people from the Melanesian and Polynesian islands (with very few from Hawaii) who were recruited in the period from 1863 as ‘indentured labourers’ (enslavement may be a mor e accur at e descr i pt i on). G i ven t he t r eat ment of ‘ K anakas’ and t he di spar agi ng use of t he t er m i n t he ni net eent h and t went i et h cent ur i es, i t has come t o be seen as a der ogat or y

120 Evidence that the use of ‘boy’ persisted after the War can be seen in Peter Hastings’s book New Guinea: Problems & Prospects (1969: 105-106), in which he recounts an incident in which Member for Moresby Regional and an Assistant Ministerial Member, Oala-Oala Rarua, was referred to as ‘boy’ at a butcher’s shop and told to wait while other (White) customers were served first. 121 I n most cases the use of ‘boy’ and ‘boi’ to get the attention of a Papua New Guinean would have been spoken as opposed to written down.

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wor d l i ke t hat of ‘coon’, whi ch document s show was al so used t o r ef er t o Papua N ew G ui neans during the War (Hogbin, 1951: 281; N elson, 2008: 247). Ken Inglis (1969: 515) offers the explanation that ‘coon’ was a word ‘full of contempt that was somet i mes geni al , somet i mes not ’. For example, The Rabaul Times (n.d.) published a letter from Jack Stebbings of the 2/ 22nd Battalion to his friend in which he claims, ‘the natives here are known as ‘Coons’ (N elson, 2008: 247). Also, D r. I an Hogbin (1951: 281) reports that , while stationed in Madang, he witnessed an incident when an Australian soldier approached the ‘ Natives only’ water tank, as opposed to the ‘European personnel only’ water tank, and an ANGAU officer shouted, ‘Have you no pride of race? Don’t you realise that this water is for coons?’. The use of ‘coon’ by Australians, in addition to the other names for Papua New G ui neans anal ysed above, r ef l ect s a negat i ve and an ent r enched, unequal r el at i onshi p bet ween Australians and Papua New Guineans. In some ways the military encouraged the aforementioned t er ms f or Papua N ew G ui neans and t hei r mi st r eat ment (whi ch i s anal ysed i n t he f ol l owi ng section) to persist, as can be seen in the following quote from the handbook You and the Native: Notes for the Guidance of Members of the Forces in their Relations with New Guinea Natives (Allied Forces and Australian War Memorial, 1943: 4):

Always, without overdoing it, be the master. The time may come when you will want a native to obey you. He won’t obey you if you have been in the habit of treating him as an equal.

The handbook (1943: 2) directs Australians dealing with Papua New Guineans to behave as superior ‘masters’ and, as a result, the military’s approach may have contributed to the development of derogatory terminology on the Kokoda Track and elsewhere. Although the handbook encour ages i mper i al i st i c and r aci st at t i t udes, i t al so r ecogni ses t hat t he suppor t of Papua New Guineans ‘may decide whether we win or lose the Battle of New Guinea’ and so not to ‘underestimate his intelligence. The big difference is that you and your forefathers have had better opportunities’ (1943: 1). The text of f ers these juxtaposing views of obvious racism on the one hand, and understanding and respect on the other, thereby indicating that Australian views of Papua New Guineans during the War were not monolithic, or static. In more recent years the negative and ambiguous aspects have been excluded from mainstream discourse for a more simplistic representation of the Papua N ew Guinean as the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. However, an examination of the term, its origin, connection to a legacy of colonialism and its contemporary usage, reflect that it, too, is fraught with juxtaposing complexity. I n recent decades the term ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ has become the most enduring and popular representation of the Papua New Guinean from WWII. It is frequently described as an ‘

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affectionate’ term but, just like ‘White boong’, it is ambiguous and may be viewed as a qualified mark of respect on the one hand, or as derogatory on the other. Hence, the term Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel needs to be considered in the context of its conception and in light of the relationship bet ween A ust r al i a and Papua N ew G ui nea i n WWI I and t oday. T he t er m appear s t o have been introduced to the Australian vernacular on 31st October 1942, when the following poem, ‘The Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’ by Sapper Bert Beros of the 2/ 7th, was published in the Courier-Mail (Beros, 1942: 4):

The Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels122 1. Many a mother in Australia 2. when the busy day is done, 3. Sends a prayer to the Almighty 4. f or the keeping of her son; 5. A ski ng t hat an A ngel gui de hi m 6. and bring him safely back - 7. N ow we see t hose pr ayer s are answer ed 8. on t he Owen Stanl ey t rack. 9. For they haven't any haloes 10. only holes slashed through the ear 11. And their faces worked by tattoos 12. with scratch pins in their hair: 13. Bringing back the badly wounded 14. j ust as st eady as a hor se, 15. Usi ng leaves t o keep t he rai n of f 16. and as gent le as a nurse 17. Slow and careful in bad places 18. on the awful mountain track 19. The look upon their faces 20. Would make you think that Christ was black 21. Not a move to hurt the wounded 22. as they treat him like a saint 23. I t's a picture worth recording 24. t hat an ar t i st 's yet t o pai nt 25. Many a lad will see his mother 26. and husbands see their wives 27. Just because the fuzzy wuzzy 28. carried them to save their lives 29. From mortar bombs and machine gun fire 30. or chance surprise attacks 31. To the safety and the care of doctors 32. at the bottom of the track 33. May the mothers of Australia 34. when t hey of f er up a pr ayer . 35. Mention these impromptu angels 36. with their f uzzy wuzzy hair.

The poem epitomises a change in Australian attitudes towards the Papua New Guineans when news of the Japanese attack on the Kokoda Track filtered through in newspapers, radio

122 Line numbers have been added to the poem.

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broadcasts and f ilm clips (N elson, 2006: 136). As described in the report by War correspondent, Osmar White (1965: 178):

the public image of a New Guinean was transmogrified from that of a bloodthirsty cannibal with a bone through his nose to that of a dusky-skinned, mop-haired, sexless Florence Nightingale.

White’s description of the transformation reveals that one stereotype was substituted for another; perceptions changed from that of Papua New Guineans as violent and uncivilised to fuzzy haired, feminine, and genderless servants. Furthermore the Papua New Guinean was now seen as ‘dusky-skinned’ instead of Black. Nelson (2006: 136) argues that during the K okoda campaign there:

was a strange contrast developing in Australian attitudes towards other races. At the same time as they directed increased anger at the Japanese, they praised, ennobled and felt indebted to the Papuans.

The perceptions of Papua New Guineans held by Australian military officers ranged from the ‘ sent i ment al , over - dr amat i sed and much publ i ci sed “ f uzzy wuzzy angel ” ’ t o t he vi ew t hat ‘ t hey ar e not gods – t hey ar e not angel s – t hey ar e men, splendid men’ as articulated by Major General Kingsley Norris (Kituai, 2006: 199). Today, the image of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel is often portrayed as a loyal, faithful servant and stretcher-bearer, as described in Baros’s poem. The poem i s r eci t ed on t he K okoda T r ack dur i ng t r eks, as was t he case dur i ng f i el dwor k when Matthew, the trek leader, recited ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ at N aduri village when the trekkers were introduced to 95-year-old Ovou Indiki. Baros’s poem is arguably one of the most popular literary representations of Papua New Guineans, and because of its significance it requires critical anal ysi s. The use of the term ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ by Baros is not original, as discussed earlier, Portuguese and Spanish explorers in the 1500s named the people based on their frizzy hair, and Rudyard Kipling also used the term in his poem ‘Fuzzy-Wuzzy’, which was published in 1892 (Poem H unter, 2011). K ipling’s poem was written during the Anglo-Sudan War (1881 – 1899) and referred to the name that British colonial soldiers gave to the Hadendoa (also known as H addendowa) war r i or s f r om a t r i be al ong t he Sudan coast of t he Red Sea. T he H adendoa wer e called ‘Fuzzy-Wuzzies’ because of their frizzy hair and elaborate hairdressings (Monument Australia, 2010; Tobruk House, 2011). This name was immortalised by Rudyard K ipling’s poem, which praised the bravery of the Hadendoa soldiers in the lines:

We've fought with many men acrost the seas,

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An' some of 'em was brave an' some was not: T he Payt han an' t he Z ulu an' Burmese; But the Fuzzy was the finest o' the lot.

H owever , t he poem al so r eveal s some i mper i al i st i c and ‘ r ace’ - based at t i t udes i n t he l i nes:

An' 'ere's to you, Fuzzy-Wuzzy, with your 'ayrick 'ead of 'air – You big black boundin' beggar -- for you broke a British square!

Kipling’s poem also initiated the further use of the term Fuzzy-Wuzzy by other authors, including English writer Evelyn Waugh, who in his novel Decline and Fall published in 1928 (1974: 78-79) wrote:

‘Pon my soul,’ Colonel Sidebotham was saying to the Vicar, ‘I don’t like the look of that nigger. I saw enough of Fuzzy-Wuzzy in the Soudan – devilish good enemy and devilish bad friend…’

The present day use of the term ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ by Australians for Papua New Guineans is, therefore, an appropriation of a term that was used by the British to recognise the bravery of the Hadendoa warriors of Sudan. Similarly, Baros’s poem praises the contribution of the Papua N ew G ui neans, but al so r ef l ect i mper i al i st i c and ‘ r ace’ - based vi ews. Bar os makes r ef er ence t o t he Papua N ew G ui nean as ‘ bl ack’ i n l i ne 20 and r ef er s t o what he i dent i f i es as cul t ur al and r aci al attributes of the Papua N ew Guineans in lines 10, 11, 12 and 36. The Papua N ew Guinean carrier is not gendered when words such as ‘they’ and ‘their’ are used, though on other occasions he is feminised by comparing him to an ‘Angel’ (line 5) and ‘a nurse’ (line 16), or by describing him as ‘gentle’ (line 16), ‘slow’ (line 17) and ‘careful’ (line 17). In contrast, the Australian soldier i s humani sed and gender ed as a ‘ son’ (l i ne 4), ‘ l ad’ (25) and ‘husband’ (line 26), while even family member s of A ust r al i an sol di er s, such as mot her s, f at her s and wi ves, ar e gender ed. T he representation of the Australian solider is significant because participation in the military represents one of the ‘most important and deeply interpolated sites for the production of modern masculinities’ (Tengan, 2002: 246). The poem ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ sustains distinct char act er i sat i ons i n i t s r epr esent at i on of t he A ust r al i an sol i der and t he Papua N ew G ui nean carrier and carer. Previous work (D amousi and Lake, 1995; Grayzel, 1999; Wingf ield and Bucur, 2006) has recognised that women have been overlooked, even excluded, from representations of military history. This chapter argues that, just as women have been gradually recognised - though still not significantly - in representations of military history, Papua New Guineans have continued to be characterised in limited, genderless and feminised depictions.

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T he poem al so uses a si mi l e t o descr i be t he Papua New Guinean carrier ‘as a horse’ (line 14), which infers that he is animalistic in his physicality, thus reinforcing imperialistic views of the Other. This technique of describing humans as animals or with animalistic characteristics was evi denced i n t he account s of mi ssi onar i es (as di scussed i n Chapt er 2) and r ei nf or ces t he posi t i on of the Papua New Guinean as the colonial subject, the primitive ‘Other’ who fits somewhere between an animal and civilised human. The development and use of stereotypes through modern history has been explored by cultural theorist Stuart Hall (1997: 262) who, in the context of t he U ni t ed St at es, ar gued t hat Whi t e sl ave mast er s used t er mi nol ogy t hat sur r ounded t hemes of ‘ i nf ant i l i sat i on’ . T hose st er eot ypes deni ed t he Bl ack sl aves t hei r mascul i ni t y and wer e ef f ect i ve i n exer t i ng t he power and suasi on of Whi t es over Bl acks. I n l i ght of t hi s ar gument , t he t er m Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels and its use in Baros’s poem (1942) reflect themes of stereotyping and power relations. This section concludes that ‘race’ has been a dominant factor in Whiteman fantasies of the Papua New Guineans from the 1500s to the present day. The following section explores the lesser-known contribution and suffering that Papua New Guineans experienced during the War.

The untold history of the Papua New Guinean war experiences

The previous section demonstrated that most Australian texts based on WWI I have recognised the carrier role of Papua N ew Guineans, as epitomised by the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel, but rarely has any other contribution to the war effort been given recognition. More recently, as the significance of the Kokoda Track has captured the attention of mainstream Australian audiences, several authors have recognised that Papua New Guineans, in the variety of roles that they performed, were instrumental to Australia’s success in addition to the reduction of fatalities (Connell, 1997: 17; Reed, 1999: 161; H am, 2004: 210-212; Lindsay, 2005: 73, 121; Mulligan, 2006: 140-141; FitzSimons, 2004: 341). H owever, as has been astutely pointed out by H ank N elson (2007: 76), the experiences of Papua N ew Guineans during World War I I have not reached a ‘ wide audience’. This section investigates the lesser-known roles and war effort of Papua New Guineans, especially in relation to the Kokoda Track. Nelson (2007: 73) points out that WWII had a major impact on Papua New Guineans. The savage and fierce fighting brought about the

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death of 200,000 foreigners, and the deaths of tens of thousands of Papua New Guinean from introduced diseases, deprivation and violence of WWII .123 In terms of labour for the War, Dudley McCarthy in The Official H istory of A ustralia’s I nvolvement in WWI I 124 (1959: 116) described that :

On 15th June the hand of military authority fell heavily on the native labour force of the two territories (Papua and the mandated territory). Morris invoked the National Security (Emergency Control) Regulations to terminate all existing contracts of whatever native labour might be required by the services.

According to Inglis (1971: 540), at the start of the Kokoda Track Campaign in October 1942 the strength of the Papua New Guinean labour force was 7,914. By the end of 1942 it had more than doubled to 16,050. A f ew months later in early 1943 he reports that this number rose to 18,446, then in September that year it reached 30,000, and by July 1944 it jumped to 40,000 125 (1971: 540). Military historian and journalist Gavin Long (1963: 83) and Colonel D onald Ramsay126 (2006: 25) estimate that 55,000 Papua N ew Guineans assisted Australia during the War. I n terms of the number of Papua New Guinean carriers on the Kokoda Track during the War, Nelson (2007: 79, 80), drawing upon Government documents and the diary of Captain Bert K ienzle127, estimates that the number would have been close to 3,000 f rom 1942 and 1945. D espite the tens of thousands of Papua New Guineans who assisted in a wide range of roles during the War, the f ocus in the majority of representations has been on approximately 3,000 carriers. Furthermore, in spite of the establishment of the Papuan Infantry Battalion (PIB) and New Guinean Infantry Battalions (NGIB), much of the mainstream literature and popular discourse has overlooked the active military service that Papua New Guineans provided during the War (Collins, 2001: 105; K ituai, 2006: 199; N elson, 2007: 109). Papua N ew Guineans also played an important role ‘as scouts attached to Australian inf antry battalions’ during the N ew Guinea Campaign 1942-45 (Ramsay, 2006: 25). Also, the Papua N ew Guineans who either volunteered or were indentured

123 Brij V. Lal and Kate Fortune estimate that 15,000 Papua New Guinean deaths as a result of fighting, bombings and executions., whereas Hank Nelson (2006: 340) estimates the number of deaths to be approximately 20,000. 124 22 volumes written by 14 authors were published by the Australian War Memorial over 25 years (from 1952- 1977) under general editor, Gavin Long. 125 This figure did not include the many who served in short engagements near their homes (I nglis, 1971: 540). 126 Colonel Donald Ramsay (10/ 01/ 23-19/ 07/ 11) was the former commanding officer of the 2nd Battalion of the Pacific I sland Regiment. He was awarded the Medal of the Order of Australia in 2001 for services to international relations, recognising his contributions to both PNG and “ gap year” exchange programs between British and Australian youth. 127 Captain Bert K ienzle, a Fijian-born man of Samoan, German and English heritage, was an instrumental figure in the Papuan Campaign. He had lived in Papua New Guinea from 1927, working on rubber plantations. By 1942 Kienzle was fluent in Motu (the vernacular language of Papua at the time), and was well liked and respected by the local people. He was put in charge of the carrier and labour lines in Sogeri for preparations being made along the Kokoda Track, as explained in Ber t Keinz le: The A r chit ect of Kok oda by Robyn Keinzle, (2011).

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came ‘from Torres Strait to Milne Bay, Aitape, Bouganville and Manus fought and toiled on the Track’, but the focus today has been restricted to the contributions of the Orokaiva and Koiari peoples of the Kokoda Track (Nelson, 2007: 87). This point is consistent with the observation made during the fieldwork, where the trekking company provided information to the trekkers only about the Orokaiva and Koiari peoples (Vignette I). Moreover, the ill treatment of Papua New Guineans has been largely excluded, or at the most only briefly mentioned, in the majority of texts. Many Papua New Guineans received abuse and mistreatment at the hands of Australians, but this abuse is only revealed in a small number of texts. K en I nglis (1971: 517) wrote that, in the battle for Shaggy Ridge on the Kokoda Track, Australians shot Papua New Guineans who were suspected of working for the Japanese or who pretended to be members of the Papuan Infantry Battalion (PIB). A decade later, the award winning documentary Angels of War (1982) 128 brought to light the experiences of the Papua New Guineans who were caught up in the conflict between the Australians and the Japanese (see Plate 4.1). The documentary employed historical evi dence and per sonal account s t o pr ovi de new awar eness of execut i ons t hat had occur r ed at t he hands of Australians during the war. A similar account of this unsavoury and largely unknown chapter of Australia’s war history in Papua New Guinea was presented on the ABC’s Foreign Correspondent on 25th September 2007 in ‘PN G – D igger Hangings’ (Bormann, 2007). Foreign Correspondent reporter Steve Marshall (2007) trekked the jungles of Papua N ew Guinea, where he spoke with two surviving witnesses who inf ormed him that, on one occasion in 1943, 17 men were executed by hanging in front of hundreds of school children ‘as a lesson not to co-operate with the Japanese’ (Marshall, 2007: n.p.). Maclaren H iari, who runs the K okoda Buna Historical Foundat i on and has spent t went y year s r esear chi ng and col l ect i ng ar chi val evi dence, est i mat es that there were approximately 100 Papua N ew Guinean hanged by Australians during WWI I . However, Hiari believes there could have been more hangings that were either not recorded, or were recorded but have since been destroyed. As reported by Marshall (2007), documented evidence and eyewitness accounts both reveal that the majority of Papua New Guineans who were executed by the Australian military court were convicted of treason for assisting the Japanese.

128 This documentary won Best Documentary at the Australian Film I nstitute Awards (AFI) in 1982, Nyon Film Fest i val (Swi t zerl and) i n 1982, and t he Soci al Sci ences A T O M A war ds (A ust r al i a).

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Furthermore, and contrary to popular belief, it was not always the case that Australians and Papua New Guineans worked in harmony together, or that Papua New Guineas were willing volunteers. Author and historian, Paul Ham (Duffy, 2007: n.p.) in his book, Kok oda, explains that there:

i s a dark si de of t he angel ic legend of t he Fuzzy Wuzzy[,] which has i t [t hat ] t hey came down voluntarily from their villages and helped carry the Australian troops over the K okoda Track. The reality is of course that they were indentured labour.

H am (2004: 213) provides f urther detail in which he describes how Papua N ew Guinean carriers ‘were rounded up […] corralled into pens. Many were pushed to the limits of physical endurance

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[…] expected to work long af ter their contracts expired, without pay’. I n 2011, Papua N ew Guinean Frederick Soka described the hard work that he had to perform during the War, including carrying ammunition and food for Australians when he was just 12 years old (Blenkin, 2011). For many of the Papua New Guineans who were involved in the War there was no choi ce. T hese account s ar e r ef l ect ed i n t he wor k of WWI I war cor r espondent , O smar Whi t e, who witnessed first-hand the recruiting of indentured Papua New Guinean labour and recorded that:

I n some villages every able-bodied male over the approximate age of sixteen years was rounded up, transported to the clearing centres, and thence drafted to whatever type of work had priority in the immediate emergency. Brutal disciplinary measures had often to be taken in the field [...]

The majority did their work only because the white men in command bullied them into doing it. Few if any were serving voluntarily and most would have deserted if possible […] the habit of obeying white men inculcated by about sixty years of colonization, was hard to break (1987: 29).

In another account of ill treatment of Papua New Guineans on the Kokoda Track, Hank Nelson (2007: 81) in ‘K okoda and Two N ational H istories’ describes how the Australian military reduced desertion by recruiting Papua New Guineans from areas outside of Central and Oro Provinces. The rationale was that:

[o]ther Papuans recruited from the south coast had to pass through country where strangers were likely to be killed; they found it hard to find rations to carry with them; and they were likely to run into Australian police and Angau posts where they would be punished and returned to the Track (Nelson, 2007: 81).

The military strategy was based on stories of tribal conflict and war between neighbouring villages, such as a documented case in which 12 Binadere129 who, upon making their way home, were attacked and killed on the Kokoda Track by their Orokaiva neighbours (Hooper, 1994: 142; Nelson, 2007: 81). However, such perceptions were founded on the premise that all Papua New Guineans interact violently with each other, and thereby, once again, reinforces the representation of the savage and bloodthirsty native. The historical evidence, as aforementioned, shows t hat when Papua N ew G ui neans deser t ed t hey were r ecapt ur ed and puni shed by t he Australian military, not by local Papua New Guineans. These accounts are not widely known, nor are they included in the school curriculum when studying Australian war history, thereby assisting in the persistence of the dominant Papua New Guinean stereotype of the loyal, friendly,

129 The Binadere people, also known as Yewa Bule, live in Oro and Morobe Provinces. The majority live in Oro Province, and therefore are literally neighbours with the Orokaiva people.

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caring and helpful Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. The Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel is promoted in the present day with some trekking companies describing the people along the Track as Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels or their descendants, for example the ‘No Roads Expeditions’ trekking website (n.d.) describes how:

Trekkers pass through local villages where descendants [sic] of the wartime ‘fuzzy wuzzy angels’ continue to live simple traditional lifestyles while providing a warm welcome to passing trekkers.

At one level the trekking companies market the Kokoda Track by connecting the past with the present using the positive stereotype of the warm and helpful Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. However, on another level, the cultural experience that is being offered to the trekker is not one where the trekker is encouraged to trek through the villages on the Kokoda Track in order to learn about the culture of Papua New Guineans; instead, as discussed in Chapter 3, the trekker is invited to come to the Kokoda Track in order to experience the culture of Australia through its military history.

The popular image of the Australian solider, as depicted in books, sculptures and art, remains the rugged, tough, egalitarian underdog. For example, during the fieldwork, the trek leader was sarcastic in response to a comment that Australia could not have won the Kokoda T r ack campai gn wi t hout t he Papua N ew G ui neans (see V i gnet t e I ). I t appear s t hat t he nar r at i ve built upon the Kokoda Track during WWI I has no room for the complexity and contradictions of representations that go beyond the image of the D igger and the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. Furthermore, the histories of the Kokoda Track, the Diggers and the concept of ‘Australian national identity’ have been so closely interconnected that any attempt to question, criticise or advocate change is often received as a sign of disrespect to Australian soldiers and to contemporary Australians.130 Considering the contemporary climate surrounding nationalism (as discussed in Chapter 2), Australians may not be willing to accept negative aspects of Australian military history. This argument does not suggest that all Australian soldiers were racist and cruel, but instead challenges popular representations of the Australian soldier and Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. To put the Australian treatment of Papua New Guineans in context, the RSL and Australian mainstream media regularly request the Japanese to be forthright regarding their mistreatment of Australians, especially regarding the barbarous acts on prisoners of war during WWII. On the other hand, Germany has taken steps to ensure that generations since WWII never forget the

130 The connection between the Australian soldiers of the past and contemporary Australians is articulated by NSW RSL Presi dent D on Rowe, and di scussed i n gr eat er det ai l i n Chapt er 6.

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actions of the Germans during WWII. Likewise, there is an abundance of American films and books based on t hei r hi st or y of sl aver y and t he segr egat i on. T hi s t hesi s ar gues t hat t he popul ar history that Australian politicians, authors and other contributors selectively portray and cel ebr at e excl udes t he voi ces and exper i ences of Papua N ew G ui neans. T hi s chapt er has shown that the historical representation of the Papua New Guinean campaign of WWII is personified in the loyal Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel assisting the heroic Australian D igger in the hostile environment of the Kokoda Track. This thesis contends that such constructions are narrow and simplistic representations that overlook important factors and the voices of the Papua New Guineans.

T he i mages of Papua N ew G ui neans, away f r om t he K okoda T r ack pai nt no bet t er alternative, as Papua New Guinea is often described, by politicians and the media, as a ‘hellhole’, an economic basket case,131 and its people as violent, corrupt and lawless.132 Some of t hese vi ews wer e expr essed by t r ekker s i n V i gnet t e I when t hey r ecal l ed t hei r i mpr essi ons of t he st reet s in Port Moresby, the razor wire, and the attempted theft of our belongings while on the Kokoda Track. The work that follows explores contemporary representations of Papua New Guineans, especi al l y i n t he cont ext of t he K okoda T r ack. T he pur pose of t he wor k i s t o ascer t ai n whet her t he cont empor ar y i mages possess gr eat er compl exi t y. H owever , a sear ch f or cont empor ar y representations of Papua New Guineans revealed a dearth of images and a general lack of effort by authors to provide any depth of ‘character’. When images of Papua New Guineans are provided, they remain predominantly in the background and usually are anonymous - their full names are often not provided, nor are they described in any memorable way. The tokenistic representation of Papua New Guineans is made more apparent when they are represented al ongsi de A ust r al i ans, who ar e descr i bed and named. For t hi s t hesi s I have sel ect ed a r ecent , relevant article for analysis, which consists of a photograph (Plate 4.2), captured after the ceremonial unveiling of a new addition to the Kokoda Track Walk in Sydney.

131 The term basket case originated during WWI . I t was used to refer to soldiers who were missing both arms and legs and had to be carried around in a basket. Today it is most commonly used to refer to a state of helplessness r egar di ng a per son’ s ment al heal t h or apt i t ude. 132 I n 2014 Papua New Guinea was ranked 144 out of 177 countries on a corruption index, with a rating of 2.5 on a scale of 0 (highly corrupt) to 10 (very clean) (Transparency I nternational, 2011). Findings were similar in previous years resulting in Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister, Peter O’Neill, launching an anti-corruption project compr i sed of an el i t e ant i -cor rupt i on i nvest i gat i ve t eam, ‘T ask For ce Sweep’, i n 2011. H owever , i n June 2014, O ’ Neill was accused by Task Force Sweep of corruptly expending more than AU$28 million.

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Plate 4.2: ‘Council welcomes Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. Mayor Angelo Tsirekas welcomed the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels of Papua New Guinea to the City of Canada Bay with a civic reception. Also pictured are Hunters Hill mayor Susan Hoopman and Adam Taylor, a regular Kokoda trekker’ (City of Canada Bay Council, 2011: n.p.).

A Sydney Council welcomes Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels

T he K okoda T r ack M emor i al Wal kway (Concor d, N SW) was opened on 3 rd October 1996 as a tribute to the Australian soldiers who fought in Papua New Guinea, with a particular focus on the Kokoda Track. Since 1996 the Canada Bay City Council has continued to maintain, upgrade and develop the memorial and its surrounding environment. 133 The ‘Council Remembers Kokoda’134 was an article and photograph (Plate 4.2) published in the local newspaper, The Inner West Courier, and on the Council’s website, and described a ceremony that took place on 31st October 2011. I t commemorated the unveiling of a granite wall engraved with the iconic photograph by George Silk taken on 25th D ecember 1942 of Papuan Raphael Oimbari 135 leading

133 At the start of the Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway is a rose garden. The walkway covers more than 800 metres running along the mangrove shores of Brays Bay on the Parramatta River. 134 City of Canada Bay Council, 2011. 135 Oimbari was awarded the Order of the British Empire (OBE) in June 1993 f or his wartime services (Rogerson, 2012: 22).

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the wounded Australian soldier, George ‘Dick’ Whittington. The photograph is of two Sydney council mayors, an Australian K okoda Track trekker, and the ‘descendants of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels led by local village chief Benjamin Ijumi’. At first glance the Canada Bay Council’s photograph appears to be inclusive, the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels, dressed in ceremonial clothing, are pictured in the centre and surrounded by the three Australians, Council Mayors, Angelo Tsirekas and Susan Hoopman, and trekker, Adam Taylor. The article describes the event that was held to commemor at e t he 69th anni ver sar y of A ust r al i an t r oops bei ng sent t o Papua N ew G ui nea. T he image gives the impression that the event was principally about remembering and recognising the friendship that has existed between Australians and Papua New Guineans from WWII to the present. T he t hree Papuan women i n Pl at e 4.2 appear t o be i n t hei r l at e t eens t o ear l y t went i es, much younger than the Papuan men. They all kneel in the front row, with their bodies facing the camera. Their arms are close to the sides of their bodies and in their hands they hold a ceremonial staff-like piece that is adorned with feathers. Only the woman in the centre of the photograph looks straight at the camera, the other two women are looking away. The woman in the centre smiles with some degree of confidence, but the other two are half-smiling, perhaps exhibiting shyness, awkwardness and/ or timidity. The four Papuan men all stand in the back row with the three Australians. One of the men is obscured by Adam Taylor and almost could be missed at first glance. The Papua New Guinean man in the centre of the photograph, Chief Benjamin I jumi, who calls himself ‘Chief of Kokoda’, appears to be more confident than the other Papua New Guinean men, most likely because, as the Chief and a frequent visitor to Australia, he has experienced having his photo taken on many occasions.136 137 In contrast, the Australians pictured are smiling and facing the camera directly, illustrating appropriate body language for a professional photograph. It is noteworthy that a fourth Australian man can be observed in this photograph. In the background, at the right hand side this man can be seen leaning over a bar or bench in casual dress (a t-shirt). While he may not be easily recognised, his pr esence i n t hi s phot ogr aph gi ves t he i mpr essi on t hat t hi s i s an uncer emoni al moment . T he important distinction to make here is that the event itself was not formal, but this image reflects an air of disrespect to the Papua New Guinean guests by not making any effort to capture this group photograph professionally. It potentially distracts the viewer and degrades the formality and significance of the event, and the importance of those pictured.

136 Chief Benjamin I jumi has travelled to Australia in April and October 2011, April and December 2012, 2013. Each visit has been photographed and documented, most online. Ijumi also has a business webpage (see: http:/ / www.zoominfo.com/ s/ # !search/ profile/ person?personId= 1194919404&targetid= profile, accessed 29/ 06/ 2014). 137 For media coverage refer to Porritt (2011) and Thorpe (2011).

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A striking feature of this photograph is the way in which the seven Papua New Guineans are dressed. The clothing and accessories that adorn the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels strengthen the viewer’s preconceived perceptions of Papua New Guineans and, more specifically, of Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. All wear brightly coloured ceremonial dress decorated by shells and their chests are bare. The preponderance of shells, which are possibly marine Cowry shells that were used traditionally as currency (Hayes, PNGAA, n.d.), indicates that the Papua New Guineans pictured ar e f r om a coast al t r i be138. Chief Benjamin Ijumi’s website shows that he is always pictured wearing the same ceremonial dress, which may indicate that he is regarded by many Australians as the official Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel representative. I jumi’s performance as a Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel contributes to keeping the memory of the Kokoda Track and WWII in the Papua New Guinean and Anzac tradition alive in the Australian contemporary consciousness. In contrast to the Papua New Guineans, the three Australians in Plate 4.2 are dressed in sui t s, common at t i r e f or A ust r al i ans on f or mal and cer emoni al occasi ons. T he di f f er ences i n dr ess, made al l t he mor e apparent by t he t wo di f f er ent cul t ur es pi ct ur ed si de-by-si de, evoke stark, juxtaposing binary representations, including, but not limited to: White/ Black, wealthy/ poor, dressed/ naked, city/ rural, dignified/ sexualised, civilised/ uncivilised, modern/ primitive, professional/ savage, and contemporary/ traditional. 139 These binary representations cannot be ignored in our reading of this photograph because there always exists a relationship of power where there are binary opposites (D errida, 1981: 41). Therefore, the nakedness, the positioning, the gaze and the accompanying caption to the photograph, are the key aspect s of t hi s anal ysis. N oel G ash and June Whi t t aker exami ned an ext ensi ve number of colonial photographs from Papua New Guinea in their book A Pictorial History of New Guinea (1975), which is usef ul f or analysis in this chapter. The colonial photographs depict similar body language, lack of eye contact, nakedness and positioning to that which is depicted in the Canada Bay Council photograph. After having viewed colonial photographs of Papua New Guineans, eer i e si mi l ar i t i es i n t he Papuan f aci al expr essi ons can be obser ved.

138 The Chief’s website states that he is from Oro Province, which covers the lowland territory from Kokoda to the Northern coast of Papua New Guinea. 139 It must be established that this thesis does not suggest that the Papua New Guineans wear Western clothes, or that the Australians pictured should wear Papua New Guinean clothes.

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The naked native in contemporary representations

T he t hree Papuan women si t t i ng i n t he f ront row gi ve t he vi ewer f ul l vi ew of t hei r br east s, whereas the Papuan men, standing in the back row, have their chests obstructed by the women’s headdr esses. M ost vi ewer s wi l l consi der t he part i al nakedness of t he Papuans as ‘ cul t ur al ’ and, therefore, acceptable. For instance, had Mayor Susan Hoopman appeared at the ceremony bare- br east ed al ongsi de a bar e-chest ed M ayor A ngel o T si r ekas and A dam T ayl or , i t i s l i kel y t hat t he photograph would be highly controversial because public nudity by Australians is not culturally acceptable in this context. While culture justifies, on one level, the acceptance of the nakedness of t he O t her , t her e ar e addi t i onal f act or s t hat r equi r e f ur t her consi der at i on and quest i oni ng of what is intended to be conveyed by this image and its accompanying description. This deeper analysis is addressed in the following paragraphs. According to Levine (2008: 198), it was ‘a f avourite visual device of t he period [during the col oni al year s] t o pose cl ot hed West er ner s and uncl ot hed nat i ves t oget her ’ . T hi s ar gument i s supported by the extensive collection of photographs in Gash and Whittaker’s work (1975), where Europeans are often photographed with unclothed or partly clothed native Papuans. Colonial photographs of naked or partially-naked natives signified the primitive, overtly sexual, poor and uncivilised, as conveyed by academic Philippa Levine (2008: 198):

to photograph or draw the colonial subject naked was also to demonstrate a particular form of epistemological power. I n a society where nakedness was unacceptable, naked images connoted the power of the viewer over the subject.

Jennifer Jeffers argues that women, from the beginning of the modernist tradition to the present day, are often portrayed as an object f or male consumption (Stewart, 2013: 408). Jef f ers claims that this standardised model of female beauty and social positioning is so pervasive that we often unconsciously and completely accept it. Even though nudity is readily accessible in media including the internet, nakedness is still unacceptable in most day-to-day situations. There is a history of power, part of the ‘legacies of colonialism’ (Connell, 2009: 92), that is associated with the ‘Other’ and nakedness that cannot be overlooked when questioning the inclusiveness of the ‘ Other’ (Papuans) in texts from the point of view of the ‘non-Other’ (Australians). Therefore, to dismiss the naked Other as cultural draws upon the binary representations discussed earlier (dignified/ sexualised, modern/ primitive, White/ Black) and constructs a ‘knowledge’ based on these binaries. Furthermore, through such images of difference, specifically nakedness, colonialist discourse has continued to construct ‘knowledge’ of Papua New Guinea and Papua

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N ew Guineans (Stella, 2007: 207). The following section examines the ceremonial event on the day of the Canada Bay photograph as another point of analysis. T he f ocus of t he commemor at i on on 31st October 2011 was the unveiling of a large-scale gr ani t e wal l t hat was added t o t he K okoka T r ack M emor i al Wal kway, Concor d. T he gr ani t e wal l is engraved with the iconic image of Papuan Raphael Oimbari leading the wounded Australian soldier, George ‘Dick’ Whittington. It replicates the photograph taken by George Silk during the Buna Campaign on 25th D ecember 1942 (Plate 4.3). ‘Blinded Soldier, N ew Guinea’ (1942), (Plate 4.3) by George Silk is a well-known photograph from the Second World War.140 Silk’s photo has f r equent l y been used t o symbol i se t he K okoda T r ack campai gn and t he l oyal t y and suppor t of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels (Riseman, 2010: 1). The image was used in an edition of Life Magazine in 1943, and is f eatured on many websites dedicated to the K okoda Track and trekking, including Kokoda Track Authority and Adventure Kokoda. However, according to Hank Nelson (2007: 79) the iconic photograph was actually taken nine weeks after the end of the fighting on the K okoda T r ack and on t he coast al pl ai ns and swamps 50 ki l omet r es f r om t he nor t her n end of t he track, near Buna. This detail indicates that the narrative has been manipulated to suit the image of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel as the caring and helpful carrier. But leaving this matter aside, there are other important aspects that require further investigation.

140 According to the Papua New Guinea Association of Australian Library Silk’s photo was taken on Christmas Day, 1942. Private Whittington was of the 2/ 10th I nfantry Battalion and was accompanied by Oimbari, a villager from Hanau, who at the time of the picture was a carrier from the Australian New Guinea Administrative Unit. The pair was photographed coming from Buna through Seremi Village heading towards a field hospital in Dobodura. However, Private Whittington died from typhus on February 12th 1943. Oimbari, on the other hand, continued to live in Hanau after the War and died in his mid-eighties in July 1996 (Riseman, 2010: 165; Phillips, n.d.: n.p.).

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Plate 4.3: The original photograph: ‘Blinded Soldier, New Guinea’. Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel Raphael Oimbari leading wounded Australian soldier George Whittington. Photographer: George Silk (25/ 12/ 1943), AWM014028.

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Plate 4.4: The granite wall at the Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway, Concord, NSW. Raphael Oimbari leading the wounded Australian soldier George “ Dick” Whittington (photograph by author, 6/ 12/ 2012).

The image of the wounded soldier has elements of the heroic warrior which distinguish it f r om t he semi - naked Papua N ew G ui nean. Chai m N oy (2007: 49, 50) ar gues t hat i n par t i cul ar sociocultural arenas, ‘hegemonic images of masculinity are intensively and influentially shaped’ in ‘ war [ … ] and t he embl emat i c et hos of t he war r i or ’ . N oy descr i be how i n t hese spaces:

[…] the male body ritualistically assumes valorized symbolic capital. The bodies of the warrior, and the sports star, are constructed and shaped […] [T]he warrior acquires his military skills through training in military zones and later embodies the heroic image in the battlefields (Noy, 2007: 50 - author’s emphasis kept).

Unlike other colonised native cultures, such as the Maori of New Zealand who epitomise ‘real’ Polynesian masculinity (with performances of the haka141), the Papua New Guinean male is not portrayed as displaying features of Western hegemonic masculinity. According to Ty K āwika

141 The haka is a traditional Maori (New Zealand) dance.

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Tengan (2002:247), the Ōiwi (Native Hawaiian) and Maori men achieved a specific Indigenous form of masculinity through their involvement in the military, whereas the Papua New Guinean male is represented as the carrier. The prevailing representation of the carrier excludes them from hegemonic ideals of masculinity, instead subordinating and marginalising their masculinity (Tengan, 2002:241). I n the context of the K okoda Track, then, hegemonic masculinity is exemplified through the representations of Australian soldiers (Plates 4.3 and 4.4) in the Anzac tradition (Stockings, 2009:406). Meanwhile the Papua N ew Guinean male has been accorded a lesser role despite clear evidence of bravery in their performance as bush guides, forward scouts, intelligence gatherers and ‘simply as part of the entourage to fight the Japanese’ (Kituai, 2006: 199). T he i mages exami ned above demonst r at e an over whel mi ng measur e of t i mel essness i n t hat t he t heme of t he moder n r epr esent at i on of Papua N ew G ui neans (Pl at e 4.2) i s indistinguishable from that of the colonial days of WWII (Plates 4.3 and 4.4). The elements of heritage, memory and environment of the Kokoda Track are also contained within the image of t he Papua N ew G ui nean. T hese aspect s wer e not ed i n Chapt er 3, wher e ‘ A dvent ur e T our i sm’ adver t i sed i mages of t he K okoda T r ack as a dest i nat i on t hat was pr i mar i l y unexp l or ed, unt amed and untouched. Today’s Papua New Guinean male fits neatly into the image of a ‘native’ carrier because he performs a role in group tours that is similar to the role that his ancestors performed for Australians in WWII. The performance of Papua New Guinean males as carriers for trekking companies is part of their ‘authenticity’ for Australians, enabling trekkers to ‘[…] walk into the past, [like walking into] a living museum’ (N o Roads E xpeditions, website). Stories of the ‘simple village life’ of Papua New Guineans (No Roads Expeditions, website), with humble dress and bare feet and living in huts made of wood, evoke meanings that epitomise past representations of primitive ‘natives’. Thus, the Papua New Guinean of today is positioned by trekking companies, the media and the Kokoda phenomenon as a person who is marketable, and it is not in the interest of Australians for this image to change. In light of these considerations the following section examines the homogenisation of Papua New Guineans that continues in contemporary texts.

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Homogenisation

Perhaps the most indicative feature of the lack of inclusiveness and the objectification of the Papua N ew G ui neans i n Pl at e 4.2 i s t he accompanyi ng capt i on t hat descr i bes t he Papua N ew Guineans as Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels, which is misleading as none of those pictured was involved in WWI I . I n cont r ast , t he capt i on accompanyi ng t he phot ogr aph i ndi vi dual l y names t he A ust r al i ans pictured, even Adam Taylor, who is described as ‘a regular Kokoda trekker’, but none of the Papua New Guineans are named. The more detailed description on the Council website only includes the name and title of Kokoda village chief Benjamin Ijumi, but the other Papua New Guinean guests are simply referred to as ‘representatives of Papua New Guinea's Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’ and ‘a cultural party’. Furthermore, the use of a collective description, rather than individual names, objectifies the Papua New Guineans as a collective cultural object, comparable to colonial representations in the 1700 and 1800s. Anne Maxwell’s book Colonial Photography and E xhibitions: Representing the ‘Native’ and the Making of European Identities (1999) is an in-depth anthology of photographic representations of peoples (‘natives’) from various parts of the world. Maxwell argues that colonial photographs wer e desi gned t o conf i rm and r epr oduce t he r aci al t heor i es and st er eot ypes t hat support ed European expansion (1999: 9). In a time when many people did not travel abroad, Europeans regarded colonial photographs as documentary evidence of the rest of the world. When discussing the positions of First Americans in photographs (captured by photographers Charles Dudley Arnold and Harlow Higginbotham) Maxwell asserts that they are never spontaneous photographs, but rather performances that often allude to their social position or function as labourers (1999: 100). Those photographs were caref ully constructed to allow White viewers to recognise categories of class and gender when viewing photographs of ‘natives’ (1999). The construction of colonial photographs, the tourism industry of today aims to promote places and sites. Therefore, the photographs used in the tourism industry are heavily manipulated - not just technically (for example, by photoshopping), but in their very construction and composition. Tourism photographs are heavily manipulated to ‘not only formulate and institutionalize what tourists see and how they see it, but also how they know and understand what they see’ (Albers and James, 1988: 136). The photographs are cleansed of ‘ugly’ aspects such as poverty and poor infrastructure, and in some cases the ‘native’ people are cleansed by way of homogenisation ‘in whi ch t he cul t ur al f eat ur es of an ar ea and i t s peopl e ar e st er eot yped accor di ng t o some dom i nant cultural model’ (1988: 153). H ere the intentions behind colonial and tourism photographs are similar, they both aim to ‘sell’ a place, people and culture. However, these images, while they may

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be effective in selling the Kokoda Track on the basis of its historical preservation, have contributed to ‘trapping’ Papua New Guineans and homogenising them without reference to the diversity of their cultures. At this point it becomes important now to discuss ‘the ideal native’ and how this notion becomes useful in understanding how the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels have been constructed and maintained for the purposes of forging a contemporary ‘Australian national identity’.

