On the Precipice: a Progressive Agenda in the Biden Era Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, May 2020

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

On the Precipice: a Progressive Agenda in the Biden Era Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, May 2020 On the Precipice: A Progressive Agenda in the Biden Era Published by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New York Office, May 2020 Executive Director: Andreas Günther Editor: Kazembe Balagun, Aaron Eisenberg and Maria Savel Address: 275 Madison Avenue, Suite 2114, New York, NY 10016 Email: [email protected] Phone: +1 (917) 409-1040 With support from the German Foreign Office. The Rosa Luxemburg Foundation is an internationally operating, progressive non-profit institution for civic education. In cooperation with many organizations around the globe, it works on democratic and social participation, empowerment of disadvantaged groups, alternatives for economic and social development, and peaceful conflict resolution. The New York Office serves two major tasks: to work around issues concerning the United Nations and to engage in dialogue with North American progressives in universities, unions, social movements, and politics. www.rosalux.nyc 2 Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung New York Office On the Precipice: A Progressive Agenda in the Biden Era Bidenfreude: COVID-19 in the Post-Trump U.S. 5 By Rob Wallace Pushing Biden to Addess the U.S.’ Housing Crisis 13 By Oksana Mironova The High Stakes of Defending Public Education 22 By Ujju Aggarwal Class Struggle and Solidarity: What Labor Still Needs Under Biden 29 By Kari Thompson Demand Everything: Joe Biden and the Portal to a Green New Deal 37 By Adrien Salazar How to Design and Pay for a Green New Deal 47 By Fadhel Kaboub 3 On the Precipice: A Progressive Agenda in the Biden Era Hopes for New Beginnings on U.S. Trade Policy 57 By Karen Hansen Kuhn More Military Money, More Problems 64 By Ashik Siddique U.S.-China: Progressive Internationalist Strategy Under Biden 78 By Tobita Chow & Jake Werner A Delicate Balance: The U.S.-Russia Relationship Under Biden 94 By David Klion The Biden Administration and Trump’s Ashes: A UN Phoenix? 100 By Thomas G. Weiss Biden’s Nuclear Agenda 107 By Joseph Gerson The Changing Same: Biden and the False Promise of a “Return to Normalcy” 113 By Kali Akuno 4 Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung New York Office Bidenfreude: COVID-19 in the Post-Trump U.S. By Rob Wallace Transmission electron microscopic image of an isolate from the first US case of COVID-19, formerly known as 2019- nCoV, a coronavirus, March, 2020. Image courtesy CDC/ Hannah A Bullock, Azaibi Tamin. (Photo by Smith Collection/ Gado/Getty Images) A jokester once characterized Yale University as a hedge fund with a cam- pus attached to it. One might say something similar of the country in which Yale is based. The United States is abandoning what recently deceased political scientist Leo Panitch described as its responsibilities in managing global capitalism for the bourgeoisie worldwide. With public health and other earmarks of the modern state abandoned within even its own borders, the U.S. seems now more a stock market with a country attached. It’s true, on the other hand, that the magical thinking of never-ending eco- nomic growth has long anchored the American political ethos in settler ex- pansionism. Nothing is more important than perpetual growth. Everything else—even our shared humanity and life on Earth itself—is to be sub- sumed under that prime directive. 5 On the Precipice: A Progressive Agenda in the Biden Era But this year’s COVID-19 outbreak alerted the world of a nation’s identity turned inside-out like a smelly sock. Rome wasn’t built in a day, but the U.S.’s nearly as fast a fall, however part of a longue durée decline from the its peak as a center of capital, should flabbergast even the sharpest of rad- ical observers. For even a Biden administration may prove no prophylaxis for the COVID outbreak and American decline overall. Graphic Content The potion of economic growth did not save the day during the pandemic. Those countries that kept their economies opened at the expense of its population’s morbidity and mortality—the U.S., Mexico, Chile, Belgium, among others—suffered worse COVID outbreaks and greater economic losses. Wealth, on the other hand, remained protected, growing in record draughts and in ever greater concentration. Over the pandemic, March to December, the collective wealth of America’s 651 billionaires grew by more than a trillion U.S. dollars. That’s nearly four times the $267 billion in one- shot stimulus checks sent to 159 million Americans earlier in the year. Daily U.S. COVID hospitalizations and S&P 500 closing index, March 17-December 18, 2020. 