Evangelical Identities in the Brazilian Diaspora: a Sociological Approach

Evangelical Identities in the Brazilian Diaspora: A Sociological Approach

Donizete Rodrigues University of Beira Interior and Centre for Research in Anthropology, Nova University of Lisbon

Introduction One of the most relevant themes in contemporary society, characterized by an increasingly globalized world, is the complex relationship between immigration and religion. It is important to highlight that the process of glob - alization and the enormous migratory flows of peoples that emanate therefrom provoke significant social changes in host societies. The principal consequence of this migratory phenomenon—of people and their respective religious practices—is that contemporary societies are increasingly plural from the points of view of ethnicity, culture, religion, and identity. 1 To better understand this important issue, innumerable social scientists throughout the world are implementing new methodologies, developing empirical studies and formulating reflective theories. As a consequence, there is presently a huge amount of information coming out of research centres and much academic work produced on this topic. However, this subject, and its study, is far from being well understood. On the contrary, due to the complexity of the phenomenon, there are constantly new inquiries and methodological and theoretical challenges. Thus, there are still many unanswered questions, within a wide field of study, specifically in the do- main of Anthropology and the Sociology of Religion.2

1Fenggang Yang & Helen R. Ebaugh, “Transformations in New Immigrant Religions and their Global Implications,” American Sociological Review 66 (2001): 269-288. 2Frank Usarski, Constituintes da Ciência da Religião: cinco ensaios em prol de uma disciplina autônoma (São Paulo: Paulin, 2006).

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Inserted into the complex relationship between immigration and religion within an increasingly globalized world, the purpose of this article is to discuss, from a sociological perspective, some aspects of the construction pro - cess of evangelical-pentecostal identity, with a particular focus on the circumstances of the Brazilian diasporic context related to the United States and European countries (Ireland, Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Germany).3 Considering that there is some uncertainty over the definitions provided for religious categories and their application, an important question that immediately arises is the distinction between the concepts of evangelical and pentecostal people. From the emic point of view, the faithful call themselves “evangelicals”; they never say—“we are Pentecostals.” In this present work, I propose to use the etic term “evangelical- pentecostal.” However, is necessary here to provide a sociological explana- tion of both concepts. Sociologically, the term evangelical is used, indis- tinctly, to characterize all Christian members of the Protestant reformation movement (from the sixteenth century and under the leadership of the Ger- man theologian Martin Luther) and also the more recent (neo) Pentecostal followers. Nevertheless, to understand what it means to be pentecostal, that is, “faithful Pentecostal,” it is necessary to first explain what Pentecostalism is. Pentecostalism is linked closely with the Methodist Church and Holiness Movement, and is traced to Bethel Bible College in Topeka, Kansas, after a group of people, in 1901, received the baptism of the Holy Spirit and spoke in tongues (glossolalia). Under the leadership of Charles Parham, a white and racist pastor, this religious movement, later spread to California. In 1906, the Azusa Street Mission of Los Angeles, under the leadership of the black pastor, William Seymour, became the centre of Pentecostalism. Neo- Pentecostalism, on the other hand, is a Pentecostal renewal movement, which also emerged in the United States (California), during the 1960s and caught fire in the 1970s. From the United States, (neo) Pentecostalism there- after quickly expanded worldwide. Within a few years, it was represented in all parts of the world (with exception of Muslim countries where apostasy is

3This contribution is an extended version of a paper that I presented within the thema- tic panel “Immigration and Identity in the Diaspora Context” (which I coordinated), at the Conference: Lusophone World in Motion: Past, Present and Future, Aracaju/Brazil, June 28 to July 2, 2017. Participation in this event was financed by the FCT/MEC, within the scope of the strategic plan of the “CRIA—Centre for Research in Anthropology— UID/ANT/04038/ 2013,” for which I remain grateful. D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 13 punishable by death). Considering the etic categories under which they fall, the followers of this very fragmented movement are “Pentecostals.”4