The ideal native

In Jane C. Desmond’s article ‘Picturing Hawai’i: The ‘Ideal’ Native and the Origins of Tourism, 1880-1915’ (1999: 461), the images of ‘H awaiians seemed to of f er an alluring encounter with paradisiacal exoticism, a nonthreatening soft primitivism’. Arguably, the Papua New Guineans in the Canada Bay photograph (Plate 4.2) represent paradisiacal exoticism and non-threatening soft primitivism, as well as reaffirming mainstream perceptions of Papua New Guineans to contemporary Australian audiences. This photograph binds perceptions of Papua New Guineans, as well as of Islanders and Pacific peoples more broadly, as ‘natives’ who have remained unchanged by time. In other words, the popular colonial representations of the primitive and the uncivilised have been maintained in present day representations. In comparison, when discussing First American stereotypes, Lucy A. Ganje (2003: 117) argues, ‘ turning people into objects, or dehumanizing them, is often the first step in justifying their oppression’. Ganje draws upon author Carol Spindel’s argument that ‘the depth of attachment and the deference shown toward these symbols and names is confused with deference and respect towards real American Indian people’ (Spindel, 2000: 253). What Spindel highlights here is the contradiction in mainstream attitudes towards First Americans and their cultures. On the one hand, many sporting teams and organisations have used First American ‘mascots’ (Redskins, K ansas Ci t y Chi ef s and t he Cl evel and I ndi ans), cl ai mi ng t hat t hey ar e about r espect and honour towards Indigenous people. However, in recent years many universities and their sporting teams have renamed their teams in recognition of the disrespect that their mascots have, in fact, shown to many First Americans. On the other hand, the failure to respect and honour First Americans i n t he cont empor ar y envi r onment can be seen i n ot her ar eas, f or exampl e, wi t h r egar d t o t hei r ongoing struggle to attain N ative treaty rights (Ganje, 2003: 116). The general representation of First Americans in a traditional sense, with feathers, buckskins, long hair and so on, ‘feeds into

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the notion that Native people do not exist in the present and are not part of a continuum’ (117). These arguments can be applied to the examination of the exclusion of Papuans. According to filmmaker and academic Vilsoni Hereniko (1999), the West’s representations of Pacific Islanders often depicted them en masse and not as i ndi vi dual s. H er eni ko argues that Hollywood films invariably represent Pacific Islanders in a group with little or no individualisation; they are often ‘portrayed as a simple people lacking in complexity, intellect, or ambition (1999: n.p.).’ Furthermore, he contends that representations of Pacif ic I slanders are limited to those of the noble savage or the ‘dangerous, evil, (and) even cannibalistic’ (1999: n.p.). These representations are not unlike those of missionary texts of the colonial era (as discussed earlier in this chapter), but what is yet to be examined is whether there is evidence of ‘race’ and Whi t eness on modern day t r eks of t he K okoda T r ack.

Evidence of Whiteman on the Kokoda Track

The previous sections of this chapter have argued that historically biased representations of Papua New Guineans have prevailed for the purposes of sustaining and promoting Australian military history. However, to date there has been little or no research on the cultural interactions and relationships between Australian trekkers and the Papua New Guinean guides of today’s Kokoda Track. Of particular relevance, the examination of Kokoda Track tourism in Chapter 3 r eveal ed t hat t her e i s a l ack of r esear ch on t he semi nal t opi c of t hi s t hesi s – ‘ r ace’ . T he i ssue i s underscored by the trek leader’s statement that ‘there is no Whiteman here’, while moments later he r ef er r ed t o hi msel f and t he t r ekker s as ‘ Whi t i es’ . T he f i el dwor k, as descr i bed i n t he V i gnet t es, r eveal ed t hat t he Whi t eman was ever ywher e. Whi t eman was not pr esent i n st er eot ypi cal di spl ays of colonialism, such as physical mistreatment or abuse of Papua New Guineans, but nevertheless was present in a much more nuanced and complex display. The empirical data is analysed in this section to give insight into the key conceptual issues of ‘race’ and the ‘privileges of race’ on the Kokoda Track. The Orokaivans of the Kokoda region view Whiteman as having four special abilities: to organise things and create social harmony, make money, create lasting objects that perpetuate their renown, and to have influence at a distance without necessarily being present at a place (Bashkow, 2006: 67). Each of these perceived special abilities is pervasive on the Kokoda Track. The first was palpable, with organisation created by establishing racial segregation between

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A ust r al i ans and Papua N ew G ui neans. I n t he hot el at Soger i , t r ekker s wer e not i f i ed (see V i gnet t e I, p.17) during the pre-trek meeting of the policy of separation (racial segregation), when M at t hew, t he t r ek l eader , expl ai ned t hat t he t r ekker s woul d be separ at ed f rom t he gui des whenever t he t r ekki ng part y st opped, and t hat ‘i t is as much for them, as it is for us’. This statement indicates that the trek leader was making a distinction between ‘us’ (which included the t r ekker s, t he ot her t r ek l eader and hi msel f ) and t he Papua N ew G ui nean gui des. A l t hough Matthew did not directly explain the basis of his distinction, it was implicit that his definition of ‘ us’ was based on ‘race’, and other statements that he made support this conclusion. For example, l at er i n t he pr e-t rek meet i ng at Soger i M at t hew ref er r ed t o al l t he t r ekker s as ‘Whi t i es’ (see Vignette I, p2). Later that evening Matthew responded to a question about footwear and made the comment that ‘Papuan skin is much more durable than [that of] us Whities’ (see vignette I, p. 4), which is significant because ‘skin’ has complex local and global historical relevance. It is the foundation of the construction of ‘race’ and racism, and is evident from as early as 836AD in Canton when ‘dark peoples’ were banned from forming relationships with Chinese people (Gernet, 1996: 294; Lewis, 2009: 170). Skin colour has been one of the motivating f actors behind segregation in Papua New Guinea from the time of White colonisation. L anguage was al so used on t he K okoda T r ack as a means of mai nt ai ni ng soci al st r uct ur e. T he T r ek L eader onl y spoke E ngl i sh t o communi cat e wi t h t he Papua N ew G ui neans and , as noted above, when he was asked for his opinion about using Pidgin-English (Tok Pisin) to communicate with the Papua New Guineans on the trek, he said not to use it because it is ‘ Japanese-English’. This is a very surprising racial slur, because there is no known connection between Tok Pisin and Japanese. In fact, Tok Pisin is the national language of Papua New Guinea, and it originated as a trading language that was used prior to contact with Whiteman and incorporated words from English and other European languages. On occasions when trekkers spoke to the Papua New Guinean guides they only used English. Further, when the trekkers met Tavu Tate (a living ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’), English was used while Tavu remained silent. Also, whenever t he T r ek L eader spoke t o t he Papua N ew G ui neas gui des, i t was i n Engl i sh vi a t he head guide. The mandatory use of English at the expense of Tok Pisin, or any of the more than 800 languages that exist in the country, is based on the needs of the trekkers. However, the lack of support for other languages or other voices on the trek resembles the enforcement of English by Australian colonial administrators. A 1948 N ative Regulations Ordinance required that any words should be spoken in the English language (Stella, 2007: 91). This control of discourse reinforces colonialist notions of the superior White and inferior Indigenous peoples or ‘Blacks’

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(Wolf ers, 1975). Authority is vested in language, and the use of English facilitates the exercise of legal power by the White minority. Stella (2007: 92) explains that the English language defined White control in Papua New Guinea against the perceived Other. As a result, ‘racial drama’ was performed daily in racially segregated towns in Papua New Guinea. The colonial Administration created laws which maintained these racial and social dichotomies. Such laws were powerful tools for the subjugation of ‘native’ Papua New Guineans – as Bulbeck (1992: 164) writes, once the:

Relation of domination and subordination are clearly established, every black person [was] a servant of some sor t and every Whi t e per son a mast er or mi st ress at some l evel .

The persistence of racial segregation in Papua New Guinea is rooted in the legal discourse of early colonial times, as can be seen in a quote f rom a Royal Commission in 1906 which proclaimed that it was:

I n the interests of all White men that the native should not be in a position where respect for the ruling race will be jeopardised (Bulbeck, 1992: 164).

Legal discourse deemed that every individual Whiteman had the moral duty to command respect of ‘natives’, and this meant that crimes against ‘natives’ often went unpunished (Nelson, 1998; Stella, 2007: 94). Segregation was justified on the grounds that ‘natives’ are predisposed to crime, sexual abuse and di sease. Papua N ew G ui neans wer e r epr esent ed as di r t y and t he count r y as a ‘ human wasteland in need of disinf ection’ (Stella, 2007: 94). The Whiteman’s laws of segregation were combined with laws on contamination and sexual violation. The legal discourse applied racial segr egat i on as t he i nst r ument f or const ant sur vei l l ance of t he ‘ nat i ves’ t hr ough excl usi on and control of space by Whiteman. It extended subjectivity by controlling behaviours and movement of local people. While these harsh attitudes were not observed on the Kokoda Track during the f i el dwor k, t her e wer e moder at ed si gns t hat el ement s of t he col oni al t i mes per si st . For exampl e, at ever y meal t he Papua N ew G ui neans al l wor e gl oves when pr epar i ng and ser vi ng t he f ood f or t he t rekker s. T he use of gl oves appear s t o be r equi r ed so t hat t he f ood i s not cont ami nat ed by the hands of the Papua New Guineans. This is a step beyond the cleanliness that is found in moder n A ust r al i an r est aur ant s and shows t hat di r t i ness and cont ami nat i on per si st as i ssues f or Whites on the Kokoda Track.

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T her e wer e ot her exampl es t hat suppor t t he cont ent i on t hat el ement s of r aci al segr egat i on wer e nor mal i sed dur i ng t he t r ek, and t hese exampl es ar e summar i sed as f ol l ows. Firstly, the trekkers had the opportunity to carry their own packs, but only two of the more than 50 trekkers chose to carry their own packs. This observation was surprising because many cl ai med t o have come t o t he K okoda T r ack f or t h e advent ur e and physi cal chal l enge. T he Papua New Guineans carried the packs of the trekkers, thus reinforcing the racial differences between the trekker and the subordinate/ servant role of the Papua New Guinean. Secondly, it was notable that the trekkers had considerably more money and possessions than the Papua New Guinean guides and villagers. As detailed in Chapter 3, trekking the Kokoda Track is relatively expensive, costing approximately AU$5,000 in addition to the costs of return flights from Port Moresby. Also, trekkers brought many possessions with them, most of which were expensive and branded. The trekkers wore well-known expensive hiking brands, including Columbia, Kathmandu, and Salomon, plus an extensive range of items, including: hiking poles, water bladders, cameras, filter water bottles, water purifying tablets, Hydralyte powder, hiking boots, rubber sandals, head-torches, mosquito repellent, sunscreen and hand sanitiser. The Papua New Guinean guides, in comparison, wore the same clothes each day and many, like guide Bob, had bare feet. The attitude of trekkers to their possessions was made evident when a trekker informed the group that, when taking a picture while crossing the river, he had accidently dropped his wife’s pink camera in the stream (see Vignette I). The group showed no signs of concern for the loss. Instead, they found the incident humorous because the camera was pink, and t her ef or e chal l enged gender nor ms. Per haps mor e i mpor t ant l y, t he i nci dent si gni f i ed t hat Whities had surplus wealth and their possessions were replaceable and inconsequential. In addi t i on, at t he end when t he t r ekker s wer e gi ven an oppor t uni t y t o gi ve possessi ons t o t hei r guides, very little was shared or offered. There is a selfishness in White culture that anthropologists say is less evident in Papua New Guinean and Polynesian cultures (Bashkow (2007). T hese exampl es show t hat ‘ r aci al char act er i st i cs’ wer e t he basi s of t he met hod t hat t he trek leader used to distinguish between the people in the trekking party. It was surprising how quickly segregation between trekkers and guides became normalised. The Vignettes show that ‘ Whities’ seamlessly adopted ‘race’-based segregation on the Kokoda Track. Also, the guides expressed no signs of anger, annoyance or discomfort with separation (segregation), and there was a sense t hat t hi s pr act i ce was cust omar y on t he K okoda T r ack as wel l as i n Papua N ew Guinea in general. In fact, it was extremely difficult to not uphold segregation. An example occurred on one occasion (see Vignette I, p.19) when a can of Coke was given to the guide, Bob.

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As already described, the guides were crowded within a narrow strip of shade along the side of a hut, about 100 metres away from the trekkers. The action caused confusion, self-consciousness and awkwar dness because i t br oke t he pr act i ce of segr egat i on. T hus, t he r aci al segr egat i on as pr act i sed by t he t r ekki ng par t y was nor mal i sed and f ol l owed a pat t er n t hat was not i nvent ed on the Kokoda Track, but brought there from Australia through its colonial administration. During WWII Australian soldiers were segregated from Papua New Guineas when they relaxed, slept and at e, such as when an A ust r al i an sol di er acci dent al l y dr ank f r om a ‘ Papua N ew G ui nean onl y’ wat er t ank, and an of f i cer who obser ved t he i nci dent admoni shed t he sol di er and asked whet her there was ‘any pride f or your race’ (Hogbin, 1951: 281). Stella (2007: 89-99) describes how Whiteness was established and maintained in the col oni al days by a l egal syst em t hat was admi ni st er ed f r om Por t M or esby as i f i t w er e an Australian town (Stella, 2007: 90), and with the added observation by Amirah I nglis (1974: 37) that, ‘the residents of Port Moresby were united simply by being White. Other distinctions faded in significance’. Under colonial rule ‘a politically and socially divided society, with its prejudices, discriminatory practices, and racialist attitudes, was established and maintained’ (Stella, 2007: 90). T he f i el dwor k on t he K okoda T r ack r eveal s t hat t he maki ng of b i nar y space t hr ough t he pr ocess of racial segregation continues to this day, thereby reinforcing the idea that Papua New Guineans are socially inf erior. Stella (2007: 90) writes that:

Papua New Guinea exemplified Frantz Fanon’s idea of a bifurcated society. I n the towns, from the beginning, the White and the native residential areas were segregated. Indigenous people were physi cal l y and soci al l y excl uded f r om Whi t e areas except as servant s.

St el l a (2007: 90) goes on t o expl ai n t hat r aci al excl usi vi t y and segr egat i on, as wel l as t he reluctance of the White administration to acknowledge prior habitation, ‘are consistent with the typically Manichean, binary assumptions of colonial discourse’, and that ‘Segregation along racial lines was strictly maintained by law, regulations, and institutions that were put in place to uphold t he “ M ani chean deep st r uct ur e” , char act er i st i c of col oni al soci et i es’ . T hi s r el uct ance t o acknowledge prior habitation is reminiscent of White Indigeneity in Australia, and this element is explored in the next section. Despite the arguments above, one needs to recognise that the separation of the trekking party was not just normal workplace relations, whereby service providers are naturally separated from customers. Firstly, on the trek the Papua New Guineans were paid AU$15 per day and t hei r r ol es wer e much mor e t han t hat of a ser vi ce pr ovi der . I n addi t i on, t he Papua N ew G ui neans wer e cook, wai t er and washer s; t hey pr epar ed t he t ent s and accomm odat i on; assur ed

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per sonal saf et y of al l t r ekker s by hol di ng t hei r hands and assi st i ng t hem acr oss st r eams and rough terrain; supported timber bridges and lifted a fallen trekker from a toilet pit; acted as f or war d scout s, secur i t y and pol i cemen when t he t r ek was at t acked by r ascal s; wer e t he l ocal guides with local knowledge of the logistics, the water holes, the tracks over mountains and around dangers; and they were the carriers of all of the equipment and most of the gear of the trekkers. In return for their efforts they were separated when the trekkers were eating, talking, r el axi ng, sl eepi ng, and memor i al i si ng. T he ext ent of t he engagement bet ween t he t r ekker s and the Papua New Guinean guides was very limited, even though the two groups were together for a total of ten days. Prior to the trek, the information provided in the brochure stated that there would be close engagement with the Papua New Guinean people, and the trek leader said that they would touch us the most. In reality, the only opportunities for the trekkers to converse with the guides was while trekking, but the trekkers were usually so fixated on keeping upright and overcoming exhaustion that very few words were exchanged (Vignette I, p17). During all other activities the trekkers were segregated from the guides and locals, and the difficulty in communi cat i ng was appar ent when t he t r ekker s ar r i ved at t he K okoda M ar ket s. T he t r ekker s had no way of engaging or socialising with the people, they just watched each other (Vignette I , p.21). To the people at the market, the trekkers were just another group of Whitemen, the ‘ archetypes of western modernity, wealth and privilege, personifying the legacy of imperialism, the ideal of development, and the force of globalization’ (Basso, 1979: 2). There was (as described) an incident of violence and theft during the trek, but the trek leader explained that the guides had managed to recover the passports and valuables. So, on one hand, t he robber y showed t hat t her e was danger and t he si ght of peopl e wavi ng machet es was evidence of that (Vignette I, p.12), but, on the other hand, the Papua New Guinean guides had run through the night in order to recover the passports and Matthew’s bag. They had carried out t hese act i ons f or t he benef i t of t he Whi t e t r ekker s. T hat i nci dent cont r ast ed wi t h t he degr adi ng story of Tavu Tate as told by the trek Leader (Vignette I, p. 14-15). Did the leader have the right to tell and re-tell this story? Did Tavu Tave know what was being said? The incident provides an insight into attitudes then (of the soldiers) and attitudes now (of the leader to usurp the rights of the old man). Was the comment “I think he wants a ki ss” i n good humour or was i t dar ker i n meani ng i n t er ms of ‘ r ace’ and sex? T hese i nci dent s r eveal t he mi xed and comp l ex r el at i onshi ps bet ween t he Whi t e super i or and t he ‘ nat i ve’ subor di nat e t hat per si st s t oday. T he next sect i on continues discussion of the theme of White dominance and examines how the entrenched Whiteness is able to usurp the control of the people and land.

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White Indigeneity on the Kokoda Track

When A ust r al i ans t r ek t he K okoda T r ack t hey r el i ve and r ecr eat e A ust r al i an mi l i t ar y hi st ory. T he trekkers observe and recuperate the role of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel, which helps to reaffirm and r et el l A ust r al i a’ s hi st or y. By r epr esent i ng t he K okoda T r ack as one of t he key pl aces wher e t he Australian story was forged, this narrative overshadows many other stories, including those of t he Papua N ew G ui neans. A ust r al i ans f eel j ust i f i ed and aut hor i sed t o cl ai m t hat t hey ar e t he spiritual owners of the place on the premise that it was Australian soldiers who defended the homel and on t he K okoda T r ack agai nst i nvasi on. T oday, A ust r al i ans have assumed Whi t e Indigeneity based on the values attached to that part of our history. This section examines how White Indigeneity has moved from its roots in Australia to invisibly and subconsciously manage t he communal l and of t he K okoda T r ack , t her eby suppl ant i ng t he spi r i t ual r i ght s of t he Indigenous peoples who have lived there for millennia. The term ‘White I ndigeneity’ was introduced by Catriona Ross (2006) in Prolonged symptoms of cultural anxiety: the persistence of narratives of Asian invasions within multicultural Australia, and was di scussed i n Chapt er 2. I n A ust r al i a, Whi t e I ndi genei t y encompasses t he concept t hat t he spiritual rights of the country originated from the time when White settlers first arrived in 1788. Despite the over-turning of Terra Nullius by the High Court in the Eddy Mabo case, there is a persistent and strongly held view that White Australians are now the native people of Australia. This ‘achievement’ has been at the expense of the local people of the Kokoda region, the Orokaivans. As Bashkow (2006: 3) writes:

White involvement has changed Orokaiva from a self -ruled people who were sovereign over their lands and wealthy in their own traditional forms of wealth, to a politically marginalized people who recognize themselves as poor in the context of a global community.

Laws were introduced which were tools used by Administrators of Papua New Guinea for subjugation of the natives and construction of their subjectivity (Stella, 2007: 93). An example which demonstrates White Indigeneity on the Kokoda Track involves a relatively small commercial project in which the business activity of Papua New Guineans on the Kokoda Track was criticised by MP Charlie Lynn and the media (Callinan, 2013). In 2012 several massage huts were erected on the Kokoda Track ‘for all trekkers, guides, and porters’142 as an initiative of the Kokoda Track Authority’s Livelihoods Micro-Business Support Project. The

142 Ref er to http:/ / kokodamassage.com/

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work was carried out by local Papua New Guineans and funded by the Australian Government.143 The K okoda T r ack A ut hor i t y st at es t hat one of t he ai ms of t he L i vel i hoods project is to assist communities in the Kokoda Track region to establish ‘businesses that provide sustainable income generation, particularly in relation to tourism’ (2010: n.p.). ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy A ngel s Remedi al T her api es’ i s a communi t y- suppor t ed vent ur e, and an exampl e of one of t he huts is shown in Plate 4.5. On one level, the construction of massage huts for trekkers would appear to be a reasonable business opportunity for local Papua New Guineans, because currently the biggest beneficiaries of Kokoda Track tourism are Australian trekking companies. However, further investigation reveals that the rights of the Indigenous people to establish this business are complicated by White Indigeneity.

Plate 4.5: The ‘Oro Oro Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels Remedial Therapies Ltd’ massage hut (Lynn, 2012b: n.p.).

D uring Question Time in Parliament (2012), the Minister f or Veteran Af f airs, Senator Michael Ronaldson144, asked the Minister for Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and

143 The Kokoda Track Authority advises that the cost of equipment and logistics support for the training was AU$5,823, but the training service provider undertook the training free of charge (Parliament, 2012). 144 This question was a ‘Dorothy Dixer’, whereby a planted question is asked to a government Minister by a member of the same political party.

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Communities, Senator Stephen Conroy, to discuss the massage huts along the Kokoda Track.145 146 Conroy stated that the massage huts were the result of community consultation and a trekker survey undertaken in July 2010. The survey showed that 97 of 142 (or 68%) trekkers would be interested in remedial massage if it was available along the Kokoda Track.147 Lynn (2013a) stated that he was against the concept because ‘a massage parlour on such a sacred battle site [sic] besmirches the legacy of Kokoda’. Later in Parliament he argued that the project was ‘initiated without any reference to Papua New Guinea authorities or the trekking industry’ and stated ‘that the Kokoda Trail should be developed as a model for a wartime tourism industry […] and not an environmental levitation for eco-trekkers or a bottomless pit of booty for aid-funded consultants and non-government organisations’ (2013). H e called f or the D epartment of Veteran Af f airs (DVA) to afford Kokoda the same protection as that which has been given to Gallipoli. Lynn (2013) stated that, ‘the local people are the custodians of battle sites sacred to our military heritage.’ For Lynn the establishment of massage huts devalues the significance of the Kokoda Track. This disagreement shows that Australians have usurped the rights of the land and now dictate its development based on their concerns, a prime case of neo-colonialism. In essence, the st or y r eveal s t hat an A ust r al i an pol i t i ci an, who i s al so a t our i sm oper at or , expr essed t he vi ew t hat Australia’s military history gave it the right to claim spiritual ownership of the land over and above the rights of Papua New Guineans. This is a form of suasion by Whiteman in which Whites bring the intentions and actions of Indigenous people into line with their own (Bashkow, 2006: 67). According to Lynn, the locals on the Kokoda track are the custodians of Australia’s military history or, in other words, the Papua New Guineans are primarily the caretakers of the space whi l e A ust r al i ans ar e not pr esent . I n t hi s sense t he K okoda T r ack can be vi ewed as a microcosm of attitudes and actions of Whiteman that is evident in past and present Australian society. The fact that an Australian politician and businessman can speak in Parliament with authority and confidence, and without being contradicted or criticised by the media, says much about A ust r al i an soci et y. I t r eveal s t hat t he concept of Whi t eman i s l ar gel y i nvi si bl e and t hat Australians have a conscious or subconscious acceptance of the power and control of the

145 See Question N o. 1950, http:/ / parlinfo.aph.gov.au/ parlI nfo/ search/ display/ display.w3p;db= CHAMBER;id=chamber%2Fhansards%2Ff12 702a2-df ed-4af 1-ba05-32a4c0133aaa%2F0219;query= I d%3A%22chamber%2Fhansards%2Ff 12702a2-df ed-4af 1- ba05-32a4c0133aaa%2F0000%22 146 Senator Ronaldson’s questions specifically asked for an explanation as to how the need for massage services arose, what research was conducted and the results, whether the project was put out to tender, and what the process was, who founded the project and the cost of the project, how much was the provider being paid for the project, the key performance indicators for the project, and whether the provider has engaged in other projects along the K okoda Track and, if so, to provide further details (Parliament, 2012). 147 In May 2009, the K okoda Track Foundation, in partnership with the University of Technology, Sydney, was contracted by the Australian Government to undertake the first phase of the project. Simone Grabowski (2007), who was introduced in the previous chapter, was part of this study team.

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Whiteman. In light of the arguments that have been presented in this chapter, the following section summarises the many complex and conflicting elements surrounding representations of the Papua New Guinean.

Conclusion

The image of the loyal, friendly and caring Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel has dominated contemporary Australian representations of Papua New Guineans during WWII. This limited representation has prevailed because aspects of history have been deliberately excluded, especially the abuse and mistreatment that Papua New Guineans suffered at the hands of Australians during the War.148 It could be argued that, to acknowledge and recognise this negative aspect of Australian history, woul d under mi ne t he i mage of t he D i gger and t he r omant i ci sat i on of war . T he numer ous r aci al tropes used to refer to Papua New Guineans have been scrutinised and the dark history of abuse, mistreatment and effects of the Second World War has been analysed in order to highlight the suffering and indignity experienced by Papua New Guineans at the hands of Australians.149 This chapt er f ound t hat t he Papua N ew G ui nean on t he K okoda T r ack i s r epr esent ed t oday as t he ‘ Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ at the convenience of White Australia in the process of forging the national narrative and developing ‘Australian national identity’. Representations of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels depict historical traces of ‘difference’ and ‘Otherness’ that have persisted into the contemporary for the purposes of upholding the military tradition of the Anzac and the forging of a White ‘Australian national identity’. The analysis has revealed that the peoples of Papua New Guinea are generally overlooked and arguably represented as part of the landscape. Even though some texts do take care to include Papua New Guineans, the representations are often limited to a one-dimensional stereotype with no individual characterisation. Papua New Guineans are the ‘supporting actors’ in texts, playing the roles of carriers/ porters or inhabitants of primitive villages. The names of Papua N ew G ui neans ar e uncommon i n t ext s and i t i s r ar e f or any descr i pt i on t o devi at e f r om the ‘ideal native’ represented by the colonial regime. Stereotypes of the savage and primitive Papua New Guinean are persistently represented in European and Western accounts that cover

148 Although this thesis does not examine the actions of the Japanese during WWII , it recognises that there is evi dence of abuse and mi st reatment perpet rated agai nst t he Papua N ew Gui neans. 149 This thesis recognises that the Japanese during WWII expressed racist attitudes and acts towards the Papua New Guineans.

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the period from first contact, through WWII to the present day. The texts of many Australian writers, filmmakers and other contributors present a homogenised view of Papua New Guineans. Most texts, particularly with regards to the Kokoda Track, disregard the Papua New Guinean’s knowledge of their natural environment, complex social relations, and rich traditions. Rar el y ar e Papua N ew G ui neans r epr esent ed as havi ng di ver se and abundant cul t ur es, apar t f r om some anthropological studies that have investigated them (Bashkow, 2006; Filer, 2006; Burton et al., 2012). N evertheless, these academic texts are the exception (as demonstrated in the literature r evi ew, see Chapt er 2). Evidence of juxtaposed binaries is found in the examination of a recent Council photograph (Plate 4.2), which demonstrates discriminatory attitudes of the past by representing t he Papua N ew G ui neans as r aci al i sed obj ect s j ust as i n col oni al phot ogr aphy, wher e ‘ nat i ve’ peoples were represented as primitive and savage, so reaffirming the normalised belief of Europeans of their own unique claim to civilisation (Maxwell, 1999: 7). The name ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’ is inaccurately applied to the group of Papua New Guineans in Plate 4.2, and no other information, including names, is provided. Apart from their involvement in WWII very little new information is known of Papua New Guineans by the majority of Australians. Photographs, like t hat of Pl at e 4.2 or G eor ge Si l k' s f amous i mage (Pl at es 4.3 and 4.4), per pet uat e st er eot ypes of primitiveness. This discriminatory context can impact on how Australians continue to communicate and deal with Papua New Guineans on the Kokoda Track, as well as in the wider domains of f inance, mining and politics (I mbun, 2013; I mbun et al., 2015). Nelson argues that Papua New Guineans need to recognise the complexity of their contribution to the war effort and to the Kokoda Track in order to develop their own collective national history and narrative (2007: 87). This aspect of N elson’s argument is contested because the overarching view of this thesis is that the building of a collective national story based on military history is problematic because it promotes and normalises war. Nevertheless, the recognition of the contributions by the diverse peoples of Papua New Guinea is not questioned. In fact, this Chapter has shown that impact of the War on some Papua New Guineans has been more horrible than is generally acknowledged. Field experiences on the Kokoda Track added a new layer to the analysis. This chapter has ar gued t hat Whi t eman i s pr esent on t he K okoda T r ack t oday and f ol l ows a pat t er n t hat was established in colonial times. Racial segregation continues to be used to organise social structure in which the Whiteman is the superior and has the privileges of ‘race’, while the Papua New Guinean is the voiceless subordinate who fills the role as the ‘carrier native’. The four special abilities that Orokaivans see in Whiteman (Bashkow, 2006: 67) have been identif i ed in the

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analysis of the fieldwork on the Kokoda Track. Hence, the analysis in this chapter indicates that the principal meaning of the Kokoda Track is, from a Western perspective, that of a White f ant asy wi t h r aci al segr egat i on and el ement s of col oni al r aci sm. Because of t he i mpor t ance of t he narrative of the Kokoda Track in the Australian national story, this representation inevitably creates problems for the Papua New Guineans (as well as for many non-White contemporary Australians). Stella (2007: 90) explains that racial exclusivity and segregation has been supported by the reluctance of White administrations to acknowledge prior I ndigenous habitation in Papua N ew G ui nea. I n t hi s model , t he Papua N ew G ui neans ar e per cei ved as ‘ nat i ves’ or ani mal - l i ke, and so of little consequence. Accordingly, racial segregation has been strictly maintained by discourse, law, regulations, and institutions for most of the colonial period (which only ended in 1975 when Papua N ew G ui nea was gr ant ed i ndependence by t he Whi t l am G over nment ). T he reluctance of White Administration to acknowledge prior habitation (of a civilised ‘race’) is reminiscent of White Indigeneity in Australia. The next Chapter continues to investigate the contemporary evidence of Whiteman on the Kokoda Track and the important concept of White Indigeneity in war memorials.

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Vignette II. 忠実な戦没者へ (To the loyal war dead)

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On day 4 we were in the middle of the Owen Stanley Ranges about halfway along the Kokoda Track (see Plate VII.1) when our trek leader, Matthew, stopped us at an oval-shaped clearing at the top of Brigade Hill (see Plate VII.2). Matthew told us to leave our packs and walk over t he gr ass t o hear about t he si gni f i cance of t he si t e. T he space cont r ast ed wi t h t he r est of t he Papuan landscape; the grass was short and red poppies150 decor at ed a smal l memor i al pl aque, indicating to us that it was a site of war and conflict (see Plate VII.3).

Pl at e V I I .1: V i ew of t he O wen St anl ey Ranges f r om Br i gade H i l l (phot ogr aph by aut hor , 11/ 06/ 2010).

Plate VII.2: T he f ar end of t he cl ear i ng at Brigade Hill (photograph by Guy, 11/ 06/ 2010).

150 When we visited the memorial in 2010 it had artif icial flowers, but online pictures by other trekkers show that f resh f l owers are somet i mes pl aced t here.

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Plate VII.3: Brigade Hill Memorial plaque. In theforeground arefragments of metal from the battle sites and red poppies, which are symbolic of Remembrance Day (photograph by author, 11/ 06/ 2010).

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By the time we had walked to the memorial, Bob and the other Papuans had quietly disappeared. Matthew started by telling the group that it was here that one of the most devast at i ng bat t l es of t he campai gn had t aken pl ace. I t i s known as t he ‘ Bat t l e f or Br i gade H i l l ’ by Australians and as the “Battle of the Owen Stanley Range” by the Japanese. Over one thousand Australians fought for three days, in September 1942, to hold back the advance of the Japanese. The Australian militia, led by Brigadier Arnold Potts, was outnumbered six to one and bot h si des suf f er ed gr eat l osses (H appel l , 2008: 48). T he A ust r al i ans al so suf f er ed l osses i n t he withdrawal (Anderson, 2012), but one week later, at the battle at I oribai wa, the militia regrouped and halted the Japanese advance on Port Moresby. We were led to an edge of the clearing and from there had full view of the space to imagine the scene. Matthew essentially brought the violence back to life. He reminded us that young men of the Australian reserves, the Chocos, had come to this very spot knowing that they were outnumbered and would most likely die there (Stone, 1997: 156). H e pointed to the uneven landscape (see Plate VI I .4) and told us that we were standing on top of a gravesite; the bodies of Australian soldiers were beneath us. Matthew then looked at me and said that, after the Battle of Brigade Hill, ‘your grandfather would have come through here’. Matthew described some of the things that my grandfather would have seen. Jim Bell, a veteran from my grandfather’s 2/ 3rd Battalion, had said that he ‘saw a dead soldier rotting with a rifle still in his hands’. It was hard to stay composed and I sobbed, trying to keep silent, while Matthew continued. This account of events caused most of us to become upset and many appeared to be fighting back tears. I couldn’t help but think about my (Australian) grandfather, and I was bringing my emotional baggage to the story (Robinson, 2003). Matthew stirred our emotions as well as our feelings of guilt by asking us self-reflexive questions. Matthew forced us to confront and consider how the actions of the Australian soldiers at Brigade Hill affect our lives today. We were asked, ‘Was their sacrifice worth it?’. This question reminded me of a scene in Cronulla to Kokoda (D oogue, 2007) in which Matthew spoke to the trekkers, including to Ali Ammar. 151 On that occasion, many of the trekkers cried out loud. In comparison, my group showed less emotion, but everyone appeared moved. Matthew’s storytelling was effective. It was hard not to think about some of the images and event s t hat pr obabl y haunt ed my gr andf at her and many ot her sol di er s. I r ecal l ed t he di ar y entry of Major ‘Bluey’ Steward, who nursed Private Kevin Tonkin of the 2/ 16th Battalion as he died. Stewart wrote ‘He had a ghastly, gaping wound of the throat, and although my eyes could only see darkness and death, his saw light and hope […] Looking as dispassionately as possible at

151 Ref er to: http:/ / www.youtube.com/ watch?v= hbbDxvRudyw

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that man’s throat, I hoped he couldn’t sense the lump in mine. Emotion clouds calm clinical judgement, but the hardest thing is not to flinch from the gaze of the man you know is going to die’ (Brune, 2011: 210). After telling the stories, Matthew asked us to find a quiet spot and reflect. Maybe for some it was an opportunity to release the emotions that had built up, so I cried - because of my grandfather, for soldiers who lived their lives with the memory of the violence of the Kokoda track, for humanity and the acts that humans are capable of doing to one another. I cried for the young men whose lives had been cut short and because I was tired, sweaty and exhausted from carrying a heavy bag. I was covered in bruises and blisters, and just felt like utterly spent. I had reached a point of physical and emotional exhaustion.

Plate VII.4: V i ew of t he ent r ance t o Br i gade Hill. So m e t r ekker s ar e si t t i ng to the right and others sitting or standing at the memorial (photograph by Guy, 11/ 06/ 2010).

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After several minutes of reflection we walked back to our packs, and some grabbed a drink or snack while others took pictures of Brigade Hill. With perfect timing our Papuan guides seamlessly re-joined us as we continued our trek in single file through some very picturesque jungle. Rays of sunlight filtered through the tall trees and their dead leaves softened the ground before us – a nice change from the slippery mud and camouflaged tree roots that often sent us crashing to the ground. Halfway between Brigade Hill and Efogi Village we stopped so that Matthew could tell the group about Kokichi Nishimura, better known as the ‘Bone Man of K okoda’ (see Pl at e V I I .5). N i shi mur a was a Japanese sol di er who f ought on t he K okoda T r ack during WWI I and was the sole survivor of his platoon (H appell, 2008: 47-61). Matthew directed our attention to a hole in the base of a tree behind him (see Plate VII.6) where it is claimed by Nishimura that he hid from Australian soldiers.

Plate VII.5: The trekking group stop outside of Efogi village. We stand in front of a tree where Nishimura, the ‘Bone Man of Kokoda’, hid from Australian soldiers (photograph by author, 11/ 06/ 2010).

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Plate VII.6: The treein which Nishimurahid from Australian troops. This tree was known to his platoon as ‘Ippongi’, meaning ‘one tree’ in Japanese (photograph by author, 11/ 06/ 2010).

Whi l e M at t hew was speaki ng t he gui des qui et l y wai t ed f or us i n t he di st ance (see Pl at e V I I .7). M at t hew f i ni shed hi s account by t el l i ng us t hat N i shi mur a has al so cl ai med t o have helped bury the body of the Australian company commander of the 39th Battalion, Captain Sam Templeton. This claim is one of the most controversial of Nishimura’s because the location of Templeton’s remains is one of the great mysteries of the Kokoda Campaign. Matthew discredited the claim of Nishimura and said that he thought that Nishimura was a liar. Matthew sai d t hat N i shi mur a’ s f act s and st at ement s do not al i gn wi t h hi st or y and even t he peopl e i n Nishimura’s Battalion said that he was a liar who told stories all the time. He described Nishimura’s fame as being caused by Australians who had sensationalised his claims. As the group listened I recalled the conversation at the dinner on the night before embarking on our trek when Matthew said that he had met Nishimura and found him to be ‘arrogant’ and ‘still with Japanese superiority’.

The next day we stopped at Launumu, just outside Efogi village, where Matthew gat her ed us i n f ront of a concr et e pl i nt h and t ol d us t hat t he memor i al had been er ect ed by N i shi mur a (see Pl at e V I I .8).152 We l ear ned t hat N i shi mur a had dedi cat ed t he memor i al t o al l of the soldiers who had fought on the Track, which has been accurately described by the Tumbarumba Rotary Club as ‘a plain rock cairn which often goes unnoticed’ (2013). The top of

152 It was at this memorial that biographer Charles Happell first heard of Nishimura and was interested in finding out more about him.

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the monument was missing because an Australian trekker had vandalised the memorial. Matthew said that the trekker believed that the memorial did not belong on the Track. Villagers had recovered the missing piece and Matthew had told them to keep it in a safe place, and it is now in their possession. Matthew didn’t elaborate any further, although I was left with the impression that Matthew’s view would be that the Bone Man had already received enough recognition for what he believed to be several historical inaccuracies.

Plate VII .7: Our Papuan carriers and guides hang back while Matthew stops us at Ippongitotell us about Nishimura, the ‘Bone Man of Kokoda’ (photograph by author, 11/ 06/ 2010).

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Plate VII.8: To‘ the loyal war dead’ . This memorial at Launumu was designed by Nishimura and constructed with the help of local Papuans (photograph by Guy, 11/ 06/ 2010).

I thought about Nishimura as we walked in single file through the long grass and up into the mountains. H aving previously read the biography of N ishimura (H appell, 2008: 152) and some media articles about his mission in Kokoda, my personal view differed from that of Matthew, but I didn’t say anything to him or the group. H appell (2008) writes that , when the War ended, N ishimura was hospitalised and was suf f ering f rom malaria. I n late 1945 he married and fathered four children, three sons and one daughter. He had several jobs before he founded his own business, the Nishimura Machinery Research Institute, and developed a reputation as a trouble-shooter (H appell, 2008: 96). N ishimura built a friendship with the f ounder of Sony, Akio Morita, and worked f or several large companies, including H itachi and I suzu Motors (2008: 99). Nishimura became increasingly irritated as, ‘year by year, the experiences of Japanese who served in the war slipped from public consciousness’ (H appell, 2008: 108). N ishimura was inspired to return to Papua New Guinea after he heard about two Japanese holdouts153. I n 1972, locals in Guam discovered a Japanese holdout, Shoichi Yokoi, who said, when he returned to Japan, ‘It is with much embarrassment that I have returned alive… I am sorry I did not serve His Majesty, the honourable Emperor, to my satisf action’ (Yokoi cited in H appell, 2008: 108). This statement became a popular quote for young Japanese who could not understand this type of loyalty to the

153 A holdout is a Japanese term for a soldier who keeps fighting after the war is over.

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Emperor (2008: 108). In 1974, a Japanese traveller to the Philippines discovered another Japanese holdout, Hiroo Onoda. 154 So Nishimura began planning to return to Papua New Guinea to honour a promise that he had made (2008: 75):

He’d given his word to his fallen comrades and that was the end of the matter: he would be coming back to New Guinea to keep his promise, and to find his friends.

I n 1979, at 60 year s of age, N i shi mur a di scussed his plans with his wife and their children to go to Papua New Guinea. Except for his daughter, none of his family supported his decision. After giving his wife nearly all of his property, he left for the Kokoda Track and would never see his wif e or their two sons again (2008: 120). 155 Reflecting on this decision, Nishimura (McNeill, 2008: n.p.) stated:

I married my wife on [the] condition that I would go back to New Guinea, but neither she nor my son[s] understood this. I t made me sad.