6 Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung New York Office One can’t help but be outraged. Toward the end of the year, a graph circu- lated on the online left showing a direct relationship between daily S&P Index closings for the top 500 companies’ stock prices listed on the ex- change and accumulative COVID deaths in the U.S. On its face, such a vulgarity of “dying for the market” seems a spurious correlation. Accumulative cases are always going to rise. So we might bet- ter plot the S&P and COVID hospitalizations for days the market was open, in this case, in the nearby plot, for March 17-Dec 18. Hospitalizations ping up and down upon each COVID wave, marking the immediate state of the outbreak better than cumulative caseload. We can see here stock prices split through the first two U.S. COVID waves, with different closings in the index—high and low—at the same level of hospitalizations. It appears upon the start of each COVID wave stock prices shorted, bouncing back only on the wave’s decline. Research earlier in the outbreak showed just such a negative bias in stock closings, depressing the index more upon bad COVID news than the amount it bounced back upon good. So the market does react to news in the real world, even as financializa- tion—investing in debt and currency—is increasingly divorced from the real economy (and the vast majority of people’s everyday lives). Or, in the more updated interpretation, as financialization increasingly drives the real economy regardless of the various perverse outcomes. Geographer Albina Gibadullina recently plotted financialization by industri- al sector across countries. The state of alienation in the U.S. across sectors is such that betting on the debt backing the economy increasingly super- sedes outright investment in real commodities. Sudden disasters don’t roll our high-end gamblers back to reality, however. Not even back to the capi- talist reality of the kinds of use value that might seem necessary to protect a system in crisis. Sociologist John Bellamy Foster and colleagues describe financialization picking up in pace during the worst of damage brought about by the pres- ent pandemic. The resulting impacts aren’t felt just in stock portfolios or bond derivatives. With less revenue from elective surgery and other blows to projected profits, U.S. hospitals, for instance, are firing nurses during the worst outbreak in a hundred years. Our S&P graph suggests that at the other end of the outbreak, even as hospitalizations are exploding in record number, with the vaccines rolling 7 On the Precipice: A Progressive Agenda in the Biden Era out and a Biden administration rolling in, things, from the vantage of cap- ital, may be looking up. Capital will survive—even prosper—through half- a-million U.S. deaths its professional-managerial class largely dodged by staying at home. So we may have here a positive bias later in the outbreak. Terrible news on the daily doesn’t depress stocks now that the bourgeoisie appears in the clear. Here, then, we find ourselves back at the vulgar interpretation we thought we’d circumvent in favor of nuance. Because the rest of the U.S. is in ter- rible shape. Three-to-four times more of the population is hungry than an already unconscionable baseline. Millions have filed for inadequate un- employment insurance. Shoplifting of staples like food and diapers is at record levels. Tens of thousands of COVID deaths, more than that of many countries combined, have been attributed to housing evictions alone. The overall trend apparent even in our rough graph from March to December—up, up, up—supersedes the dynamics of the stock market’s blips here and there. The resulting massacre—COVID and otherwise—is teaching Americans an abject lesson, at least for those in a position to as- similate it. The extreme center’s gambit The lesson can be so easily lost. The tumult of a political class at odds with itself forces the country to choose sides that are not of its own making. The hard part is not letting January’s Trumpist putsch and the second im- peachment that followed confuse matters. Certainly these histories count and defeating the fascist creep is always a front-and-center task. The roiling itself speaks to the bourgeoisie’s struggles with administering an empire in decline home and abroad. But we need to keep in mind that politicians of both major parties— Democratic and Republican—spent this past year organizing themselves around simultaneously bailing out billionaires, now far richer than ever in only a few short months, and minimizing paying the poorest of Americans trying to survive a deadly pandemic. Congress passed a lousy $1200 of assistance per American earlier in 2020. It then dragged its ass for months at the end of the year before finally agreeing on another $600. A push to up the second payout to $2000 was 8 Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung New York Office turned aside in the name of fiscal responsibility. The debate was cut off with a vote in favor of a military budget greater than the world’s next ten largest military budgets combined.