Globalization, Immigration and Identity Globalization—where there is a close interaction of economic, cultural, religious, and media factors on a worldwide scale—provokes massive migratory fluxes of people and, consequently, a strong dynamic of production, circula- tion and the consumption of material and spiritual goods. In this complex cultural process, globalization produces multiculturalism, cultural hybridism, transculturality and new identities.5 Through advanced means of transport and communication, information, cultures, religions, ideas, and ways of life of distinct groups/societies are disseminated and immediately shared in different places that were once faraway and are now not so distant. As Zygmunt Bauman stated in 1997 and 2000, the difference between “near” and “distant” is now disappearing.6 Within this new world-map, globalization enables and facilitates rapid access to transport and communication and, as a consequence, calls into question local territorial borders and the relationship between places/localities and identities. The substantial transcontinental migratory flows and the rapid circula- tion (in real time) of information, ideas and images provoke dissociations between places and cultures,7 creating new “dis-territorialities” and new soci- abilities. In fact, within the context of postmodernity, globalization creates new “transitory” places and even “non-places”8 and, consequently, new identities. In such a case, the individual does not have one identity, but various identities. Thus, globalization inevitably produces strong diversity in the process of identity (re) construction.9 In short, and to link these thoughts

4Donizete Rodrigues, The God of the New Millennium: An Introduction to the Sociology of Religion. Preface by Bryan Wilson (Lisboa: Colibri, 2002). 5Homi Bhabha, The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994); Abdelmaler Sayad, A imigração e os paradoxos da alteridade (São Paulo: EDUSP, 1998); Manuel Castells, The Power of Identity (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010). 6Zygmunt Bauman, Posmodernity and its discontents (New York: New York University Press, 1997); Zygmunt Bauman, Liquid modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000). 7Michel Agier, “Distúrbios identitários em tempos de globalização,” Mana 7 (2001): 7-33. 8Marc Augé, Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity (New York: Verso, 1995). 14 D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 with the process of identity construction and the discussion on evangelical identity, it is relevant to say that: Geographic relocation—international migration, a change of residency within one’s country or even within one’s neighborhood is one way in which changing conditions may have bearing on religious belonging. Studies on migration have often highlighted the prominent role that religious membership may have for the negotiation of personal and collective identities within a new and sometimes hostile environment.10

Before turning my focus, specifically, onto evangelical identity, an important question that arises within this discussion is whether we should con- sider identity or identities? Do we have one identity or multiple identities? The answer is, without any doubt, that we have various identities. Accord- ing to Amin Maalouf, in 2003, each individual has an identity composed of many affiliations and belongings.11 For this reason, it is correct to distinguish between individual identities and cultural/social identities and, therefore, collective identities. The reality is that in all societies there is an enormous variety of identity classifications: ethnic-racial (black, white, mestizo), social classes (upper, middle, lower), gender (female, male, undefined), sexual (hetero/homo/bi/transsexual or even the denial of sexuality itself), life cycle (youth, adult, senior), and so on. A pertinent idea to mention here is what the sociologist Stuart Hall stated in 1992. The individual, who previously lived with an identity that was considered unified and stable, is witnessing his/her identity, as well as culture, become more and more fragmented. Indeed, the individual is composed not of a single, but of several identities, which are sometimes contra- dictory and unresolved.12 Therefore, cultural identities are not rigid and much less (so) unchangeable. Rather, they are always transitory results of the identification process. Even general identities, which appear to be more solid—such as ethnic-racial, religious or geographic belonging, whether na-