Nishimura began twenty-five years of travel between Japan and Papua New Guinea to recover bones and relics (2008: 172). When N ishimura arrived in Papua N ew Guinea in 1979 he was concerned that the Papua New Guineans would not be sympathetic to his project, conscious of Japanese actions towards them during the War. However, for the majority of the time Papua New Guineans were:

I ntrigued by his search […] local people began turning out to help him dig. As word spread, farmers and landowners began to come to him and say: I ’ve got bones on my farm, too, Nishimura. (2008: 138)

He began by conducting amateur archaeological digs on the north side of Papua New Guinea, around Gona and Popondetta. Later he worked on the Kokoda Track, particularly around Efogi and Brigade Hill because of his strong emotional connection to the battlefields of the area. It was

154 In 1974 the last soldier of the Imperial Japanese Army to be discovered after WWII was Teruo Nakamura. A pilot identified the hut belonging to Nakamura on Morotai I sland, I ndonesia. With the help of the I ndonesian government a search was conducted and Nakamura was arrested, hospitalized and then sent to Japan. However, Nakamura, known as Attun Palalin (his Amis name) and Lee Guang-Hui (the name given to him by the Taiwanese media), was born in Taiwan and ethnically Amis (Taiwanese indigenous people); he did not speak Japanese or Chinese and was legally stateless at the time of his capture. The Japanese embassy in Jakarta offered to repatriate him, but he wanted to return to Taiwan where he lived until his death five years later in 1979 (Trefalt, 2003: 163-7). 155 Nishimura had three sons and one daughter. His eldest son, at twenty years old, had died in a motor vehicle accident in 1966 (H appell, 2008: 116).

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her e t hat , dur i ng t he K okoda Campai gn, N i shi mur a saw and hear d many member s of hi s platoon die (H appell, 2008: 58):

He could hear groaning in the distance but did not have the strength to investigate. He spent the night tending to his comrade and listening to the deathly moans of the other platoon members in the jungle.

A f t er hi s comr ade L ance Cor por al M asao N akahi r a di ed i n t he ni ght , N i shi mur a sl ept i n I ppongi (Plate VII.8) until the Captain of another Japanese platoon discovered him. Nishimura was the only one out of his 56-man platoon to have survived the Battle of Brigade Hill. During the Japanese retreat from I oribaiwa, N ishimura became separated f rom his new platoon (2008: 68) 156 and he eventually stumbled on a village called Mumuni. Nishimura recalls wondering if they were going to kill him, given that the majority of the Japanese had treated the Papuans badly. However, the village chief, Paheki Hojava and his wife, Tomarako Paheki, surprised Nishimura by welcoming him into their village and offering him food. After eating, Paheki gave directions and Nishimura left in search of his platoon and, on 19th N ovember 1942, N ishimura arrived at Giruwa and re-joined his platoon. The Solomon Sea was on one side and the Allies were fast approaching on the other. When the evacuation boat picked up Nishimura on 12th January 1943 he weighed 28 kilograms - eighteen months earlier, when Nishimura was called up to the army, he weighed 73 kilograms (2008: 83). During his mission in Papua New Guinea Nishimura learnt Pidgin English and ‘wanted to show the Papuans that the Japanese were not all pitiless warmongers capable of unspeakable barbarity. He was partly on a mission to win over hearts and minds’ (2008: 138, 128). H e applied to the Japanese Embassy in Port Moresby for funds to build schools and to educate Papuans, and was granted 10 million Kina or AU$5 million (2008: 129). In addition to building schools, Nishimura used his knowledge to train Popondetta’s locals in mechanics. Later he built a car workshop and set up a driving school in nearby Akomuta village (2008: 130). Nishimura bought a one-hectare block of land opposite Kakandetta village near Popondetta and built a two-story house, with one part of the house dedicated to housing the collection of bones and artefacts. Japanese families who had heard of Nishimura would visit him asking if he had found bones or objects belonging to their lost relative (2008: 139). These f amilies were of ten desperate to have some tangible connections to their loved ones, including even the most ordinary of items, such as a lunch box, dog tag, or even a rusty water pump (2008: 184). For N ishimura (2008: 138):

156 N i shi mur a was reassi gned t o t he 2nd Platoon of the 5th Company af t er hi s f i r st pl at oon (of t he 144th Infantry Regiment) had all died.

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T he sense of sat i sf acti on […] when he was able t o bri ng a f all en soldier t oget her wi t h f amil y was immense. For it not only gave the soldier overdue recognition at home, and provided some closure for the family, but made Nishimura’s long hours walking and sweating over a shovel seem worthwhile.

By 1994 he had collected a repository which included bones f rom the remains of approximately 200 Japanese soldiers (2008: 178). T he memor i al t hat N i shi mur a made wi t h t he hel p of l ocal s st ands at 1.7 met r es t al l and i s made of concrete and river stones (see Plate VII.8). The headstone on the top of the plinth, which we did not see during our trek, is a large smooth light brown rock from Kochi, Japan, the home of the 144th Battalion (2008: 159). Monks at Z enshoan Temple, Tokyo engraved the headstone in kanji: 忠実な戦没者へ, ‘to the loyal war dead’. It was at Zenshoan Temple that the Prime Minister of Japan, Yasuhiro Nakasone, heard of Nishimura. After speaking with him and being so moved by his mission, Nakasone offered him ¥20 million (AU $210,000) of his private funds towards his project. Nishimura refused Nakasone’s offer, telling him that he was not conducting the project for money. He worried that Nakasone would be seen as a supporter of war and as a Pr i me M i ni st er who had want ed t o keep t he memor y of t he War al i ve (H appel l , 2008: 160). Over the years, af ter hearing about him in the media or f rom a documentary, several Japanese individuals and companies have contributed to Nishimura’s project. On 5th July 1989 t he headst one f or N i shi mur a’ s memor i al was compl et e. O ver t he ensui ng year s t he memor i al has been vandalised on several occasions by Papua New Guineans because it was one of two things on the Track that were symbolic of Japan. Likewise, Australian trekkers have vented their anger towards the Japanese by vandalising the memorial. These angry reactions have not surprised Nishimura, who understood the reasons for some people holding resentment towards the Japanese. Each time the memorial was damaged he and the villagers would repair it. Other than N ishimura’s memorial at Launumu there is only one other Japanese war memor i al on t he K okoda T r ack (see Pl at e V I I .9) , and i t was er ect ed by t he Japanese Government at the Kokoda plateau. It sits to the far right of the Australian monument and the Papua New Guinean monument. The Japanese monument states that it was ‘erected in memory of all the war dead, Japanese, Papua New Guinean and Australian.’ The Japanese war monument is white and formal, which contrasts with Nishimura’s memorial, which is plain and amateurish. Nishimura’s memorial, which is currently without the engraved rock at the top of the plinth, is ‘ To the loyal war dead’. It appears to memorialise all who fought and died on the Kokoda Track.

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Plate VII.9: T he second of onl y t wo Japanese memor i al s on t he K okoda Track. The plaque in the foreground r eads, ‘ East N ew Gui nea. Japanese Ar monument. my Kokoda Hill monument’. The plaque to the right reads, ‘This monument has been erected in memory of all the war dead, Japanese, Papua New Guinean and Australian in appreciation of their greatest courage during the campaigns of Kokoda, Buna and G i r ua and al so t o commemor at e t he l andi ng on Jul y 21 1942 and Japanese N ankai [‘ So ut her ncean’] O detachment at Gona and its withdrawal from Kumusi on February 7 1943. February 1980’ (photograph by autho r, 17/06/2010).

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Chapter 5

White Indigeneity: examination of Kokoda Track memorials

‘Memory is never shaped in a vacuum; the motives of memory are never pure’ (James E. Young, 1993: 2).

A memorial ‘contains within it not only the superficial gesture towards remembrance and the dead but a wealth of information about the priorities, politics and sensibilities of those who built it. A memorial will tell us more about its builders than about those to whom it is dedicated’ (Edwin H eathcote, 1999: 68).

‘[The Australian War Memorial] is quite simply one of the world’s greatest museums’ Australian War Memorial Annual Report 2010-2011 (AWM, 2011: xii).

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Introduction

The previous chapters have demonstrated that the phenomenon of the Kokoda Track has inspired contemporary Australian politicians, authors and members of the general public to form a collective identity that is based on the distinctive features of the campaign in WWII. Vignette I I , ‘ T o t he l oyal war dead: memor i al s on t he K okoda T r ack’ , r eveal ed t hat an endur i ng f eat ur e of t he K okoda T r ack i s t he pr eval ence of war memor i al s, whi ch have been erect ed t o memor i al i se military battles, ceremonies and people. The Vignette also revealed that when trek leaders contextualise memorials, such as at Brigade Hill, it can trigger in trekkers an outpouring of emot i ons, most not abl y gr i ef , sor row and anger . A s di scussed i n Chapt er 3, r esear ch on A ust r al i a travellers to Gallipoli shows how battlefield tourism produces similar emotional responses in tourists, but there has been no equivalent study of trekkers to Kokoda. Also, there have been no anal yt i cal r epor t s on t he many memor i al s and museums t hat have been er ect ed i n r ecent year s on t he K okoda T r ack. T he memor i al i sat i on of t he K okoda T r ack ext ends beyond Papua N ew Guinea to Australia, where Kokoda Track memorial walks have been constructed in most States. Also, the Australian War Memorial (hereafter AWM) includes a memorial display of the Kokoda Track Campaign in the Second World War Gallery. This chapter uses data gathered during fieldwork at these sites to examine critically Kokoda Track war memorials in order to unpack the range of meanings that they represent and relay.

War memor i al s and r el at ed const r uct i ons ar e anal ysed because of t he si gni f i cance best owed upon these place- markings and their use in the forging of national identity. According to historian Michael Rowlands (1998: 55), the ‘capacity to turn traumatic individual deaths into acts of national celebration and heroic assertions of collective value’ is a key feature of nationalist war memorials. Critical analysis of war memorials provides insight into the complex and sometimes cont r over si al el ement s t hat sur r ound i n ci r cul at i on wi t hi n a soci et y. A s E dwi n H eat hcot e (1999: 68) has st at ed, a memor i al :

contains within it not only the superficial gesture towards remembrance and the dead but a wealth of information about the priorities, politics and sensibilities of those who built it. A memorial will tell us more about its builders than about those to whom it is dedicated.

Australia – though not unique in this regard - has a penchant for memorialising its military history (Lake, 2006: 1), as has been documented by Ken Inglis in his extensive book Sacr ed P laces: War Memorials in the Australian Landscape (1998). For instance, in 2012 the N SW Government

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Register of War Memorials recorded 2,339 military memorials within NSW and 37 military memor i al s i n Canber r a al one (War eham and Fahy, 2010). T he r ecent i ncr ease i n t he number of Australian war memorials and the attention that they have received has occurred in the context of some general attitudinal change towards war and military history (as discussed in Chapter 2). Lake (2006: 45) contends that the rapid growth in war memorials is part of the naturalisation of the cult of Anzac in Australia in stating that:

What this nation does have, of course, is a superabundance of war memorials […] our landscape has been “ transformed” by war memorials, small and large, local and national, statues of diggers in the hundreds, obelisks, cairns and cenotaphs […] some 5,000 in all. And they are expanding and proliferating. The cult of Anzac has been naturalised in Australia […] (Lake, 2006: 45).

As a result, Australian war memorials are not only prominent in Australia, they also dot the landscape overseas, including in Gallipoli (Turkey), Tobruk (Libya), Kanchanaburi (Thailand), Villers-Bretonneux (France), Sandakan (Malaysia) and Kokoda (Papua New Guinea). The war memorials on the Kokoda Track in Papua New Guinea and in Australia have been listed 157 but not closely and critically analysed.

This chapter examines the Second World War Gallery of the AWM because of its speci f i c di spl ays of t he K okoda T r ack and mor e gener al l y of t he War agai nst t he Japanese i n Papua New Guinea. The AWM has described itself as one of the world’s great museums (AWM Annual Report 2010-2011, 2011: xii) and regarded by some as Australia’s most important hi st or i cal museum (L ake, 2006:5). T he M emor i al i s r egar ded as a val uabl e r esour ce f or educat i ng students and the public about Australia’s war history, as is made evident by the attendance of 887,000 visitors in 2009-2010, of which 125,000 were students (as shown in Figure 5.1 – see Ronaldson, 2010). Academic studies of the AWM and other Australian war memorials have identified shortcomings in their representations, especially in the under-representations of women and of First Australians (I nglis, 1987; Bennett, 1995; D amousi and Lake, 1995; Trotter and McAlear, 1996; Bennett, Sandell, 2002; Lake, 2006; Lake and Reynolds, 2010). According to Australian historian Carmel Shute, war ‘affirmed the dichotomy of the sexes in Australia by r ei nf or ci ng t he t r adi t i onal st er eot ypes of men as war r i o r s and “ cr eat or s of hi st or y” and women as mothers’ (1995: 25). I n the permanent exhibitions of the AWM, men are portrayed largely as sol di er s, and women t hough si gni f i cant l y l ess so, ar e r epr esent ed as nur ses and mot her s. A s Rosemary Pringle, spokeswoman for the Sydney Women Against Rape Collective, asserts, there i s a r eal sense f r om t hese l i mi t ed r epr esent at i ons of women t hat t hey wer e ‘ not par t of t he

157 See the Australian Government, Department of Veteran Affairs, list of overseas war memorials: http:/ / www.dva.gov.au/ commems_oawg/ OAWG/ war_memorials/ overseas_memorials/ Pages/ index.aspx

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nation. Rather, [they] were part of the property [that men] fought for’.158 Despite intensive r esear ch and anal ysi s wi t h r egar d t o gender , t her e i s a pauci t y of anal ysi s of t he t r eat ment of ‘ r ace’ i n t he di spl ays at t he A WM . I n par t i cul ar , t her e ar e no subst ant i al academi c anal yses of A ust r al i an war memor i al s t hat have speci f i cal l y anal ysed r epr esent at i ons of t he Papua N ew Guineans and Japanese.

The examination in this chapter of Kokoda Track War Memorials, both in Papua New Guinea and in Australia, plus the Second World War Gallery of the AWM, provides new insights into the motivations of the Australians who installed them, the elements that surround the narratives, and the experiences of trekkers. I explore the links between the memorialisation of t he K okoda T r ack and t he concept of Whi t eness and of Whi t e I ndi genei t y i n cont empor ary Australia. The research draws on observational fieldwork, as outlined in Chapter 1 (see Table 1.1), as t he pr i mar y sour ce of i nf or mat i on, pl us wr i t t en mat er i al and onl i ne r esour ces t o supplement the study. Field data were gathered in three parts: a) the trek of the Kokoda Track in June 2010; b) visits to K okoda Track Memorial Walks at Concord, a suburb of Sydney, N ew South Wales (2010, 2014) and St Agnes, a suburb of Adelaide, South Australia (2013); and c) visits to the Second World War Gallery of the AWM (2009, 2011, 2012, 2013, 2014). Because of the lack of published work on this topic, a large number of images of the various types of war memorials is provided in this chapter. The section that follows examines the memorials on the K okoda t r ack and anal yses what t he di spl ays r eveal about A ust r al i ans and how t hey por t r ay t he Papua N ew G ui nean and t he Japanese.

Background to war memorials

Military history is memorialised on the Kokoda Track with a range of human-made structures, whi ch one coul d t echni cal l y cl assi f y as museum, memor i al , memor i al wal k, museum, and/ or monument. A museum is here defined as a building or place where objects are housed for storing, archiving, exhibiting, and studying for scientific, artistic or historical interest (Mayo, 1988: 1128). A memorial is a design to preserve and remind people of the memory of a person, event or thing (1988: 1073). A war memorial walk is a type of interpretive heritage walk which

158 Howe in Damousi and Lake, 1995: 305.

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applies place-marking to build a sense of contemporary and historical significance to military history. A monument is a structure, pillar or statue erected to commemorate and remind people of the historical or archaeological importance of a person, event or thing (1988: 1111). The definitions of war memorials and related structures can blur and terms can be frequently and interchangeably used. This thesis is interested in commemorative military sites of the Kokoda T r ack, whet her t hey exi st as a st at ue, bui l di ng, dedi cat ed space, wal kway, or a combi nat i on of such structures, so long as there is a purpose of maintaining the memories of events or people.

War monuments and memorials turn public spaces into representational battlegrounds where power structures and historical narratives are contested (Lake 2006: 2). According to architecture academic James Mayo (1988: 62-75), war memorials are arrangements of space and ar t ef act s whi ch acqui r e meani ng t hr ough a r ange of el ement s whi ch ar e al l i nf l uenced by soci al nor ms. O ne el ement i s t he sent i ment of a war memor i al , meani ng t hat i t may be cat egor i sed as sacred (or religious) or non-sacred (non-religious or profane). The term sacred implies that there is a type of spiritual meaning attached to the memorial, and hence the experience of visitors may be distinguished by certain rituals and behaviour (Elaide, 1959: 23-24). Conversely, the memorial may be non-sacred and so the space takes on various other meanings for visitors. This assessment does not necessarily mean that a non-scared space is immoral or disorderly; it could be orderly but lack a moral message (Mayo, 1988: 63). War memorials can be designed to provide personal messages or institutional proclamations, offer historical interpretations, and to have social purposes, or any combination of these elements. They have utility, which may be modest as i n t he case of a seat or mor e ambi t i ous as i n t he case of a hospi t al or school . T hi s aspect provides war memorials with additional potential layers of meaning.

War memor i al s can be st r uct ur ed so t hat peopl e exper i ence art ef act s, obj ect s and space in a linear process on the one hand, or incorporate a range of effects on the other. When resources are put on display for linear consumption, visitors move past a series of fixed locations and this arrangement tends to produce a single narrative which has a single viewpoint and a controlled ‘argument’ (Hooper-Greenhill, 1990: 63). Other arrangements are able to incorporate motion, three-dimensional perspectives and special effects that enable the curator to give additional meaning and inf luence to displays. Sociologist Tony Bennett (1995) has written extensively on the role of museums as tools of social governance and argues that they are increasingly recognised as not merely institutions that show things, but have degrees of influence and i mpact on cont empor ar y and f ut ur e soci et i es. A s such , t he meani ngs of war memor i al s ar e influenced by the reinterpretation of political history; hence they can be unifying spaces as well as

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sources of tension. Historical events can be emphasised, enhanced, minimised or challenged by museums. H istorian Jay Winter (2012: 150-163) writes that war museums are the sites where moral questions are posed by visitors, and that curators have a critical social task of trying to present war so that visitors are able to ask questions about ‘sacrifice, brotherhood, courage, love, recovery, transcendence’ (150). War memorials have a substantive role in modern society because ‘many more thousands of people visit museums, archives and libraries than read history books and t est i f y i n sur veys t hat t hey pl ace much gr eat er t r ust i n t he i nf or mat i on gai ned f r om museums than from history teachers’ (Lake, 2006: 5-6). Visitors who go to war memorials obtain a col l ect i ve i dent i t y and ar e dr awn t o ‘ i mages t hat r esembl e t hemsel ves and encour age t hei r sel f - confidence’ (Dos Santos, 2003: 31). Thus, war memorials provide a space for development of notions of connection between the people of a nation (Evans and Boswell, 1999; Gillis, 1994; Poulot, 1997, D os Santos, 2003). As such, they are part of the process of nation building and their role is related to the establishment of national goals (Anderson, 2006; Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983, D os Santos, 2003). H istorians Eric H obsbawm (1983), Robert Arnot (1967) and George Mosse (1990) viewed construction of WWI monuments in Post WWI Britain as part of a deliberate attempt by the authorities ‘to consolidate the idea of nationhood, unity, and the meaning of war, in the f ace of the communist threat ’ (Abousnnouga and Machin, 2010: 140). H owever , ‘ i dent i t i es of mat er i al t hi ngs and of museums t hemsel ves ar e unst abl e and pr ecar i ous and subject to constant change and modification’ (Hooper-Greenhill, 1988: 348). Accordingly, the war memorials of the Kokoda Track are examples of public spaces (in Australia), tourist spaces, and communi t y spaces (i n Papua N ew G ui nea) t hat ar e bei ng used t o commemor at e military events and to provide historical narratives. The elements that are present in the war memor i al s and whi ch def i ne t he si t es ar e exami ned i n t he f ol l owi ng sect i ons.

War memorials on the Kokoda Track

Vignettes I and II have highlighted six of the 26 sites that were observed on the Kokoda Track, and t hese were t he K okoda Tr ack M emor i al A r chway (see Pl at e I .6), Sur geon ’s Rock (see Pl at e I.15), Brigade Hill Memorial (see Plates II.2, II.3, II.4), Nishimura’s Memorial at Launumu (see Pl at e I I .8), t he Japanese War M emor i al at K okoda (see Pl at e I I .9), and a t r ee, known as I ppongi (see Plate II.6). While most memorials have plaques or place-markers which inform trekkers of

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the events that occurred at each place, the trek leaders also interpret the wartime events, narrate battlefield stories and give their insights to trekkers. As a general observation, the analysis reveals that the designers of the war memorials appear to have placed a high priority on commemorating the heroism of soldiers and the military history of 1942, but other meanings are also produced by the design, historical interpretation, utility and social purpose of the sites. This section examines the elements of each site and explores how it is used, especially in terms of ‘race’. In order to assist the analysis, the sites are categorised into the following five types (with the number of memorials in brackets): unmarked memorial sites (2), institutional memorials (14), museums (5), per sonal memor i al s (4), and st at ue (1). I mages and br i ef descr i pt i ons of t he war memor i al s ar e al so pr ovi ded.

U nmark ed memorial sit es

As a result of the military campaigns in WWII, the Kokoda Track has numerous battlefield sites which are unmarked and can only be found by referring to maps and stories in trekking diaries (James, 2008). During the fieldwork the trek leader identified two unmarked memorial sites: Sur geon’s Rock (see Pl at e I .15, V i gnet t e I ) and I ppongi (see Pl at e I I .6, V i gnet t e I I ). Bot h si t es ar e undisturbed natural formations which would go unnoticed by trekkers if not pointed out by trek leaders. Surgeon’s Rock is distinguished because it was used (as noted above) by medics to operate on wounded soldiers during the Kokoda Track Campaign. For Australian trekkers, when t he t r ek l eader r epeat ed: ‘ T hat ’ s not a seat !’ , he per f or med a r i t ual whi ch hi ghl i ght ed t he meani ng of t he nar r at i ve. T he t r ek l eader , who was ef f ect i vel y t he st ewar d of t he si t e, encour aged t r ekker s to ponder questions of ‘sacrifice, brotherhood, courage, love, recovery, transcendence’ (Winter 2012: 150). This narrative and performance gave the natural structure a spiritual meaning for Australians.

Another unmarked memorial site (also discussed above) is the tree that is named ‘ Ippongi’.159 The place is not marked and would be overlooked by the trekkers if the trek leader had not identified the tree and narrated the story. The site prompted the trek leader to recall the story of Nishimura, who is also known as the ‘Bone Man of Kokoda’ (Happell, 2008). The story pr ovi ded a Japanese el ement t o t he K okoda T r ack whi ch cont r ast ed wi t h t he A ust r al i an el ement s that dominated many other narrations and place-markings. The trek leader concluded the story by criticising Nishimura, saying that he was discredited and considered by soldiers in his own

159 Ippongi was introduced and described in Vignette I.

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platoon, to be a liar. He described Nishimura’s fame as having been sensationalised by A ust r al i ans. T he power f ul nar r at i ve and per f or mance t hat wer e gi ven by t he t r ek l eader at Ippongi, and at Surgeon’s Rock, are illustrations of how the trek of the Kokoda Track is able to educate, raise awareness, as well as mislead and distort history for trekkers. It is, then, possible to see how events were ‘emphasised, enhanced, minimised or challenged’ in such a way as to unify a national story (Fleming, 2011: 9).

Institutional memorials

The most common type of memorial on the Kokoda Track is the institutional war memorial, and examples range from large structures to simple plaques. An example of a large institutional war memor i al i s t he K okoda T r ack Commemor at i ve A r chway at O wer s’ Cor ner , whi ch was constructed in 1999 and is at the site where Australian soldiers entered the K okoda Track on foot (see Vignette I.6). The shape of the Archway is representative of the contours of the Track as it crosses the Owen Stanley Mountain Range. Each of the supporting pillars has a bronze plaque which commemorates wartime contributions by the six States of Australia and one pillar has a plaque which commemorates the service of the Papua New Guinea Units (see Plate 5.1), st at i ng t hat :

Many natives also gave invaluable service to the Australians outside the normal Australian Army establishment structure particularly as stretch-bearers and in the movement of supplies (Native Carriers). The Native Carriers were given the affectionate nickname the “ Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels” by Australian soldiers. Without the devotion of these Papuan stretch-bearers many more Australians would have died.

The inscription is notable for several reasons, not the least being that on two occasions the Papua N ew G ui neans ar e r ef er r ed t o as ‘ nat i ves’ on a monument t hat was const r uct ed i n 1999 on Papua New Guinean land. The use of this culturally insensitive trope, and its connotations, effectively categorises the Indigenous peoples as primitives, and is typical of the language that was used by missionaries and explorers of the colonial era. Further, the linking of the term ‘ native’ to the ‘affectionate nickname of “Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels” ’ continues the subliminal deni gr at i on of t he Papua N ew G ui neans by t he desi gner s of t he memor i al . T he pl aque st at es t hat ‘many Natives’ gave invaluable service as ‘stretcher-bearers’ and ‘movers of supplies’, but these phrases do not adequately reflect all of the roles that Papua New Guineans performed in reconnoitring, intelligence-gathering and fighting (as was critically examined in Chapter 4). In effect, by reducing the roles of Papua New Guineans to that of ‘invaluable service’, their real war

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effort is minimised and the style of the inscription reinforces the pattern of Whiteness and White Indigeneity that has been identified in previous chapters.

T he K okoda T r ack Commemor at i ve A r chway at O wer ’ s Cor ner has anot her pl aque (mount ed on a l ar ge r ock (see Pl at e 5.2) ) t hat det ai l s t he hi st or y of t he K okoda T r ack Campai gn and geography of the Track. The inscription is written in English and Tok Pisin, and concludes with the paragraph:

The Papuan carriers played an important role in the defense of the K okoda Trail, they transported Australian casualties and supplies. Their loyalty will be remembered forever.160

The top left hand side of the plaque lists fatalities by tabulating the numbers killed on the K okoda Track and in PN G: Australian 475 on K okoda and 1,500 in total; United States of America nil on K okoda and 930 in total; Japan, 12,000 in total; and Papuans, unknown killed. A l so, t he number of wounded ar e gi ven f or A ust r al i a, U ni t ed St at es of A mer i ca and Japan, but the space is blank for Papuans. This presentation of the data suggests that no records were kept of the numbers of Papua New Guineans who were killed or wounded on the Kokoda Track.161 It is likely that Papua New Guineans would have suffered civilian and battlefield casualties because of the dangerous roles that many Papua N ew Guineans perf ormed. N elson (2006: 342) ascer t ai ns t hat :

I n almost every village in areas dislocated by war people were killed by bombs or bullets intended for someone else, executed because they were thought to have aided the other side, or were killed by other Papuans and New Guineans who were agents of the Japanese or Allies or were opportunists.

I n vi ew of such i nt er pol at i ons, t he pl aque at t he K okoda T r ack Commemor at i ve A r chway at Ower’s Corner does not reflect the terrible impact that the War had on the many villages of Indigenous peoples of the Kokoda Track. The rest of this chapter demonstrates that the same coul d be sai d of al most al l war memor i al s on t he K okoda T r ack.

160 Please note that the text adopts the American spelling of defence. 161 Nelson (2006: 341) states that ‘it is impossible to make a precise or even a rough calculation of the numbers of Papuans and New Guineans who were killed during the war’, although he made an estimate for some regions based on the decline in population. He estimates that, during wartime, the populations of New I reland, Bougainville and the Gazelle Peninsula were reduced by over 20,000, but this loss was mainly due to the deprivation and violence that caused fewer conceptions, fewer live births and reduced infant survival (2006: 342).

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Plate 5.1: Plaque on one of the pillars of the Kokoda Track Archway at Owers’ Corner. The plaque commemorates the services provided by the Papua New Guinea Units (photograph by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Plate 5.2: An information plaque at the start of the Kokoda Track at Owers’ Corner. Statistics of the dead and injured are provided in the top left corner (photograph by author, 8/ 06/ 2010).

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T he I sur ava M emor i al (see Pl at e 5.3) , whi ch was opened by A ust r al i an Pr i me M i ni st er John H oward and Papua N ew Guinean Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare in 2002 (see Chapter 3), is on a well-kept site which has a manicured lawn, helicopter pad, and a grand view overlooking the tropical rainforest of the Kokoda Track. The place is marked by four granite monuments which ar e i nscr i bed wi t h t he dedi cat i ons: ‘ cour age’ , ‘ mat eshi p’ , ‘ endur ance’ and ‘ sacr i f i ce’ 162 (see Plate 5.4). There is a plaque at the Isurava Memorial that is written in English and Tok Pisin which st at es t hat t he memor i al :

Commemorates not only those Australians and Papua New Guineans who fought at this site, but all who fought in or supported the battle over the Kokoda Track in 1942. The people of I surava set aside this special site for the commemorative memorial. Funded by the Australian Government, it has been constructed with the approval of the Oro Provincial Government and the Government of Papua New Guinea.

By recognising the Oro Provincial Government and Government of Papua New Guinea, and including Papua New Guineans who fought at Isurava during WWII, the plaque is more inclusive and its terminology more culturally sensitive than the other institutional plaques on the Kokoda Walk (such as the Kokoda Track Archway at Owers’ Corner).

162 These four words are frequently used to define the culture of the Kokoda Track (as discussed in Chapter 3)

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Plate 5.3: The plaque at the Isurava Memorial states that it is a place that witnessed great courage, mateship, suffering and loss (photograph by author, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Plate 5.4: The Four granite monuments at the Isurava Memorial – signifying courage, endurance, mateship and sacrifice (photograph by author, 8/ 06/ 2010).

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Another example of an institutional war memorial is the Brigade Hill War Memorial (in V i gnet t e I I , see Pl at es I I .2, I I .3, I I .4). A s has been al r eady di scussed, t he pl ace i s a sour ce of outpouring of emotion for many trekkers and some plaques on the memorial have been removed as souvenirs (see Plate II.3). The main plaque has an inscription which is in English and Tok Pisin, and includes the following text:

The hill over which you walk was the site where one thousand Australians temporarily held back a much larger Japanese force advancing towards Port Moresby. I n bitter fighting many men of both sides died. Today only their dust and the memories of their sacrifices remain. This area has been preserved by the Koiari people and to them we all extend our gratitude for their thoughtfulness and kindness.

T he pl aque summar i ses t he ‘ bi t t er f i ght i ng’ of t he combat ant s and t he sacr i f i ce of t he sol di er s on bot h si des. T he Papua N ew G ui nean who ar e I ndi genous t o t he ar ea, ar e r ecogni sed but onl y i n terms of their caretaker role of preserving the battlefield site.

T he l ar gest memor i al t o Papua N ew G ui neans, t he Papua War M emor i al , i s l ocat ed wi t hi n t he K okoda War M emor i al on t he K okoda Pl at eau (see Pl at e 5.5). T h i s memor i al i s a prominent white monument that has a dedication to the ‘memory of the native carriers of the Kokoda Track’. The focal point of the monument is a large, coin-shaped, bronze sculpture of three Papua New Guineans using a stretcher to carry a wounded Australian soldier (see Plate 5.6). As was pointed out earlier, the use of the trope ‘native’ is culturally-insensitive and the image reinforces the service role of the Papua New Guinean. The monument of the Papua War Memorial is near three other large white stone monuments and three flag masts (see Plate 5.7). Two of those monuments are dedicated to Australian soldiers and the Australian war effort. There are several small bronze plaques on these stone monuments and one commemorates the pilgrimage by members of the 39th Battalion in 1972, which took place on the 30th anni ver sar y of t he st ar t of t he K okoda T r ack Campai gn (see Pl at e 5.8). A not her pl aque commemor at es t he heroism of Private Bruce Steele Kingsbury VC, an Australian hero of the Kokoda Track campaign:

Who, with great personal courage and at the cost of his life, won the Victoria Cross at I surava by counter-attacking and clearing a path through the enemy position (see Plate 5.9).

T he f our t h monument of t he K okoda War M emor i al i s t he Japanese War M emor i al and was erected by the Japanese Government (see Vignette II, Plate II.9). It sits to the right of the

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A ust r al i an monument s and t he Papua War M emor i al (see Pl at e 5.7). O ne of t he i nscr i pt i ons on the plaque of the Japanese monument reads:

This monument has been erected in memory of all the war dead, Japanese, Papua New Guinean and Australian in appreciation of their greatest courage during the campaigns of Kokoda, Buna and Girua and also to commemorate the landing on July 21 1942 and Japanese Nankai [‘Southern Ocean’] detachment at Gona and its withdrawal from Kumusi on February 7 1943.

The comparison between the various inscriptions on the four monuments of the Kokoda War Memorial reveals that, while individual soldiers and groups of soldiers are named in the dedications to the Australians and Japanese, the Papua New Guineans are homogenised and their roles reduced to that of the ‘native’ carrier. Nonetheless, the Japanese monument does include the Papua New Guineans in its dedication to the memory of the war dead.

Plate 5.5: The Papuan War Memorial in ‘memory of the native carriers of the Kokoda Track’ (photograph by author, 17/ 06/ 2010).

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Plate 5.6: Plaque in the Papuan War Memorial (photograph by Guy, 17/ 08/ 2010).

Plate 5.7: The Kokoda War Memorial on the Kokoda Plateau (photograph by author, 17/ 08/ 2010).

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Plate 5.8: Commemorating the pilgrimage by members of the 39th Battalion on the 30th anniversary of the start of the Kokoda Track Campaign (photograph by author, 17/ 08/ 2010).

Plate 5.9: Plaque commemorating the heroism of Private Bruce Kingsbury VC at the Kokoda War Memorial (photograph by Guy, 17/ 08/ 2010).

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There are two cases of war memorials which have a major function as public utility; a school at Abuari and a hospital at Kokoda. The school has a plaque commemorating the erection of the school house by Rotary Australia, the Abuari peoples and other villagers in 2005. The plaque memorialises the ‘Australian diggers and Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels who fought and died in the K okoda Track Campaign’ (see Plate 5.10). This plaque is unusual in comparison to most other pl aques i n t hat i t acknowl edges t hat Papua N ew G ui neans f ought and di ed dur i ng t he K okoda Track Campaign in July-November 1942. The K okoda Memorial H ospital at K okoda has the primary role of health care but also has a role as providing ‘motel-type’ accommodation for t r ekker s (see Pl at e 5.11). T he si gn at t he ent r ance t o t he hospi t al r eads:

Welcome to the Kokoda Memorial Hospital. Motel type accommodation available for Kokoda Track trekkers and visitors: hot showers, flush toilets, soft beds, refrigerator and gas cooking. Camping sites [are available] with use of facilities. Your Kina helps fund the hospital.

The buildings of the hospital are in good condition, having been built in 1995 by Rotary volunteers, while the facilities are funded by the Australian Government and staffed by Papua New Guineans. The public utilities of the school and the hospital exceeds their secondary purpose of remembering military history and are of great benefit to the local Orokaiva and Koiari peoples, which is an important point of difference to the other twelve institutional memorial sites on the Kokoda Track. The following section examines the public utility of war museums on t he K okoda Tr ack.

Plate 5.10: The plaque commemorating the school house, which was erected in June 2005 in memory of the Australian diggers and Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels (photograph by Guy, 14/ 06/ 2010).

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Plate 5.11: The Kokoda Memorial H ospital at Kokoda (photograph by Guy, 17/ 06/ 2010).

Military museums

There are five military museums on the Kokoda Track and all focus on displaying wartime objects for trekkers. The first is a small memorial museum at Owers’ Corner which displays a restored Australian 25-Pounder Gun (Plate 5.12), a war relic that is similar to the guns that are on display at RSLs and memorial sites in Australia. A bronze plaque provides the visitor with information about the gun, its capabilities and use on the Kokoda Track, and describes how Australian soldiers ‘manually dragged three 25 pounder guns through mud and up steep slopes f or 8 km to Owers’ Corner’. I n September 1942 the guns were used to f ire shells f rom Owers’ Cor ner t o t he Japanese f r ont l i ne at I or i bai wa Ri dge, 10 k i l omet r es away.

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Plate 5.12: The Australian 25 Pound Gun on display at Owers’ Corner. The information plaque is in the background near the guide (photograph by Guy, 8/ 06/ 2010).

Papua New Guineans have established three modest military museums to display the weaponry that they have collected from the land within the vicinity of their villages. At Efogi the museum is housed in a traditional building made of timber, bamboo and grass thatching (see Plate 5.13). War objects were collected from nearby battlefields at Brigade Hill, a place which was the f ocus of f ierce f ighting in September 1942. The displays in the museum contain a range of Australian and Japanese wartime objects, which include rusting swords, rifles, bullet magazi nes, mor t ar s, gr enades, bul l et s, shoes, vases, wat er cont ai ner s, kni ves, hammer s and hand tools (Plate 5.14). There were no guides or Papua New Guineans at this museum, or at any other museum, during the field trip, so the trek leader narrated as the trekkers moved through the museum. A l so, t her e wer e no Papua N ew G ui nean ar t ef act s i n t he museum, and t hi s absence was obser ved t o be t he case i n al l museums.

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Plate 5.13: The military museum at Efogi (photograph by Guy, 12/ 06/ 2010).

Plate 5.14: A display of some of the military artefacts inside the museum at Efogi (photograph by Guy, 12/ 06/ 2010).

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Another military museum is at Diggers Camp and is known as The Sikai Brothers Mortar D ump. Basi c i nf or mat i on was pr ovi ded at t he ent r ance ( See Pl at e 5.15) and t he t r ekki ng gr oup was able to inspect old weaponry, which mostly consists of unexploded mortar bombs and r ust i ng shel l s (Pl at e 5.16). T he Si kai Br ot her s wer e not pr esent , so t he T r ek L eader act ed as t he guide and explained the weaponry on display while warning the trekkers to be careful because the unexploded bombs are still dangerous. It was assumed that the entrance fee of K10.00 was paid by the Trekking Company.

Plate 5.15: The sign at the Sikai Brothers’ Mortar Dump at Diggers Camp (photograph by Guy, 12/ 06/ 2010).

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Plate 5.16: A view of the unexploded mortars and objects at the Sikai Brother’s mortar dump (photograph by Guy, 12/ 06/ 2010).

The third Papua New Guinean military museum is the Japanese Camp Memorial Park at t he O el a Besi G uest house at T empl et on’s Crossi ng near O f i Cr eek (see Pl at e 5.17). I t di spl ays unexpl oded shel l s and mor t ar s as wel l as shovel s and ot her t ool s (see Pl at e 5.18). T he ar ea was used in the war by the Japanese as a delaying defensive position, so it has numerous fox holes, weapons pits and communication trenches, and the trek leader warned the trekkers to be careful because of the unexploded bombs. The Oela Besi Guesthouse appeared to be closed at the time of the visit (June 2010).

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Plate 5.17: The sign at the Oela Besi Guesthouse and Japanese Camp Memorial Park (photograph by Guy, 14/ 06/ 2010).

Plate 5.18: Shells, mortars, shovels and tools at the Oela Besi Guesthouse and Japanese Camp Memorial Park (photograph by Guy, 14/ 06/ 2010).

T he l ar gest mi l i t ar y museum on t he K okoda T r ack i s t he H er ber t K i enzl e War M emor i al M useum, whi ch i s l ocat ed on t he K okoda Pl at eau near t he I sur ava M emor i al , and t he obj ect s i n the museum were donated by H erbert and Meryl K ienzle in 1972. I t was opened in 1995 by Papua New Guinean Prime Minister Sir Julius Chan and Australian Prime Minister Paul Keating (see Pl at e 5.19), and i s a moder n bui l di ng whi ch cont ai ns hi st or i c i mages and t ext t hat def i ne t he military history of the Kokoda Track. The museum was closed at the time of the visit, as was the

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Tourist Information Centre located next to it, but online blogs provide photographs and information about the displays. The remains of a wing from a military aircraft lean against the Tourist Information Centre and a brass plaque commemorates the opening of the museum. The inscription on the plaque at the Tourist Information Centre states that Captain Kienzle was an officer in the Australian New Guinea Administrative Unit (ANGAU), and that he was:

I nstrumental in marshalling the force of the Papuan carriers and in developing supply arrangements that, together, proved decisive in enabling the Australian Forces to withstand and ultimately defeat the Japanese advance across the Owen Stanley Range. A strong and enduring bond of friendship and affection exists between the Kienzle family and the people of Oro Province.

The inscription conveys a message that Captain Bert Kienzle had the important ability to or gani se t he Papua N ew G ui neans as car r i er s f or t he war ef f or t , as wi l l be di scussed i n t he section that follows.

Plate 5.19: The plaque at the Herbert Kienzle Memorial Museum (photograph by Guy, 17/ 06/ 2010).

Personal memorials

T her e ar e f our exampl es of per sonal war memor i al s t hat ar e on t he K okoda T r ack. T he t hr ee Australian memorials have been laid within the last ten years while the Japanese war memorial was laid in 1989 by the ‘Bone Man of Kokoda’, Koichi Nishimura. Plate 5.20 is a photograph of the plaque that commemorates the death of Lieutenant Thomas (Butch) Bisset, who died in the arms of his brother, Captain Stan Bisset on 30th August 1942. The plaque was laid by family and f riends in 2005 and is within a f ew metres of Surgeon’s Rock (an unmarked site which has been

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di scussed above - see V i gnet t e I , Bi sset ’ s pl aque i s on a r ock i n t he backgr ound of Pl at e I .15). T he i nscr i pt i on on Bi sset ’s pl aque st at es:

The true, the noble and the brave do die in body but their spirit dwells for evermore in the habitations and hearts of those they loved and served.

In spite of the spiritual nature of the message on the plaque, it is noticeable that it has been scratched with initials and graffiti. It has been observed that some visitors, who go to war memorials, obtain a collective identity and are drawn to ‘images that resemble themselves and encourage their self -conf idence’ (D os Santos, 2003: 31). Perhaps, then, some visitors may be seeking to be part of the wartime story by writing on the plaque.

Plate 5.20: The Bisset memorial near Surgeon’s Rock (photograph by author, 15/ 06/ 2010).

A not her per sonal memor i al t o a K okoda T r ack vet er an i s f ound at I sur ava, wher e t he ashes of Bill Guest were spread on 28th August 2007, the 65th anniversary of the battle of Isurava. T he si t e i s mar ked by a commemor at i ve pl aque t o Ser geant W.J. G uest of t he 39 th Battalion, which has the inscription:

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This is a shrine that honours all diggers, this is where memories are fostered and triggered, and when you are here, t hi nk of t he t rai l , where a step was a t ri umph, when vict ory was vei led.

Another personal memorial is dedicated to the memory of I an Bergman who died aged 35 years on 14th June 2006163 whi l e on t he K okoda T r ack (see Pl at e 5.21) . T he memor i al i s i nscr i bed wi t h the words:

He walked this Track in the spirit of mateship, with honour and respect for those who fought in the Kokoda Campaign to serve and protect Australia and Papua New Guinea.

This plaque is unusual because Bergman was not a veteran. It also reminds trekkers of the health risks and dangers involved in undertaking this journey.