Recommended publications
  • REPRESENTATION, POLITICS and MONEY: a SCREENING GUIDE “I’M Running Because of Cori Bush
    REPRESENTATION, POLITICS AND MONEY: A SCREENING GUIDE “I’m running because of Cori Bush. I’m running because of Paula Jean Swearengin. I’m running because everyday Americans deserve to be represented by everyday Americans.” - Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez TABLE OF CONTENTS 4 About the Film 5 Letter from Director, Rachel Lears 6 Using the Guide Tips for Leading Conversations Pre-Screening Discussion Questions 9 Post-Screening Background and Context Who Knocked in 2018? Representation: Who is in Congress and Why it Matters How Money Works in Elections The Politics of Elections 25 Get Involved Share the Film Spark Conversations Across Party Lines Vote and Get Out the Vote Support a Candidate Run for Office 33 Resources for Further Learning 3 ABOUT THE FILM Knock Down the House is the story of four working-class women who embraced the challenge of running for Congressional office in the 2018 midterm elections. They are four of the record numbers who organized grassroots campaigns, rejected corporate PAC money and challenged the notion that everyday people can run successful campaigns against sitting incumbents. Collectively these candidates herald a cultural and political shift to transform the process of running and electing our representatives. Such changes do not occur in a vacuum, nor are they about a singular issue. Rather they about changing the attitudes, behaviors, terms, and outcomes of existing and entrenched norms and building towards a more inclusive and representative government. 4 LETTER FROM THE DIRECTOR, RACHEL LEARS I’ve been making films about politics since the days of Occupy Wall Street. After having a baby in 2016, I thought I might take a break from political filmmaking—but the day after the election, I knew I had no choice.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Our Revolution' Meets the Jacksonians (And the Midterms)
    Chapter 16 ‘Our Revolution’ Meets the Jacksonians (And the Midterms) Whole-Book PDF available free At RippedApart.Org For the best reading experience on an Apple tablet, read with the iBooks app: Here`s how: • Click the download link. • Tap share, , then • Tap: Copy to Books. For Android phones, tablets and reading PDFs in Kindles or Kindle Apps, and for the free (no email required) whole-book PDF, visit: RippedApart.Org. For a paperback or Kindle version, or to “Look Inside” (at the whole book), visit Amazon.com. Contents of Ripped Apart Part 1. What Polarizes Us? 1. The Perils of Polarization 2. Clear and Present Danger 3. How Polarization Develops 4. How to Depolarize a Cyclops 5. Three Political Traps 6. The Crime Bill Myth 7. The Purity Trap Part 2. Charisma Traps 8. Smart People Get Sucked In 9. Good People Get Sucked In 10. Jonestown: Evil Charisma 11. Alex Jones: More Evil Charisma 12. The Charismatic Progressive 13. Trump: Charismatic Sociopath Part 3. Populism Traps 14. What is Populism; Why Should We Care? 15. Trump: A Fake Jacksonian Populist 16. ‘Our Revolution’ Meets the Jacksonians 17. Economics vs. the Culture War 18. Sanders’ Populist Strategy 19. Good Populism: The Kingfish 20. Utopian Populism 21. Don’t Be the Enemy They Need Part 4. Mythology Traps 22. Socialism, Liberalism and All That 23. Sanders’ Socialism Myths 24. The Myth of the Utopian Savior 25. The Establishment Myth 26. The Myth of the Bully Pulpit 27. The Myth of the Overton Window Part 5. Identity Politics 28. When the Klan Went Low, SNCC Went High 29.