9For a better understanding of the relationship between modernity and globalization, as well as their effects on societies, see Anthony Giddens, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990). 10Yonatan Gez, Yvan Droz, Edio Soares & Jeanne Rey, “From Converts to Itinerants Re- ligious Butinage as Dynamic Identity,” Current Anthropology 58 (2017): 141-159. 11Amin Maalouf, In the Name of Identity (London: Penguin Books, 2003). 12Stuart Hall, A identidade cultural na pós-modernidade (Rio de Janeiro: DP&A, 1992). D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 15 tional (Brazilian, Portuguese) or supranational (African, Latin-American, European, etc.), and even “world citizen,”—conceal negotiations of meaning, games of polysemy, and clashes of temporalities in a constant process of transformation. Identities are, thus, identification works in progress.13 Bringing the discussion to a personal level, I myself have multiple identities: Brazilian and Portuguese, for the most part. In fact, the construction of my identity is even more complex: it also includes Jewish (although residual) and Italian influences. Hence the crucial question that all individuals should ask is: Who am I? Amin Maalouf proposed, in 2003, to understand the identity of each and everyone in terms of what differentiates us from others. 14 It is an identity that is ever-being constructed, step-by-step, transforming the individual throughout her/his existence. Identity implies a sense of belonging to a par - ticular ethnic, cultural, and/or religious group, according to the perception of the difference and similarity between “ego” and “alter,” “me and you,” between “us” and “others.” Identity is a process of historically appropriate identifications that give meaning to the group.15 Identities emerge through interactive processes that individuals experience in their day-to-day life, cre - ated by real and symbolic exchanges. Following this idea, Bauman suggested in 1998 fur us to conceptualize identity in the present time as an interaction- al notion, rather than the attributive conception dominant in the age of pre- modernity. That is, today, in the post-modernity, identity should be understood as an accomplishment, an outcome of achievements in the (inter) rela - tions between differentiated groups.16 The construction of identity, whether individual or social/collective, is neither stable nor unified. It is, rather, changeable, (re) invented, transient and sometimes provisional, not to mention subjective. Identity is effectively (re) negotiated and it is becoming, (re) building over time. In this context, the loss of a stable “sense of self” is considered as displacement or decentral - ization of the individual, of the “self.” Such displacement-decentralization of

13Boaventura de Sousa Santos, “Modernidade, identidade e a cultura de fronteira,” Tempo Social 5 (1994): 31-52. 14Maalouf, In the Name of Identity. 15Rodrigo Díaz Cruz, “Experiencias de la identidad,” Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 2 (1993): 63-74. 16Bauman, Posmodernity and its Discontents. 16 D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 the place, in its social and cultural contexts, provokes in the individual the so-called “identity crisis.”17 Based on historic, sociological and anthropological theoretical reflections, the idea being put forth here is that people (and groups) build and reproduce their identities through the constant attachment to their past, includ - ing mythological, historical and, in particular, symbolic-religious circumstances. Taking inversely the logic of this issue, it is correct to state that societies are the results of processes (historical, mythological, religious) of contextualization and the (de/re) contextualization of cultural identities over time. Normally associated with the ethnic factor,18 religion plays an important role in the process of identity formation-individuation. Moreover, the religious system, in the Durkheimian functionalist sense, is one of the most im - portant means to establish solidarities and identity representations. As we have put forth in another work,19 all religions, indeed all symbolic-religious systems, imply a specific mobilization of collective memory, which is crucial in the transmission of the culture and for the social reproduction of the group. Moreover, as Peter Berger and Thomas Luckman stated in 1967, religion is a means of “social construction of reality,” a referential system where social actors appeal, spontaneously and/or by socialization, to reflect the so - cial, cultural and identity context in which they live. 20 Once the link between the conceptualization of identity (or identities) and the issue of immigration is established in a religious transnational context, religious affiliation can then be seen as enabling immigrants to maintain their sense of identity and to also obtain better social acceptance in the host country and wider society.21

17Stuart Hall & Paul du Gay, eds., Questions of Cutural Identity (London: Sage, 1996). 18Steve Fenton, “Modernidade, etnicidade e religião,” in Donizete Rodrigues, ed., Em Nome de Deus: a religião na sociedade contemporânea (Porto: Afrontamento, 2004), 53-76. 19Danielle Crespo, Donizete Rodrigues & Érica Jorge, “Debatendo identidades,” in Keila Pinezi, ed., Sem Preconceito: conversas sobre religião e ciência (São Paulo: EdUFABC, 2015), 47-75. 20Peter Berger & Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: a treatise in the sociology of knowledge (Oxford: Blackwell, 1967). 21Manuel A. Vásquez & Marie F. Marquardt, Globalizing the Sacred: Religious across the America (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2003). D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 17