The war memorial of the Japanese veteran Koichi Nishimura has been described already (Vignette II, see Plate II.8) and its inscription: ‘to the loyal war dead’ is the title of the previous vignette. The Trek Leader told the trekkers that the memorial has been vandalised on several occasions by Australian trekkers who believe that it does not belong on the Track. Local Papua N ew G ui neans have, as al r eady not ed, mai nt ai ned N i shi mur a’ s memor i al and pr eser ve t he headstone which has the engraving in Japanese. The vandalism raises the question of ownership of the Kokoda Track, and illustrates how some latter-day Australian trekkers feel that they have the right to decide what should be on the Track. These trekkers did not fight in WWII and most probably were born after WWII, yet they believe that they have the right to control the Track in some r espect s. I cont end t hat t hi s at t i t ude i s evi dence of a cl ai m of Whi t e I ndi genei t y, wher eby t he event s of t he K okoda T r ack Campai gn have enabl ed some A ust r al i ans t o bel i eve t hat t hey can supplant Papua New Guineans as owners and managers of the Kokoda Track.

163 Bergman was two days into his trek when he collapsed and could not be revived. His official cause of death was recorded as ‘probable electrolyte imbalance as a consequence of dehydration and heat exhaustion’ (Date, 2008: n.p.).

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Plate 5.21. Commemorative plaque for Ian Bergman, a trekker who died while on the Kokoda Track in 2006 (photograph by author, 9/ 06/ 2010).

All of the personal memorials that were present on the Kokoda Track speak in a spiritual way of honour , mat eshi p, br aver y and l oyal t y. I t i s not ewor t hy t hat t her e i s an absence of pl aques which commemorate the lives of individual Papua New Guineans or their efforts during the Kokoda Track Campaign. There appears to be a lack of participation of local Papua New Guineans in the practice of memorialisation on the Kokoda Track. This provisional analytical conclusion is supported by the observation that local Papua New Guineans were not present at t he museums and memor i al s. T he exper i ences of t r ekker s of t he K okoda T r ack shoul d not be diminished by learning about the history of Papua New Guinea and its cultures. Place-markings coul d f eat ur e st or i es of pl aces t hat ar e si gni f i cant t o t he Papua N ew G ui neans, as wel l as st or i es of community life and of persons who are identified by the local people as important, such as tribal chiefs, legendary warriors, and surviving Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels. However, the human story of t he Papua N ew G ui nean i s negl ect ed on t he K okoda T r ack.

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Statue

The war memorial at McDonalds’ Corner (also known as Ilolo by locals) is unique because it has a st at ue t hat r epr esent s an A ust r al i an sol di er (see Pl at e 5.22). T he whi t e st at ue i s poi sed wi t h r i f l e and bayonet, reminiscent of the skeleton of a soldier.

Plate 5.22. The war memorial at McDonalds’ Corner, Ilolo, with a statue, garden and plaques (photograph by author, 8/ 06/ 2010).

The following section now examines the war memorials on the Kokoda Track in order to discuss their significance and meanings.

Discussion of the war memorials of the Kokoda Track

T he K okoda T r ack can be vi ewed as a l i near memori al wal k mar ked by war memor i al s t hat have been predominantly built by Australians to honour their dead and to educate visitors about aspects of Australia’s military history. The war memorials have a broad range of designs and plaques which reflect the preferred meanings of the various people and groups who constructed

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them. The inscriptions on the plaques provide visitors with details of wartime stories and reinforce the projected characteristics of Australian soldiers: loyalty, mateship, endurance and sacrifice (Isurava Memorial, Plate 5.4). The visitors, who are predominantly Australian trekkers on guided tours, learn about Australia’s military history through narratives and performances by trek leaders. The memorials provide trekkers with emotional experiences and some Australian trekkers feel empowered by their feelings of Australian identity to act at memorials sites: initials are scratched on Bisset’s memorial, bronze plaques are souvenired from the Brigade Hill War Memorial, and Nishimura’s War Memorial is vandalised. The war memorials provide trekkers with structures which some people use to perform acts of national identity and as a place for developing solidarity and membership between the people of the nation (Evans and Boswell, 1999; Gillis, 1994; Poulot, 1997, D os Santos, 2003). I n spite of the evidence that the war memorials are effective at assisting Australians to ‘find’ their national identity, these place- markings on the Kokoda Track lack a depth of meaning in the commemoration of the Papua New Guinean – an issue that is the focus of this section.

St ar t i ng wi t h t he t er ms t hat ar e used, t he i nscr i pt i on on t he memor i al pl aques gener al l y refer to Papua New Guineans as ‘natives’, ‘native carriers’ or ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’ (see Plates 5.1, 5.2, 5.5). These stereotypes ideologically-loaded terms were commonly used in the period of WWII, but most war memorials on the Kokoda Track were constructed in recent decades, meaning that the terminology does not reflect modern changes in attitudes to ‘race’. Their use is evidence of Whiteness and they portray Papua New Guineans as primitive and animal-like. Terms like ‘natives’ and ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’, as discussed above, reinforce Othering and help build a national identity for Australians by reiterating the popular narrative of the heroic digger and the loyal, helpful ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ carrier. Secondly, in the instances where war memorials commemorate Papua New Guineans, they do so only to recognise the supporting role that they played in WWII and to develop the story of Australian military (see Plates 5.1, 5.2 and t he Papuan M emor i al i n Pl at es 5.8 and 5.9). Papua N ew G ui neans ar e pr edomi nant l y char act er i sed as st r et cher - bear er s, and car r i er s of wounded and of suppl i es. T he key el ement t hat is lacking in these memorial sites is acknowledgement or information of the cultural history of t he Papua N ew G ui neans. E xcept f or t he pl aque at t he H er ber t K i enzl e M useum, whi ch r ef er s to the people of Oro Province (see Plate 5.19), the war memorials generally use terms that refer to Papua New Guineas as a single homogeneous group and there is little attempt to educate the trekker about the complex culture of the peoples of Papua New Guinea. This generalisation may indicate a lack of participation of Papua New Guineans in the planning process, which has been r ecogni sed as a pr obl em f or ot her memor i al si t es (M ar kwel l et al., 2004: 458). The memorial

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museums on t he K okoda T r ack do not di spl ay cul t ur al ar t ef act s, r at her t hey f ocus ent i r el y on memorabilia from the battles of WWII. For example, the Sekai Brothers Mortar Dump (Plates 5.10 and 5.11) and the Oela Besi Guesthouse and Japanese Camp Memorial Park (Plates 5.12 and 5.13) only show weaponry and items from the battles of WWII. These modest facilities, which have been constructed and maintained by Papua New Guineans, could indicate that t r ekker s t o t he K okoda T r ack ar e r ar el y i nt er est ed i n l ear ni ng about Papua N ew G ui neans at any level beyond their connection to Australian military history.

Some inscriptions on the memorial plaques appear to subconsciously and seamlessly demonstrate the attitudes of the builders of the memorials. This point is in agreement with the position of Heathcote (1999: 68), who (as noted) stated that memorials contain a wealth of i nf or mat i on about t hei r bui l der s. T he i nscr i pt i on on t he memor i al pl aque at t he H er ber t K i enzl e Memorial Museum actually demonstrates all of the assumed four special abilities of Whiteman that Bashkow identified in his research of the Orokaivan People of the region. The inscription describes the ability of Captain Kienzle to marshal single-handedly the carriers and to develop supply arrangements. This inscription demonstrates suasion, or the ability to organise things so that there is social cohesion, which is one of the ‘special abilities’ of Whiteman (Bashkow, 2006: 67). T he i nscr i pt i on al so r eveal s t hat Capt ai n K i enzl e and hi s f ami l y demonst r at ed anot her abi l i t y of Whiteman which, according to Bashkow, is the ability to accumulate wealth and assets. The Kienzles were the owners of the Mamba Estate of nearby Yodda Valley who accumulated the collection or objects that are housed in the museum. Further, the inscription demonstrates two more of Bashkow’s abilities of Whiteman - to have influence over long distances and in time. T he memor i al st at es t hat K i enzl es ‘ now l i e at r est i n A l l ambe G ar den of M emor i es, Q ueensl and, but their spirits live on at Kokoda and are honoured here’, which can be interpreted as meaning that decades after the Kienzle’s left this place for one that is far from Kokoda, they still are being recognised. The K ienzle’s have perpetuated their influence and renown over time and space.

Bashkow’s posited special abilities of Whiteman can be observed in other war memorials on the Kokoda Track. The organisation of trekking tours that pass through villages and communities along the Kokoda Track is an example of Whiteman’s suasion or ability to organise social harmony to fit with Whiteman desires. Another special ability of Whiteman is fecundity and ability to produce wealth, which is ‘paralleled by Whiteman’s special capacity for making money’ (Bashkow, 2006: 67). The cost of building the memorials inf orms the Papua N ew G ui nean t hat A ust r al i ans have suf f i ci ent spar e f unds t o const r uct memor i al s i n a di st ant l and, and that tour operators are able to prof it f rom tourism. The mere sight of 3,000 to 4,000

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Australian trekkers passing through their villages every year must be a curious experience for the local people, and is an overt demonstration to them of the wealth of Whiteman. Another special ability of Whiteman is the ‘talent’ to perpetuate one’s own influence and renown, or ‘Whiteman’s special capacity for creating lasting objects and knowledge that endure with time’ (Bashkow, 2006: 67). Bronze plaques and stone monuments have been constructed which have endured for decades and appear to be indestructible in comparison to locally used materials.

This thesis goes further and claims that White Indigeneity is another special ability which has moved from its roots in Australia to control invisibly and subconsciously the communal land of the Kokoda Track and to manage, to some extent, the peoples who live there. This additional ability of Whiteman is evident at Herbert Kienzle Museum. Captain Kienzle and his family owned Mamba Estate and his narrative and influence have supplanted those of the Indigenous inhabitants whose ancestors have occupied the land for tens of thousands of years. In fact, the whole of the Kokoda Track can be considered in this way to be an example of White Indigeneity. The Australian Government, RSL, Rotary, Trekking companies and Australian trekkers have taken over the control of the land that was the scene of ferocious battles in 1942. T oday, many A ust r al i ans use t he K okoda T r ack as a si t e of pi l gr i mage and as a means of f or gi ng Australian national identity. In this process they have usurped control of the land from the Indigenous inhabitants through White Indigeneity. The following section examines the memorialising of the Kokoda Track in Australia.

Memorialising the Kokoda Track in Australia

As part of the growing interest in the Kokoda Track among Australians in recent decades, almost ever y St at e and T er r i t or y has const r uct ed a K okoda T r ack memor i al wal k dedi cat ed t o t he military actions of soldiers on the Kokoda Track during WWII (see Table 5.1). Many of these walks attempt to provide the visitor with a ‘snapshot’ of the experiences of trekking the Kokoda Track in Papua New Guinea. These ‘snapshots’ are communicated through the use of place- markers to indicate to the visitor the names of villages and to provide information about the key bat t l es t hat t ook pl ace on t he K okoda T r ack. T he war memor i al wal ks r ecogni se t he vet er ans who served on the Kokoda Track and provide education ‘on our Australian heritage for current

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and future generations’ (RSL NSW, n.d.: n.p.). The following section reports and reflects on f i el dwor k obser vat i ons t hat wer e made at t he K okoda T r ack M emor i al Wal kway, at Concor d i n Sydney, N ew Sout h Wal es and t he K okoda T r ai l M emor i al Wal k, at St . A gnes i n A del ai de, Sout h Australia.

Table 5.1. Kokoda Track Memorial Walks in Australia.

State or Suburb Name Constructed Territory NSW Concord Kokoda T r ack Memorial Walkway 1994 ACT Campbell K okoda T r ai l M emor i al 164 1999 VIC Dandenong 1,000 Steps: the Kokoda Track 1998 Ranges Memorial Walk165 SA St . Agnes Kokoda T r ai l M emor i al Wal k 1995 WA Kings Par k Kokoda T r ack Memorial Walk (not avai l abl e) QLD Cascade Kokoda M emor i al Wal k 1992 Gardens

Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway at Concord

The Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway at Concord is located in a quiet, leafy park on the banks of Port Jackson near Ryde Bridge in the City of Canada Bay, Sydney. Visitors are serviced by the Kokoda Café, a large car park, and a public bus service which passes by nearby Concord Hospital. The walk is a self-directed interactive walking tour in which visitors are provided with information about the military history of the Kokoda Track through signs, images, plaques, recorded audio-tape and the design of the landscape. At the start of the walk the main sign (see Plate 5.23) provides the visitor with a map of the locations of interpretive displays and a comprehensive list of sponsors, which includes RSL Branches, Battalions, and individuals as well

164 Located at the start of the Mount Ainslie walk track. 165 The walk was created in the early 1900s but was adopted and renamed by the Victorian veterans of Kokoda Victoria in 1998 as their memorial site. As a result 14 plaques were installed along the walk dedicated to Australians who fought and died on the Kokoda Track (Dandenong Ranges National Park, 2011).

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as G ol d and Si l ver cor por at e sponsor s. M any of t he sponsor s ar e f oot bal l t eams (N RL ) and t he walk is dotted with sponsorship plaques which usually only serve to promote the sponsor’s name (see Plate 5.24), and visitors follow paths and stop at interpretative signs to listen, read and i magi ne (see Pl at es 5.25 and 5.26). T he l ar gest st r uct ur e on t he wal k i s an amphi t heat r e, whi ch has a st one monument i n t he cent r e and st one wal l s t hat ar e engr aved wi t h wel l - known i mages of the K okoda Track (see Plates 5.27 and 5.28).

Plate 5.23. Signage at the entrance to the Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway, Concord, NSW (photograph by author, 5/ 10/ 2010).

Plate 5.24. Example of a plaque of a Gold sponsor - the Cronulla Sutherland Sharks, an N RL club (photograph by author, 5/ 10/ 2010).

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Plate 5.25. The interpretative display for Owers’ Corner. Visitors are able to read, examine maps and photographs as well as listen (photograph by author, 5/ 10/ 2010).

Plate 5.26. Interpretative display of Templeton’s Crossing. The display contains photographs, text, a diagram and a recorded message. Three sponsorship plaques are visible in the bottom of the photograph (photograph by author, 5/ 10/ 2010).

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Plate 5.27. The amphitheatre has a central stone monument and is surrounded by stone walls engraved with images from the Kokoda Track (photograph by author, 5/ 10/ 2010).

Plate 5.28. The stone walls of the amphitheatre are engraved with famous images and key words such as mateship and Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel (photograph by author, 5/ 10/ 2010).

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The Kokoda Trail Memorial Walk at St. Agnes

The Kokoda Trail Memorial Walk at St. Agnes is located in a bushland setting in the City of Tea Tree Gully in Adelaide, South Australia. It is serviced by public buses and has street parking for visitors (see Plate 5.29). The walk is a self-directed walking tour in which visitors are provided with information about the military history of the Kokoda Track through signs, images, plaques and the landscape. The main sign is modest and simple in its acknowledgement of the groups t hat assi st ed i n const r uct i ng t he si t e (see Pl at e 5.30). Unl i ke t he memor i al wal k at Concor d, St . A gnes does not pr ovi de vi si t or s wi t h a map of t he K okoda T r ack or a di agr am of t he si t e. T he messages on t he si gns ar e conci se and t here ar e no audi o -r ecor ded messages. E ver y pl aque has a l ar ge i nscr i pt i on at t he bot t om: ‘ A ust r al i a r emember s’ as shown on t he pl aque whi ch commemor at es t he ‘ K okoda Campai gn 1942’ (see Pl at e 5.31) and t he pl aque f or t he Bat t l e of I sur ava (see Pl at e 5.32). T he ef f or t s of t he Papua N ew G ui neans ar e r ecogni sed i n t he pl aque The K okoda Trail – The Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels (see Plate 5.33). The inscription on the plaque says that the wounded:

were carried out on native-made stretchers (two poles with a cloth support), as the regulation army stretchers were of little use in the steep and rugged terrain. The role of the stretcher bearer was often fulfilled by the native people of Papua New Guinea, known affectionately as the ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy A ngel s’ who saved many Aust r al i an l i ves by t hei r assi st ance.

Papua New Guineans are referred to as ‘native people’ and ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’ in the inscription. The term ‘native’ is, as noted above, contentious and is used in a similar way in plaques on the Kokoda Track (see Plate 5.1). Sponsorship by the 2/ 27th Battalion provided a viewing seat and sponsorship by the Tea Tree Gully Lions Club funded a miniature bridge (see Pl at e 5.34) as wel l as a mi ni at ur e st ai r way (Pl at e 5.35). T her e i s one monument i n t he wal k t hat has an inscription stating that it was ‘erected in honour of 2,000 Australian Military casualties incurred in the retaking of Kokoda 2nd N ovember 1942’ (see Plate 5.36). There is a children’s playground located near the monument and it can be seen in the background in Plate 5.34. The viewing seat, bridge, stairway and children’s playground all provide amenities for the visitor and locals.

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Plate 5.29: The Kokoda Trail Walk at St Agnes is located in a bushland setting and is serviced by public transport (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

Plate 5.30: The sign at the start of the St Agnes Kokoda Track Memorial Trail (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

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Plate 5.31: The summary statement of the Kokoda Campaign (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

Plate 5.32: The plaque commemorating the Battle of Isurava and the counter attack by Private Kingsbury VC (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

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Plate 5.33: The plaque commemorating the help provided to Australia’s injured soldiers by Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

Plate 5.34: Imitation steps and a children’s playground in the background (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

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Plate 5.35: Imitation bridge (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

Plate 5.36: Monument to the victory of Australian soldiers on the Kokoda Track – retaking Kokoda on 2nd N ovember, 1942 (photograph by author, 2/ 07/ 2013).

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Discussion of the Kokoda Track Memorial Walks in Australia

Both of the Kokoda Track memorial walks (Concord and St Agnes) that were examined provide spaces wi t h di spl ays t hat encour age a col l ect i ve nat i onal st or y f or t he vi si t or , and as such t hese walks are part of the process of nation building (Anderson, 2006; Hobsbawm and Ranger, 1983; D os Santos, 2003). H owever, the K okoda Track memorial walks are dif f erent to many other war memorials in Australia insofar as each memorial provides a linear walk in an external bush setting which, to some extent, imitates the Kokoda Track. At St Agnes the walk has earthy pathways, a bridge and stairway with simple displays, while at Concord the built landscape has a design which emphasises tropical vegetation (for example palms) as well as a focus on several large, iconic i mages of t he K okoda T r ack Campai gn. A t St A gnes t he memor i al wal k bl ends i nt o t he l ocal bushl and set t i ng and t her e i s l ess f or mal i t y, wher eas at t he memor i al wal k at Concor d t her e i s an obvious effort to create a jungle habitat on the foreshores of the Parramatta River. Furthermore, t her e i s commer ci al act i vi t y at Concor d wi t h t he ‘ K okoda Caf é’ , whi l e at St A gnes t her e i s amenity in a children’s playground. The main sign at St Agnes states that much of the work was built and designed by locals, and this aspect contrasts with the message on signs at Concord which displays the names of sponsors, who boldly attach their brand to the military history of Kokoda and align themselves with its dominant narrative.

A t Concor d, i n cont r ast t o St . A gnes, t her e i s a gr eat er f ocus on educat i ng vi si t or s about Australia’s military history, with more detailed signage and audio narratives to assist the visitor. Nevertheless, the significant cultural element that has been omitted from the signage at Concord is the historical link between the Kokoda Track and Concord Hospital. Concord Hospital, which is located next to the Memorial Walk, was known as Yaralla Military Hospital during and after WWI I 166. Yaralla had the sole purpose of treating injured soldiers and veterans in the period 1942-1977 and many soldiers who fought on the Kokoda Track received treatment there for war injuries or tropical diseases that they contracted in Papua New Guinea. Despite this important historical element, the Kokoda Track Memorial Walkway at Concord does not make mention of it, denoting a ‘familiar problem concerning whose stories come to define a place and through which processes’ (Markwell et al., 2004: 458). The cultural planning at Concord is not stated, but

166 In 1939 the Thomas Walker Convalescent Hospital was commissioned as a general hospital for the Australian Army and was completed in 1942 and named the Yaralla Military Hospital. I t was the largest hospital in the southern hemisphere, with 2,000 beds. Following WWI I the hospital was renamed the Repatriation General Hospital, Concord. I n 1977 it opened an emergency department for the general community and in 1993 the hospital was transferred from Commonwealth jurisdiction to the NSW Department of Health.

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at St A gnes t her e has been l ocal communi t y i nvol vement i n t he desi gn and const r uct i on, and as a result its Memorial Walk has utility for the local community.

T he t er ms ‘ nat i ve peopl e’ and ‘ Fuzzy Wuzzy A ngel ’ ar e r epeat edl y used at bot h wal ks, which is consistent with the terminology on the Kokoda Track in Papua New Guinea. The terms and t he i mages at Concor d (see Pl at es 5.28 and 5.33) r ei nf or ce t he t r opes of t he Papua N ew Guinean, as shown in Chapter 4, in order to assist in forging an Australian national identity. According to Director of National Museums Liverpool, David Fleming war museums are socially responsible institutions that have the ability to promote greater inclusion and social harmony (2011: 9). H owever, while the K okoda Track Memorial Walks in Australia appear to be unifying spaces for Whites in the Australian community, their tropes of the Papua New Guineans are grounded in colonial attitudes and discourses. The sections that follow examine the displays of the AWM, Australia’s largest war memorial.

The Second World War Gallery of the AWM

T he pr evi ous sect i ons exami ned t he many K okoda T r ack memor i al s i n Papua N ew G ui nea and Australia and found that place-marking and inscriptions show varying degrees of Whiteness and White Indigeneity. This section examines the displays in the Second World War Gallery of the AWM because, firstly, it continues to attract almost one million visitors each year (see Figure 5.1) and, (as noted above) according to Lake (2006: 5-6), people place greater trust in the information t hat t hey gai n f r om museums and memor i al s t han f r om hi st or y t eacher s. Secondl y, t he A WM contains Australia’s largest collection of texts and artefacts (including official records, private records, historical objects, artworks, photographs, films, audio recordings and books) on the Paci f i c T heat r e and on t he K okoda T r ack campai gn. A l so, t he di spl ays i n t he Second Wor l d War Gallery were examined because an extensive analysis of the space has not yet been conducted. The paragraphs that follow summarise the history and background of the AWM in order to cont ext ual i se t he space f or anal ysi s.

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69000 A t t endance at commemor at i ve 56067 ceremonies 47010 46356

193700 Participation in interpretive 330000 progr ams and event s 252000 203000

200400 Visitors to travelling and touring 136000 exhibitions 298000 204000

127000 Visits by school students to 127730 Memorial 125800 125000

900500 835000 Visitors to Memorial 832242 868828

4167000 3600000 Visitors to Memorial's website 3000000 3000000

0 2000000 4000000 2012-2013 2011-2012 2010-2011 2009-2010

Figure 5.1: Visitors and types of visitors to the AWM in the years 2009 to 2013. (Data from AWM Annual Reports).

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The idea of preserving Australia’s military history and forming the Anzac legacy can be t r aced back (as di scussed above) t o A ust r al i a’ s of f i ci al war cor r espondent , Char l es Bean, whi l e he was reporting from the battlefields in France. Bean’s (1918) book In Your H ands, Australians envisioned that the future Memorial should house ‘for all time… the scared memories of the A.I .F.’ (Piggott, 2012: 127). I n May 1916 the Australian War Records Section was established as the military unit responsible for collecting war-related material and to ensure the preservation of records related to WWI . The Australian War Records Section collected over 25,000 objects as well as paper records, photographs and artworks, and initially displayed these objects in the Exhibition Building, Melbourne (see Plate 5.37)167 before showing them in large, long-running exhibitions in both Sydney and Melbourne. I n 1922 the AWM was opened on Anzac D ay in Melbourne, where it remained for three years before being moved to Sydney for exhibition until 1935.

Plate 5.37: E arly advertisements for the Australian War Memorial. (Images from the Museum Victoria website).

167 Pictures from the Guidebook to the Australian War Museum. Written by Charles Bean and published by Osboldstone & Co. Pty Ltd in Melbourne 1922. Accessed from the Museum Victoria website: http:/ / museumvictoria.com.au/ collections/ items/ 253568/ guidebook-australian-war-museum-melbourne-1922/

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On 8th N ovember 1923 Federal Cabinet approved the site of the Memorial at the f oot of Mount Ainslie, and in 1925 the Australian War Memorial Act established the nation’s memorial to Australian men and women who have died while on active service.168 I n 1927 a competition to design the architecture of the AWM produced no winning entry, but two entrants, Emil Sodersten and John Crust, both Sydney-based architects, were invited jointly to produce a design. The project was negatively affected by budgetary constraints during the Great D epr essi on and t he year s t hat f ol l owed. H owever , t he A WM was of f i ci al l y opened on Remembrance D ay, 11th N ovember 1941 by Governor General Lord Gowrie, although the building’s Roll of Honour and Hall of Memory were not completed until after WWII. Since its opening the main building has continued to expand to provide space for memorialising subsequent wars, conflicts, travelling/ temporary exhibitions, cafes, car parks, a research centre and landscaping.

Plate 5.38: The AWM Canberra (photograph by author, 6/ 09/ 12).

T oday t he A WM cover s appr oxi mat el y 12,000 squar e met r es at t he nor t her n end of Anzac Parade (Plate 5.38). Bean originally conceived of the memorial being situated ‘on some hill-top[,] still, beautiful, gleaming white and silent’ (AWM). Although the Memorial is not positioned on a hilltop as envisaged by Bean in 1918, nevertheless it is elevated above Canberra’s

168 In 1980 the role of the AWM was redesigned as that of a museum and research centre housing a diverse collection on important events in Australian history.

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central business district and Parliament House. The AWM consists of three parts (Plate 5.39): the Commemorative Area (shrine) which includes the Hall of Memory and the Tomb of the Unknown Australian Soldier; the Memorial’s Galleries (museum), and the Research Centre (r ecor ds). O ut si de t he A WM t he gar den i s home t o scul pt ur es and pl aques of ever y company of every Australian battalion. The main entrance on the upper level consists of the Roll of Honour along two walkways leading up to the Hall of Mem or y. A t gr ound l evel t her e ar e t wo gal l er i es on either side of the building; to the left is the WWI Gallery and to the right the Second World War Gallery. The lower level contains ‘Conf licts 1945 to Today’, the ‘Research Centre’, ‘Education Space’ and t he ‘ Speci al E xhi bi t i ons G al l er y’ . T he A WM museum (t he t wo gal l er i es) possesses Australia’s largest collection of artworks, relics, artefacts and documents from colonial conflicts in other countries (including the Boer War and the Boxer Rebellion) to conflicts of the present day. T he M emor i al has a t ot al of over 35,000 wor ks of ar t and ‘ has one of t he l ar gest t hemat i c [photographic] collections in the world’, with almost one million negative photographic images, of which over 250,000 have been digitalised and made available on the Memorial’s website (Wilkins, 2010: 24; Lakin, 2006: vii, xi). The museum component allows f or education, information and evidence to be thoroughly laid out for visitors in order to describe Australian involvement in conflicts and wars.

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Plate 5.39: Plan of the AWM, Canberra (photograph by author using the author’s own numbering, AWM website 2012).

The focus of this chapter is restricted to the Second World War Gallery (Plate 5.39), whi ch i s subdi vi ded by t he Memor i al i nt o si x par t s based on t he cur at or ’s vi ew of t he key event s in WWI I . The six parts are as f ollows: 1) 1939: War is declared; 2) 1940-41: Victory and def eat; 3) 1942: Turning point ; 4) 1942-44: Beginning of the end; 5) 1943-44: N ew Guinea of f ensive; and 6) 1944-45: Final campaigns. These parts are quite large, so for ease of analysis the six parts of the Second World War Gallery are subdivided here into 16 smaller sections (as shown in Plate 5.39). The thesis focuses on the design and display content, especially concerning ‘race’, in

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Sections 5-9, 13 and 16, with the displays of the K okoda Track Campaign mainly f ound in Section 9. The AWM perceives that its role is to ‘successfully achieve its outcome’ of clearly representing war and conflict as having shaped ‘Australian identity’ to visitors, as is evidenced in mat er i al f r om t he f ol l owi ng t hr ee A WM A nnual Repor t s169:

AWM Report 2010-11: Nine out of ten surveyed visitors believe that the Australian experience of war has been a very important factor in shaping the Australian identity. These results demonstrate that the Memori al i s successf ul ly achievi ng i t s out come (2010-11: 14).

AWM Report 2011-12: The Memorial’s General Visitor Survey recorded that 90 per cent of visitors surveyed thought that the Australian experience of war has been important in shaping the Australian identity, with 76 per cent saying it has been very or extremely important (2011-12: 14).

AWM Report 2012-13: In the General Visitor Survey, visitors are asked to rate how important they think the Australian experience of war was in shaping the Australian identity. This year 80 per cent of respondents rated it as being important to extremely important, compared with 76 per cent last year. These visitors were more likely to be aged 55 years or over (2012-13: 14).

Given the Memorial’s perception of its role as shaping Australian identity through its representations of war, it is imperative that the sections which are relevant to the Kokoda Track are critically examined. Also, because of the findings in the previous sections of this chapter, the AWM’s representation of ‘race’ in the Second World War Gallery warrants close analysis. Further, the following sections examine the degree to which the displays offer insight into the current trends in the performance of nationalism and of national identity, and in the growing interest in Australia’s military history, especially regarding the Kokoda Track.

Sections in the World War II Gallery

I n 1997 the AWM conducted a study to collect and synthesise its visitors’ responses through sur veys, f ocus gr oups and t r acki ng st udi es. T he ai m of t he st udy was t o hel p t he M emor i al construct its displays and to improve the information in the First and WWII galleries (Ferguson, 1997). The findings indicated that visitors were split as to how the Japanese should be

169 The AWM has self-published an annual report since 2009-10. The style is similar to that of annual reports of many government departments with the reporting year being from 1st Jul y t o 30 th June (f i nanci al year ). A l so, t he annual reports include terms that are indicative of government reporting jargon, such as ‘key performance indicator’, ‘overall performance against the outcome’, ‘output’ and ‘deliverable’. The reporting style is a reminder for some r eader s t hat t he A WM i s an agency of t he D epar t ment of Vet erans’ A f f ai r s.

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represented. Veterans and those touched by WWII believed that humanising the Japanese enemy would be inappropriate and could potentially excuse the Japanese mistreatment of Australian POWs. However, the study found that visitors ‘whose lives were not touched by war wanted to be abl e t o f i nd out about t he enemy [ … ] and t o under st and t hei r mot i vat i ons, cul t ur e and behaviour […] and wanted to see a balanced representation of war that showed both sides of the story’ (Ferguson, 1997: 28). Based on the f indings of the study, the AWM decided to ‘draw at t ent i on t o t he humani t y of t he [ Japanese] enemy by r ef er r i ng t o enemy sol di er s by name and using artefacts, objects and photos that communicate our shared humanity’ (1997: 28). In light of this background, the sixteen sections of the Second World War Gallery of the AWM are now anal ysed.

Section 1

When entering the first section of the Second World War Gallery there is an obvious change in lighting. The room is noticeably darker and individual spotlights have been installed to illuminate displays and to direct the visitor’s focus. Section 1 introduces the key nations (Germany, Italy, Japan) that under ‘military dictators […] led the world into a second global conflict’ (Plate 5.40). Bl ack, r ed and gr ey col our s domi nat e i n t hi s sect i on. T he A WM uses enl ar ged bl ack - and- whi t e phot ogr aphs whi ch ef f ect i vel y enhance cont r ast and shadows i n t he space. T hese i mages may be known to visitors, or are similar to others of the period, and symbols of the Nazi swastika and the Japanese Imperial flag assist in establishing the context of this gallery. The use of black-and- whi t e phot ogr aphs gi ves t he i mpr essi on t o t he vi ewer t hat t hese i mages ar e f r om t he past and are abl e t o enhance emot i onal r esponses t hat i ncl ude nost al gi a, aust er i t y and sombr eness.

Plate 5.40: ‘1939 War is declared’, Section 1 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 14/ 08/ 12).

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Sections 2 and 3

In Sections 2 and 3 visitors are informed of the battles fought by Australian soldiers in the Mediterranean (Greece, Crete) and North Africa/ the Middle East (Benghazi, Derna, Benghazi, Tobruk, Bardia, Damascus, Syria, Lebanon). The room has been painted and decorated in beige, br own, gr ey and khaki (see Pl at e 5.41) i n or der t o r epl i cat e t he deser t envi r onment s t hat ar e depicted in the brown-wash photographs in this section. Samples of artillery, two Australian A r my vehi cl es and one G er man A rmy vehi cl e,170 ar e di spl ayed i n t he cent r e of t he r oom , and a 2cm Flak 38 anti-aircraft gun is positioned in a replica bunker made of stone and sandbags.

Plate 5.41: ‘1940-41 Victory and defeat’, Section 2 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM. (photograph by author, 14/ 08/ 12).

Section 4

A small pocket in Section 3 leads into Section 4, where visitors are provided with information about t he ci r cumst ances t hat wer e exper i enced by A ust r al i an PO Ws i n E urope. A gl ass cabi net displays photographs, clothing (boots, handkerchief), dentures, an embroidered blanket, a

170 A dingo scout car (Australian), LePkw Type 82 Kübelwagen (German jeep), Chevrolet 1941 Model 41/ E22 General Service Lorry (Australian).

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compass, food parcel, radio and identity discs. The photographs on display include the Australian cricket team at the Annaberg POW camp in 1943 (AWM-UK2534E), Allied POWs observing Anzac D ay in 1944 in the Mühlberg camp (AWM-P02028.051), Colditz Castle in Saxony where some Australian POWs were detained, and Australian POWs working as timber- getters in the f orests of Austria (AWM-SUK 13740).

Section 5

Starting with an information board at the entrance of the gallery, ‘The Turning Point’ introduces t he Japanese and t hei r i nvol vement i n A si a (see Pl at e 5.42). T he at mospher e of t he Second World War Gallery signifies the change in the theatre of war by way of a different colour scheme (the frequent use of red, black and grey), dimmer lighting and the recurrent use of the Japanese Imperial flag. A total of three Japanese Imperial flags can be seen from the centre of Section 5: a large silhouette of the flag is projected onto the Gallery’s white floor, a photograph containing a f l ag i s at t he ent r ance of Sect i on 5, and a l ar ge- scal e r epl i ca of t he f l ag can be seen hangi ng i n t he shadows on t he f art hest wal l i n Sect i on 6 (see Pl at e 5.43).

Plate 5.42: ‘1942 Turning Point’, Section 5 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 14/ 08/ 12).

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Plate 5.43: Japanese Imperial flag silhouette (floor) and replica (back wall) in Sections 5 and 6 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 14/ 08/ 12).

The displays in Section 5 include paintings, clothing (such as a Japanese uniform, an Australian soldier’s slouch hat, and Japanese helmets and other artefacts), dice, a Japanese samurai sword, medals, the remains of an engine, a telephone, official documents and photographs. Audio-visual documentaries and information boards describe the contents of the displays and the key events. On the right side three enlarged photographs of the Japanese Imperial Army cover most of the dividing wall, and in one of these images the second of the flags listed above can be seen (Plate 5.44). None of the three images provides any information about the people depicted, however further information was only obtained through research of the AWM’s archives. The first image is most likely of Japanese soldiers marching through a street in China, possibly at the gate in Peiping (Beijing), and the central image (AWM -127906) depicts Japanese soldiers marching through Fullerton Square in Singapore on 16th February 1942. The third image, which could not be identified, depicts a Japanese soldier holding the Japanese Imperial flag while other soldiers are sitting or crouching nearby. Besides the lack of readily available information to contextualise the images, Plate 5.44 shows that the faces of the Japanese soldiers are either not in focus or not visible (their backs are toward the camera).

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Plate 5.44: Japanese Imperial Army, Section 5 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Section 6

The lighting in Section 6 is noticeably darker than in Section 5, which creates a mysterious and unsettling atmosphere. This section informs visitors of the impacts of the Japanese advance into Asia in 1942. On the left wall of Section 6 visitors are presented with stories and images of women who suffered at the hands of the Japanese (Plates 5.45 and 5.46). A nurse’s uniform and the censored version of Mary Gilmore’s (1942) 171 poem Singapore ar e di spl ayed i n t he gl ass cabinet (Plate 5.45). A painting of Matron Vivian Bullwinkle, who was the sole survivor of the Banka Island massacre that killed her 21 colleagues, hangs on the wall, in addition to a photograph of the aftermath of a Japanese air attack on Singapore on 2nd March, 1942. The A WM ar chi ves st at e t hat ‘t wo women si t on t he st r eet among r ubb l e and debr i s wai l i ng and crying, showing their grief for the small child whose dead body lies nearby in front of a damaged rickshaw’ (Plate 5.45).

171 Dame Mary Gilmore (who appears on the Australian $10 note) sent her poem to the Woman’s Weekly magazine in March 1942. However, without notifying Gilmore the Weekly’s edi t ors made drast i c changes t o t he ori gi nal ver si on because it could have been interpreted as offensive to British audiences in Australia because the poem castigated Allied incompetence and corruption.

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Plate 5.45: Section 6 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.46: ‘Two women among rubble’, 1942, (AWM011529/ 22), Section 6 of the Second World War Gallery (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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The cabinets on the right side of Section 6 contain information about the massacres of Ambon and Laha (Dutch East Indies), the Japanese occupation of Timor, the loss of HMAS Perth, the Japanese conquest of Java, a wooden cross made by POW’s in Ambon’s Tantui camp, another Japanese flag (Plate 5.47), war relics, a painting, maps and medals.

Plate 5.47: Japanese Imperial flag, Section 6 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Section 7

Upon entering Section 7, ‘Australia under threat’, the visitor is presented with images of propaganda from the war. One poster reads ‘He’s coming south’ and depicts the Japanese Imperial flag and a caricature of a menacing Japanese soldier advancing towards Australia and Papua New Guinea (Plate 5.48). The poster’s message is ‘It’s fight[,] work or perish’. The visitor’ s attention is shifted from viewing the Japanese as an invading force in Asia to a threatening force on the home front. The inclusion of Papua New Guinea in the poster reflects the understanding at the time that it was a mandated Australia territory and that it was the last line of defence for the mainland.

Plate 5.48: Propaganda poster, ‘He’s Coming South’ (AWM-ARTV09225), Section 7 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Direct attacks by the Japanese on Australia are defined in this section. For example, the bombing of Darwin and the Japanese mini submarines entering Sydney Harbour are described as Australia’s first experience of foreign attack on home soil172. A flag captured from one of the mini submarines173 is displayed (Plate 5.48), making it the fifth Japanese Imperial flag on display from the start of the WWII section. An audio-visual recording of Prime Minister John Curtin’s speech on 18th February 1942 is played in which he broadcasts to Australians that, ‘all must serve’. Also, in this section a display cabinet provides visitors with information about the mobilisation of Indigenous Australians, women in factories, and women who volunteered for the air observers’ corps.

Plate 5.49: Japanese Imperial flag captured from a mini submarine in Sydney Harbour (REL-AWM-30125), Section 7 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

172 I nterestingly, the AWM does not include British colonisation as an attack on Australia. 173 The Japanese mini submarines entered Sydney Harbour on May 31st - June 1st 1942.

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Section 8

At the entrance of Section 8 a sign reads, ‘Prisoners of war: one in three die’ (Plate 5.50). The Gallery focuses on the Australians who were Prisoners of War of the Japanese, and in this section disturbing images are presented which depict emaciated Australian solders (Plates 5.50 to 5.53). Visitors are informed of conditions in Japanese POW camps in Asia which held European soldiers (mostly British and Dutch), American soldiers, Asian labourers, and Australian soldiers, civilians, nurses, missionaries and religious leaders. The impact of imprisonment under the Japanese is graphically displayed, such as ‘One in three die’ and a caption which reads: ‘Many prisoners who entered the camps as strong young men were unrecognisable after the war’ (Plate 5.50). The Larrikin side of the Australian character - which is deemed to be a distinctive quality - is highlighted in Plate 5.51, which shows Thomas Hussey holding his ventriloquist doll, Joey, smoki ng a ci gar et t e. T he i mage conveys a message t hat A ust r al i ans, even i n t he f ace of adver si t y, ar e abl e t o endur e i t wi t h a sense of humour . Joey emphasi ses t he emaci at ed appear ance of Hussey, a comparison that reiterates the severity of the conditions in some of the POW camps. A n emaci at ed PO W Pr i vat e H .A . Pur vi s i s descr i bed as a sur vi vor of t he PO W camp at A mbon , where 80% of those captured in 1942 died (Plate 5.52). Similarly, the three gaunt Australian POWs in Plate 5.53 illustrate and reiterate the effect of incarceration by the Japanese. Also in this section there is a replica of a POW’s bamboo shelter along with photographs, paintings, and artefacts including games, a prosthetic leg, personally embroidered quilts and Australian men and women POWs’ clothing.

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Plate 5.50: POW (AWM-p1433/ 19), Section 8 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.51: POW Gunner Thomas H ussey and his ventriloquist doll, Joey (AWM-116036), Section 8 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.52: POW Private H. A. Purvis (AWM-116269), Section 8 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.53: POWs (AWM-P02569.192), Section 8 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Section 9

Section 9, the ‘New Guinea Offensive’, is contained within a circular dome in the middle of the room (Plate 5.54). The dome has high solid walls and a ceiling of camouflage netting to simulate a j ungl e at mospher e. When vi si t or s ent er t he dome t hey f i nd t hat t he di m l i ght i ng comes f r om a bl ack- and- whi t e audi o- vi sual pr esent at i on of t he K okoda T r ack Campai gn on one wal l . T he other wall displays photographs and stills from Damien Parer’s (1942) documentary Kokoda F ront Line!. A bench is positioned for visitors to watch the audio-visual presentation, and sounds of ai r cr af t can be hear d comi ng f r om above t he camouf l age net (ef f ect s t hat cont r i but e t o t he sense of jungle warfare). Also within Section 9 and to the left side of the dome there is a glass cabinet whi ch pr ovi des i nf or mat i on about and ar t ef act s of t he G er man and I t al i an r esi dent s of A ust r al i a who wer e i nt er ned dur i ng t he War . T he l ar ge N azi f l ag hangi ng at t he back r emi nds vi si t or s of the role of the Nazis, who have not been mentioned since Section 4 (Plate 5.55), in the war. The K okoda Dome was revisited in 2014 and the photographs and f indings are discussed separately in the next section, ‘Display of the Kokoda Track in the Second World War Gallery’.