    [Show full text]
  • Dead Precedents Riley T
    Notre Dame Law Review Online Volume 93 | Issue 1 Article 1 8-2017 Dead Precedents Riley T. Svikhart Notre Dame Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.nd.edu/ndlr_online Part of the Jurisprudence Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation 93 Notre Dame L. Rev. Online 1 (2018) This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Notre Dame Law Review at NDLScholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Notre Dame Law Review Online by an authorized editor of NDLScholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ESSAY DEAD PRECEDENTS Riley T. Svikhart* INTRODUCTION Shaun McCutcheon’s was the “next big campaign finance case to go before the Supreme Court.”1 When the Alabama GOP warned the conservative businessman that his 2010 federal campaign contributions might soon exceed a congressionally imposed limit, he decided to “take a stand.”2 Together, McCutcheon and the Republican National Committee (RNC)—which “wish[ed] to receive the contributions that McCutcheon and similarly situated individuals would like to make” in the absence of such aggregate contribution limits3—challenged the responsible statutory regime4 on First Amendment grounds and attracted national attention en route to a victory before the Supreme Court.5 But while McCutcheon and the RNC prevailed in their case, they failed in another noteworthy regard—Chief Justice Roberts’s controlling opinion declined their request to squarely overrule a relevant portion of the landmark campaign © 2017 Riley T. Svikhart. Individuals and nonprofit institutions may reproduce and distribute copies of this Essay in any format, at or below cost, for educational purposes, so long as each copy identifies the author, provides a citation to the Notre Dame Law Review Online, and includes this provision and copyright notice.
    [Show full text]
  • Oppose Judge Amy Coney Barrett's Nomination to the Supreme Court
    TAKE ACTION TO SAVE ROE: Oppose Judge Amy Coney Barrett’s Nomination to the Supreme Court With the death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, the American people lost a champion for gender equality and reproductive rights. President Trump’s nominee to replace her, Judge Amy Coney Barrett, has the most extreme anti-reproductive rights record of any Supreme Court nominee since the rejected nomination of Judge Robert Bork over 30 years ago. Reproductive rights should not be open for debate. The ability to make these highly personal decisions is central to a person’s dignity and liberty and to gender equality. Take action today to make your voice heard about why Judge Barrett’s nomination must not proceed. PRESIDENT TRUMP’S NOMINEE: WHAT CAN I DO TO STOP THIS NOMINATION AND JUDGE AMY CONEY BARRETT HELP SAVE ROE? Senators need to hear directly from their constituents President Trump has made reversing Roe v. about why abortion rights and this nomination matters Wade a litmus test for his Supreme Court to you. nominees. Judge Barrett’s record supports that test. Her approach to constitutional 1. Tell your Senators to vote NO on Judge Barrett’s interpretation, opinions as a federal appellate confirmation and urge them to vocally stand up for judge, and vitriolic public advocacy disparaging reproductive rights and the ACA. Click here to send a contraception, opposing abortion, and message or call 202-224-3121. defending “the right to life from fertilization” 2. Share your story or viewpoint on why access to lay bare a deep disagreement with the abortion is important to you by publishing op-eds, established constitutional protections for letters to the editor, and social media posts.
    [Show full text]
  • Joe Crowley (D-Ny-14)
    LEGISLATOR US Representative JOE CROWLEY (D-NY-14) IN OFFICE CONTACT Up for re-election in 2016 Email Contact Form LEADERSHIP POSITION https://crowley.house.gov/ contact-me/email-me House Democratic Caucus Web crowley.house.gov 9th Term http://crowley.house.gov Re-elected in 2014 Twitter @repjoecrowley https://twitter.com/ repjoecrowley Facebook View on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/ repjoecrowley DC Office 1436 Longworth House Office Building BGOV BIOGRAPHY By Brian Nutting and Mina Kawai, Bloomberg News Joseph Crowley, vice chairman of the Democratic Caucus for the 113th Congress and one of the party's top campaign money raisers, works for government actions that benefit his mostly middle-class district while keeping in mind the needs of Wall Street financial firms that employ many of his constituents. He has served on the Ways and Means Committee since 2007. He was a key Democratic supporter of the 2008 bailout of the financial services industry -- loudly berating Republicans on the House floor as an initial bailout bill went down to defeat -- as well as subsequent help for the automobile industry. In addition to his post as caucus vice chairman -- the fifth-ranking post in the Democratic leadership -- Crowley is also a finance chairman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the political arm of House Democrats, and serves on the Steering and Policy Committee. He has a garrulous personality to match his burly, 6-foot-4 frame. He's been known to break into song and is generally well-liked by friend and foe alike. Crowley has been a solid supporter of Democratic Party positions, as illustrated by the ratings he has received from organizations on opposite ends of the political spectrum: A lifetime score of 90 percent-plus from the liberal Americans for Democratic Action and 8 percent, through 2012, from the American Conservative Union He favors abortion rights, gun control and same-sex marriage.