Taking this discussion further, let me now turn to aspects of the role of religion in diasporic contexts, with an emphasis on Brazilian evangelical immigrants, especially in the United States of America and in Europe, where I am carrying out multi-situated ethnographies. Actually, this ongoing anthropological and sociological research is part of a larger project on the presence and activities of Pentecostalism, both Protestant-Evangelical and Cath- olic-Charismatic, in many parts of the world. The objective of this study is to analyze the specificities of the expressive presence of Brazilian denominations and groups (agencies, churches, missionaries), in particular, in the United States and in Europe, where they carry out an important work of evangelization. The focus is on strong proselytizing, which aims at the conversion and religious revival of immigrants and nationals. 22

Pentecostalism in the Context of the Brazilian Diaspora As was noted earlier, the Pentecostal phenomenon, both in its Protestant and Catholic denominations, emerged in the United States at the beginning of the twentieth century, with a new revival in the 1960s, labelled Neo- Pentecostalism. Considering that it has been mostly immigrants, ethnic minorities, and people from lower socio-economic strata who have joined it, Pentecostalism quickly expanded to all continents, especially to Latin Amer- ica23 and on a particularly large scale to Brazil, where it grew rapidly in the

22My ethnographic fieldwork in the United States was conducted between 2008 and 2010, as a visiting scholar in the Department of Religion, Columbia University (New York) and with a scholarship from the Foundation for Science and Technology (Portugal). My ethnographic fieldwork in Europe (with emphasis in Ireland, Portugal, Spain, Italy, and Germany), on the other hand, was carried out between 2011 and 2013, as an associate re- searcher of the Center for the Study of Latin American Pentecostalism at the University of Southern California (USA). Some of the studies that have emerged therefrom include: Donizete Rodrigues, “The Brazilianization of New York City: Brazilian Immigrants and Evangelical Churches in a Pluralized Urban Landscape,” in Richard Cimino et al., eds., Eco- logies of Faith in New York: the Evolution of Religious Institutions (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013), 120-142; Donizete Rodrigues, “Ethnic and Religious Diversities in Portugal: The Case of Brazilian Evangelical Immigrants,” in Helena Vilaça et al., eds., The Changing Soul of Europe: Religions and Migrations in Northern and Southern Europe (London: Ashgate, 2014), 133-148; Donizete Rodrigues, Jesus in Sacred Gotham: Brazilian Immigrants and Pentecostalism in New York City (Seattle: Amazon Publishing, 2014); Donizete Rodrig- ues, O Evangélico Imigrante: o pentecostalismo brasileiro salvando a América (São Paulo: Fonte Editorial, 2016). 23David Martin, Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (Oxford: Blackwell, 1990). 18 D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 peripheries of large urban centres such as Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. As a consequence, today Pentecostalism is the most rapidly growing and the biggest religious movement in the contemporary world, with approximately 564 million adherents and Brazil as the country with the largest number of followers. Considering the subject of this topic, it is relevant here to define the concept of diaspora. According to Stuart Hall in 1990 and James Clifford in 1994, diaspora is a dispersed network of people that share common and historical experiences of expropriation, displacement and sociocultural adapta- tion. Based on this definition, we can understand the term “diaspora” as a set of circumstances and experiences that involve displacements, agenda, social inequalities, cultural hybridism and significance religious, linguistic, and identities changes. 24 In most studies on the relationship between immigration and religion, specifically in the context of the great expansion of Pentecostalism (Protest- ant and Catholic), where Brazilian communities have played significant role,25 there is a central question highlighted by authors: are religious practices in the diaspora context a way of being culturally self-defensive and a means to reinforce ethnic identity? Considering the unfavorable circumstances of the diaspora, religion becomes a particularly crucial need for immigrants. Beyond spiritual support, it plays an important role in the maintenance of ethnic, cultural and linguistic identities. Religion assists immigrants in maintaining their ethnic and religious identities while they are, simultaneously, striving to adapt to a new culture and society where they are now working and residing.26 Given the great importance of religion for immigrants, the attention of social scientists (especially, sociologist and anthropologist) has since the end of the 1980s returned to the function of religion in conferring identity to individuals and groups in the diaspora. In