Plate 5.54: The flag of the N azi Party of Sydney (AWM-RELAWM32207.001), Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.55: Kokoda Campaign Dome in the centre of the room (behind the car), Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.56: ‘Stretcher Bearers in the Owen Stanleys’ by William Dargie, 1947 (AWM ART26653), display on the left wall next to the Dome, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.57: Entrance to the Kokoda Campaign Dome, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.58: Inside the Kokoda Campaign Dome, clips from Damien Parer’s film Kok oda Front Line play on the large projection screen, Australian soldiers, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.59: Inside the Kokoda Campaign Dome, clips from Damien Parer’s film Kok oda Front Line play on the large projection screen, Papua New Guineans, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.60: Inside the Kokoda Campaign Dome, clips from Damien Parer’s film Kok oda Front Line play on the large projection screen, Papua New Guineans, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.61: Inside the Kokoda Campaign Dome, life-sized replica Australian soldiers, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.62: Inside the Kokoda Campaign Dome, Stuart Tank Turret first used in Papua New Guinea (but not the Kokoda Track) in December 1942, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.63: ‘Papuan Native Carrier’ by George Allen, 1947. Papua New Guinean depicted wearing a lap-lap and carrying a tin of rations, Section 9 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Sections 10, 11 and 12

Section 10, which is entitled ‘War against Germany’, is located in a pocket to the left side of Section 9, and displays the uniforms of a British combined operations commando, Italian infantry soldier, US bomber airman, German soldier, and a Soviet infantry soldier. In the next pocket to the left (in Section 11) is a replica of the inside of a bomber plane. The display states that ‘[t]his experience evokes some of the sights, sounds and sensations of a Bomber Command raid on Germany’. The visitor learns that over five thousand Australians died in the air war over Europe. Section 12 continues the theme of the previous section, describing bomber offensives, t he deser t campai gn, and t he aer i al war i n E ur ope.

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Section 13

Section 13 redirects the visitor’s attention to the Japanese in the Pacific Theatre and is entitled the ‘1943-44 N ew Guinea Of f ensive’ (Plate 5.56). I mmediately upon entering this section attention is directed to an illuminated photograph of the Australian Sergeant Leonard Siffleet, who is kneeling before Officer Yasuno Chikao of the Japanese Imperial Army just moments bef or e hi s execut i on (Pl at es 5.64 and 5.65). T he bar bar i c si de of t he Japanese char act er , whi ch i s deemed to be a distinctive quality in contrast with Australian mateship, is highlighted in this image. It is a powerful testimony to the horrors of the Pacific War and consistent with the other representations of the Japanese in the AWM.

Plate 5.64: Entrance to Section 13 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.65: Officer Yasuno Chikao executing Sergeant Len Siffleet at Aitape in 1943 (AWM-101099), Section 13 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

The left wall in Section 13 provides information about the conflicts in Papua New Guinea i ncl udi ng Shaggy Ri dge, H uon Peni nsul a and Sat t el ber g. T he r i ght wal l i ncl udes ar t and ar t ef act s from the home front and shows how women and children were ‘doing their bit’ to help the war effort. Visitors learn about the sinking of the Centaur (a hospital ship) off the Queensland coast on 14th May 1943 and the breakout of Japanese POWs in 1944 f rom the Cowra POW camp (Sout h-West N SW). T he memor i al st at es t hat t he Breakout occur red because:

Many Japanese at the Cowra POW camp were overcome by the shame of having been captured. While the Italian and German prisoners accepted their fate, the Japanese brooded on the dishonour that they had brought on themselves, their families and their country. In their own eyes they could regain honour only in death.

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During the Cowra breakout four Australians and 231 Japanese died, 108 Japanese were injured and 359 Japanese escaped. Those who escaped either committed suicide174, were killed, or were captured and returned to the camp (Smith, 2007). Photographs show the aftermath of the Breakout, including images of dead Japanese POWs.

Section 14

Section 14 is a small hallway that leads the visitor to the next section, ‘1944-45 Final Campaigns’. I t does not have the space to display large objects and cabinets. At the time of the field trips this space contained 14 artworks by Russell Drysdale, who recorded scenes of Australia during the war, and one by Donald Friend, a WWII soldier who created almost 200 artworks for the Memorial.

Section 15

The focus of Section 15 is on the end of the war, ‘1944-45 Final Campaigns’. Visitors are told of the liberation of British Borneo and progress in Papua New Guinea, including the liberation of Rabaul (East New Britain), the fighting in Aitape (Sanduan Province) and Wewak (East Sepik Province), and the costly battles in Bougainville, where 516 Australians and 18,000 Japanese died in late 1944. Before exiting the Second World War Gallery, the visitor is provided with summaries of the victory in Europe and the defeat of Germany, victims of Hitler’s ‘Final Solution’, the dropping of two atomic bombs in Japan, the Japanese surrender, and the Japanese war crimes trial that followed WWII.

Section 16

This small room at the back of the Second World War Gallery contains information and photographs of the 1,787 Australian POWs who died in N orth Borneo in 1945 during the Sandakan ‘ D eat h M ar ch ’ (see Pl at e 5.58). 175 It r emains t he gr eat est si ngl e at r oci t y commi t ed

174 Some repor t s of sui ci de have been quest i oned as bei ng, i n f act , mur ders, see Smi t h, 2008. 175 I n 1942 Indonesian slave labourers and Allied POWs were sent to the Sandakan POW camp (in North Borneo) to build an airstrip. In 1944, when Allied forces began to advance into Borneo, the Japanese forced Allied POWs to walk west approximately 260kms through jungle to Ranau. These marches have become known as the Sandakan ‘

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against Ausralians in war (according to the AWM). A bench is provided in the centre of the room for visitors to view the faces of these men. The collection of black-and-white portrait photographs mounted on the wall is reminiscent of the portrait photographs of victims at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum in Phnom Penh (Cambodia), the Auschwitz-Birkenau Memorial and Museum in Auschwitz (Poland), and the House of Terror Museum in Budapest (Hungary). The following section assembles all the competing elements and function of displays at the AWM.

Plate 5.66: Portrait photographs of the 1,787 Australian POWs who died in the Sandakan ‘ Death March’ in N orth Borneo, 1945, Section 16 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Death Marches’, and resulted in the deaths of approximately 2,400 Allied POWs, including 1,787 Australian POWs. Only 6 Australian POWs survived.

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Competing elements and function of displays

The AWM states that its ‘purpose is to commemorate the sacrifices of those Australians who have di ed i n war ’ and mi ssi on ‘ i s t o assi st A ust r al i ans t o r emember , i nt er pr et and under st and t he Australian experience of war and its enduring impact on Australian society’ (AWM). In designing displays to fulfil its imposing remit, the curator of the Second World War Gallery is faced with a diverse range of competing elements. The priority appears to be educating the visitor on Australia’s military victory in WWII through an imaginative, interactive, self-guided tour of its displays. The Second World War Gallery is a key educator and communicator of military history and its importance in this regard far outweighs that of most other sources of military information (Lake, 2006: 5-6). Accordingly, the Second World War Gallery has a substantial responsibility to its many visitors to present displays which are inclusive for Australians, past and present.

The responsibility and manner of story-telling is made more complex by the personal grief, tragedy and sacrifice of the Australians who are represented, as well as the expectations of cont empor ar y vi si t or s. For i nst ance, t he deci si on by t he cur at or t o di spl ay pr omi nent l y t he i mage of the execution of Sergeant Len Siffleet (see Plate 5.57) must have been filled with conflicting el ement s, whi ch woul d have i ncl uded a sense t hat t he moment i s ‘ sensi t i ve’ , on one hand, historical duty, and a consideration of the visitor’s wish to see this horrific image. Similar ar gument s coul d be made about t he t r agi c i mage of t he dead chi l dr en and cr yi ng women on t he streets of Singapore (see Plate 5.46). Hence, the Second World War Gallery is a public resource whi ch has a soci al pur pose and ai ms t o educat e i n an i nt er est i ng and i nf or mat i ve manner , whi l e at the same time it is cognisant of the sacred sense that is conveyed in the displays. Some images and objects in the displays, for example a nurse’s uniform or pair of shoes (see Plate 5.44), may be banal to some visitors, and yet overwhelming for others, depending on factors such as the visitor’s family history, emotional state, empathy, gender, and identity of self.

In order to achieve the aims of the Second World War Gallery, the curator uses a range of techniques, specifically employing a large number of original images, a range of lighting installations and selected colour schemes. In many sections an atmosphere of terror and horror is created which can generate shock, grief and strong emotions in the visitor. The display of the K okoda T r ack Campai gn i s cont ai ned wi t hi n a dome i n Sect i on 9, and t he cur at or ski l f ul l y uses camouflage netting, an audio recording of Curtin’s speech, and flickering images of Damien Par er ’ s bl ack- and- whi t e f i l m t o cr eat e a sense of danger and anxi et y. T he di spl ay combi nes many of the elements that are part of Australia’s national identity: the fear and insecurity confirmed by the invasion by the Japanese Other, the tone of political discourse, and the battle against an

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uncompromising natural environment. The Australian soldiers are represented as heroes in Second World War Gallery. The figure of the hero plays an important part in national memory within ‘a cluster of national meaning, in the sense that meaning is imputed to particular persons in order to serve as figures of national bravery, sacrifice and unity’ (V. Hedetoft, quoted in Jabri, 1996: 140). Furthermore, ‘[h]eroes represent the qualities attributed both those who have died in war, and to the nation as a whole’ (Whitmarsh, 2001: 6).

Many sections of the Second World War Gallery include images and accounts of POWs, death, execution, voices of the now dead and voices of the tortured, as well as objects from war – from the everyday (such as brushes) to the artillery used. In Section 8 distressing images of malnourished Australian POWs are presented and objects that represent the meagre personal possessions of POWs in Japanese prisons (see Plates 5.50 to 5.53). In other sections, the el ement s are f ur t her ‘dar kened’ t hrough t he cont ext i n whi ch t hey ar e di spl ayed – dar kened rooms, noises of planes, machine gunfire and bombings, voices, eerie music and colour schemes. Suffering and sacrifice is on display, most notably in Section 16, where the visitor is provided with a seat to view the faces of the POWs who died in the Sandakan Death March (see Plate 5.58). These types of display may evoke overwhelming feelings of grief, but the experience may also provide the visitor with feelings of renewed strength and meaning. The impact on the visitor of the Second World War Gallery may be comparable to the way in which Australian travellers at Gallipoli have a rewarding experience in their search for meaning in an emotional environment (Scates 2006: 213).

The Second World War Gallery provides the visitor with displays that build a collective memory that is based on the theme of conflict between Australian soldiers and the Japanese enemy in general, and on the Kokoda Track in particular. In Section 9, which focuses on the bat t l es of t he K okoda T r ack , and i n Sect i ons 7 and 13, t he cur at or pr ovi des t he vi si t or wi t h an experience that portrays an Australian identity that has many praiseworthy qualities, such as strength, endurance, courage and sacrifice (as already noted). The displays propose a collective national identity based on victory over the Japanese enemy Other, and in this process, appear to demonise the Japanese soldier. The Second World War Gallery introduces the Japanese with the image of the invading ‘yellow peril’ in Section 7 (see Plate 5.48) and continues the theme of portraying the Japanese soldier as a barbaric invader through most of the displays, right up to the execut i on of Ser geant L eonar d Si f f l eet i n Sect i on 13 (see Pl at e 5.57). I t pr esent s t he Japanese as being uniquely sadistic and exceptionally inhuman, and so it appears that ‘race’ is being used here to appease the visitor or to build a national identity based on fear, insecurity and ‘race’.

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According to Winter (2012: 150-163), curators have the responsibility of presenting war so t hat t he vi si t or i s abl e t o ask mor al quest i ons about ‘ sacr i f i ce, br ot her hood, cour age, l ove, recovery, transcendence’, but the Second World War Gallery appears to direct the visitor along a path which does not provide an opportunity for the visitor to walk in the shoes of anyone other than those of the White soldier. This analytical conclusion is reached without trying to downplay or legitimise the actions of the Japanese in WWII. The role of the cultural researcher is to consider the complexity of competing elements and to distil the diverse subject matter into a concise explanation, if one exists. The work in this chapter is consistent with the rest of the thesis in having the guiding aim of assessing how ‘race’ is used in the making of Australian national identity. The following sections will offer justifications for the conclusion.

A balancing act: representations of the enemy in the Second World War Gallery

Regarding issues surrounding ‘race’ in the Second World War Gallery, the representations of the Japanese dominate in terms of both space and content. For instance, of the sixteen sections, six focus exclusively on representations of the Japanese during WWII and four represent the Japanese among other national groups. Within those sections, the Japanese content is significantly more than that of other content. This disparity in representation is made even more obvi ous when compar i ng t he r epr esent at i ons of t he I t al i ans, G er mans and Japanese i n t he Gallery. The Italians are almost not included and it would be easy for the visitor to believe they were not involved at all. Very rarely are German soldiers seen or mentioned in the Second World War Gallery. The Germans are only really visible when displaying German vehicles, machinery and uni f or ms. Some of t he G er man r epr esent at i ons woul d be bet t er char act er i sed as N or t h African as the focus is less on who the Australians were fighting at the time (Germans) and more about t he envi r onment and t he equi pment . For exampl e, i n Sect i ons 2 and 12, t he spaces ar e filled with army vehicles, replicas and artillery used by Australians and the Germans in North A f r i ca. T hese sect i ons i ncl ude r epr esent at i ons of t he G er mans but t hey come acr oss as inconsequential to the objects displayed.

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One obvious explanation for this imbalance is that the fight against the Japanese in the Pacific, and on the Kokoda Track in particular, occurred in Australia’s region, so it has greater relevance to the Australian visitor than the war in Europe. Also, Table 5.2 shows that a greater percentage of Australians died in the War against Japan (64.6%; 17,501) than against Germany (34.4%; 9,572). Slightly more Australians died in action f ighting the Germans (8,546 vs 8,274), but a significantly higher number of Australians died as POWs under the Japanese (8,031 vs 265). I n contrast, according to John W. D ower (1986: 297-299) the number of Japanese who were killed by Australians in the WWII was 199,511, which is approximately 11 times greater than Australian killed by the Japanese.

War against Germany RAN Army RAAF Total

Killed in action 900 2610 5036 8546

Died of wounds 3 700 58 761

D i ed as a POW 242 23 265

Total killed 903 3552 5117 9572

POW escaped, recovered or repatriated 25 6874 1020 7919

Wounded and injured in action (cases) 26 8925 529 9480

War against Japan RAN Army RAAF Total

Killed in action 840 6294 1140 8274

Died of wounds 41 1090 65 1196

D i ed as a POW 116 7777 138 8031

Total killed 997 15161 1343 17501

POW escaped, recovered or repatriated 238 13872 235 14345

Wounded and injured in action (cases) 553 13191 253 13997

Table 5.2: Australian casualties of WWII. Compiled from data extracted from Gavin Long (1963).

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Therefore, based on the both the proximity of the fighting and the numbers of Australian casualties in WWII, there is a case for a greater representation of the war in the Pacific. However, location and statistics cannot explain the way in which ‘race’ is presented in the Second World War Gallery, which appears to show that the type of enemy, the environment, and the long history of the f ear of the ‘yellow peril’ (Burke, 2001) needs to be etched into the collective psyche of contemporary Australia. The Pacific theatre, especially the Kokoda Track, symbolises Australia’s first major ‘engagement’ with Asia and, in particular, with Japan.

When di scussi ng t he t ypes of i mage and obj ect t hat ar e sel ect ed and pr esent ed by curators, Hooper-Greenhill (1988: 130) contends that they ‘should be as f lamboyant and emotionally stimulating as possible, as they will stay in the mind better’. Based on the presentation of material and information in the Second World War Gallery it is easy for the vi si t or t o mi ss t he i nvol vement of t he G er mans al most ent i r el y because, as t he f ol l owi ng discussion shows, there is nothing that is particularly memorable about how they are represented. Section 4 is a small isolated space which provides the visitor with the only information in the Second World War Gallery about Australian POWs in Europe. The display is essentially a glass cabinet that contains photographs, clothing, and other possessions. The photographs show groups of Australian POWs as cricketers (Plate 5.59) and timber-getters (Plate 5.60), and the POWs in the German camps all look healthy, well dressed and relatively happy. The Second World War Gallery offers a brief account of the camp conditions, stating that many Australians had never experienced bitterly cold conditions until they became POWs in Europe. There are two paintings by Albert H. Comber based on his experiences as a POW under the Germans, where the artist offers dark depictions of POWs marching in winter (Plate 5.61) and by a fire (Plate 5.62). The figures in these two paintings are not clearly visible, and without the visitor bei ng gi ven any f ur t her i nf or mat i on about t he ar t i st ’ s per sonal exper i ences and t he con t ext of these paintings, one is left to wonder176. The Second World War Gallery does not provide any inf ormation about the number of Australian POWs who died in German captivity (265 in Table 5.2). V i si t or s may be under t he i mpr essi on t hat , f or an A ust r al i an PO W under Ger man internment, life was little more than playing cricket, logging forests and huddling up to fires in cold weather.

176 Albert Comber was captured in 1942 after his plane was shot down over Southern I taly. He was a prisoner in Italy and in Germany at Stalag Luft III. He started to paint while in prison, and taught art classes and design scenery to the theatre group. He also contributed to the underground tunnels that became part of the Great Escape. I n 1945 Comber was forced to march west before being liberated, and he eventually made his way back to Australia and continued to teach art (Macgillicuddy, 2010).

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Plate 5.67: Australian cricket team at the Annaberg Camp in 1943 (UK2534E), Section 4 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.68: Australian timber-getters in the forests of Austria (SUK-13740), Section 4 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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Plate 5.69: Painting by Albert H. Comber in Section 4 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

Plate 5.70: Painting by Albert H. Comber, Section 4 of the Second World War Gallery, AWM (photograph by author, 05/ 09/ 12).

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The display of images and objects in Section 4 is not reflective of the severe conditions that Australian POWs experienced in German and Italian internment. The AWM website states that approximately 8,600 Australian soldiers, airmen and a f ew sailors were captured by the Germans f rom 1943-45 and held in over 40 Allied POW camps. Conditions between camps varied under the Germans, with many POWs experiencing levels of hunger, disease, hardship and danger which worsened during the war. Many Australian POWs were held for three years and they experienced depression, despair and frustration. They were not accustomed to the harsh winter climate of northern Europe and the impact was felt especially towards the end of the war, when many undernourished POWs were forced to march during winter to evade liberation by Soviet f or ces. I n f act , t he A WM websi t e ‘St ol en Year s’ r ecogni ses t hat , ‘af t er t he war t he pr i soner s of Europe were largely forgotten, overshadowed by the greater tragedy in Asia’. Similarly, the DVA (Header, n.d.) argues that, ‘it is a common belief that the Australians held in these camps had it ‘ easier’ than their Japanese counterparts. While there are elements of truth in these generalisations, comparisons between the two groups only serve to diminish the genuine suf f er i ng of E ur opean PO Ws’. D espi t e t hese expr essed vi ews by t he D V A and t he A WM , t her e is a great disparity in how the Second World War Gallery represents the Australian POW exper i ence under t he G er man-I t al i ans compar ed wi t h t hat under t he Japanese dur i ng WWI I (Section 8). The following section now examines the photographs that have been excluded from the Second World War Gallery.

Photographs excluded from the Second World War Gallery

The AWM possesses almost one million negative photographic images, of which over 250,000 have been digitalised and made available online. Therefore, there are far more photographs and artworks in the possession of the AWM than are displayed in the Second World War Gallery. Prior to the construction of the WWI and WWI I Galleries in the late 1990s, the AWM conduct ed vi si t or sur veys, f ocus gr oups and t r acki ng st udi es t o hel p i t deci de t hat i t woul d ‘ dr aw at t ent i on t o t he humani t y of t he [ Japanese] enemy by r ef er r i ng t o enemy sol di er s by name and usi ng ar t ef act s, obj ect s and phot os t hat communi cat e our shar ed humani t y’ (Fer guson, 1997: 28). This decision is not consistent with the way in which the Japanese are represented in the Second World War Gallery. They are mostly represented as a group, rarely individually, are rarely

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provided with names, and are often unidentifiable, with images blurred or seen from behind (see Plates 5.39, 5.41, 5.42, 5.43). Alternatively, the image is a cartoon (Plate 5.47) or a graphic image (Plate 5.55).

Shaune Lakin’s (2006) book Contact: Photographs from the AWM Collection assembl es approximately 200 photographs from the AWM ’s collection and provides inf ormation on the content and context of each photograph. Contact offers Australians access to images and information that would otherwise be unknown to all but the dedicated researcher. It is surprising that it was supported and published by the AWM given the rather different approach to the selection of objects and images in the Second World War Gallery. Lakin’s selection of images prompted me to investigate the AWM’s photographic archives in order to analyse and explain how selection of materials for display, particularly regarding the Japanese enemy ‘Other’, has helped in the making of ‘Australian national identity’. During WWII the process of selecting wartime photographs for publication appears to have been based, at least in part, on their value as propaganda. For instance, Silk’s aforementioned famous image of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel Raphael Oimbari, leading wounded Australian soldier George Whittington, was initially refused publication in Australia because it was consider by the Department of Information (DOI) to be ‘ too grim’. It is also likely that Silk’s photograph and others were not published because ‘they served little use as propaganda’ (Lakin, 2006: 144). I t is not eworthy that, shortly af ter Silk sent the photograph to the US Military Authorities, it appeared in Life magazi ne, and wi t hi n a year i t had become iconic. I t ‘remains synonymous with the Papuan Campaign’ (2006: 144, 156).

Some photographs that have not been selected for display in the Second World War Gallery, but have been published elsewhere, are shown in Plates 5.63 to 5.70. These photographs depict Australian soldiers positioned near to, moving around, inspecting and burying dead Japanese soldiers on the Kokoda Track. The sequence of six photographs in Plate 5.68, by an unknown photographer, depicts a Japanese soldier set alight by an Australian soldier wielding a flame-thrower who ‘flushes him out’, causing him to run until he is consumed by the fire and burnt to death. Some of these photographs show Australian soldiers in a distasteful light and paint a very different picture of the popularly celebrated Australian Anzac soldier. They offer alternative representations of the Australians and Japanese during WWII, depicting soldiers in ci r cumst ances t hat many woul d consi der hor r i f yi ng, and whi ch ‘ dr aw at t ent i on t o t he humani t y of t he [ Japanese] enemy by r ef er r i ng t o [ … ] phot os t hat communi cat e our shar ed humani t y’ (Ferguson, 1997: 28). I f some of these t ypes of excluded photograph were displayed it would assi st t he A WM achi eve i t s st at ed ai m ‘t o assi st A ust r al i ans t o remember , i nt er pr et and

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understand the Australian experience of war and its enduring impact on Australian society’ (AWM). In light of this statement it is curious as to why the AWM did not select the following images for display.

Plate 5.71: The 2/ 12th Battalion discovered nine dead Japanese at Shaggy Ridge. Photographer: Colin T. H almarick (22/ 01/ 1944), AWM064214.

Plate 5.72: The bodies of four dead Japanese soldiers in the Buna action. Photographer: George Silk (28/ 12/ 1942), AWM013933.

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Plate 5.73: Soldiers of the 2/ 17th Battalion checking dead Japanese soldiers for documents in Brunei. Photographer unknown (13/ 06/ 45), AWM109317.

Plate 5.74: An Australian burial party after fierce one-to-one fighting where 500 Japanese soldiers were killed and buried. Photographer: George Silk (November/ 1942), AWM151114.

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Plate 5.75: Soldiers of the 2/ 16th Battalion unearth a dead Japanese soldier at Shaggy Ridge. Photographer: N orman B. Stuckey (27/ 12/ 1943), AWM062305.

Plate 5.76: Soldiers of the 25th Battalion moving 311 dead Japanese soldiers into a mass grave at Bougainville. Photographer: Ronald N . Kean (4/ 06/ 1945), AWM090380.

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Plate 5.77: ‘Australian soldier on Borneo uses flamethrower on Jap hiding place. Moment later Jap who wouldn’t quit ducks out enveloped in flames. With liquid fire eating at his skin Jap skitters through underbrush. Blind and still burning he makes an agonized reach for support, falls he tried to crawl, fails again. Flames have already consumed clothing. After one last effort, the Jap slumps in his own grisly funeral pyre (Life, 1945: 34).’ Australian soldier of the 2/ 7th uses a flamethrower to ‘flush out’ a Japanese soldier. He is set alight before burning to death (1945: 34).

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Plate 5.78: ‘He had been overworked and was nearly starving when taken prisoner. He is seen being cared for by Australian stretcher bearers near Nauro’. Photographer: Frank N . Bagnall, (19/ 10/ 1942), AWM026824.

There are no photographs in the Second World War Gallery depicting Japanese soldiers in a balanced or humane way, and there is a lack of information regarding their individual characterisation. In contrast to Plates 5.63 to 5.70, the images that fill Section 8 of the War Memorial are of emaciated Australian POWs. The impression given by the Second World War Gallery, which is not unlike that provided in Grierson’s (2006) f ilm Kok oda, is that Japanese soldiers were sadistic, alien creatures (see Plates 5.47 and 5.56) who were physically stronger, in terms of health and resources, than the Australian soldiers. The reality was that many of the Japanese soldiers on the Kokoda Track and elsewhere in Papua New Guiunea were much like the one pictured in Plate 5.70. They were frequently discovered to be suffering from malaria, in very poor condition and had run out of food, and there are even reports that some soldiers had resorted to cannibalism of the dead (see Brune, 2004: 333; Hall, 1981: 198-206; H appell, 2008: 80,81; Tanaka, 1996: 111-134). Japanese POWs, such as those photographed by Frank N . Bagnal l (Pl at e 5.70), demonst r at e t he t ough condi t i ons t hat t he Japanese f aced i n Papua N ew Guinea. These images emphasise the humanity of the Japanese and give balance to the photographic texts which represent the Japanese in PNG.

However, the Second World War Gallery does not display any of these types of photograph in the Memorial, nor do they generally appear in texts about the Kokoda Track or WWI I in general. Therefore, these photographs remain unknown to the visitors to the Second World War Gallery. Given the photographic representation of Japanese brutality, and the

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deliberate exclusion of equivalent ‘humanising’ photographs of Japanese soldiers, it is concluded t hat t he M emor i al has not l i st en ed and r esponded t o t he ext ensi ve f eedback of vi si t or s and ‘ draw[n] attention to the humanity of the [Japanese] enemy’. The inclusion of such photographs would not substantially alter the perception of Australian soldiers, who display many of the virtues f or which they are renowned (Plates 5.61 to 5.68). I nstead, the displays in the Second World War Gallery serve to ignite wartime feelings or to mislead those, such as current-day school students, who have little knowledge and no experience of WWII in the Pacific. demonstrates that the Second World War Gallery is more concerned with demonising the Japanese enemy ‘ O t her ’ and mai nt ai ni ng t he st at us quo t han of f er i ng new or al t er nat i ve representations of the Japanese.

Effectively excluding balance from the AWM’s narrative of WWII could have significant impacts on the present-day political climate in which anxieties concerning the ‘Other’ have been pr oj ect ed ont o M usl i ms and asyl um seeker s ( as di scussed i n Chapt er 6). M useum st udi es researcher Andrew Whitmarsh (2001: 1), emphasises that military institutions such as war memorials and museums, run a risk of becoming less relevant in the present day if they represent former enemies in ways that reinforce wartime attitudes. He argues that ‘the experience of military history is increasingly alien to today’s Western population’ because it is ‘increasingly associated with imperialism, racism, nationalism, patriotism and unquestioning sacrifice of life’ (2). However, the study of the Second World War Gallery demonstrates that in Australia, memorialisation of war and of wartime attitudes is maintained through institutional and political encouragement, as is shown in the analysis of political discourse in Chapters 2 and 3. Perhaps Australians are receptive to the construction provided by institutions such as the Second World War Gallery and by politicians, because of the long-held fear of invasion (Burke, 2001), or perhaps because it has been such a successful tool in Australia for forging collective memory. However, cultural techniques that exploit ‘race’ to forge a collective national identity need to be critically discussed.

Michael Rowlands (1998: 4) argues that war memorials encourage visitors to learn of the trauma surrounding conflicts in order to evoke feelings of fear, but also to reassert confidence and authority through Australian military victories. This argument feeds into the concept of ‘ Australian identity’. Rowlands raises the questions, ‘why should the objectification of sacrifice take form of war memorials?’ and ‘why has this become an essential feature of modernity and become part of a more global response to twentieth century events?’ (1998: 6). I n light of current attitudes towards asylum seekers and some minority groups in Australia (Muslims, I ndian

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students, Indigenous Australians), it could be argued that the objectification of sacrifice in the form of the Second World War Gallery has become essential to sustaining the significance of the A nzac t r adi t i on. T he anal ysi s above has f ound t hat t he t ypes of i mage t hat ar e sel ect ed or excluded appear deliberately to only show one side of the Japanese. This approach invokes war time attitudes that have not evolved since WWII. In effect, the Second World War Gallery legitimises ‘race’ as a tool in its displays, thus serving an exclusionary agenda by reinforcing the White dominant culture’s command over national issues through military history.

In short, the selective photographic representations in the Second World War Gallery idealise Australians who died in conflicts, representing them as White, masculine, egalitarian and br ave, and wi t h cor e A ust r al i an char act er i st i cs such as mat eshi p and a good sense of humour . Therefore, power and respect is bestowed upon them, and an unchallenged national identity has been projected onto the contemporary White Australian majority as the story of the Kokoda Track and the fear of the Japanese enemy Other is told and retold. As a consequence of the fear and insecurity concerning Australia’s White past (Burke, 2001), contemporary institutions and politicians narrate a story that speaks to, and reinforces, a White history and White Indigeneity. That story excludes from national identification the people who are new migrants, Indigenous Australians, minority groups, and non-Whites who were born in Australia. The next section examines how funding by government appears to encourage this approach.

Political viewpoints and ‘race’ in the Second World War Gallery

Hooper-Greenhill (1990: 66) asserts that most governments want museums to be more financially independent and more discerning about their collections. Accordingly, new trustees ar e appoi nt ed and gi ven power s of di sposal , sel l i ng and buyi ng i n accor dance wi t h t he deci si ons of t r ust ees. I n t hi s model , i ndust r i al i st s and ent r epr eneur s r epl ace academi cs, and museums ar e propelled into thinking of more interventionist ways of working (1990: 66). The museum, t her ef or e, becomes a mar ket - dr i ven, cor por at e i ndust r y t hat r el i es on t he payi ng cust omer t o survive. In other models, museums are funded by corporations and others are funded by philanthropic bequests. In contrast to those models, the AWM is heavily funded by the Federal Government. In March 2011, the Gillard Government announced an $8 million annual increase

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on top of the $38 million that the AWM receives every year (Snowdon, 2011). The 2014 budget by the Abbott Government subsequently increased its funding of the AWM while cutting funding to many other government agencies and services. The matter of the source of the AWM’ s funding draws attention to content, themes, styles and representations and raises the question: is there evidence that the Memorial is influenced by political viewpoints and desires regarding military history? Some believe that the curatorial process can be influenced by the discourses of government and Department of Veteran Affairs, thus causing the meanings of displays to be controlled (N ewman and McLean, 2006:61). Under these circumstances, other voices struggle to be heard. This section discusses evidence of political influence on the curatorial process and investigates representation of ‘race’ in the Second World War Gallery at the AWM.

The AWM presents a version of Australia’s military history that claims to capture the qualities of the spirit of Anzac that continue ‘to have meaning and relevance for our sense of national identity’ (AWM). The AWM is not just narrating military history, it disseminates the perception that Australia’s military history is where contemporary Australians can locate and make sense of their national identity. The previous sections have shown that the AWM, through its representations of the Japanese in the Second World War Gallery, uses ‘race’ to promote a Whi t e hi st or y of A ust r al i a. T her e ar e sever al exampl es whi ch demonst r at e t hat t he A WM has taken a political viewpoint and excluded areas where it could be more inclusive and representative of Australian society, both then and now. This observation is crucial because the AWM uses military history to define contemporary Australia. For instance, Indigenous Australians who fought in WWI and WWII have not been adequately included, nor have some Australians of Chinese heritage, such as Billy Sing, who fought in WWI. There is a failure to show ethnic diversity in Australia’s society during the wars and women have been under- represented, though less so in recent years (Lake 2006: 5; Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 166). I t has been claimed that the AWM whitewashes history by excluding conflicts between settlers and I ndigenous Australians (Lake, 2006: 5). This decision contrasts with that of the N ational Museum of Australia, which does depict frontier warfare.

The contest between these two national memorials, in terms of interpreting and narrating history, demonstrates the power and importance of cultural institutions in shaping historical memory (Lake, 2006:5). Tim Flannery, Australian of the Year in 2007, has recently called f or the AWM to commemorate the century-long war between the First People (Indigenous Australians) and Whi t e set t l er s (A rmi t age, 2014). T hi s r equest f or r ecognit i on echoes t he vi ews expr essed by historian Henry Reynolds, who has been a prominent advocate of the recognition of the

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Forgotten War between White settlers and the First People. In response to Flannery’s appeal, the di r ect or of t he A WM , Br endan N el son (A r mi t age, 2014), st at ed t hat t he M emor i al i s concer ned with ‘the story of Australians deployed in war overseas on behalf of Australia’. Nelson’s definition of the Memorial’s scope is problematic and needs to be examined. There are several examples which show that Nelson’s definition of the scope of the AWM is not consistent. Firstly, the Second World War Gallery includes the Japanese Bombing of Darwin, 19th February 1942, and the 97 air raids across northern Australia by the Japanese in the 21 months that followed. However, according to Nelson’s definition, defence of the Australian homeland is not in the scope of the AWM. Further, the Kokoda Track Campaign during WWII was fought by Chocos in an external territory of Australia, and hence it may not be technically an overseas conflict.

An examination of war memorials in other countries reveals that there are different approaches to commemorating a nation’s military history, and many do not define a war in terms of deployment of soldiers overseas. For example in China, war memorials and museums have taken the opposite approach to that of the AWM. The Military Museum in western Beijing depicts the internal struggle between the Communists and the Nationalists as the fundamental narrative running through China in the 20th century, and the Japanese invasion is a secondary topic (Mitter, 2000: 282). Also, the War of Resistance Museum in Beijing devotes all of its 30,000 square metres to internal conf licts and the Japanese invasion (Mitter, 2000: 281). Both of these military museums have focused on internal wars and the war with Japan, and have excluded the over seas war s t hat i t has suppor t ed. For i nst ance, t he Chi nese war memor i al s excl ude t he modern Vietnam War, the 5,000 year-long Chinese invasions of Vietnam, the Korean War, and the annexation of Tibet. The difference between the AWM and the Chinese museums demonstrate that the role of these institutions is influenced by politics. As academic James E. Y oung (1993: 2) cont ends, ‘ memor y i s never shaped i n a vacuum; t he mot i ves of memor y ar e never pure’.

I n l i ght of t he ar gument s gi ven above, t he at t i t ude of t he D i r ect or of t he A WM , D r Nelson, can be attributed to protection of the concept of White Indigeneity and to the preservation of White Australian ethnocentrism. That is, if the AWM were to pronounce in its mission statement and include in its displays and literature the acceptance of the military history of Indigenous Australians in the settler wars, then it would be tantamount to admitting that the principle of White Indigeneity in Australia was constructed on a myth. Such a change would force the AWM and political class in general into a long-overdue adjustment in their position and

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rhetoric on ‘race’. No longer would it be acceptable for White military history to be narrated as the principal founding story of national identity. Furthermore, such a change in the AWM would assi st i n br eaki ng down t he i nvi si bl e and subconsci ous accept ance of Whi t eness as t he cornerstone of Australian society. As explained earlier in the chapter, White Indigeneity legitimises Australia’s ownership of the Kokoda Track and incites emotions like those which precipitated the vandalism of Nishimura’s memorial on the basis that White people have the r i ght , or per haps dut y, t o r eact i n t hi s manner . T he vandal i sm of t he memor i al on t he K okoda Track is a small and probably unrepresentative example of White Indigeneity, but it is broadly representative of an attitude that has been carried to the Kokoda Track by some Australians.

Conclusion

T hi s chapt er has exami ned, wi t h a speci f i c f ocus on r epr esent at i ons of ‘ r ace’ , t he war memor i al s on t he K okoda T r ack i n Papua N ew G ui nea, as wel l as t he K okoda T r ack M emor i al Wal ks i n Australia and the Second World War Gallery of the AWM. The study has found that Whiteness and Whi t e I ndi genei t y ar e pr esent and concl udes t hat Papua N ew G ui neans have been and ar e being impacted by Whiteman and White Indigeneity. Inscriptions on plaques refer to the Orokaivan and Koiari peoples of the Kokoda Track as ‘natives’, ‘native carriers’ and ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’. Their contribution to the war effort is simplified and no effort is made to provide trekkers with information on the complex cultures of Papua New Guinea. Further, the K okoda T r ack M emor i al Wal ks i n A ust r al i a mai nt ai n t he same appr oach t o t he Papua N ew Guinean.

The study has found that ‘race’ is a key element of the displays in the Second World War Gallery of the AWM. The Japanese enemy Other is emphasised in the unclear or unseen faces of Japanese soldiers in the photographs. Many of the Japanese soldiers pictured have their backs to t he camer a, ar e si de on or have been enl ar ged so t hat t hey ar e not i dent i f i abl e. T he names of Japanese soldiers are rarely provided, but instead they are often referred to en masse as Japanese. The names of German and Italian soldiers are also not provided, nor are the photographs that depict what they looked like, but their representations were noticeably less harsh and less confronting than those of the Japanese. The only clearly visible faces and names given are those

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of Australians, which may be justified given that it is a Memorial dedicated to Australians, but it also necessarily excludes the Japanese from the narrative that dominates the Gallery. As a didactic space that promotes education and understanding concerning WWII, the use of ‘race’ in displays at the Second World War Gallery may exacerbate current racist and xenophobic attitudes in Australia, as witnessed in much public discussion of asylum seekers, immigration, and terrorism, and in the revitalisation of extreme politics. The displays of the Gallery foster the concepts of Whiteness, White Indigeneity and White Australian ethnocentrism, with those most af f ect ed by t hese di spl ays bei ng Fi r st A ust r al i ans as wel l as non- Whi t e A ust r al i ans. T he f ol l owi ng chapter expands upon this argument by critically analysing representations of Whiteness and White Indigeneity in Australian society.

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Chapter 6

In search of ‘Australian identity’ in contemporary Australia

I think I’m here [on the Kokoda Track] to learn about Australian qualities and Australian history […] [to] get a better understanding of how you guys feel about things like this and what is Australia. Ali Ammar, ‘f lag burner’ (D oogue, 2007).

Does celebrating Anzac Day and the tradition of the Anzacs really have any meaning for young Australians like me, who are first or second generation A ustralians? Francis Mao, ‘Q& A’ audience member (Jones, 2010).

I’m constantly trying to prove myself, that I can be just as Aussie as anybody else […] What else do I need to do? M ecca L aal aa, ‘ I nsi ght ’ audi ence member (Br ocki e, 2012).

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Introduction

Although the military history of the Kokoda Track has come to form a fundamental part of A ust r al i a’ s cont empor ar y nat i onal i dent i t y, t he pr evi ous chapt er s r eveal t hat t hi s aspect of the contemporary Australian narrative is built upon elements of cultural imperialism, ‘ Whi t eman’, segr egat i on and r aci al st er eot ypes. T hi s chapt er exami nes t he K okoda phenomenon in multicultural Australia and finds aspects of exclusion, especially for an increasing number of contemporary young Australians. The quotations chosen for the preface to this chapter highlight the confusion felt by three young Australians with regard to their identity within the nation. Both Ali Ammar and Mecca Laalaa accepted invitations to trek the Kokoda Track, and this thesis explores their pilgrimages and its impacts, as well as the treks by other young Australians and their representations of the trek. This chapter anal yses t he event s sur r oundi ng t he Cr onul l a Ri ot s and t he ensui ng t r ek by A l i A mmar (t he ‘ f l ag- bur ner ’ ), as wel l as t he use of t he K oko da T r ack i n t he ‘ M at eshi p T r ek ’ 177, leading to an examination of iconic symbols of nationalism, the Australian flag, the Anzac tradition and t he K okoda T r ack. Fi nal l y, exampl es of di gi t al nat i onal i sm ar e anal ysed and compar ed to other recent examples of digital nationalism. This chapter argues that some individuals, politicians and right-wing groups have contributed to contemporary racism and anxiety towards non-Whites. In particular, Pauline H anson and her pol i t i cal par t y O ne N at i on became a voi ce f or ant i -A si an sent i ment s. I n September 1996 Hanson stated:

I believe we are in danger of being swamped by Asians. We now have the situation where a type of reverse racism is applied to mainstream Australians by those who promote political correctness and those who control the various taxpayer-funded industries that flourish in our society, serving Aboriginals, multiculturalists, and a host of other minority groups (Murphy, 2002: n.p.).

Then Prime Minister John Howard gave respectability to Pauline Hanson’s racist and xenophobic views by stating in October 1996:

I certainly believe in her right to say what she said. I thought some of the things she said were an accurate reflection of what people feel (Murphy, 2002: n.p.).

177 Accessed on 21st November 2014 f rom: https:/ / www.scottmorrison.com.au/ mateship-trek and www.jasonclare.com.au/ events/ mateship-trek.html

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The Howard Government has been viewed as having contributed greatly to the increase in racism (Grif f iths, 2004: 1) by not condemning H anson, but instead likening her views to those of many Australians and so legitimising racist and discriminatory attitudes towards non-Whites. After the terrorist attacks in the United States on 11th September 2001, racism in Australia became narrowly f ocused on Muslims and people of Middle Eastern heritage (Grif f iths, 2004: 3). Sect i ons of t he medi a, as wel l as some pol i t i ci ans i n A ust r al i a and i n t he West er n wor l d, pr omot ed t he r epr esent at i on of peopl es f r om t he M i ddl e E ast and M usl i ms as ‘ backwar d, uncivilised, irrational, violent, criminally inclined, misogynistic and a terrorist threat’, thereby contributing to degrees of hostility, ignorance and racism among the general Australian public (Poynting, 2006: 88). H anson and H oward capitalised on domestic and international events, shifting the metaphorical racism and discrimination yardstick effectively to legitimise the views of racists and bigots under the guise of ‘free speech’, ‘rights’ and ‘nationalism’. Upon reflection Hanson felt that her public statements and her party’s values ‘managed to get rid of political correctness and that people can say what they think now without being ridiculed or called names’ (Murphy, 2002: n.p.). Arguably the most well-known example of discrimination by a group of White Australians towards peoples of Middle Eastern appearance occurred during and around the time of the Cronulla Riots in early D ecember 2005. Prior to the riots, there were reports that the number of Arab and/ or Muslim-Australians visiting Cronulla Beach was causing tension with the local community, which was predominantly White-Australian. Stories circulated of ‘ Aussie’ women being harassed, littering, rowdy behaviour and ‘Lebs’ dressing inappropriately by wearing too much clothing at Cronulla Beach. These stories fuelled anger, tension and frustration amongst some Cronulla locals and attracted the attention of right-wing racist groups in other parts of New South Wales (Poynting, 2006: 87). The Cronulla Riots will now be discussed and analysed in detail.