    [Show full text]
  • College of the Holy Cross Archives & Special Collections P.O
    College of the Holy Cross Archives & Special Collections P.O. Box 3A, Worcester, MA 01610-2395 College of the Holy Cross Archives and Special Collections Collection Inventory Accession Number: 2014- Collection Name (Title): Moran, James P., Congressional Papers Dates of Material: Size of Collection: Arrangement: Restrictions: Related Material: Preferred Citation: James P. Moran, Congressional Papers Processed on: Dec. 2014 - June 2016 Biography/History: James P. Moran was born in Buffalo, New York on May 16, 1945. He grew up in Natick, MA and attended the College of the Holy Cross on a football scholarship, graduating in 1967 with a BA in Economics. He went on to attend the University of Pittsburgh, where he received a Master’s of Public Administration in 1970. In 1979 Moran was elected to the city council of Alexandria, Virginia, which marked the beginning of a long career in politics. In 1985 and 1988 he was elected to serve as Mayor of Alexandria. He resigned in 1990 when he was elected to his first term in Congress. While a member of Congress, Moran served on the Committee of Appropriations and was a member of the LGBT Equality, Congressional Progressive, Animal Protection, Sudan, Sportsmen’s, International Conservation, Congressional Arts, Congressional Bike, Safe Climate, and Crohn’s and Colitis Caucuses. He was also co-founder of the New Democrat Coalition. He served as representative for Virginia’s 8th District until he retired at the end of his term in January 2015. After retiring from Congress Moran accepted positions as a Legislative Advisor at a D.C. area law firm, and accepted a faculty position in Virginia Tech’s School of Public and International Affairs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Wit and Wisdom of Donald J. Trump - Volume One : 8X10 College Ruled - 200 Blank Notebook Pages Pdf, Epub, Ebook
    THE WIT AND WISDOM OF DONALD J. TRUMP - VOLUME ONE : 8X10 COLLEGE RULED - 200 BLANK NOTEBOOK PAGES PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Buckskin Creek Journals | 202 pages | 11 Aug 2018 | Createspace Independent Publishing Platform | 9781725123359 | English | none The Wit and Wisdom of Donald J. Trump - Volume One : 8x10 College Ruled - 200 Blank Notebook Pages PDF Book Molly Olmstead: Conservatives are already playing up hypothetical anti-Catholic bias against Amy Coney Barrett : Because we all know how concerned conservatives are when it comes to prejudice against minorities? Matties, You are not suspicious of Biden and all the other globalist but suspicious of Trump? Most of them lack context, and may err by omission, but they're not fake news. Romney too wants to reach across the aisle. As former KGB and Washington swamp know now. I have a sister who now is looking for work in Canada because of this election, as well as many other twitter people I follow. The communities welcomed him. Dollar Index at that time, I suggest. To Mr. Read the thread!! But minority rule is on the ballot. The illusion of governance overshadows the chaos in the nuts and bolts of implementation situated in the agencies charged with making it happen. The decision is simple for me. Ever since, the right has mounted an hysterical campaign to take away the rights granted by the Court -- especially abortion, but also the constitutional right to privacy free choice is based on -- and to secure ever greater privileges for the rich as evidenced most clearly by the Court's recent claim that unlimited campaign spending is protected "free speech".
    [Show full text]
  • Trump Judges: Even More Extreme Than Reagan and Bush Judges
    Trump Judges: Even More Extreme Than Reagan and Bush Judges September 3, 2020 Executive Summary In June, President Donald Trump pledged to release a new short list of potential Supreme Court nominees by September 1, 2020, for his consideration should he be reelected in November. While Trump has not yet released such a list, it likely would include several people he has already picked for powerful lifetime seats on the federal courts of appeals. Trump appointees' records raise alarms about the extremism they would bring to the highest court in the United States – and the people he would put on the appellate bench if he is reelected to a second term. According to People For the American Way’s ongoing research, these judges (including those likely to be on Trump’s short list), have written or joined more than 100 opinions or dissents as of August 31 that are so far to the right that in nearly one out of every four cases we have reviewed, other Republican-appointed judges, including those on Trump’s previous Supreme Court short lists, have disagreed with them.1 Considering that every Republican president since Ronald Reagan has made a considerable effort to pick very conservative judges, the likelihood that Trump could elevate even more of his extreme judicial picks raises serious concerns. On issues including reproductive rights, voting rights, police violence, gun safety, consumer rights against corporations, and the environment, Trump judges have consistently sided with right-wing special interests over the American people – even measured against other Republican-appointed judges. Many of these cases concern majority rulings issued or joined by Trump judges.
    [Show full text]
  • Download the Full What Happened Collection [PDF]
    American Compass December 2020 WHAT HAPPENED THE TRUMP PRESIDENCY IN REVIEW AMERICAN COMPASS is a 501(c)(3) non-profit organization, launched in May 2020 with a mission to restore an economic consensus that emphasizes the importance of family, community, and industry to the nation’s liberty and prosperity— REORIENTING POLITICAL FOCUS from growth for its own sake to widely shared economic development that sustains vital social institutions; SETTING A COURSE for a country in which families can achieve self-sufficiency, contribute productively to their communities, and prepare the next generation for the same; and HELPING POLICYMAKERS NAVIGATE the limitations that markets and government each face in promoting the general welfare and the nation’s security. www.americancompass.org [email protected] What Happened: The Trump Presidency in Review Table of Contents FOREWORD: THE WORK REMAINS President Trump told many important truths, but one also has to act by Daniel McCarthy 1 INTRODUCTION 4 TOO FEW OF THE PRESIDENT’S MEN An iconoclast’s administration will struggle to find personnel both experienced and aligned by Rachel Bovard 5 A POPULISM DEFERRED Trump’s transitional presidency lacked the vision and agenda necessary to let go of GOP orthodoxy by Julius Krein 11 THE POTPOURRI PRESIDENCY A decentralized and conflicted administration was uniquely inconsistent in its policy actions by Wells King 17 SOME LIKE IT HOT Unsustainable economic stimulus at an expansion’s peak, not tax cuts or tariffs, fueled the Trump boom by Oren Cass 23 Copyright © 2020 by American Compass, Inc. Electronic versions of these articles with hyperlinked references are available at www.americancompass.org.