The Cronulla Riots

On 4th D ecember 2005 news that young men of Middle Eastern appearance assaulted a group of volunteer lif esavers circulated widely in the media (Poynting, 2006: 86). I n the following week other assaults at Cronulla Beach were reported, especially by right-wing commercial radio commentators Steve Price from 2UE, and Alan Jones and Ray Hadley from 2GB. The situation

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escalated ‘into a national debate about crime, ethnicity, violence, multiculturalism and the “threat to the Australian way of lif e” ’ (N oble, 2009: 1). Through the circulation of text messages and announcements by radio commentators, a rally to ‘reclaim’ Cronulla Beach was organised for Sun d ay 11 th D ecember 2005. A ccor di ng t o St r i ke For ce N eil 178, there were at least 270,000 text messages within a few days prior to the riots with content similar to the reprinted text message published in The Daily Telegraph (McI lveen and D ownie, 2005):

This Sunday every Aussie in the Shire get down to North Cronulla to help support the Leb and wog bashing day...bring your mates and let’s show them that this is our beach and they are never welcome... Let’s claim back our shire.

T hi s ci r cul at i on of r aci st messages by t ext and ot her f or ms of soci al medi a i s an exampl e of digital nationalism, whereby uncensored, rapid, nationalistic communications were transmitted to friends and ‘mobile phone’ contacts. These messages were easily shared and are distinctive because they put direct peer-pressure on contacts to carry out racially-motivated performances of nationalism. The text messages were also redistributed nationally through tabloid media and radio commentators, inciting fear about a ‘loss of the nation’ and inflaming racism towards Muslims and Arabs (Poynting, 2006: 86-87). T he i nvol vement of t he medi a, especi al l y t he st at ement s made by A l an Jones, who was a key ‘stirrer’ in fuelling the Cronulla Riots, ‘influenced and accelerated events by shaping the public’s understanding of reality’ (Strike Force Neil, 2006: 34). An investigation in 2007 by the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) found that, on the 7th and 8th December, Alan Jones and the broadcaster 2GB had:

breached cl ause 1.3(e) of t he Code [Commercial Radio Australia Codes of Practice, 2004], in that it broadcast a program which was likely to vilify people of Lebanese background and people of Middle- Eastern background on the basis of ethnicity […] (ACMA, 2005: 2).

Similarly, the NSW Administrative Decisions Tribunal (ADT) investigated a complaint of racial vilification against Jones and 2GB on 21st D ecember 2009, f inding that Jones was reckless:

Mr. Jones’ comments about ‘Lebanese males in their vast numbers’ hating Australia and raping, pillaging, and plundering the country, about a ‘national security’ crisis and about the undermining of A ust r al i an cul t ure by ‘ver mi n’ were reckl ess hyper bol e cal cul at ed t o agi t at e and exci t e hi s audi ence… (AAP, SMH , 22 D ecember 2009, http:/ / www.smh.com.au/ national/ court-rules-alan-jones-racially- vilified-muslim-youths-20091222-lbxu.html# ixzz37ue2XCqq).

178 Strike Force Neil was a four-volume review of the police response to the Cronulla Riots focused on the following four areas: 1) operational response, 2) command and control, 3) education and training, and 4) equipment.

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On 6th D ecember 2012 Jones issued an on-air apology. H owever, the AD T found his apology to be inadequate and ordered him to make another, this time prescribing the words that he had to read as follows:

On 28 April 2005, on my breakfast program on Radio 2GB, I broadcast comments about Lebanese males, including Lebanese Muslims. The comments were made following a Channel Nine television current affairs show about the conduct of young Lebanese men in Hickson Road at The Rocks. The Administrative Decisions Tribunal has found that my comments incited serious contempt of Lebanese males, including Lebanese Muslims. Those comments were in breach of the New South Wales Anti- Discrimination Act. I apologise for making those comments, which I recognise were unlawful. I also apologise on behalf of Radio 2GB (13 Dec 2012, 9news, no author, http:/ / www.9news.com.au/ national/ 2012/ 12/ 13/ 15/ 01/ alan-jones-ordered-to-apologise-tribunal).

Apart from commercial radio, other sections of the media broadcast, online and press images of White rioters draped in the Australian flag, proudly displaying tattoos of the Southern Cross, and chanting phrases like ‘White pride!’ and ‘Fuck of f Lebs’ (Lattas, 2007: 321; D unn, 2009: 85). On Sun d ay 11 th D ecember 2005 a mob of appr oxi mat el y 5,000 E ngl i sh- speaki ng, Whi t e- A ust r al i an youths gathered in Cronulla demanding that ‘Lebs’, ‘Wogs’ and ‘Muslims’ should ‘go back home’ (Stringa, 2005: 2). Rioters carried signs that read ‘Love it or Leave it ’, ‘Wog Free Zone’, ‘Save Nulla179 Fuck Allah’ and ‘We grew here, you flew here’. An aerial photograph of Cronulla Beach showed ‘100% Aussie Pride’ drawn into the sand (Poynting, 2006: 88). The riots could be described as having started as a protest against a recent spate of assaults on locals in Cronulla, but t he scal e of t he vi ol ence t owar ds peopl e t hat t he Whi t e r i ot er s i dent i f i ed as ‘ unA ust r al i an’ indicates that there were deep tensions and emotions involved. A range of other attacks included violence towards the police; two students from Bangladesh having their car surrounded and pelted with beer bottles bef ore driving away (Jackson, 2006); two men on a train at Cronulla st at i on bei ng beat en; one man chased i nt o N or t hi es Cr onul l a H ot el 180 and t hen at t acked, and a young girl chased before having her hijab ripped of f (Murphy, 2005). I ncidents of revenge attacks by both White Australians and people of Middle Eastern heritage occurred around Sydney and other parts of the nation on the evening of the riot and in the following days. In the case of the Cronulla Riots, the dominant group of White Australians felt moved to protest over the use of recreational areas at Cronulla Beach by people that they considered to be outsiders. These White-Australian rioters considered that they were authorised by their racialized privilege to ‘take the law into their own hands’ against a minority group of Australians of Middle Eastern appearance. The White Australian majority was performing nationalism in defence of

179 ‘Nulla’ was used as shorthand on signs and chants on the first day of rioting at Cronulla. 180 Northies is a popular drinking venue in Cronulla located on the corner of the two main streets of Cronulla (Kingway and Elouera), directly opposite North Cronulla beach.

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Cronulla specifically, and of Australia in general (Poynting, 2006: 33-34). The White Australian rioters justified their position by claiming themselves to be Australians and the ‘Lebs’ and ‘Wogs’ outsiders or migrants who were not only different to them, but were steering Australian culture and society in an undesirable direction. The White rioters performed nationalism by singing the A ust r al i an ant hem ‘ A dvance A ust r al i a Fai r ’ and t he unof f i ci al A ust r al i an ant hem, ‘ Wal t zi ng Matilda’, displaying items, chanting ‘Aussie Aussie Aussie, Oi, Oi, Oi’, and showing the Australian f lag (Stringa, 2005: 2). According to D unn (2009: 80-81), these are all ‘specif ically Anglo performances [that] entrenched Australian-ness as Anglo, and therefore Lebanese- Australians as not Australian’. In the case of the young girl who had her hijab removed, Dunn observes that wearing the hijab was interpreted as a performance of ‘unAustralian’ culture that clashed with the perf ormance of nationalism of White rioters (2009: 81). The claiming of symbols and the performing of nationalism illustrate the degree of xenophobia that exists among many Australians. The riot to ‘reclaim’ Cronulla beach is comparable to race riots in America that have been sparked by conflicts over the use of recreational areas by Black minority groups (see Fisher, 2006 and West, 1989 in H arrison, 2013: 323). Critical Race and Whiteness Studies in Australia have focused on the analysis of White privilege in relation to Indigenous Australians (for example Kowal, 2011), but the analysis presented above has considered White privilege in relation to Australians of Middle-Eastern appearance. The following section now draws upon the Cronulla Riots and its significance to this thesis and the Kokoda Track.

Cronulla to Kokoda: Ali’s Story

It was during the Cronulla Riots that Ali Ammar, a 16 year old Muslim Australian of Lebanese background from Sydney’s Western suburbs, was assisted onto the roof of the Brighton Le Sands RSL Cl ub i n Sydney’ s sout h- east . H e r emoved t he A ust r al i an f l ag f r om t he r oof of t he club and threw it down to his friends, who desecrated the flag by stomping, spitting and urinating on it (N SW Police, 2006: 46). The 24 year old Lebanese-born H adi K hawaja181 burnt the f lag in f ront of a crowd of approximately 150 people182. This event quickly became the f ocus of the media’s attention and Ammar became one of the most well-known (acquiring the

181 Khawaja was born in Lebanon but has been an Australian citizen since 1986. 182 See Wallace, 2006; Davis and Goldner, 2005.

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nickname, ‘the flag burner’) and frequently talked about individuals in relation to the Cronulla Ri ot s. Bot h A mmar and K hawaj a wer e char ged wi t h ‘ mal i ci ous damage an d ent er i ng encl osed lands with intent to commit an indictable offence during public unrest’ (Heywood, 2006: n.p.). In cour t K hawaj a made t he f ol l owi ng st at ement :

I t was a stupid thing to do and not something me as a person would normally do. I ’d like to apologise to the whole Australian community for the act that I did. (Wallace, 2006: n.p.).

Police testified to the court that, to some degree, Khawaja incited Ammar to take part in the incident (D avis and Goldner, 2005). N evertheless, Ammar, who was already on a good behaviour bond for other offences at the time of his arrest, was sentenced to nine months juvenile detention. Initially, it was Khawaja who was labelled ‘the flag burner’ because Ammar, who was a minor at the time, could not be named in the media. Af ter Ammar was released f rom detention in October 2006, he admitted that he was one of the two men involved in burning the Australian flag, and from then on the media, the RSL and the public referred to Ammar as ‘the flag burner’. The RSL offered him a chance to show remorse publicly for his actions by inviting him to be the flag bearer at the next Anzac Day March in April 2007 (ABC, 2006). N SW RSL President D on Rowe said that, by allowing Ammar to carry the flag on Anzac Day, it would give him the opportunity to ‘have a great appreciation of what the flag means and what it means to us diggers’ (2006). However, when news broke of the RSL’s invitation, it reignited strong emotions, racism, and claiming of the Australian flag in newspapers and on talkback radio. A search of published and broadcast material, using Factiva183 with combinations of the key words that included ‘Hadi Khawaja’ or ‘Ali Ammar’ in relation to the Australian flag and the Cronulla Riots, f ound that, prior to 2007, only K hawaja was mentioned. Then, in 2007 there were 13 articles which mentioned Ammar and no articles mentioning Khawaja (see Figure 6.1). Fi gur e 6.1 shows t hat t he medi a’s shi f t i n f ocus f r om K hawaj a t o A mmar occur r ed seaml essl y as soon as Ammar was able to be named in the media. Because of the heightened media interest in Ammar’s invitation to carry the flag, it appeared that Ammar alone was responsible for burning the Australian flag during the Cronulla Riots.

183 Factiva is a research tool that combines licensed and free sources including newspapers, journals, magazines, television and radio transcripts, and photos.

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6 Khawaja

Ammar 4

0 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010

Figure 6.1: The number of articles mentioning Khawaja or Ammar in relation to the ‘flag burner’ during the period 2005-2010.

Callers to talkback radio184 expressed fierce opposition to the RSL’s invitation, the majority feeling that Ammar should not be given such a significant role on Anzac Day:

We don’t want him to be a hero, we just want him to go away (Caller 1).

H e doesn’ t deserve t o even go anywhere near t hat f l ag. A nd t o be qui t e f r ank wi t h you, he and hi s parents and everyone else can go back to where they came from (Caller 2).

And that young fellow should realise he’s living in the best country in the world. I nstead of peeing on t he f l ag t hey shoul d pee on hi m (Cal l er 3). (D oogue, 2007)

The majority of callers to Sydney’s commercial talkback radio stations were so infuriated by the RSL’s invitation to Ammar that it resulted in many expressing racist and exclusionist attitudes. Fur t her more, some cal l er s used t er r i t or i al l anguage, wher eby t hey pr esent ed t hemsel ves as mor e Australian than Ammar and, therefore, as justified in making statements like those of caller 2 (above) on public service radio. Talkback radio discussions only incited further hatred and threats of violence to the point that the invitation to Ammar was withdrawn. The RSL had to think of a new, safer way for Ammar to ‘atone for his actions’ and to ‘learn about Australian qualities [...] and Australian history’ (Rowe, 2006: n.p.; D oogue, 2007).

184 These calls on public service talkback radio were replayed in the documentary Cronulla to Kokoda (2007).

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The RSL decided to sponsor Ammar, as noted earlier, to trek the Kokoda Track in their ‘ Youth Leadership Challenge’ under the guidance of one of the more popular trekking companies, Adventure Kokoda. The Kokoda Track became the scene of Ammar’s public pilgrimage that brought together representatives of diverse ethnic (White-Australian and Arab- Australian) and religious (Christian and Muslim) communities in order to create ‘better understanding between them’. In 2007 the Australian public was invited to share in the trekking experiences of Ali Ammar and a group of other young Australians with the telecast of the Compass documentary, ‘Cronulla to K okoda: Ali’s Story’ (D oogue, 2007). Compass chose the story of Ammar’s trek of the Kokoda Track in its two-part examination of Australian patriotism. The documentary is analysed here because it is about young people, including non-White Australians, on the Kokoda Track. As demonstrated in Chapter 3 some individuals who had trekked Kokoda felt so positively motivated and inspired by their experiences that they publicised their feelings on websites and social media, while others tattooed their bodies with images of Kokoda. For t hese A ust r al i ans, and many ot her s, t he K okoda T r ack i s l i f e changi ng, a per cept i on t hat t hi s Compass documentary shares. This documentary is memorable and pertinent because it est abl i shes f or t he A ust r al i an audi ence t hat t he K okoda T r ack i s a uni que pi l gr i mage si t e f or learning about Australian history and Australian culture. The Compass episode exemplifies the importance and power of White-Australian history, the presence of White Indigeneity and of contemporary White nationalism. The group that was followed on this trek consisted of young men and women, aged bet ween 16 and 25 year s ol d, who wer e sponsor ed by local RSL cl ubs f rom acr oss A ust r al i a t o undertake a ten-day trek as part of the ‘Kokoda Youth Leadership Challenge’. Some of the trekkers were high achievers in their schools and communities while others, like Ammar, had been in trouble with the law and had ‘chequered pasts’ (Doogue, 2007). For example, the viewer learns that Aaron (19 years old, from Wagga) ‘comes from a family of battlers [...] having had a few run-ins with police in his teens’, and Brady (also 19 years old and from Wagga), is described as ‘a tough, knockabout farm boy’ who at one point shows the scars on his body that he’d received from fights in pubs and from his ex-girlfriend. The documentary focuses on Ammar, so vi ewer s l ear n ver y l i t t l e about t he exper i ences of t he hi gh achi ever s. T her e i s an i mpr essi on t hat t he young A ust r al i ans ar e sent t o t he K okoda T r ack, and not t o G al l i pol i , because of i t s di f f i cul t terrain, harsh environment, history and the mental, physical and emotional challenges that it generates. None of the trekkers was aware of Ammar’s involvement in the Cronulla Riots, nor did they know that the Compass crew was making a documentary based on his experiences on the Track until later in the trek.

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Compass presenter Geraldine Doogue introduced ‘Cronulla to Kokoda: Ali’s Story’ by st at i ng:

We follow a young man who accepts a pretty tough challenge to atone for his actions during the Cronulla Riots, and we watch a gradual build towards his moment of truth. Along the way we find out why he did what he did and a whole lot more. Questions that strike at the heart of what we Australians really aspire to at our core.

This opening statement indicates that Ammar will be ‘transformed’ and become ‘enlightened’ by his trek on the Kokoda Track.185 ‘Cronulla to Kokoda’ uses one-on-one interviews with Ammar and his uncle in their home, commentary from Ammar and the other trekkers on the Kokoda T r ack, as wel l as medi a r epor t s and f oot age dur i ng t he t i me o f t he Cr onul l a Ri ot s, t o pr ovi de t he viewer with a deeper understanding of Ammar and the journey that he had embarked on. Ammar explains at the start of the documentary that he thinks that he is on the Kokoda Track to ‘learn about Australian qualities and Australian history’ and because he ‘heard that by the time this trek [is] finished it should make me a better man’. It is implicit in the documentary that it is up to the younger generation of Australians to maintain the Kokoda tradition in order for it to survive. The nature of the Kokoda pilgrimage is first highlighted when the trek leader, John Nalder, describes how it will create a ‘spiritual experience’ that will affect them physically and emotionally. As stated in Chapter 3, the Kokoda Track has been viewed by many to possess the el ement s t hat const i t ut e a pi l gr i mage, wher eby t he ext r eme di f f i cul t y of t he j our ney makes f or ‘ effective penance in sites of holy or spiritual significance’, thus providing pilgrims with an opportunity to find redemption (Westwood, 2003: 32). Early in the documentary the narrator, Geoff Morrell, gives a brief summary of the historical and military significance of the Kokoda Track. We learn that the Australian Militia (the aforementioned ‘Chocos’) were the first soldiers sent to Papua New Guinea to hold back Japanese forces from advancing towards Australia. At the time, the ‘Chocos’ were not considered real soldiers because they were not able to enlist in the Australian Infantry Battalion because of age or medical reasons. Their defence of the Kokoda Track is considered by many today to have been vital in ensuring the success of the Australian Kokoda Track Campaign. John remarks, away f r om t he gr oup, t hat i t was t he ‘ Chocos’ , ‘ men t hat t he count r y doubt ed [ who] st epped f or war d’ , and l i ke t he ‘ Chocos’ John makes t he comment t o t he camer a t hat he bel i eves t hat t he trek provides young Australians with the belief and opportunity that they need to ‘step up’ when t hey exper i ence chal l enges i n t hei r l i ves ( D oogue, 2007).

185For the purposes of cultural research into national identity formation and exclusion, rather than religious or mediaeval studies, I have deliberately used ‘enlighten’ in a simple and general way here.

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A t t he end of t he second day of t r ekki ng, t he gr oup ar r i ves at I sur ava M emor i al and i s briefed on the history and significance of the site.186 As mentioned in Chapter 2, the memorial was unveiled on 14th August 2002 by former Australian Prime Minister John Howard and former Pr i me M i ni st er of Papua N ew G ui nea Si r M i chael Somar e. A s al r eady not ed, t he memor i al comprises four black granite pillars, each engraved with a single word: ‘mateship’, ‘courage’, ‘ sacrifice’ and ‘endurance’. Several of the trekkers gave their perspectives on the memorial and its significance to them:

Brady: I ’d be fighting pretty hectic. I ’d give it a go. Coz I ’d be also fighting for me mates as well as me country. Like... Have to say one thing, hats off to ‘em all, ‘coz they’re soldiers, they’re good. Jennifer: When I went up to the memorial and I was looking at the four stones, I think sacrifice is the one that jumped out at me. Not because it’s something we have to do but it’s our inheritance, it’s the boots we have to fill and I think that’s a big thing for us.

Ammar: You gotta have courage, and not just that, if you’re gonna see your mates dying around ya because the courage isn’t there it’s gonna go back to mates. Like you’re caring that they’re falling out on the battlefields and things like that, and you want to show ‘em that you can stand up to a force even i f i t ’s t hat bi g.

After hearing from the trekkers about their thoughts concerning the Isurava Memorial, the camera moves from Ammar to the pillar inscribed with the word ‘mateship’. Muffled chanting in the background gradually increases in volume until the phrase ‘Fuck off Lebs!’ becomes clear. The image of the ‘mateship’ pillar fades and footage from the Cronulla Riots is replayed. There ar e a f ew seconds f or t he vi ewer t o compr ehend t he i mages bef or e t he nar r at or says t hat , ‘ Back in 2005, in the thick of the Cronulla Riots, Ammar ’s own mateship and allegiances were put to the test.’ At this point Ammar reveals to viewers his explanation for his actions during the Cronulla Riots:

My mate came back with stitches from his eyebrow down to his cheek. That’s what made us really shitty. I dunno we just felt like we had to do something about it. We just wanted to show how much, how angry we were [...] When you’re around that many people and that many ideas and that many thoughts going through your head and you’re in a situation like mine you’re not really thinking [...] That flag, like it represented the people that were rioting in Cronulla and going against us and things like that. Like, we felt unwanted like, we felt hated.

The documentary deliberately draws attention to the ‘mateship’ pillar as it shifts to showing footage of angry White rioters during the Cronulla Riots and Ammar’s reasons for removing the A ust r al i an f l ag. T hi s j uxt aposi t i on of scenes r eveal s t he si mi l ar i t i es bet ween A mmar ’s act i ons, which were motivated by his mateship, and the element of mateship that drew White rioters to Cronulla on 5th D ecember 2005. These actions ref lect the value of mateship that has become synonymous wi t h t he K okoda T r ack and, mor e br oadl y, t he A nzac t r adi t i on. ‘ Cr onul l a t o

186 I surava was the site where some of the most intense fighting took place during the Kokoda Track Campaign. The memorial sits adjacent to the spot where Private Bruce Kingsbury (V.C.) sacrificed his life to halt Japanese advances.

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Kokoda’ makes the point that mateship is an important part of Australian identity, but it also demonstrates how Ammar’s actions were, in part, about mateship. The Youth Leadership Challenge attempts to educate and relate the values attributed to the Kokoda Track, like mateship, in order for the experience to have an impact on young people’s behaviour and attitudes to the nation. O n day t hr ee t he t r ek l eader , John N al der , st ops t he gr oup at t he pl ace wher e t he Bat t l e of Eor a Cr eek was f ought . H e t el l s t he group t hat i t was common t o see sol di er s wi t h ser i ous i nj ur i es who r ef used hel p because t hey bel i eved t hat t her e wer e ot her sol di er s wor se of f t han themselves. These injured soldiers were able to continue because, ‘together they provided the propulsion to get up and down this terrain’ (D oogue, 2007). N alder’s description of the Australian soldiers at Eora Creek during WWII evokes the powerful image of the ‘Aussie battler’ who, against all odds, struggles for the nation without complaint or bitterness. For the young trekkers, the concept of the ‘Aussie battler’ soldier experience becomes increasingly relatable as the trekkers experience physical, emotional and psychological challenges during their trek of the Kokoda Track. Shortly after the group resumes trekking, Brady dislocates his knee. Nalder has a stretcher made from trees and rope and takes this opportunity to create a group exercise that will test the trekkers about the inspiring stories of the ‘Aussie battlers’ soldiers during WWII that t hey had been hear i ng about . I t al so dr aws par al l el s wi t h t he wor k of Papua N ew G ui nean stretcher bearers, or Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels, who evacuated wounded and sick Australian soldiers (see Chapter 4). Nalder hopes that, ‘the example of those war-time angels will rub off on the trekkers’, and that they will think less selfishly about their actions. He appoints Ammar, who has been in the background, to organise his fellow trekkers in assisting Brady. Next, the camera swi t ches t o a vi ew of t he gr oup descendi ng a mount ai n and vi ewer s see t hat t he i nj ur ed Br ady i s being stretchered by the young male trekkers.187 Up to this point Nalder’s group exercise appears to be working. Later in the day trekkers pass Brady as he alternates between walking and hopping with the help of the Papua New Guinean carriers. Nalder tells the viewer that this exercise is designed to show who in the group cares and who is ‘really just going for home’ (Doogue, 2007). At the next st op N al der gat her s t he gr oup and t el l s t hem:

Since lunchtime I ’ve seen some real, true, Kokoda spirit and I’ve seen some bloody selfish behaviour [...] As a group get your act together. Look sideways. I t’s not just about you. Some of you were on one course on that last stretch, [sic] was to get here as fast as you could. And there wasn’t a bloody consideration for a few others [...] Some of you displayed real true K okoda spirit. Let’s get it right through the group. C’mon guys you’ve got the potential, you’re right there.

187 I nterestingly, none of the women in the trekking group was appointed or pictured carrying Brady.

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Ammar tells the camera that he was one of the trekkers who selfishly kept walking because:

Every corner you take you think ‘yeah we’re getting there’, but it just keeps going and going and going. And then I ’ve hit stages where, where I just want to get there and I didn’t worry about anyone el se and I know t hat was wr ong.

Nalder’s group exercise aimed to teach the trekkers the ‘true Kokoda Spirit” . So, even though Nalder ‘turned them loose’ and told them to ‘go for home’, he was deliberately testing them to see who had ‘it’ (Doogue, 2007). This exercise communicates to viewers that Ammar is still yet ‘ to learn about Australian qualities and Australian history’ (D oogue, 2007). The f ollowing images of the documentary convey that Ammar has ‘drifted towards the back of the pack’ (Doogue, 2007). Ammar failed to pass Nalder’s test and to follow in the footsteps of the Diggers, whose ‘ dogged determination and resilience would become part of our folklore’ (Doogue, 2007). H e is described by the narrator as having withdrawn from the group as a result of the test set by the t r ek l eader . H owever , f r om t he out set of A mmar ’ s t r ek t her e was an i ndi cat i on t hat i t was not done on the premise that he would be accepted, included and/ or empowered. As NSW RSL President Don Rowe had asserted, when someone makes a mistake it is important for them to be shown that they had done so, and that the intention of the RSL was to show Ammar ‘what the Australian f lag means to all Australians’ (2006). I t would be more accurate, based on the submissive behaviour of Ammar on the Track, to suggest that the biggest lesson for non-White Australians is conformity and submission to Australian military history and to the Australian flag. The Compass document ar y al so shows aspect s of A mmar ’ s l i f e i n A ust r al i a af t er r et ur ni ng from the trek. At his parent’s home the extended family is shown eating shish kebab at a family bar becue. T he nar r at or expl ai ns t hat ‘ A mmar ’ s f ami l y was shat t er ed by hi s act of vandal i sm dur i ng t he Cr onul l a Ri ot s’ and t hat t hey f el t angr y and ashamed by hi s i nsul t t o t hei r adopt ed country (Doogue, 2007). The camera shows the top of the f amily’s house where a weathered Australian flag is fluttering from the top of their antenna. Ammar’s uncle, Hassain, says: ‘ Australia treated us very well. We were lucky to be here. We never are the type of people that you sort of eat from somebody’s plate and you spit on it as we say in a phrase’. This insight appears to demonstrate Ammar’s and his family’s ‘Australianness’ and to contrast with the intermittent footage of the Cronulla Riots. There has been no further public information about Ammar since the Compass documentary, but there have been public statements about the Kokoda Track by a young M usl i m A ust r al i an woman, M ecca L aal aa, who t r ekked K okoda i n 2009 i n sear ch of meani ng and identity (Brockie, 2012). After the Cronulla Riots, Laalaa had trained as a surf lifesaver at

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Cronulla as part of a program that aimed at building bridges between the two communities (the Sut her l and Shi r e and Bankst own) and t hen wal ked t he K okoda T r ack as par t of t he ‘ M at eshi p Trek’. A total of four young Muslim Australian women and four young Cronulla lifesavers trekked with Liberal MP Scott Morrison, the Member for Cook188, and Labor MP Jason Clare, the Federal Member for Blaxland189. M or r i son and Cl ar e wer e par t i ci pant s i n t he t r ek because they were the MPs that represented, respectively, the suburbs of Cronulla and Bankstown. The ‘ Mateship Trek’ was designed to bring young leaders from Cronulla and Bankstown ‘from very different religious and cultural backgrounds and experiences of Australian life’ in order to help ‘ build bridges between [...] communities’ (Morrison, 2009). This well-publicised trek (MidEast Times, 2009) was aimed at building understanding of ‘Australian culture’, ‘Australian identity’ and A ust r al i an hi st or y. O nce agai n, t he K okoda T r ack i s pr oj ect ed as a uni que pl ace t hat br i ngs people together and ‘changes them’. During SBS’s Insight program on 20 March 2012, Laalaa spoke of how she constantly tries to prove herself by doing things like trekking the Kokoda Track, and to show that she ‘can be just as Aussie as anybody else’ (Brockie, 2012). When Insight presenter Jenny Brockie (2012) quest i oned L aal aa, ‘ I t sounds l i ke you’ r e al ways t r yi ng t o be mor e A ussi e t han A ussi e?’ , L aal aa quickly responded, ‘Definitely. What else do I need to do?’ Laalaa’s comments mirror the frustrations expressed by Ali Ammar and many other first- and second-generation Australians from migrant families (Hage, 2000, 2009). They are examples of contemporary Australians who feel excluded, unwanted and/ or disconnected from the concept of an ‘Australian national identity’ that is currently dominated by and, as this thesis argues, obsessed with a White privileged view of the Kokoda Track and the Anzac tradition. Only a handful of academic texts has r epor t ed on A mmar ’s st or y, and t hey have r est r i ct ed di scussi on t o t he event s sur roundi ng the Cronulla Riots (e.g. H age, 2009). There has been no detailed attempt to examine the symbol i sm of t he f l ag, t he RSL ’ s i nvi t at i on t o A mmar t o car r y t he A ust r al i an f l ag at t he A nzac Day march, or the RSL’s invitation to Ammar to trek the Kokoda Track. In view of this gap, the following section examines the symbolism and significance of the Australian flag in the case of Ali Ammar and of other recent cases where the Australian flag was burnt.

188 Morrison is still the Member for Cook, and currently the Minister for Social Services in the Abbott Government. 189 Clare is still the Member for Blaxland, and is currently the Shadow Minister for Communications.

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The Australian flag – inclusion or exclusion

T he A ust r al i an f l ag190 was frequently seen in newspaper photographs and television news footage during the time of the Cronulla Riots. Many of these images depicted White rioters parading the flag by wearing, carrying and displaying it. During the Cronulla Riots the Australian flag represented for non-White Australians a symbol of racism and xenophobia. As Affrica Taylor st at es i n Lines in the Sand (2009: 13):

The nationalist inscriptions, chants, flags simultaneously marked the (White) “ Aussie” men as self- appointed custodians of the nation and demarcated the beach as their sovereign territory. This articulation of White, male “ Aussie” bodies with “ Aussie sands” reiterated an assumed-to-be natural order of association.

The use of the term ‘Aussie’ during the riots and its connection to Whiteness excludes Australians like Ammar, many of whom were born and raised in Australia and have never been overseas. Arab-Australians were positioned as outsiders and the subject of discussion, not just by politicians and the media, but by racists, multiculturalists, and ‘disgusted’191 and ‘ embar r assed’ 192 Middle-Eastern Australians, who in varying degrees acted as ‘masters of the national space, and [asserted] that it was up to them to decide who stayed in and who ought to be kept out of that space’ (H age, 2000: 17). Ammar’s response was to focus on the symbol of the Australian flag, as he explained in Cronulla to Kokoda:

That flag […] represented the people that were rioting in Cronulla and going against us.

When providing viewers with an explanation for his actions, Ammar stated:

Thinking about it now it wasn't a good idea. But, at the time, we just wanted to show how angry we were.

Ammar’s explanation of his attitude towards the Australian flag can be understood better by reference to Ghassan Hage’s (2009: 259) assertion that Arab-Australians felt frustrated when seeing the White rioters in Cronulla:

190 The Southern Cross also featured heavily in images, usually in the form of tattoos. 191 On 6th December 2005 an email to a radio station from a woman who described herself as a 20 year old, fourth year university law student of Lebanese heritage who expressed her ‘disgust with the reputation these deviating Lebanese Australians are giving the rest of this conforming community’ (Strike Force Neil, 2006: 30). 192 On 7th December 2005 a radio station read correspondence from a man who claimed to be 30 year old, Lebanese born, and had migrated to Australia seven years ago. He expressed how nothing embarrasses his family and himself more than incidents like the one on 4th December 2005 (the assault of surf lifesavers by men of Middle Eastern heritage) and ends his letter stating, ‘if they did this in Lebanon and acted like they do here they wouldn’t survive for too long’ (Strike Force Neil, 2006: 31).

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This was the problem with these boys: born in Australia, in an Australian grown (albeit hybrid) culture, they lost sense of the marginality of their culture. They were considered not-Australian without really being awar e of i t .

Here Hage has highlighted how the Cronulla Riots demonstrated to Arab-Australians that there was a difference between them and the ‘Australian’ even though they were born in Australia. Racial comments made by an individual or small group of people at a shopping centre or on the st r eet ar e ent i r el y di f f er ent t o t he ki nd of r aci sm and excl usi on t hat was demonst r at ed by a united group of 5,000 White Australians. On an unprecedented scale, Arab-Australians were publicly excluded from the nation in a way that emphasised a sense of cultural difference and not belonging (Noble and Poynting, 2006: 14). T he A ust r al i an f l ag, t he Sout her n Cross and ot her A ust r al i an vi sual symbol s, such as cricket bats, beers, ‘eskies’ (a cooler box), barbeques, ‘utes’ (utility vehicle), and the beach, were used by the White rioters to demonstrate that they had the authority to riot and to determine what was ‘ unA ust r al i an’ on an et hni c, r aci al and cul t ur al basi s. I n no i mage of t he Cr onul l a Ri ot s was anyone of non-White, or more specifically, of Middle Eastern appearance, represented wearing or carrying the Australian flag. The behaviour at Cronulla revealed ‘White Australian ethnocentrism’ (Ang, 1995) by those who f elt entitled to use the Australian f lag, the Southern Cross and other iconic Australian objects to represent their power to exclude non-Whites, and specifically those of Arab background and appearance. From Pauline Hanson draped in the Australian flag to the White rioters at Cronulla, the Australian flag has become associated with r aci sm and di scr i mi nat i on. The Cr onul l a Ri ot s i ndi cat e t hat , i n some r espect s, t he A ust r al i an f l ag has devel oped i n t he eyes o f many i nt o a symbol t hat di vi des and excl udes, not as a nat i onal symbol for all Australians. In recent decades there has been a growing number of First Australians, including inaugural chairperson of the now dissolved Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC) Lowitja O’Donoghue, who have voiced opposition to the Australian flag because it ‘symbolises dispossession and oppression [and] represents a monoculture and intolerance’ (O’D onoghue cited in H uxley, 2011: n.p.). Evidence of the f lag’s divisive historical inheritance has been observed in Australia Day celebrations, which some Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians have renamed ‘Invasion Day’. On Australia Day in 2008 Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre worker Adam Thompson set fire to the Australian flag in protest, stating that:

Australians know what it means to Aboriginal people for them to celebrate Invasion Day and they do it anyway, so there's a blatant disregard there for Aboriginal people. And that made us angry enough to do that.

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While O’Donoghue was speaking about the flag in relation to Indigenous Australians, Michael Billig (1992: 39) and Suvendrini Perera (2005: 7) have made similar points about flags in relation to the exclusion felt by other subordinated groups. In the case of Ammar and Thompson, the burning of the Australian flag sent a powerful message that there are individuals in contemporary Australian society who, based primarily on ‘race’ and culture, feel excluded from the nation. Cases of a nation’s flag being used to represent exclusion of individuals or groups, and their political views, are not unique to Australia. However, from the time of its creation at Federation on 1st January 1901193, t he A ust r al i an f l ag has been a symbol of col oni al r aci sm , and i t inherits the history of the nation since colonisation in 1788. Other f ormer British colonies such as I ndi a, Canada and (not abl y) Papua N ew G ui nea have changed t hei r f l ags and ef f ect i vel y r emoved t he i mper i al symbol i sm associ at ed wi t h t he U ni on Jack. T he ar gument put f or t h above by Lowitja O’Donoghue is that there exists a monoculture and intolerance in contemporary Australia as manifested by the aforementioned political party of Pauline Hanson, One Nation. Hanson was a former Liberal member who was elected to Parliament before she co-founded One Nation194, a far right-wing political party with racist and exclusionary views towards non- White Australians. The Australian flag featured heavily in Hanson’s political campaigns as a symbol of her political ethos. In one controversial and iconic image from 1997, Hanson has the Australian flag draped over her shoulders, and the Union Jack strategically placed on her right shoulder to symbolise the nation and her Anglo heritage. The filming and photographing of politicians in front of the Australian flag is common, but Hanson was the first politician to be physically draped in it. Politicians wrap themselves symbolically in the nation’s flag because it signif ies unity and patriotism, which is evident during sporting events such as the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games and the 2006 Commonwealth Games in Melbourne. So, while the Australian flag has been used by some to exclude, it is also deployed to unite groups within the nation. The Australian flag was used by the White rioters who had claimed it as a symbol of their identity and thereby was linked to their claim for control over what they perceived to be a loss of control and power to non-Whites, and/ or Muslims and Middle Eastern migrants (Dunn, 2006: 80). Si gns and sl ogans t hat r ead ‘ we gr ew her e, you f l ew her e’ and t he l i ke al so enact ed performances of White Indigeneity, whereby White rioters were claiming the space, and First Australians were, once again, neglected (Dunn et al., 2009: 22). Recognition that the Australian f l ag had adopt ed t r oubl i ng and ant i soci al associ at i ons coul d be seen a mont h af t er t he r i ot s i n t he l ead up t o t he popul ar annual musi c f est i val , t he Bi g D ay O ut (BD O ). BD O pr omot er , K en

193The Australian flag was selected after a nation-wide competition in 1901, but it was not the official Australian flag until 1953, when the Flags Act was passed by the Menzies government (Ausflag, n.d.). 194 Founded in 1997.

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West, requested attendees not to bring Australian flags because of reports that, in the previous year’s event, some people were invited to kiss the flag and were abused verbally and physically when they ref used to do so (Roberts, 2007). Sections of the media and f ormer Prime Minister John Howard were quick to refer to the request from BDO organisers as banning the Australian flag, with Howard making the following statement:

The proposition that the display of the Australian flag should ever be banned anywhere in Australia is offensive and it will be to millions of Australians (Howard cited in Roberts, 2007).

The claiming of the Australian flag by White-Australians to symbolise their nation led to AusFlag’s195 unsuccessful campaign for a more representative national flag. AusFlag recognises that, given the increase in immigration since WWII from countries other than the United Kingdom, many contemporary Australians may find the Australian flag, especially its Union Jack component , as i r r el evant t o t hem. T he or gani sat i on ar gues t hat t he A ust r al i an f l ag shoul d be based on ‘Australian symbols rather than the flag of another nation’ (Ausflag, n.d.). Its Director Brendan Jones (2006) wrote an article a f ew weeks af ter the Cronulla Riots stating that the pr esence of t he U ni on Jack on t he A ust r al i an f l ag was used by Whi t e A ust r al i ans as a cul t ur al and racial ‘wedge’, a symbol that could send the message that, ‘you are not, and will never be, considered truly Australian’. From the outset of the riots it was clear that the Australian flag was not a symbol to which every Australian had equal claim. This thesis argues that the Australian flag, with its vestiges of British colonialism, is used to symbolise and represent White Indigeneity, wher eby t he f l ag i s used as a r emi nder t hat t he nat i on was f or med by Whi t es and t hat i t i s st i l l , essentially, White. The First Australians and non-Whites are, therefore, not represented by the flag. At The Australian Sociological Association196 conference academic Nahid Kabir (2007) argued that trekking the Kokoda Track gave Ammar ‘the chance to experience first-hand why the Australian flag is so important for many people’. In light of the analysis of Ammar’s trek and its context, I argue that, while Ammar may not have been fully aware of the consequences of his act i ons, he del i ber at el y t ar get ed t he A ust r al i an f l ag because of i t s symbol i c si gni f i cance f or t he White rioters at Cronulla. The territorial attitude that White rioters demonstrated during the Cr onul l a Ri ot s i n r el at i on t o t he A ust r al i an f l ag was echoed (as previ ousl y di scussed) on commercial talkback radio. The strength of the reaction demonstrates that White Indigeneity in a sense pervades the Australian community, and is not just restricted to the active subculture that

195 AusFlag was founded in 1981, and became a non-profit, apolitical organisation in 1983 with the intention of gathering public support for a more representative Australian flag. 196 TASA was formerly known as Sociological Association of Australia and New Zealand.

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rioted at Cronulla or to the radio callers for whom the Australian flag was the subject of territorial ownership. If Ammar had taken the flag from any other property than an RSL club the act may have resulted in different responses and different opportunities for atonement. But, per haps because t he f l ag was r emoved f r om an RSL cl ub, t he l i nk bet ween t he A ust r al i an f l ag and t he A nzacs qui ckl y became indi vi si bl e. A s such, hi s act i ons meant mor e t han j ust r ebel l i ng against the ‘symbol of us as a people’ (D oogue, 2007), it was perceived by the RSL as direct di sr egar d and di sr espect f or t he D i gger s, t he A nzacs and t he A nzac t r adi t i on. T he seemi ngl y disparate complex threads of the Australian flag, Diggers, Anzacs, Australian culture, Australian identity, Kokoda Track, and the Muslim Other were woven together. As the next section demonst r at es, t hese t hr eads ar e al so i nt er woven i n publ i c di scour se i n cont est s over t he nat i on’ s political agenda and government policies.

The fall of multiculturalism and the rise of the White populist

Multiculturalism was f requently used by politicians f rom the 1970s to 1990s as a means of addressing national issues relating to diversity and integration (Errington and van Onselen, 2008: 222). I t was introduced as policy by the Whitlam Government (1971-1975) and received varying degrees of bipartisan support for several decades until it was abandoned during the Howard years (1996-2007). Under Howard the name of the D epartment of I mmigration and Multicultural Affairs was changed to that of the Department of Immigration and Citizenship. The philosophical rationale for abandoning multiculturalism is illustrated in the following speech by the Howard Government’s Parliamentary Secretary for Immigration and Multicultural Affairs, Andrew Robb (Heywood, 2006: n.p.):

Some A ust r ali ans wor ry t hat pr ogressi vel y t he t er m mul t i cul t ur al has been t r ansf or med by some interest groups into a philosophy, a philosophy which puts allegiances to original culture ahead of national loyalty, a philosophy which fosters separate development, a federation of ethnic cultures, not one community […] Those who come here should unite behind a core set of values, a shared identity.

It has been suggested that the Howard Government was intent on implementing this change to national policy and that he barely uttered the ‘m’ word during his years as Prime Minister (Errington and van Onselen, 2008: 222). As multiculturalism became ‘dead in the water’, nationalistic Anzac fervour was thriving (Ball, 2004). When the Cronulla Riots took place, Howard was quick to play down their significance:

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I do not accept [that] there is underlying racism in this country […] I have always taken a more optimistic view of the character of the Australian people. (Errington and van Onselen, 2008: 380). In spite of the cultural diversity of modern Australia, during the Howard government’s tenure there was an implementation of White populist policies to ensure that:

the attitudes of powerful and influential cultural groups […] [are] the primary focus of examinations of i nter-communal rel ati ons […] because t he i nt ol erant att i t udes of privi leged groups have a st ronger likelihood and impact when converted into oppressive acts (Dunn et al., 2009: 22).

But some sections of the media and politicians were quick to point out that threats to ‘Australian culture’ and ‘Australian identity’ were not just coming from within Australian society, but were al so comi ng on f i shi ng boat s as r ef ugees seeki ng asyl um. A l ong- est abl i shed cul t ur e of i nvasi on f ear s i n A ust r al i a, as anal ysed i n Chapt er 2, was so ent r enched i n t he A ust r al i an psyche t hat i t contributed to support of policies that effectively kept ‘boat people’ from reaching the mainland and from threatening ‘our way of life’.

The first public instance of the government ‘flexing its muscle’ on asylum seekers began on 26th August 2001 when Rescue Coordination Centre (RCC) Australia requested that all ships respond to a fishing boat, the Palapa 1, which had become stranded 55 nautical miles north-west of Christmas I sland (Marr and Wilkinson, 2004: 11). The incident became known as ‘the Tampa Affair’ because it was the Norwegian vessel, Tampa, under Captain Arne Rinnan, that responded to the RCC request and rescued 411 asylum seekers, mostly from Afghanistan197, and al so 27 crew members (2004: 8). The Captain requested permission from the Australian government to unl oad t he asyl um seeker s at Chr i st mas I sl and but was r ef used, t he A ust r al i an gover nment denying any legal (or humanitarian) obligation and threatening Rinnan with prosecution involving f ines of up to AU$110,000 and jail (2004: 31). Concerned that the asylum seekers would jump overboard, riot or harm the crew if Tampa continued to take them towards Indonesia, Rennan decided to head towards Christmas Island, pleading again with the Australian government to grant permission to enter Australian waters, a request that was again refused. The asylum seekers were eventually transported by the Royal Australian Navy to Nauru, where they wer e housed i n t he St at e H ouse and T opsi de det ent i on camps, and absor bed i nt o what was t he government’s ‘Pacif ic solution’ to the asylum seekers arriving by boat (Manne, 2004: 47).198

197 Of t he ref ugees on board, si x cl ai med t o be f rom Sri L anka, three f rom Paki st an and t he rest cl ai med t o be f r om Afghanistan (Marr and Wilkinson, 2004: 8). 198 According to the Refugee Council of Australia, ‘If an asylum seeker who has reached Australia is found to be a refugee, Australia is obliged under international law to offer protection and to ensure that the person is not sent back unwillingly to a country in which they risk being persecuted’ (n.a., n.d.,

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L ess t han t wo mont hs af t er t he T ampa A f f ai r , and onl y a f ew weeks af t er Sept ember 11, another fishing boat, the ‘Oolong’, also christened ‘SIEV 4’ (Suspected Illegal Entry Vessel) by Australia, was intercepted by HMAS Adelaide (a naval warship). SIEV 4 was carrying 223 asylum seekers and was approximately 100 nautical miles north of Christmas Island before the navy fired across its bows and shadowed the vessel back to Indonesia, having to board several times to f orce it away f rom Australian waters (Marr, 2006: n.p.). The engines had f ailed and H M A S A del ai de was f or ced t o t ow t he boat , t hough now i n ci r cl es ar ound t he I ndi an O cean as the Australian Government deliberated as to which course of action to take. Under the strain of towing, the overloaded Oolong began to sink, and only after 24 hours, when the vessel was sinking further and its passengers began jumping into the sea, did the Australian navy begin to conduct a full-scale rescue of its passengers (2006, n.p.). The story that I mmigration Minister Philip Ruddock released the following day was that ‘a number of children have been thrown into the water’ by those on board in an effort to secure passage to Australia, which he described as ‘ disturbing, planned and premeditated’ (K elly, 2011: 596). This interpretation (later found t o be baseless), was repeated by Defence Minister Peter Reith and Prime Minister John Howard, who portrayed the asylum seekers as inhumane, a representation that was in keeping with perceptions of Muslims after September 11. Arguably, any underlying or suppressed racism in Australian society was brought to the surface and disturbingly normalised in part because of these three key events, as is evidenced by the frequent use of terms such as ‘national security’ and ‘border protection’ among the Prime Minister, Liberal and National Party politicians.

Immediately following September 11, the Howard Government initiated, with great political success, hard-line policies and harsh treatment of asylum seekers as a political weapon. On 10th N ovember 2001 t he Coal i t i on not onl y won t he el ect i on but al so gai ned an addi t i onal two seats in the House of Representatives (bringing the total to 68 seats held by the Liberal Party and 13 by the National Party) and 12 seats in the Senate (bringing the total number of Liberal Party held seats to 31). Throughout his election campaign, Prime Minister John Howard’s message was clear: ‘we will decide who comes to this country and the circumstances in which they come’ (H oward quoted in Clarke, 2001: n.p.). H oward’s re-election as Prime Minister in 2001 was partly attributed to his strong position on asylum seekers, one that has been taken up by Prime Minister Tony Abbott and his government’s policy of ‘Operation Sovereign Borders’ to ‘stop the boats’ (Leslie and Corcoran, 2014). http:/ / www.refugeecouncil.org.au/ docs/ news&events/ RW_Background_I nformation.pdf , accessed 20/ 07/ 2014). I n light of the international law relating to asylum seekers, the government’s partnership with countries like Nauru, as in this case, is a way to circumvent these obligations.

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The public discourse and national policies of the Howard years have coincided with anti- Islamic sentiments that have led to a number of racist and discriminatory events in Australia. For example, in late N ovember 2007 the heads of two pigs were put on stakes and an Australian f lag was discovered at the site of a proposed Islamic school in Camden in Sydney’s south-west. The following month, a right-wing politician of the Christian Democratic Party, Rev Fred Nile, spoke at a meet i ng i n Camden at whi ch a cr owd of appr oxi mat el y 800 peopl e chant ed ‘ A ussi e, A ussi e, Aussie, Oi, Oi, Oi!’ (Donohoe, 2008). The proposal caused many in the local community to protest on the basis of ethnic and religious discrimination. A flyer was distributed to residents in the local community stating:

I t ’ s about t i me al l A ust r al i ans st and t oget her …no I sl ami c school i n Camden (Smi t h, 2010: 86).

In 2011 a newly established detention centre in South Australia199 caused similar protests. The Woodside Community Action Group, whose mission statement is a ‘fair go for our communities’, met regularly to discuss their concerns among like-minded people in the community. Group member Daniel Kelly explained that , ‘ we have t o l ook at peopl e who ar e abl e to come into this country and assimilate with our values and with the way of life that we’ve established’ (Sales, 2011). Another member, Alex Hodges, expanded on Kelly’s point by stating:

T he t hi ng t hat worries me is that people with cultural ideologies that really don't sit very well with our secular country, and particularly people that put their culture and their religion ahead of our Western, democratic, secular legal system and things like that, I 'm very concerned about the thought of Sharia law even i n a l i t tl e way bei ng…(Sales, 2011)

At this point, fellow group member Briohny Pitts stopped Hodges from continuing and ABC interviewer, Leigh Sales, told viewers that the group is very conscious of being labelled racist, so it tries to avoid naming religions or races of people. These st at ement s, and t he concer ns expressed by many members of the town, reveal that the central issue of the township towards the detention centre is that the detainees are Muslim, which they interpret as contrary to their way of life. In the town next to Woodside, Inverbrackie resident Raye Colbey expressed similar views in the television documentary, Go Back to Where You Came F rom, when she confessed:

When the boat [carrying asylum seekers] crashed into Christmas Island I thought, serves you bastards right (Friels, 2011).

199After WWI I a refugee camp was built in I nverbrackie. The Federal Government announced in 2010 plans to re- open the camp, and in 2011 there were approximately 400 refugees housed there.

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A t t he end of t he document ar y vi ewer s wer e i nf ormed t hat , whi l e Colbey f el t compassi on and understanding of the plight of asylum seekers in camps in Africa, she still maintained strong concer ns about M usl i m asyl um seeker s. These are not i sol at ed exampl es of r aci st at t i t udes towards people of Middle Eastern heritage and/ or Islamic faith. A 2007 study 200 , commissioned by the Department of Immigration and Citizenship, found that the rise of White populist culture is having a disturbing impact on the attitudes of young Australians and their perceptions of identity, belonging and citizenship. The study surveyed 339 young people in Sydney’s western and south-western suburbs and found that only one i n t hr ee r ef er t o t hemsel ves as A ust r al i an, even t hough t wo t hi r ds of t hose sur veyed wer e born in Australia (Collins, 2010: 57). The other two thirds of survey participants identif ied themselves by their ethnic and cultural backgrounds. In addition, one in five felt that they were not Australian at all. In another study, young people from non-British backgrounds said that they felt like a ‘wog’ when they were with a group of ‘Anglos’, but when they travelled overseas, they f elt like an ‘Aussie’ (H orin, 2010: 26). These studies reveal that a signif icant proportion of young Australians of non-White background do not feel that they fit within prevailing ideas of ‘ Australianness’. Consequently, Ammar’s claim in Cronulla to Kokoda (Doogue, 2007) that ‘we felt unwanted, like, we f elt hated’ (D oogue, 2007), may also apply to many other young Australians.

The relevance of the Anzac tradition to the debate on national identity is illustrated by the f ollowing examples. I n April 2010 on the ABC’s live-to-air panel debate program Q& A, a young member of t he audi ence, Fr anci s M ao, asked t he panel what meani ng A nzac D ay had f or Australians from migrant families like herself. Former Defence Force Chief (now Governor General) General Peter Cosgrove responded to the question thus:

The meaning is up to you … this country […] has gathered this emotion about Anzac Day, about the people who have served but it’s very much for you to feel and if you don’t feel it then it’s a good holiday. (Jones, 2010).

Cosgr ove, who i s al so t he spokesper son f or t he “ Rai se a G l ass A ppeal ” 201, answer ed M ao’s question from a privileged position, in that he is a retired senior army officer connected to Australia’s White military history. He implied that the idea that if a person did not feel the emotion that the nation gets from the Anzac tradition, then they could be an outsider, have a hol i day and be excl uded. L at er , Cosgr ove comment ed t hat t he occasi on of ‘ peopl e wear i ng gr andpa’ s medal s, gr eat - gr andpa’ s medal s’ i s ‘ speci al ’ , and t hat ‘ t her e’ s a t r ansf er ence of

200 The study was conducted in 2007 and published in 2010. 201 T he ‘Rai se a G l ass A ppeal ’ was di scussed i n Chapt er 2.

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something important within f amily groups f rom one generation to the next ’ (Scarr, 2013: n.p.). O nce agai n, Cosgr ove f ai l ed t o r ecogni se t hat t her e ar e many A ust r al i ans who f eel di sconnect ed and excluded from this aspect of the Anzac tradition. This position is perhaps even more problematic when the Anzac tradition is used, as John Howard claimed, ‘t o def i ne who we ar e as Australians’ (Green, 2013: n.p.). In contrast to Cosgrove, historian Henry Reynolds responded to Mao’s question by saying that, because the Anzac tradition is primarily centred on World War I (a war Australia fought for Britain), it becomes a difficult tradition for first- or second-generation Australians with which to associate. He added that this complicated connection is made all the more problematic because the Anzac tradition is so entrenched in national identity. In 2013 Foreign Minister Bob Carr attempted to make Anzac Day more accessible and inclusive by reminding Australians that, ‘all of us are linked across the world by the same duty to honour and remember, and by the same sense of the loss and waste of war.’ Considering the fact that a fifth of the men who served in WWI for Australia were immigrants (including Sir John Monash) ‘serves to remind us that we were then, and remain today, a nation of immigrants’, and that ‘the story of Anzac belongs to them [recent immigrants] equally wherever they were born’ (Scarr, 2013: n.p.). Others have been more forthright and described the Anzac tradition, which encompasses the K okoda Track, as ‘a myth of White Australia’ (Ball, 2004: n.p.) and ‘a contrived image, which is exclusionary […] in a multicultural Australia’ (Blagg, 2006: 9). However, these voices challenging the use of the military tradition are overshadowed by the many others that in recent decades have promoted the Anzac tradition. In this thesis I argue that the position held by proponents of the Anzac tradition as the basis of national identity, is based on a conscious or subconscious position of White privilege. The slogan ‘Love it or leave it’ that is often encountered as a sticker on motor vehicles (see Plate 6.1) and clothing was the subject of debate in the media (Chambers, 2014). Greens Deputy Leader Adam Bandt was outraged when two Woolworths outlets sold clothing printed with the Australian flag and ‘If you don’t love it leave’ in October 2014. Woolworths withdrew the clothes and declared that the slogan was unacceptable. Andrew Bolt, whose newspaper the H erald Sun describes as ‘Australia’s most read columnist’, responded by declaring that patriotism is now declared racist (Bolt, 2014).To quote Bolt at length:

What’s hel ped t o change the cl i mate i s t he medi a coverage of the 2005 Cronul l a Ri ot . T hat was mischaracterised as a racist uprising by flag-waving white Australians, rather than an ugly reaction to a minority of ethnic Lebanese youths throwing their weight around. Now the flag, flown from a house or car, is seen as the summonsing to a racist riot. Adding to the angst is that mass immigration and the Age of Terror have left us with more ethnic tensions than ever si nce Feder at i on. T he L ef t par t i cul arl y seems t o f ear t hat peace i s now so f r agi l e t hat j ust showing the flag is like showing a red rag to a paddock of foreign bulls. And yes, some

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Australians do indeed now feel threatened by what immigration and multiculturalism have wrought. The backlash one day could be ugly. But the trashing of patriotism goes far beyond this often exaggerated fear of bogans carrying flags. Take the campaign even by schools to promote a retribalising of Australia, symbolised by the flying of the Aboriginal flag alongside the Australian one. […] So it’s not surprising that Prime Minister Tony Abbott’s appeal for a “ Team Australia” was widely mocked by the Left, even though I ’m sure most voters backed it. I n f act , t he ver y i dea of such a nat i on st ate i s st ar t i ng t o st r i ke “ pr ogr essi ves” and t he “ alienated” as so last century…. Then add the constant preaching of a largely invented history of genocide, “ stolen generations” , racism and environmental devastation until Australia seems faintly disgusting (Bolt, 2014: n.p.).

This single article covers a range of views that are consistent with the position that Bolt has held for many years. He claims that: the Cronulla Riot in 2005 was a response to the behaviour of a minority group of Lebanese, and not about Whiteness; the use of the flag is simply about patriotism, and not about symbolism of White privilege or exclusion; the policies of immigration and multiculturalism are responsible for the ‘Age of Terror’, rather than a ‘triumph’ of modern Australia (Pearson, 2014: 51); the campaign to promote f lying t he A bor i gi nal f l ag at school s i s a r et r i bal i si ng of A ust r al i a, r at her t han a measur e t o promote inclusiveness; the slogan of ‘love it or leave it’ is a patriotic statement that should be appl auded, r at her t han seen as an excl usi onar y message o f Whi t e I ndi genei t y. A nd, finally, that the history of First Australians is mainly invented, rather than a revelation. It is apparent that the position articulated in this thesis opposes all of Bolt’s contentions indicated above.

In another context I have written about the statement ‘love it or leave it’ (Smith, 2013: 82-86) after having been confronted with the slogan displayed on clothing and stickers (see Plate 6.1). As noted earlier, this statement gives White Australians power, authority and claims over the nation while simultaneously denying such liberties to non- White Australians. This power and authority comes from an image of White superiority and privilege. Also as noted, H age (2000: 68) argues that some Australians imagine themselves to be ‘masters of the national space’, while seeing ‘the racial/ ethnic’ Other as a mere object within this space’. The persistent appearance of the slogan ‘love it or leave it’ indicates that an Australian republic is more imperative than it was 15 years ago when the issue was before the people in the Constitutional referendum. It is argued that ‘love it or leave it’ would lose its symbolic racist potency when all Australians feel that they can be included in the national story and national identity. The British monarchy, a symbol of the past and its tradition of Whiteness, needs to be severed from our ruling/ governing identity in order for current and future Australians to move towards a more inclusive and egalitarian society (Smith, 2013: 86). But, as has been demonstrated in this chapter, while

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there are sections of the Australian community who feel disgusted by exclusive attitudes, there are many others, including right-wing political and media personalities, who do not want to relinquish their White privilege in favour of a more inclusive society.

Plate 6.1: ‘Love it or leave it’ sticker on a car in Petersham, Sydney (photograph by author, 15/ 03/ 2009).

I mpor t ant l y, A ndrew Bol t ’s vi ews, whi ch ar e wr i t t en i n an educat ed and ar t i cul at e manner, are widely read and likely to shape opinions, clarifying sentiments and to normalise such views for sections of the Australian community. But in a court case Bolt and his employers were found to be guilty of breaching the Racial Discrimination Act over two articles that he wrote in 2009 (Ritchie, 2011). The articles claimed that light -skinned people who identified as Aboriginal Australians did so for personal gain. Bolt described the verdict as ‘ a t er r i bl e day f or f r ee speech in t hi s count r y’ and t hat i t was a ‘r est r ict i on on t he freedom of all Australians to discuss multiculturalism and how people identify themselves’ (Ritchie, 2011: n.p.). After being elected to office the Abbott Government promised to amend the Racial Discrimination Act by repealing Section 18C, which had become labelled by some as the ‘Bolt laws’. On 24th March 2014, Attorney General George Brandis stated in the Senate that:

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People do have a right to be bigots you know. I n a free country, people do have the right to say things that other people find offensive or insulting or bigoted (Griffiths, 2014: n.p.).

However, public opinion forced the Abbott Government to abandon its position (Aston, 2014). Also, the amendment, if carried by Parliament, would have meant that supporters of terrorists and extremists may voice their opinions with impunity. Abbott still claimed, though, that the repealing of Section 18C would have been consistent with his government’ s stance on free speech, but that it would have obstructed its attempt to gain public support among non-Anglo citizens for new laws concerning terrorism.

The Governor General of Australia Sir Peter Cosgrove is another important public figure who, as noted, has discussed ‘ethnic problems’ in the community, but concluded that t hese i nci dent s ar e mi nor and not t he f aul t of t he A ust r al i an way of l i f e. For exampl e, i n an Australia Day address in 2010, Cosgrove spoke about ‘Australia’s dark pockets of racism’, specifically ‘violence against Indians and tensions with Muslims’ (Grattan, 2010). He said that since early colonial days there have been:

Episodes of bad blood between sections of the community based on ethnicity, or very occasionally based on religion […] Yet they have almost invariably been quite limited in scope and duration. Secondly, we should be very careful before assigning major blame for the problem to our broad Australian way of life, as if the estrangement was all somehow our fault and we should change accordingly (Grattan, 2010: n.p.).

Cosgrove appears to be implying that problems of racism are between non-White communities and the (White) Australian way of life. On another occasion he responded to news of offensive Facebook posts by Australian soldiers in Afghanistan - they had labelled Afghanis ‘sand coons’, ‘ dune coons’, ‘niggers’, ‘sand niggaz’, ‘smelly locals’ and ‘ragheads’ - by calling for calm, stating that:

Some soldiers who have been silly in posting these silly disreputable comments are also putting their lives on the line for ordinary Afghans…Remember that these kids, by their deeds, show that they see a worthwhile mission for which they’re prepared to accept that great danger (Hadfield, 2011: n.p.).

The attitude of the Australian soldiers who posted the comments resembles the disrespect shown by t he or i gi nal A nzacs i n E gypt dur i ng WWI (as hi ghl i ght ed i n Chapt er 2.) I t appear s t hat the assumption of White privilege and White superiority identified in those soldiers, when Australia had a White Australia policy (see Lake and Reynolds, 2010: 161), persist today, even though it is rarely spoken about. Cosgrove trivialises racist comments and dismisses them as ‘ silly’. This is not the type of rebuke that is likely to discourage racist remarks, and suggest that it

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is more of a problem of management of social media. In contrast, the general public can rapidly post uncensor ed comment s on soci al medi a, as r eveal ed by t ext i ng and post i ngs dur i ng t he Cronulla Riots. This disparity in the protocols of digital nationalism will be discussed in the section that follows.

The rise of digital nationalism

As highlighted in Chapter 2, an unexpected finding of this thesis has been the role that digital technology plays in performing nationalism, and several examples of digital nationalism have been i dent i f i ed i n t hi s chapt er . T he exami nat i on of t he Cr onul l a Ri ot s r eveal ed t hat messages and images were conveyed personally and in a form that was interactive. White rioters used various forms of social media to reaffirm their power and to remind others of what they deemed Australian culture to be. The use of social media and digital technology is different to the ‘older’ forms of communication (such as print media, television, and radio) which are more easily subject to regulations and acts of parliament. During the Cronulla Riots talkback radio was the ‘ older’ form of digital technology that communicated some messages to the public, but new digital technologies were used rapidly to mobilise citizens. Rioters were performing nationalism as well as delivering nationalistic messages when they communicated with each other by mobile phone, text, email, YouTube, blogs, Twitter, Facebook, websites and other forms of non- institutional and social media. The new interactive forms of digital media generated heightened emotions and awareness in the rioters, and who may not rely on traditional print media to obtain and share information. The general public, which was not receiving those digital text messages, was caught of f guar d by t he speed and f er oci t y of t he l ead up t o t he Cr onul l a Ri ot s. A l so, pol i ce and authorities were unable to predict the situation unless they were able to tap into the digital media, hence legislation was introduced. T he magni t ude of t he i ssue f or t he St at e can be seen i n t he f ol l owi ng st at ement by N SW Police Minister John Watkins (cited in The Australian, no author, 23rd January 2007 n.p.):

During the Cronulla events more than 270,000 SMS messages were obtained from the carriers and analysed…by accessing messages without the knowledge of the sender or receiver, Police were able to arrest those who were inciting violence or about to commit crimes.

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In the week before the Cronulla Riots, the Australian Federal Government and Federal Police introduced a form of surveillance that allowed special police units to monitor text messages under the Telecommunications (Interception) Amendment (Stored Communications) Act, 2004. (No. 148 Section 3). The NSW State Police Commissioner Ken Moroney advised people to i gnor e t ext messages and emai l s t hat encour aged t hem t o at t end Cr onul l a Beach. T he pr obl em of digital technologies f or the State has been identif ied by Jayde Cahir (2010) in her doctoral thesis ‘ Balancing trust and anxiety in a culture of fear: text messaging and riots’. Cahir found that text messaging leading up to, and during, the Cronulla Riots had the capacity to expedite and facilitate the arrangement of the rioters, which possesses numerous complex problems for aut hor i t i es and gover nment s. T he t empor ar y and i nst ant aneous nat ur e of moder n di gi t al technologies means that new forms of communication are more interactive and less tangible than conventional media. Also, in comparison to printed books and film, the new forms of digital media are, in the first instance, easily available, attainable, unregulated and uncensored. Hence, the communications can be coarser, more inflammatory and provocative. The Cronulla Riots show that modern forms of digital technology provide a medium that is convenient for expressing racist and xenophobic views. H erder ’s concept (H erder cited in Spencer, 2012: 81) that crafted, thoughtful, meaningful poetry was the pure form of nationalism has been replaced by a digital form of nationalism that is rapid, spontaneous, personal and explicit. Because of the personal nature of the new forms of digital communications, much more pressure can be applied to peers as well as to the Other. Digital nationalism can be used to recruit or victimise fellow citizens in a very personal way that is unlike old forms of ‘print capitalism’.

In Chapter 3 other types of digital nationalism were identified whereby trekkers use blogs and websi t es t o descr i be t hei r exper i ences and show t hei r t at t oos. When t r ekker s go on t he Kokoda Track to learn about Australia’s military history (pilgrimage), they return with stories and memories of their experiences and achievements which they proudly wear like a medal and communicate via the internet. Trekking companies also use online websites and other forms of digital media to encourage Australians to perform nationalism by walking ‘in the footsteps of heroes’ (Carey, 2011). I contend that digital nationalism is dif f erent f rom the banal nationalism of everyday life (Billig, 1995). Instead, digital nationalism occurs when individuals consciously use everyday digital devices to perform nationalism in whatever form of expression they desire. T he exampl es t hat have been gi ven above demonst r at e t hat di gi t al nat i onal i sm i s an ef f ect i ve and powerful new tool for facilitating as well as carrying out acts of performative nationalism. Further, digital nationalism is not restricted to everyday people as the State also operates in this realm. For example, the AWM online website has over 3 million registered online visitors and

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the number has increased dramatically in the last three years. In the same period the number of physical visitors to the Memorial and to other events that it runs have remained relatively stable and ar e much l ower t han t he number of onl i ne vi si t or s (see T abl e 5.1). I n anot her recent example of performing nationalism, Governor General Sir Peter Cosgrove encouraged Australians to attend their local 2014 Anzac Day ceremony. As highlighted in Chapter 2, in the Raise a Glass Appeal Australians who registered online were telephoned and given a pre- recorded message from Sir Peter Cosgrove on the morning of the Dawn Service.

Conclusion

T he RSL ’ s Y out h L eader shi p Chal l enge and t he M at eshi p T r ek ar e pr ogr ams t hat use t he act i ons of Australian soldiers on the Kokoda Track to help build Australian national identity for young A ust r al i ans. But t he anal ysi s her e i ndi cat es t hat t he i mpact s of K o koda f or non- Whi t e Australians are not the same as the life-changing experiences that Chapter 3 found for White A ust r al i ans. A s evi denced by L aal aa, K okoda does not make i ndi vi dual s any mor e ‘ A ust r al i an’ than before they made the arduous trek. This finding is consistent with studies of the experiences of an increasing proportion of Australians who have no direct connection with the Anzac tradition and have expressed their feelings of alienation and of not belonging. I n r ecent decades t he pol i t i cal Ri ght has di sr egar ded t he successes of mul t i cul t ur al i sm and promoted policies of assimilation and White populism, and this change in political discourse has been underpinned by the promotion of the Kokoda Track and the Anzac tradition. The anal ysi s i n t hi s chapt er ar gues t hat t he Ri ght , as r epr esent ed by seni or pol i t i ci ans, col umni st s and public figures, has shifted ideas about racism and discrimination, permitting White privilege to be t he nor m. T her e has been a di st i nct and del i ber at e connect i on b et ween Whi t eness, t he A nzacs, Kokoda and ‘Australian national identity’ which has promoted White Indigeneity, thereby legitimising the intolerant attitudes of privileged White-Australians. T he pr evi ous chapt er s have shown t hat Whi t eness i s a domi nant t hem e i n t he representations of the Kokoda Track. The inevitable effect of its promotion is to produce layers of privilege within Australian communities and the normalisation of everyday racism. Sociologist Anthony Kwame Harrison (2013: 317) employs the concept of racial spatiality to describe ever yday r aci sm as:

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The perception that certain racialized bodies are expected to occupy certain social spaces and, complimentarily, that the presence of other bodies creates social disruption, moral unbalance, and/ or demands explanation.

Accordingly, recognition of inequalities in society is subsumed when Whiteness dominates the nation’s narrative. He proceeds to argue that non-White citizens attempt to access the privileges of Whiteness through a ‘desire to assimilate and blend – to become White’, and uses the example that in America many ‘one-time non-White groups’, such as the Irish and Jews, have been able to ‘win their way to Whiteness’ through a concurrent aversion to Blackness (2013: 318). I f Whiteness is ‘not so much a colour as a condition’ (Lipsitz, 2011: 3), then although Whites do not control all of the privileges associated with Whiteness, they are the ‘gatekeepers who determine the manner in which non-Whites can share in these privileges’ (Page and Thomas, 1994: 111). Accordingly, the RSL’s invitation to Ammar to trek Kokoda in order to make amends and to learn how to be Australian can be seen as t he ‘gat e-keeper s’ provi di ng a means for the Other to access privilege. But this process is doomed to disappointment because, in the present climate of fear concerning Muslims, a person of Middle-Eastern appearance will need mor e t han t he K okoda exper i ence t o gai n t he accept ance associ at ed wi t h Whi t e pr i vi l ege. When L aal aa, M ao and ot her young ci t i zens dr aw at t ent i on t o t he pr obl ems wi t h t he A nzac t r adi t i on they are, either consciously or unconsciously, identifying the impacts of Whiteness and of White popul i sm t hat ar t i cul at e wi t h t he r epr esent at i ons of t he A nzac t r adi t i on and K okoda T r ack. T he step backward in recent decades from multiculturalism by the Right in Australia has been detected in studies of Whiteness (D unn, 2009) and by citizens who have been excluded (as discussed in this chapter). This change in direction, it is argued here, derives from a struggle to maintain the power of Whiteness in Australia. This chapter completed the critical examination of the Kokoda Track by analysing diverse cultural issues that surround notions of national identity for young non-White Australians. The thesis has illustrated that a remote region in Papua New Guinea provides contemporary Australian society with a site through which it can examine and untangle the complex intertwined layers of its Whiteness and White Indigeneity.

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Chapter 7

The Kokoda Track: perpetuating postcolonial discourse and privileging White Australians

I guess our country owes its existence to a form of foreign investment by the British government in the then unsettled or, um, scarcely settled, Great South Land. Prime Minister Tony Abbott (H utchens, 2014: n.p.).

The Kokoda Campaign had ‘brought out all that is best in the Australian traditions and the Australian fighting spirit’. Former Prime Minister John Howard at I surava 14 August 2002 (N elson, 2003: 118).

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The Kokoda Track is a narrow, tortuous walking trek which crosses the Owen Stanley Range of Papua N ew G ui nea, and i t i s t he pl ace wher e, mor e t han 60 year s ago, her oi c deeds of Australian soldiers famously repelled the attack by the Japanese during WWII. The legend of the Kokoda Track has come to be widely understood by the current generation of Australians as a long-established part of the Anzac tradition but, in reality, the importance of the Kokoda Track to Australia’s psyche and the national story has been a recent phenomenon. I n 1992 Prime Minister Paul K eating elevated the K okoda Track into national consciousness when he proclaimed that the Australian nation was founded at Gallipoli, but that its ‘depth and soul’ were confirmed on the Kokoda Track in the def ence of Australia and of an Australian way of lif e (Cleary, 2002). A decade later Pr i me M i ni st er John H owar d vi si t ed t he K okoda T r ack and unvei l ed t he I sur ava M emor i al , f our gr ani t e pl i nt hs engr aved wi t h t he wor ds: cour age, endur ance, sacr i f i ce and mat eshi p. H owar d decl ar ed t hat t he K okoda Campai gn had ‘ br ought out al l t hat i s best in the Australian traditions and the Australian f ighting spirit ’ (N elson, 2003: 118). Both major political parties have found common ground when it comes to the Kokoda Track because of its effectiveness as a political tool in the forging of a collective history, nationalism and national identity. With few exceptions, politicians, key public figures and the media articulate the i mpor t ance of t he K okoda T r ack when t hey r ef er t o i t wi t h r espect , di gni t y and emot i on. H owever , as t hi s st udy has shown, t he K okoda T r ack - as a phenomenon as wel l as a place - is surrounded by many diverse and sometimes competing facets which include the ‘ideal native’, the ‘enemy other’, Whiteness, segregation, exclusion, identity, pilgrimage, politics, tourism, and memorialisation of war. Analysis of these disparate elements provides a meaningful way of interpreting contemporary Australian attitudes to self and soci et y, especi al l y wi t h r egar d t o r aci al segr egat i on, Whi t e et hno- cent r i sm and Whi t e Indigeneity in a postcolonial continent that is located in a rapidly changing international socio-political environment. In contrast to Gallipoli, the depth of analysis of the Kokoda Track has rarely gone beyond its military history and its contemporary national significance (Nelson, 1992, 2010). This study analysed media articles, political speeches, photographs, literature, films, documentaries and academic work. Additionally, it incorporates the researcher’s fieldwork on the Kokoda Track and empirical data collected from Kokoda T r ack War M emor i al s i n Papua N ew G ui nea and A ust r al i a. Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (K okoda T r ack: O nl y a Whi t eman st or y?) ar gues t hat t he K okoda T r ack,

Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

as it has been narrated so far, appears not only to celebrate war, but sustains a White history of Australia that excludes many contemporary Australians. The Kokoda Track continues to be promoted as a unique part of Australia’s story on the basis of its military significance, but this thesis contends that the story is grounded in a colonial discourse which persists in contemporary representations and imagery. The trope of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel is repeated in contemporary texts without consideration as to how the term and its imagery continues to employ colonial stereotypes that discriminate and exclude. Furthermore, evidence of White Indigeneity was gathered from fieldwork, and blogs of t r ekki ng compani es t hat shows t hat Papua N ew G ui neans ar e mat er i al l y excl uded f r om their land and that the Kokoda Track is treated, in effect, as an extension of Australia. T he exami nat i on of A ust r al i an cul t ur e r eveal ed t hat t he K okoda T r ack hol ds great cultural significance for many Australians, especially those who found it to be a lifechanging experience (Chapter 3). The trek has become a symbol of Australian national identity, with many expressions of nationalism found, including charity events, competitions, memorial walks, music, coins, stamps, tattoos, images and online forums (for example, blogs). These expressions of nationalism reveal that undertaking the trek holds a certain degree of cultural capital for individuals and groups. As one trekker explained: ‘I wanted it [Kokoda Track tattoo] on my shoulder so that others could see it and it could serve as a conversation piece for me to tell the story of my adventure’ (Wallis, 2011: n.p.). Trekkers bestow ‘stories of the nation’ and obtain a tattoo as a permanent, visual badge of honour. Studies of tourism on the K okoda Track by Grabowski (2007) and H awkins (2013) attempted to understand better the motivations of trekkers. Their research and this thesis found that Kokoda Track tourism can be categorised as secular pilgrimage, adventure tourism and ‘leadership and bonding’ tourism (Chapter 3). My research has explored ‘race’ in relation to the Kokoda Track in detail for the first time and its findings suggest that Whit eness is an ident if ying charact erist ic of the trekkers on the K okoda Track. Furthermore, for many Australians Whiteness is normalised and invisible. The Kokoda Track may be seen to represent an extreme lifestyle challenge, much like White participation in some extreme sports in America (H arrison, 2013: 320), with Australian trekkers perhaps responding to a crisis of White masculinity by seeking a refuge from multiculturalism in performing nationalism on a ‘mythologised and racialised’ place that equates to the Australian ‘frontier’.

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T he f i el dwor k al so r eveal ed t hat r aci al segr egat i on i s or gani sed and seaml essl y adopted by trekkers of the Kokoda Track. Whiteness is invisible amongst trekkers, but Papua New Guineans are affectionately categorised as the friendly, loyal, hardworking Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. Whiteness is confirmed in the experiences of trekkers and in the narration of military history. Non-White Australians are requested to legitimise their identities in order for their ‘race’ to be differentiated and categorised. In many respects t he K okoda T r ack i s a mi cr ocosm of an A ust r al i an soci et y wher e, accor di ng t o G hassan Hage (2000: 19), the notion of Whiteness is the dominant mode of self-perception of White people. Whiteness from this perspective is a fantasy position that is borne out of the history of colonialisation and so normalises its cultural dominance (20). Papua N ew G ui neans ar e r epr esent ed i n ways t hat ar e r emi ni scent of col oni al times (Chapter 4). The trope of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel as the ‘ideal native’ is persistently used by the media, the RSL, trekking companies and politicians to maintain and feed Australia’s national story. Two aspects in particular have been excluded from t he nar r at i ve of t he K okoda T r ack. Fi r st , i t i gnor es t he abuse and mi st r eat ment t hat many Papua New Guineans suffered at the hands of Australians during the War, and the policies of racial segregation during colonial administration. Second, the narrative ignores the various roles of the Papua New Guineans, including police, and infantry, forward scouts and in intelligence gathering. Numerous racial stereotypes have been used under Australian colonial administration to refer to Papua New Guineans, and these have been examined in order to highlight the indignity and suffering that has been experienced by Papua New Guineans at the hands of Australians. Representations of the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel depict historical traces of ‘difference’ and ‘Otherness’ that have persisted to the present-day for the purposes of upholding Australia’s military tradition and the forging of a White ‘Australian national identity’. The peoples of Papua New Guinea are generally overlooked (not least by the trekkers) and their representation is often limited to a one-dimensional stereotype with no individual characterisation (Chapter 4). Papua New Guineans are the ‘supporting actors’ in texts, playing the role of ‘native’ carriers or inhabitants of primitive villages. The names of Papua New Guineans are not generally provided in texts and it is rare for any description to deviate from that of the ‘ideal native’. Many Australian writers, filmmakers and other creators present a homogeneous view of the Papua New Guinean and di sr egar d t hei r knowl edge of t he nat ur al envi r onment , as wel l as t hei r compl ex cultural, linguistic, traditional and social relations. The Papua New Guinean political

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system was briefly discussed in Chapter 4 when examining colonialism and neo- colonialism. But this area could be explored in future research and might include an examination of Papua New Guinea in relation to the impacts and ramifications of postcolonial and post-settler societies, tribal politics, the ‘Wantok’ (corruption) system, gender i ssues and povert y. Evidence of separation in contemporary photography demonstrates discriminatory attitudes of the past by representing the Papua New Guineans as racial objects. Likewise in colonial photography, native peoples were represented as primitive and savage, thereby reaffirming the normalised belief of Europeans of their unique claim to civilisation (Maxwell, 1999: 7). The f igure of the ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ is inaccurately applied to modern Papua New Guineans. Apart from their involvement in WWII, very little new information is known about Papua New Guinea by the majority of Australians. Photographs, like George Silk's famous image (Plates 4.3 and 4.4), perpetuate these stereotypes of primitiveness and savagery, and Whiteness in turn impacts on how Australians continue to communicate and deal with Papua New Guineans on the Kokoda Track, as well as on other relationships elsewhere that include those involving economics, mining and politics. M y f i el dwor k r eveal ed t hat Whi t eman i s pr esent on t he K okoda T r ack t oday and that it follows a pattern that was established in colonial times. Racial segregation continues to be used to organise a social structure in which the Whiteman is superior and has the privileges of ‘race’, while the Papua New Guinean is the voiceless subordinate who fulfils the role of the ‘carrier native’. As shown in Chapter 4, the Kokoda Track is a si t e of Whi t e f ant asy, wi t h r aci al segr egat i on and el ement s of col oni al r aci sm. T he f our special abilities that Orokaivans see in Whiteman (Bashkow, 2006: 67) have been identified in the study, and it is argued that its impacts inevitably feed into the narrative of t he K okoda T r ack, and t hus r e- cr eat e cul t ur al pr obl ems f or t he Papua N ew Guineans. Regis Tove Stella (2007: 89-90) explains that in 1888 policies of racial exclusivity and segregation were proclaimed by German and British imperial powers. The portrayal of Papua New Guineans as childlike and primitive provided legal and political grounds for White administrations to declare their land was being without adult inhabitants or history (tabula rasa and terra nullius). Papua New Guineans were perceived as in need of protection by a paternal power, and thus the colonial powers were able to est abl i sh and mai nt ai n t he hi er ar chy of ‘r aces’ (St el l a, 2007: 89). A ccor di ngl y, r aci al segregation was strictly maintained by discourse, law, regulations, and institutions for

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most of the colonial period (which only ended in 1975 when Papua New Guinea was granted independence by the Whitlam Government). The reluctance of White Administrations to acknowledge prior habitation (of a civilised ‘race’) is reminiscent of White Indigeneity in Australia. Furthermore, the observation in the fieldwork of racial segregation and of White Indigeneity on the Kokoda Track reveals that the hierarchy of ‘ races’ can be justified in terms of an Australian pilgrimage and the needs of Australian military history. The fieldwork revealed that the Kokoda Track can be viewed as a linear memor i al wal k mar ked by war memor i al s t hat have been pr edomi nant l y bui l t by Australians to honour the dead and to educate trekkers about the significance of the Track to Australia’s military history and national identity (Chapter 5). The inscriptions on the plaques provide details of wartime stories and reinforce the characteristics of Australian soldiers: loyalty, mateship, endurance and sacrifice (Isurava Memorial, Plate 5.4). Some trekkers feel empowered by their feelings of Australian identity to perform acts of solidarity and membership of the nation. The empirical evidence shows that the war memor i al s ar e ef f ect i ve at assi st i ng A ust r al i ans t o f i nd t hei r nat i onal i dent i t y, but t hat these place-markings on the Kokoda Track contrast with a lack a depth and meaning in t he commemor at i on and r ecogni t i on of Papua N ew G ui nea past and pr esent . T he i nscr i pt i ons on t he memor i al pl aques, al most wi t hout except i on, r ef er t o Papua N ew Guineans as ‘natives’, ‘native carriers’ or ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels’. The actions of Australian soldiers are consistently portrayed in war memorials as heroic, while in the few instances that Papua New Guineans are included, the inscriptions only recognise the support role that ‘natives’ played in WWII and to further the story of Australian military. The common el ement s i n t hese memor i al s ar e t he l ack of voi ce of Papua N ew G ui neans and lack of acknowledgement and information about their history. War memorials and texts invariably refer to Papua New Guineans as a single homogeneous group and ignore the complexity of culture which reflects a ‘familiar problem concerning whose stories come to define a place and through which processes’ (Markwell et al., 2004: 458). The memorial museums on the Kokoda Track do not display cultural artefacts but focus entirely on memorabilia from the battles of WWII. These modest facilities have been constructed on Papua New Guinean land, and appear to indicate that Australian interests on the Kokoda T r ack t ake pr ecedence over Papua N ew G ui nean exper i ences, cul t ur e and rol es. Some inscriptions on the memorial plaques appear to subconsciously and seamlessly demonstrate the attitudes of the builders of the memorials, and this finding is

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i n agr eement wi t h t he posi t i on (of H eat hcot e, 1999: 68) t hat memor i al s cont ai n a weal t h of information about the builders/ creators but not the Papua New Guineans (Chapter 5). T he i nscr i pt i on on t he memor i al pl aque at t he H er ber t K i enzl e M emor i al M useum actually demonstrates all of the four special abilities attributed to Whiteman that Bashkow (2006: 67) i dent i f i ed i n hi s r esear ch of t he O r o Peopl e of t he r egi on. T he inscription describes the ability of suasion, whereby Captain Kienzle single-handedly marshalled the carriers and developed supply arrangements; to accumulate wealth and asset s; and t o per pet uat e t hei r i nf l uence and r enown over t i me and space. T he organisation of trekking groups that pass through villages and communities along the Kokoda Track is an example of Whiteman’s ability to organise social harmony to align with his desires (suasion) and ability to produce wealth (fecundity). The bronze plaques and stone monuments which have endured for decades, and appear to be indestructible in comparison to locally used materials, are examples of the special ability of Whiteman t o per pet uat e hi s i nf l uence and r enown. T hi s t hesi s goes f ur t her and cl ai ms t hat Whi t e Indigeneity is another special ability of Whiteman which has moved from its roots in Australia invisibly and subconsciously to control the communal land of the Kokoda Track and to manage, to some extent, the peoples who live there. Accordingly, Australian memories and influence have supplanted those of the Indigenous inhabitants whose ancestors have occupied the land for tens of thousands of years. In this respect, the Kokoda Track is a site of Australian pilgrimage and some control of the land has been wrested from the Indigenous inhabitants by means of White Indigeneity. The examination of Kokoda Track Memorial Walks in Australia at Concord (Sydney) and St Agnes (Adelaide) demonstrated the reinforcement of stereotypical images of the Papua New Guinean and of a collective national identity that is based on military history and Whiteness. The terms ‘native people’ and ‘Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel’ are repeated at both walks, which is consistent with the tropes on the war memorial on the Kokoda Track in Papua New Guinea. While the war memorial walks are unifying spaces for White-Australians, they are a source of tension for non-White-Australians. As shown in Chapter 5, the AWM presents a version of Australia’s military history that claims to capture the qualities of the spirit of Anzac, qualities which continue ‘to have meaning and relevance for our sense of national identity’ (AWM). The AWM views its role as not just narrating Australia’s military history, but also locating contemporary national identity. The AWM, through its representations of the Japanese in t he Second Wor l d War G al l er y, uses ‘r ace’ i n i t s di spl ays and, t heref ore, pr omot es a

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White history of Australia. The faces of the Japanese soldiers are unclear in most of Gallery photographs. Many are pictured with their backs to the camera, side on, or images have been enlarged to a point were faces become blurred and not identifiable. The names of Japanese soldiers are rarely provided but are often referred to en masse as Japanese. The treatment of the images of the Japanese is resonant of the way in which the Papua New Guineans are homogenised in contemporary texts. In the Second World War Gallery the only clearly visible faces and names are those of Australians. This decision may be justified given that it is a Memorial dedicated to Australians, but it excl udes t he Japanese f r om t he nar r at i ve even t hough t hei r rol e domi nat es t he G al l er y and despi t e r esear ch f i ndi ngs of t he A WM t hat vi si t or s want ed t o see mor e t han t he stereotype of the Japanese. The AWM’s approach is similar to recent representations of the Japanese in Alister Grierson’s film ‘Kokoda’, which shows the Japanese soldier as sadistic and inhuman, and ignores the suf f erings that they actually endured (Smith, 2008). A s a di dact i c space t hat pr omot es educat i on and under st andi ng of WWI I , t he use of ‘ race’ in displays at the Second World War Gallery may exacerbate current racist and xenophobi c at t i t udes i n A ust r al i a, as wi t nessed i n di scussi ons o f asyl um seeker s, immigration, terrorism, and the revitalisation of extreme politics. This position of the Gallery maintains and fosters the concept of White Indigeneity as well as of White Australian ethnocentrism (as proposed by Ang, 1995). This thesis shows that the AWM has adopted a political viewpoint and appears del i ber at el y t o excl ude ar eas wher e i t can be mor e i ncl usi ve and r epr esent at i ve of Australian society, both then and now. For instance, First Australians who fought in WWI and WWI I ar e not adequat el y i ncl uded, nor ar e A ust r al i ans of Chi nese her i t age. There is a failure to show diversity in Australia’s society during the wars and, until relatively recently, women have been largely excluded (Lake 2006: 5; 2010: 166). Even more worrying for the citizens of Australia, the AWM whitewashes history by excluding conf l i ct s bet ween Fi r st A ust r al i ans and Whi t e set t l er s. T i m Fl anner y, A ust r al i an of t he Year in 2007, has recently called on the AWM to commemorate t he century-long conf lict during the settlement of Australia f rom the late 1700s to the early 1900s (2014: 1). I n response to Flannery’s appeal the Director of the AWM, Brendan Nelson, was dismissive and stated that the Memorial is concerned, as noted above, with ‘the story of Australians deployed in war overseas on behalf of Australia’ (Armitage, 2014). N elson’s interpretation of the Memorial’s scope is problematic and has been contested in this thesis. If the AWM were to pronounce in its mission statement the acceptance of the

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military history of First Australians in the settler wars, and to include this change in its vi sual di spl ays and l i t er at ur e, t hen i t woul d be t ant amount t o admi t t i ng t hat t he pr i nci pl e of White Indigeneity in Australia was constructed on a foundation of myth. Such a change would force the AWM, and the political class in general, into a long-overdue adjustment in their position and rhetoric on ‘race’. Such a change in the AWM would assi st i n br eaki ng down t he i nvi si bl e and subconscious accept ance of Whi t eness as t he cor ner st one of A ust r al i an soci et y. Tension in Australia has risen in recent decades because the political Right has sought the replacement of multiculturalism with policies of assimilation and White populism (Chapter 6). This ideological position has been underpinned by the promotion of t he K okoda T r ack and t he A nzac t r adi t i on , by t he t ol er ance of r aci sm and discrimination that would allow Australians to have ‘the right to be bigots’ (Brandis quoted in Griffiths, 2014: n.p.), and is summarised by the statement of White Indigeneity by Prime Minister Tony Abbott that:

I guess our country owes its existence to a form of foreign investment by the British government i n t he t hen unset t led or, um, scarcel y set t led, Great Sout h L and (H ut chens, 2014: n.p.)