    [Show full text]
  • Potential Committee Vacancies in the 117Th Congress Last Updated November 25, 2020
    Potential Committee Vacancies in the 117th Congress Last updated November 25, 2020 Congressional committees are a critical part of the legislative process. Committees serve as gatekeepers for legislation, considering and amending bills before they reach the floor. Hearings and investigations shape policy debates and provide critical oversight. At the beginning of each Congress, Members receive their committee assignments. Members pursue membership on committees that align with their interests and priorities, and their assignments are determined by the Democratic Caucus and the Republican Conference - with heavy influence from party leadership and steering committees​.1 When determining committee assignments, the parties weigh member preferences along with seniority, regional balance, and balance among ideological and identity caucuses.2 Committee vacancies present opportunities for returning members to gain spots on new committees and for incoming freshmen to get their initial assignments. Vacancies for committee chairs and ranking members can have major policy implications because those leaders shape committees’ priorities. Committee vacancies may occur due to a preexisting vacancy or because a previous member retired, ran for another office, or lost reelection​. On the Democratic side, Members can receive waivers that allow them to serve on additional committees beyond the caps in Democratic Caucus rules.3 While returning members usually have the option to remain on their previous committees (except for committees with term limits4), ​a returning Democratic committee member using a waiver is not guaranteed the option to keep the committee slot.​ The Democratic Caucus uses waivers to distribute remaining committee slots after all members, including incoming freshmen, have hit their caps. The actual number of vacancies going into the 117th Congress depends on the final partisan composition of the House, which is reflected in the committee ratios negotiated by Democratic and Republican leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • Conversations with Bill Kristol
    Conversations with Bill Kristol Guest: Adam J. White Research Scholar, American Enterprise Institute Executive Director, George Mason Law School’s C. Boyden Gray Center Taped September 11, 2019 Table of Contents I. On the Supreme Court Today (0:15 – 44:19) II: The Conservative Legal Movement (44:19 – 1:21:17) I. On the Supreme Court Today (0:15 – 44:19) KRISTOL: Hi, I’m Bill Kristol. Welcome to CONVERSATIONS. I’m joined by my friend, Adam White, who has recently moved from The Hoover Institution to The American Enterprise Institute, where you’re – what’s your distinguished title there? Visiting? Resident Scholar? WHITE: Resident Scholar. KRISTOL: Did you have the same high title at Hoover, or was it just a visiting scholar? You were a resident scholar there. [Laughter] WHITE: I felt appreciated at Hoover too. KRISTOL: That’s good, yes. Anyway AEI has a new program in Social, Cultural and Constitutional Studies, which is great and you’re going to be a key part of that. You’ve obviously been a very – a lawyer and a commentator on all matters legal, judicial, the courts and the administrative state for The Weekly Standard and many other journals. And we had a conversation previously about the courts and the administrative state, before the Trump administration began I guess, I think – right? WHITE: Yeah. KRISTOL: But today we’re going to talk about the Judiciary. Kind of an important topic, a key talking point of Trump supporters, and maybe legitimately so. And I guess I’d like to begin with sort of 30,000 feet.
    [Show full text]
  • Discovering Justice Clarence Thomas & the Role Of
    THE MAN BEHIND THE CURTAIN: DISCOVERING JUSTICE CLARENCE THOMAS & THE ROLE OF JUDICIAL BIOGRAPHIES RACHEL GUY* In his recent study of Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, author Corey Robin declares that compared to Thomas, “few judges have made their biographies so central to their understanding of what it is they do as judges.”1 Robin’s book, The Enigma of Clarence Thomas, is an attempt to understand and find cohesion in the Justice’s unique jurisprudence.2 To this end, he finds it necessary to comb Thomas’ biography to explain the Justice’s extreme and seemingly contradictory opinions.3 Robin concedes upfront, however, the discomfort this type of concession to personal history is likely to produce in the legal profession.4 “[T]his is perilous ground,”5 he asserts, as though acknowledging that judges are informed by their personal experiences could destabilize the entire American system of law and government. American law, drawn from its English antecedent, has long been conceptualized as above lived experience, as natural and preexistent, or otherwise “discovered” by disinterested judges.6 In this system, the immense powers of our judiciary is only legitimate if judges—especially Supreme Court Justices—are imagined as the ultimate Wizards of Oz: disembodied legal minds, leaving personal feelings and experiences behind the curtain and off the bench. Robin’s assertion that Thomas, one of only three Justices of color to ever sit on the Court,7 is among a mere handful of judges who have brought their personal experience to bear on their jurisprudence should give his readers pause. Though race figures centrally into the book’s analysis, this flippant assertion is glaringly forgetful of the fact that until the appointment of Justice Thomas’ predecessor, Justice Thurgood Marshall, in 1967, the Court was composed entirely of white men.8 In the words of Sherrilyn Ifill, Robin measures the Justice by the anachronistic yardstick of an era “when white men were the only group permitted * © 2020, Rachel Guy 1 COREY ROBIN, THE ENIGMA OF CLARENCE THOMAS 12 (2019).
    [Show full text]