The nexus between Whiteness, Anzac, Kokoda and ‘Australian national identity’ has promoted White Indigeneity, thereby legitimising the intolerant attitudes of empowered White-Australians. The study of the events surrounding the Cronulla Race Riots of 2005 and t he use of t he K okoda T r ack i n ‘ mat eshi p’ t r eks r eveal s and expl ai ns t he f r ust r at i on of young Australian-born youths from non-White backgrounds in contemporary Australia (Chapter 6). Their situation is typical of that experienced by an increasing proportion of Australians who have no direct connection to the Anzac tradition and have difficulty recognising their connection to this military legacy. These citizens yearn for inclusion and acceptance but describe feelings of alienation. Some have trekked the Kokoda Track in an attempt to learn how to be an ‘Australian’ through the pilgrimage. Upon their return to Australia, having ostensibly achieved personal growth and connectedness to the Australian national identity, they find attitudes of White Australians have not changed t owar ds t hem. T he K okoda T r ack pi l gr i mage i s an i l l usi on f or t hese citizens so long as White ethnocentrism, White Indigeneity and negative attitudes towards non-White citizens and/ or worshippers of non-Christian faiths persist. The inevitable effect of Whiteness is to produce layers of privilege within Australian

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communities and the normalisation of everyday racism. When young citizens draw attention to racial problems they are either consciously or unconsciously identifying the impacts of Whiteness and of political policies of White populism that articulate with the r epr esent at i ons of t he A nzac t r adi t i on and K okoda T r ack. A n unexpect ed but i mpor t ant f i ndi ng of my r esear ch concer ns t he i mpact t hat digital technology is now having on nationalism (Chapter 6). The temporary and instantaneous nature of modern digital technologies means that new forms of communication are more interactive and less tangible than conventional media. Also, in comparison to print, broadcast media and film, the new forms of digital media are unregulated and uncensored. Hence the social media communications can be coarser, more inflammatory and provocative. The Cronulla Riots demonstrate that modern forms of digital technology are a convenient platforms for expressing racist and xenophobic views. Because of the personal nature of the new forms of digital communications, much more pressure can be applied to peers as well as to the Other. Digital performance of nationalism can be used to recruit or victimise fellow citizens in a very personal way that is unlike old f orms of ‘print capitalism’ (Anderson, 2006). I n Chapter 3 digital nat i onal i sm was i dent i f i ed, wher eby t r ekker s use bl ogs and websi t es t o descr i be t hei r exper i ences and t o show t hei r t at t oos. Tr ekki ng compani es al so use onl i ne websi t es and other forms of digital media to encourage Australians to perform nationalism by walking ‘in the f ootsteps of heroes’ (Carey, 2011). The use of digital technology in performing nationalism is different to banal nationalism in which everyday activities carry out unconscious acts of performing nationalism. Instead, ‘digital nationalism’ occurs when people deliberately use everyday digital devices to perform nationalism and, as shown in this thesis, such ‘digital nationalism’ is not restricted to everyday people, as the state also operates in this realm. In another recent example, the Governor General Sir Peter Cosgrove used digital communication technology to encourage Australians to perform nationalism by attending their local 2014 Anzac Day Ceremony. As proposed in Chapter 6, an Australian republic is a necessary step in the development of Australian national identity (Smith, 2013: 82-86). So long as Australia has the British monarchy connected to its national identity, its non-White, and some White citizens are likely to feel excluded. There is either a conscious or unconscious understanding that the current Australian constitution, with its focus on the British monarchy, confers entitlement on White Australians, especially those with English backgrounds. However, a new national identity would need to be found, not based on a

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White story of military history at Gallipoli or the Kokoda Track, but on narratives of event s or st or i es t hat coul d i ncor por at e t he success of t r adi t i ons and i ndi vi dual s t hat speak to all Australians, especially to the First Australians. The values of the Australian soldier on the Kokoda Track, including egalitarianism, courage, endurance, sacrifice, mateship and fairness, are fitting for such a republic. However, the dominant White culture of Australian society has to be willing to redistribute its power so that the national story can include all people, irrespective of ‘race’ and religion. Given the diverse racial, ethnic, cultural and linguistic composition of contemporary Australian society, Smith (2013) asked why can some Australians f eel justif ied in demanding that another citizen ‘go back to where you came from’? Where does this power and authority come from? The answer is no doubt complex, but perhaps an Australian republic is a necessary step towards more inclusive discussions about ‘who we are and who we want to be’ (Morris, 2013: 186). Further, this thesis has revealed that the narrative of the Kokoda Track highlights the contrasting cultural interactions between Australia and Papua New Guinea, suggest ing t hat import ant issues which were beyond the scope of this thesis could be explored in the future. In particular, research on Whiteness and White Indigeneity could investigate how Australian interest in the Kokoda Track has impacted on the quality of life, culture, language, environment, identity, equality, political systems, gender and self- determination in and of Papua New Guinea. Such studies could go beyond the Kokoda Track to investigate more broadly relationships and representations. Finally, the thesis has examined conflict between Christianity and Islam in contemporary Australian society. Further research could explore issues surrounding the significance of Christianity in Papua New Guinea, the tensions regarding Islam within present-day Papua New Guinea and Australia, and the recognition of the sacred/ profane binary in Kokoda discourse. I conclude that the Kokoda Track has become part of the political contest in which the political Right has captured the high ground and sought to replace the politics of multiculturalism with a return to the values and ideologies of the past. The military history of the Kokoda Track has conveniently become a tool for immobilising the development of the national story, as is demonstrated by my fieldwork and the analysed t ext s. T r ekki ng t he K okoda T r ack and i t s associ at ed nar r at i ve r ei nf or ce Whi t eman attitudes of racial segregation and postcolonial discourse, as is typified by the use of the colonial trope Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel. I contend that, as a result of the reliance on a White

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representation of Australia’s military history of which the Kokoda Track is now a major component, the development of Australian national identity is being stalled or partially ‘ immobilised’ by the Anzac tradition and the phenomenon of the Kokoda Track. This conclusion was formed after considering how the Kokoda Track has been used in the making of ‘Australian national identity’ and supported by case studies of the culture of the Kokoda Track (Chapter 3), representations of the Papua New Guinean (Chapter 4), the mobilisation of ‘race’ in Kokoda Track War Memorials in Papua New Guinea and A ust r al i a (Chapt er 5), and t he event s sur r oundi ng t he Cr onul l a Race Ri ot s of 2005 (Chapter 6). This thesis also highlights the inconsistencies and contradictions in the use of the Kokoda Track to reinforce the Anzac tradition. In order to be a foundation of national identity, the Kokoda Track and the Anzac tradition need to be more inclusive and to appeal to all Australians in a manner that is free of White hegemony.

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Young, J. E. (1993). The texture of memory: H olocaust memorials and meani ng. I n M i chael Rossi ngt on and A nne Whi t ehead (E ds.). Theories of Memory: A Reader. Bal t i mor e: T he Johns H opki ns Uni ver si t y Pr ess, pp. 177-184.

Young, M. W. (1990). William, Francis Edgar (1893-1943). Australian Dictionary Biography, 12. Retrieved on 11 May 2012, f rom http:/ / adb.anu.edu.au/ biography/ williams-francis-edgar-9109

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Appendix 1

A list of texts written about the Kokoda Track.

Year T itle Author 1942 Storm over Kok oda Pet er E wer 1943 The Road to Kok oda and Other V erses G wen Bessel l -Br owne 1943 New Guinea D iary GeorgeH. Johnston 1943 Papuan Story. Geoffrey Readi ng 1948 The Second Fourteenth Battalion:AHistoryofan WilliamBinnsRussel l Australian Infantry Battalion in the Second World War 1958 Retreat fromKok oda Raymond Paul l 1959 Six Years in Support: Official History of 2/ 1st E.V. Hayward Australian Field Regiment 1959 South-West Pacific Area – First Year: Kok oda to DudleyMcCarthy Wau 1959 A Thousand Men at War: The Story of the Malcolm Uren 2/ 16th, A.I.F. 1960 Purple and Blue: The History of the 2/ 10th F. Allchin Battalion AIF 1960 The Brown and Blue DiamondatWar:TheStory John Bur ns of the 2/ 27 th Battalion, A IF 1963 The Knights of Kok oda Geoffrey Scott 1964 General Report on Lands of the Buna – Kok oda H.A. H aant jens A rea, Territory of Papua and N ew Guinea. 1971 The Footsoldiers: The Story of the 2/ 33rd WilliamCrooks Australian Infantry Battalion, A.I.F. in the War of 1939-45, Volume 2 1973 That Mob:The Story of the 55/ 53rd Australian Frank M. Budden Infantry Battalion, A.I.F. 1973 Six Year War Gavin Long 1978 Purple Over Green: the History of the 2/ 2 StanWick Australian Infantry Battalion, 1939-1945

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Year T itle Author 1978 Crisis of Command: A ustralian Generalship and David Horner Japanese Threat 1980 War Dance: A Story of the 2/ 3 Aust. Inf. Ken Clift Battalion A.I.F. 1981 New Guinea 1942-44 Timothy Hall 1983 Recollect ionsof a Regimental Medical Officer HenryD. Steward 1985 The Kok oda Campaign Margar et Br owne 1987 The Chocos: The Story of the Militia Infantry Frank M. Budden Battalions in the South West Pacific Area 1941- 1945. 1987 Green Armour Osmar White 1988 To Kok oda A nd Beyond The Story of the 39th Victor Austin Battalion 1941-1943 (39th) 1990 Men of the 2/ 14th Battalion The Human Faceof a Ji m M cAllester Fighting Unit in the Second World War 1991 Those Ragged Bloody Heroes: from the Kok oda Pet er Br une Trail to Gona Beach 1942 1991 Blood and Iron: The Battle for Kok oda 1942 LexMcAulay 1992 The Kok oda Track James M or r i son 1992 Fifty Years On Geoff Pryor 1992 Nation in Jeopardy: An EpicStory of the Kok oda Rex T est er Campaign in the Jungles of Papua New Guinea. 1993 Beautiful Lies: Australia fromKok oda to Keating Tony Griffiths 1994 Walking the Kok oda Trail:Do-it-yourself CliveBaker Trekking Guide 1994 War Cameraman: The StoryofDamien Parer Neil McDonald 1994 Shifting Sands and Savage Jungle: the Memories of GeorgeTarlington a Frontline Infantryman 1995 Commemoration, Papua NewGuinea. Canberra AustraliaRemember s T askforce 1995 The 39th at Isurava. R. Honner 1995 To the Rescue V al er i e K r ant z & D i ana Chase 1995 Kok oda [Cartographic material] Townsville-Thuringowa Orienteering Club Inc 1996 The War D iaries of E ddie A llan Stanton:Papua Eddie Stanton (Ed. By Hank

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Year T itle Author 1942-45, New Guinea 1945-46 Nelson) 1996 The Kok oda Club Geoff Stewart 1997 The Kok oda Track . Sylvia Clark 1997 A Walk in Their Footsteps: a Kok oda Trail Andrew J Stone Experience : a Modern Soldier’s Personal St o r y 1999 The Silent Men: Syr ia t o Kok oda andon to Gona Pet er D or nan 1999 Warrior of Kok oda: a Biography of Brigadier Bill Edgar Arnold Potts 1999 The Miracleof Kok oda W.H.J. (Bill) Phillips 1999 In the Footsteps of Ghosts: With the 2/ 9th Bill Spencer Battalion in the African Desert and the Jungles of t he P acific 1999 A Rat’s Tale: Tobruk to Kokoda, 1940 – 1945 Harold Wilson 2000 Men of Courage: a H ist ory of 2/ 25 Australian Allan Draydon Infantry Battalion 1940-1945 2000 Kok oda to the Sea: A History of the 1942 Frank Sublet Campaign 2001 The Kok oda Walk in the Dandenong Ranges RossJ. Bastiaan National Park 2001 Kok oda Track Casualties: an OutlineHistoryof Neil C. Smith Australian Involvement in the Campaign with Unit and Full Casualty Listings 2002 The story of the 2/ 31st Infantry Battalion,2nd JohnLaffin AIF, 1940-45: Forever Forward 2002 The Spirit of Kok oda Pat r i ck Lindsay 2002 Kokoda 1942: Papua New Guinea July-N ovember Richard Rei d 1942 2003 The Kok oda Trail: A History St uar t H awt hor ne 2003 The Kok oda Trail Robert Hillman 2003 Kok oda Trail: McDonald’s Corner : A lbum13 Bob McDonald 2003 Marks of War: War Neurosis andtheLegacy of John Raf t er y Kok oda

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Year T itle Author 2004 A Bastard of a Place: the Australiansin Papua: Pet er Br une Kokoda, Milne Bay, Gona, Buna, Sanananda 2004 Kok oda Commander : a Life of Major-General “ Stuart Braga Tubby” Allen 2004 From a Hostile Shore: Australia andJapan at StevenBullard. & Tamura Keiko War in New Guinea. (Eds.) 2004 Heroic Australian Women in War: Astonishing SusannaDe Vries Tales of Bravery from Gallipoli to Kokoda 2004 Kok oda Pet er FitzSimons 2004 Kok oda Paul H am 2004 Blind Leading the Blind: a Journey of V ision across Andrew Stuart the Torres Strait and Kokoda Track 2004 Dead Men’s Bones: a Story of Kok oda Andrew West 2005 War: Australian Memories in Black andWhite Carol Fallows 2005 The Essence of Kok oda. Pat r i ck Lindsay 2005 When GoodMen do N othing Griffith Spragg 2006 Kok oda Trek CliveBaker 2006 Kok oda Sunrise Del Merrick (illustrated by Dion Hamill) 2006 Field guide to the Kok oda track : an Historical Bill (WilliamM.) James Guide to t he L ost Battlefields 2006 Mud over Blood: Stories from the 39th Infantry Carl Johnson Battalion 1941-43, Kokoda to Gona 2006 Angels of Kok oda David Mulligan 2007 Ralph H onner – Kok oda H ero Pet er Br une 2007 Kok oda : Images of a Rugged Journey RossEason 2007 The Japanese A dvance 1941-1942: Australiansin Mark Johnson t he P acific War 2007 Kokoda track: 101 days. Pat r i ck Macinnis 2007b Break of Day Tony Pal mer 2007 Photographs in the Mud DianneWolfer, Illustrated by Brain Harrison-Lever

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Year T itle Author 2008 The Bone Man of Kok oda Charles Happell 2008 A Survival Guide: Kok oda StephenMcCormack 2008a Invading Australia: Japan andtheBattlefor Pet er Stanley Australia, 1942 2009 The Path of Infinite Sorrow Craig Collie& Hajime Marutani 2009 The Bone Man of Kok oda (Kok oda no Yakusoku: Happell (Japanese translation by Ikotsu Shūyō ni Shōga i o Ka k et a O t ok o) Marutani Hajime & Kitajima Sao r i ) 2009 Kok oda Spirit Pat r i ck Lindsay 2010 K is for Kok oda: an A to Z ofAustralia andthe Matt Anderson Second World War 2010 The heroes ofthe Kok oda Track NicolasBrasch 2010 Kok oda andGona New Guinea 1942 W.F. (Frank)Cousens 2010 Kok oda Track with 50m Contours [Cartographic DuncanChessel Adventures. material] 2010 For our People, for our Future: the First Indigenous Jobs AustraliaFoundation Youth Leadership Program Trek to Kokoda 2010 Raids on Australia: 1942 andJapan’splansfor PamOliver Australia 2010 Angel of Kok oda Mark Wilson 2011 The Kok oda Trail, Papua NewGuinea Adventure Kokoda Pty. Ltd. [Cartographic material] 2011 Storm over Kok oda: A ustralia’sepicbattleforthe Pet er E wer skies of New Guinea, 1942 2011 Live, L ove, L augh : Kok oda : Practical Guide and MichelleFerry& Janette Philp Insights 2011 Stories fromthe Kok oda Track byYear9cStudents FootscrayCity College fr om F oot scray Cit y College 2011 Kok oda Wallaby: Stan Bisset: the Rugby Andrew James International who Became a Kokoda Hero 2011 The Architect of Kok oda: Bert Kienzle: The Man Robyn Kienzle Who Made the Kokoda Track 2011 Poems of an Infanteer in the Firing Line: 3rd Bede Tongs Infantry Battalion AMF Kokoda Track 2/ 3

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Year T itle Author Infantry Battalion AIF Aitape-Wewak 2012 Kok oda Front Line Neil McDonald 2012 Kok oda: that Bloody Tr ack Hugh Dolan, David Howell & Tea Seroya 2012 Kok oda: E x ploring the SecondWorldWar DVA Campaign in Papua New Guinea. 2012 The Lost Battlefield of Kok oda Brian Freeman 2012 Kok oda: Ten Epic War Treks RetoldandPapua Alan Hooper Revisited 2012 Mud over Blood Revisited: Stories from the 39th Carl Johnson Infantry Battalion 1941-1943, Kokoda to Gona. 2012 We Band of Brothers Pet er Br une 2012a Kok oda for D ummies Peter Williams 2012b The Kok oda Campaign 1942: Myth andReality Peter Williams 2013 Hell’s Battlefield: to Kok oda and Beyond Phillip Bradley 2013 Australia 1942: in the Shadow of War Pet er J. Deans(Ed.) 2013 Walking Wounded: the Inspirational Story of How Brian Freeman the Kokoda Track is Helping our Wounded Soldiers 2013 Anzac Journeys: Ret urning to the Battlefields of Bill Scates, Alexandra McCosker , World War II. K eir Reeves, Rebecca Wheatley & Damien Williams 2013 Whatever Man Dares: the SecondWorldWar Frank Sublet Memoirs of Lieutenant Colonel Frank Sublet DSO MC. 2014 Kok oda A ir Strikes: Allied Air Forces in New Anthony James Cooper Guinea, 1942 2014 The Fight for Australia: from ChangiandDarwin Rowland Perry to Kokoda – our Battle for Survival in World War II 2014 Kok oda secret: Ian Hutchison:Australian Hero S.P. Rampage 2014 Jungle Warriors: from Tobruk to Kok oda and Adrian Threlfall

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Year T itle Author Beyond, H ow the A ustralian Army Becamethe World’s Most Deadly Jungle Fighting Force 2014 Kok oda: My A ustralian Story Alan R. Tucker n.d. Kok oda Trek guide and Diary CharlieLynn

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Appendix 2

A list of audio-visual media produced about the Kokoda Track.

Date Title Author Format 1942 K okoda Front Line! Damien Par er Documentary (Cinematographer) & Ken film Hall (Director) 1988 Fragments of War: The John D ui gan (D i r ect or), T el emovi e Story of Damien Parer 1988 Cannibal Tours Dennis O’Rourke (Director) Documentary 2003 The Spirit of Kokoda Pat r i ck Lindsay Audio Book CD 2006 Walk in Their Footsteps: Andrew Aitken D V D T he K okoda T r ack Papua New Guinea 2006 K okoda Grierson, A. (Director), & DVD film Alister Grierson and John Lonie (Writers) 2007a Br eak of Day Tony Pal mer Audio Book CD 2007 Kokoda Trail WayneHolland Music for violin and pi ano 2007 Kokoda T r ack: 101 D ays Peter Macinnis Audio book CD 2008 K okoda: Steps to Healing: Aar on K ear ney Audio Book The Camp Quality Challenge CD 2010 K okoda Don Featherstone, Pericles DVD Films 2010 K okoda Paul H am Audio Book CD 2012 Kokoda Pet er FitzSimons Audio Book CD 2012 K okoda 70Years On: The RSLVictoria Audio book CD V oi ces of t he M ember s of the Victorian RSL. 2012 Spirit of theWarriors: Six TamaraGasser,JemmaPigott DVD Aboriginal Soldiers Killed in & Alex Sturman t he K okoda Campai gn Returned to Country 2014 Par er ’ s War Alister Grierson (Director), DVD starring Matthew Le Nevez & A del ai de Cl emens

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Examples of online resources about the Kokoda Track.

Date Title Author 2002 K okoda T r ack Memorial Walkway Friendsof Kokoda Concord, N.S.W. 2004 Adventure Kokoda Treks Charlie Lynn 2005 Operation CLICK ANZACtoKokoda Department of Veterans’ investigating Australia’s wartime history with the Affairs websites Visit Gallipoli and Australia’s war 1939- 1945 2006 Brigadi er A.W. Potts D.S.O.,O.B.E.,M.C. 1896- Wendy Thorn, Kokoda 1968 T r ack M emor i al , K oj onup, Western Australia 2010 The Kokoda T r ack Foundation Kokoda Track Foundation Nd Kokoda Foundation Kingst on K okoda Foundation

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Appendix 3

Listing of Licensed Tour Operators (by the Kokoda Track Authority).

Tour Operator Phone Contact Website Adventure Kokoda Pty +6124655 1389 www.kokodatreks.com Ltd + 614 3930 3303 Adventure Out Australia + 618 94723919 www.adventureout.com.au + 614 2708 8541 Birdwing Oro +614 2585 3553 www.kokodapng.com + 675 7168 3981 Brigade Hill Mission +675 7257 0626 Tours + 675 7339 0262

Boomerang Adventures 0403 903 854 02 4677 1226 www.boomerangadventures.com .au Destiny Treks and Tour s + 675 7685 5467 www.ktopa.org.pg + 675 71235756 Ecotourism Melanesia Ltd +675 340 5066 www.em.com.pg + 675 323 4518 + 675 7686 8917 Executive Excellence +61 7 3637 0300 www.execut i veexcel l ence.com.au + 61 7 3262 9762 Foot st eps K okoda +675 322 7424 + 675 7224 2992 Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel s Remedi al +675 7255 6523

Therapies Ltd Getaway Trekking (PNG) +61397523588 www.get awayt r ekking.com.au Limited Kalcha Treks & T our s + 675 76706931 Kokoda Angel s T our + 675 72533199 Kokoda Angel T our s L i mi t ed + 675 7263 9774 www.niuginiadventuretours.com

Kokoda Bloody Tours + 675 73028871 + 675 76531639 Kokoda Brothers (Australia) + 61 439 327 197 www.kokodabrothers.com.au

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Tour Operator Phone Contact Website +61422712 111 Kokoda Campai gnTours +05 61 428664232 + 05 61 428605353 Kokoda Courage Pty Ltd +611300 514 811 www.kokodacourage.com.au + 61 4570 490 67 Kokoda Country Road +675 73566473 Trekking Limited Kokoda Eco Treks+675 7164 9706 + 675 7113 6221 Kokoda Historical +61 405 007700 www.kokodahistorical.com.au + 61 3 98 365681 Kokoda Icon Limited +675 7689 3621

Kokoda Investor Trekking & +675 7361 8204 www.kokodatrack.org.au Tours + 61 429802165

Kokoda Jungle Tours +675 341 9716 www.ktopa.org.pg + 675 71350581 + 675 3419701 Kokoda Logistics Ltd +61894469856 www.kokoda.com.au Kokoda Mateship +675 7364 3673 Kokoda Misima Tours +675 7114 4125 Kokoda Oivi Trekking +61431514 709 www.kokodaoivitrekking.com + 61 402 468 664 Kokoda Rock & Roll Trekking +675 7270 5302 Kokoda Spirit PNG Ltd +6175445 2758 www.kokodaspirit.com + 61 43747 3900 Kokoda Strive Trekking Ltd +675 7346 6625 www.kokodastrive.com + 675 326 1055 Kokoda T r ack Experience +675 7166 6749 Limited + 675 308 2671 Kokoda T r adi t i on L i mi t ed + 675 7393 9836

Kokoda T r ai l Adventures and +675 766 0371 www.kokodatrailadventures.com.pg Trekking Ltd + 675 71596989 Kokoda T r ai l Bushwal king +675 7233 1481 www.kokodatrailbushwalking.com

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Tour Operator Phone Contact Website Expedition +675 7168 9135 Kokoda Trail Expedition +675 322 6113 www.kokodatrailexpeditions.com.au Tours (PNG) Ltd + 1300 4565 632 + 614 38483789 Kokoda Trekking Limited +675 325 4423 www.kokodatrekking.com.au + 675 323 6650 + 675 7211 2549 Kokoda Tribute PtyLtd +61398783115 www.kokodatribute.com Kokoda Veteran Tours +675 7290 4441 + 675 7328 1572 Kokoda War Memorial +675 72768657 M i ssi on + 675 7114 9820 Kotrek Limited +6143455 7863 www.kotrek.com + 675 7172 3254 + 675 7280 7535 Niugini Holidays +612 9290 2055 www.nghols.com + 614 0203 1222 No Roads Expeditions +61 3 9598 8581 www.noroadskokoda.com.au On Track Expeditions + 61 423043665 www.ontrackexpeditions.com.au Our Spirit Pty Ltd +61414 521 531 www.ourspirit.com.au + 61 731 026 561 Papua N ew G ui nea T r ekking +675 323 0984 www.pngtrekkingadvent ur es.com Adventures + 675 325 1284 + 675 7686 6171 RWB Adventure PNG Ltd +61244729123 www.rwbkokoda.com Soger i Ent erpr i se L t d & Soger i +675 325 1887 Lodge + 675 7265 0138 The Salvation Army (PNG) +675 325 5522 Property Trust + 675 7324 9275 Toogee T r eks +6124955 8110 www.kokodatreks.net.au + 61 2 418686241 www.toogeetreks.com

Trek 96 K okoda +675 7343 7494 + 675 7380 6874 Tropic Tours Limited + 675 7685 2772 www.tropictours.com.pg + 675 321 3828 + 675 3213688

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Appendix 4

I mages of t at t oos t hat have been i nspi r ed by t he K okoda T r ack and per sonal account s t hat have been post ed on t he web.

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Gavin Wright (2008).

Gavin Wright trekked with us in April 2008 on our AN Z AC D ay Tours Enjoying the challenge of walking the Kokoda Track and forming a strong bond with the local people he decided he would get a permanent reminder of his trip across the Kokoda Track. Gavin had the Kokoda Historical logo tattooed onto his back; the reason for this is given in his own words below: "After doing the track with Kokoda Historical (and surviving relatively unscathed), myself being not as fit as perhaps I should have been decided that no image better depi ct s t he brot herhood and mat eshi p t hat does exist s and needed t o exi st bet ween t he Papuans and Australians, during the war as well as now. N ot only my "Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel" Gordon, who after running to the nights camp site with his full pack and camp supplies and then running back to offer assistance for myself or anyone else doing it tough with a smile on his face, as did all the legends with blisters, cuts and sores The picture on the legends t-shirts [sic] of the wounded soldier being helped by a legendary Fuzzy Wuzzy Angel best describes how I felt after being helped and needing help to finish some of the days trekking. I got my tattoo as a symbolic life time reminder of what the Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels have done for Australia and of what they had done for me on the life changing trek with Kokoda Historical. Just think, where would we be this lucky country without the efforts of the great Australian digger and the help of the legendary Fuzzy Wuzzy Angels?"

Retrieved f rom: http:/ / www.kokodahistorical.com.au/ index/ index.php/ about/ 22- kokoda-historical-tattoo

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Drew: I [sic] wanted the southern cross...but I [sic] wanted to stand out from the thousands of other southern cross tattoos so we designed the picture of 2 diggers on the Kokoda [sic] track one helping out his injured mate. I [sic] started off with the stars not coloured but wasn’t [sic] happy so decided to colour them in black... I ’m [sic] happy with it.

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Accessed from: http:/ / www.ratemyink.com/ ?action=ssp&pid=102523

Peter Morrison, n.d.

Peter Morrison is an unassuming young Australian. He first trekked with Adventure K okoda l ast year and devel oped a st r ong desi r e t o l ear n mor e about t he campai gn and the people he met along the track. Unbeknown to us he was an accomplished boxer and recently turned professional. He is the current NSW Welterweight Champion. Peter wears his Kokoda gear into the ring before each fight as a reminder of the ability of the human spirit to conquer adver si t y. We deci ded t o gi ve hi m a go as a D eput y T r ek L eader af t er r ecei vi ng t he f ol l owi ng l et t er :

19 November 2007 G’Day Charlie,

My name is Peter Morrison I’m a 27 year old Carpenter I live in Matraville , Sydney . After completing last months trek with Chad Sherrin & Peter Davis I expressed an interest in becoming a 2IC with your company. I think given the opportunity I could be an asset to Adventure Kokoda .

I have worked as a carpenter for the same company for the last 8 years I thoroughly enjoy my work, being outside & dealing with clients.

I’ve also had ex perience in a leadership role with the box ing classes I teach 3 times per week . I regularly have 30 + people attend which has given me confidence with my people skills. I also compete as a boxer and hope to have a professional fight some time next year.

I have a keen interest in Australian military history. My Grandfather served in PNG during the war so I grew up listening to his stories which has given me a strong basis of being a proud A ussie. I’ve read a number of books on Kokoda and I’m hook ed and k een to learn more.

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I must stress that money is not a issue here it’s something I want to do purely based on passion I’d also be interested in volunteering for any of your projects if I could be of any help (school / hospital building, fund raising). I actually made another contact on the plane trip and may be able to help build a school in another part of the country. Meeting the people has inspired me to help them in any way I can.

Both Chad & Peter said they would be happy to recommend me as a 2IC. I’ll be enrolling in a St Johns First Aid course to better my chances. We spoke about my availability, with not ice I ’m free all year for a few trips at least, I’ll do anything to get involved in this, It’s something that is close to my heart.

L ook ing forward to hearing from you please feel free to contact me anytime. Peter Morrison

Retrieved on 8th February 2013 f rom: http:/ / www.kokodatreks.com/ kokodatreks/ trekleaders.cfm# peterm

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Terrence Wallis, 2011.

Posting by Terrence Wallis on Saturday, 31 December 2011

Remembrance [sic] and Tattoos.....

So we made it – Kokoda was now in the history books and could be checked off the proverbial “ bucket list” . We were now being taken by bus [sic] back to Port Moresby from Owers’ [sic] Corner, which by the way had seen much better days. Not to mention that it was completely overloaded…..I mean we’re talking a bus that should seat 18, taking closer to 30. My first inkling that it was going to be a scary ride back was that we couldn’t make it up the first hill out of the car park, without 8 or so guys having to jump off the bus as it rolled slowly back down the hill…not a great start. A news headline f l ashed bef or e my eyes – “ E nt i r e K okoda T our gr oup ki l l ed af t er over l oaded bus sl i des of f mount ai n r oad” . A f t er a hai r - r ai si ng r i de i n t he bus, al ong a hi ghl y cor r ugat ed and somewhat narrow and ultra hair-pinned road we finally made it to the relative safety of t he f l at coast al pl ai n t hat r an back t owar d Por t M or esby

H owever , t her e was one mor e ver y i mpor t ant st op f or us t o make bef or e we coul d cal l this trip done and that was a visit to the Bomana War Cemetery situated just outside Port Moresby. The cemetery was set on a beautiful plot of land just off the main highway. As we disembarked the bus into the heat, the first thing that hit me was the size and scale of the place – so many white marble headstones stretching far off into the distance. All of Australia’s 3280 servicemen from the New Guinea campaign are in fact interned on this site, which is managed by the Commonwealth War Graves commission

Bomana War Cemetary - Port Moresby - Papua New Guinea

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A s I sl owed wal ked down t he ai sl es t he sheer magni t ude of t he l oss, not onl y t o t he Australians but also to the Japanese who they believe lost closer to 25,000 dead was overwhelming. On more than one occasion I saw brothers interned next to each other; can you imagine being the recipient of not one but two telegrams telling you of the loss of your son or sons? Such a devastating moment in a parent’s life - it was gut wrenching t o even t hi nk about .

We sat si l ent l y under t he shade of a l ar ge banyan t r ee at t he nor t h end of t he cemet er y, f eel i ng t he br eeze wash over us as we sur veyed t he scene bef or e us. Beaut y and sadness combined, and for me at least it put our accomplishments into perspective – we’d made it relatively unscathed (apart from the odd blister or two, or the twisted ankle, no-one had died or had been killed, there were no heroics or sacrifice required and there were definitely no telegrams going home to those loved ones we’d left behind for our advent ur e.

Craig and I had often talked about it……About a week before I was departing for our expedition he brought it up again as we were closing out our conversation on the phone “I’m getting a tattoo after the trip – are you in?” I had thought about it before, but never in a truly serious way. Why now I thought? I’d never been attracted to tattoos before, although one of my brothers (James) has a number, and so do many of my nephews, but the more I thought about it the more it appealed to me in terms of commemorating the j our ney. T hi s woul d be a l ast i ng memor y of t he t r i p and t he advent ur e Cr ai g and I had embarked on together for our dads…..what better way to remember.

So two days after we returned to Australia (quite a bit lighter in terms of weight – at least 10 pounds lower than what we started the trip with and sporting a rather dashing beard) we headed to Geelong to get our tattoos at the Inkspot. Craig had also talked “ Ralphy” into getting one as well, but as fate would have it he had to dash off to Melbourne to pick up his wife from the airport so he didn’t end up getting one – mate have you got it yet.

My tattooist (LaDean) was the accomplished artist, young but clearly with a god given talent – check out her link. I had thought about my tattoo quite a bit both before as well as during my trip, I wanted something that would highlight my journey in a powerful way, so when LaDean asked me about what I had in mind I knew exactly what I wanted - the rising sun emblem from the Australian military forces over the words “Kokoda 2011” . I wanted it on my shoulder so that others could see it and it could serve as a conversation piece for me to tell the story of my adventure. Craig wanted just the words and year on his calf. And so it was with this that LaDean began walking me through the process and started outlining it on my right shoulder…..dissatisfied with the first try, she cleaned my shoulder and started again. I admired her concentration and attention to detail as she finished the outline – it looked great.

The tattoo [sic]

Now for the tricky bit, for the next two hours (no it didn’t hurt – mainly because my shoul der muscl e i s pr et t y meat y and not t oo sensi t i ve) she cal ml y t al ked t o me as she worked on my shoulder. Craig was lying down on the bench nearby as he got his calf tattooed. The skin on the calf is extremely thin….as you can imagine is very sensitive so his hour long tattoo was just a tad more painful than mine…..okay, a lot more painful.

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

What a t umul t uous t r i p – sur vi v i ng t he K okoda t r ack and now a t at t oo, what ’ s next ?

Prologue

I want to thank you for being a part of my adventure; you’ve all been such gracious and wonderfully supportive readers of my blog. In fact to date I ’ve had over 3500 people from all corners of the globe read my blog in the last two months. I ’ve enjoyed it so much I think I’m going to keep writing, I’m sure the topics will be varied and somewhat amusi ng… ..yes, a ni ce accompani ment t o t hat l at t e on a Sunday mor ni ng - st ay t uned.

Wishing you all a Happy New Year TW

Retrieved f rom: http:/ / terence-kokodatrek.blogspot.com.au/ 2011/ 12/ rememberance- and- t at t oos.ht ml

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

Narelle, n.d.

N arelle 's Story

The allure of Kokoda first began as a physical challenge for me- although I was overweight and unprepared at the time. Pairing up with some family members, I arrived in Port Moresby, instantly regretting what lay ahead. The next 2 days were a blur, with each st ep havi ng t o be coaxed by an amazi ng t r ek l eader and some wonder f ul por t er s. I n

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

retrospect I realise I had emotionally quit before the trek began as I had no faith in myself, and I fully expected the trek leader to oust me from the group the moment we landed in Kokoda.

T hi ngs began t o change f or me as I l i st ened t o t he hi st or y as we wal ked onwar ds. T he unfair and unfortunate positions the young Australian men were in were both horrid and mesmerising at the same time. By time I reached Isurava, and despite the horrific battle that was fought there, I found such peace and knew that I had to continue. Part of this was in respect for my grandfather who had fought in Milne Bay and Port Moresby during the war.

There is no such f eeling describable using words, than t he f eeling you get as you f inish the trek. It is one that encompasses conflicting feelings, including relief, humility, t hankf ul ness, sor r ow, st r engt h, and an addi ct i ve r ush of pr i de (t o name a f ew). T her e i s also a ‘clarity’ I had never expected before.

Following this first trek, I went on to complete the trek a second time 8 months later after training thoroughly and losing a lot of weight. The knowledge of the history of K okoda, t he f r i endshi p ext ended by t he l ocal por t er s, and t he t r ust i n (and t hankf ul ness to) the trekking company and it’s leaders were influential factors in my return. Both treks taught me many lessons that I fail to put into words at the best of times. Perhaps most easi l y encompassed i n t he wor ds i nscr i bed on t he I sur ava memor i al - “ cour age, endurance, mateship, sacrifice”. These lessons have affected my life on my many levels, and made me a better person than I would have ever thought.

From the girl who emotionally quit the first trek before it started, to the woman who previously was petrified of needles but now has a tattoo with the words from Isurava (and competed the trek twice, looking for a third opportunity!), it is one of those life changing experiences I can’t recommend highly enough. For those who are looking to trek Kokoda, ensure you choose a company whose leaders have what it takes to get you to the other end, and have the historical component. Once in a lifetime, not to be missed.

Retrieved from: http:/ / www.dokokoda.com/ lifechanging-3/

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

K ade Walter, 2011.

Tuesday, June 28, 2011 at 08:02AM

What can I say about Kokoda? It's the best thing I have ever done in my life absolutely life changing, Kokoda Brothers will teach you everything you need to know about the Track, like myself who knew absolutely bugger all about Kokoda. The knowledge Travis had blew me away. Kokoda was so amazing the people you get to meet on the track and the people I did it with are now a big part of my life. I never knew Kokoda would change me so much but it has for the better. Thanks to the Kokoda Brothers for making the experience so amazing I went to the tattoo shop two days after getting home and got the best tattoo ever ! Even better than I could have expected. Getting the Kokoda Brothers logo meant so much to me because it shows mateship, courage, endurance and sacrifice. So thank you Pete and Trav for making it a real trip of a lifetime!!!!!

Kade Walter Anzac D ay Track 2011 Retrieved from: http:/ / www.kokodabrothers.com.au/ testimonials/ ?currentPage=2

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Kokoda Track: Stori Bilong Waitlain Tasol? (Kokoda Track: Only a Whiteman Story?)

D ragon (19/ 01/ 2008)

Retrieved on 15/ 11/ 2014 f rom: http:/ / www.checkoutmyink.com/ tattoos/ dragons/ kokoda

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