24Stuart Hall, “Cultural Identity and Diaspora,” in Jonathan Rutherford, ed., Identity: Community, Culture, Difference (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990), 222-237; James Clifford, “Diasporas,” Cultural Anthropology 9 (1994): 302-328. 25Cristina Rocha & Manuel Vásquez, eds., The Diaspora of Brazillian Religions (Boston: Brill, 2013). Alberto da Silva Moreira & Pino Lucá Trombetta, eds., O Pentecostalismo Glob- alizado (Goiânia: Editora da PUC Goiás, 2015). 26Helen Ebaugh, “Religion and the New Immigrants,” in Michele Dillon, ed., Handbook of the Sociology of Religion (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 19 transnational religious contexts, religious affiliation thus enables immigrants of the first generation to maintain a sense of their original identity. For those, especially, of the second generation, on the other hand, there occurs a reconfiguration of identity and consequently better social acceptance by the host society.27 Thus, religious institutions,

Developed a set of structures and practices designed simultaneously to help their members to maintain and reproduce their ethnic identities, customs, and traditional religious practices on the one hand, and to adapt to their new community, on the other.28

Now that I have discussed concepts of identity and their relation to religion in diasporic circumstances, let me direct the analysis to the Brazilian case. Within the last four decades, the Brazilian immigration context has been characterized by a continuous and expressive exportation of religious movements and of Pentecostal missionaries. Extending their Brazilian “ethnic frontier,” the leaders and missionaries also began to develop intense proselytizing work among immigrants, in general, and nationals of host societies, in particular, although the latter in a residual manner. In the diaspora, the social and religious dynamic, polysemic, and ‘chameleonic’ characterist- ics of the evangelical church, which have positive social connotations, are crucial elements to explain the strong power of attraction of new believers, immigrants, ethnic minorities, and also native people. Following the great migratory flows, principally to the United States, Europe and Japan, evangelical churches have come to play an important role in the maintenance of the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of Brazilian immigrants in this diasporic context.29 Brazilian evangelical immigrants share a double identity, one ethnic and the other religious: the “ethnic cultural identity” with their “Brazilianness” (brasilianidade/brasilidade) and their “spiritual identity” as evangelicals. On the one hand, they are Brazilians in the church, and, on the other, they are

27Alexandro Portes & Rubén Rumbaut, eds., Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generations (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000). 28Helen Ebaugh & Janet Saltzman Chafetz, eds., Religion and the New Immigrants: Con- tinuities and Adaptations in Immigrant Congregations (Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira Press, 2000), 134. 29Donizete Rodrigues & Ari Pedro Oro, eds., Transnacionalização Religiosa: religiões em movimento (Porto Alegre: Editora CirKula, 2015). 20 D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 part of the “evangelical family”: believers share a specific self-identity as a distinct group (the “chosen people”), chosen by God for salvation. These two perspectives reinforce the construction and reproduction of a “community ethos,”30 a distinct Brazilian culture in the context of complex (multi-racial-ethnic-cultural-religious-identities) American and European societies.

The Evangelical Identity in the Brazilian Diaspora To discuss identity is anything but an easy task. To define an “evangelical identity” is even more difficult. What is, for example, an evangelical? As Sandro Amadeu Cerveira asserted in 2008, being evangelical is a social category that has been historically constructed.31 In the present circumstances, and broadly speaking (that is, giving a general answer), the evangelical category identifies/classifies all people that follow a church/denomination with historical Protestant and Pentecostal bases. In the pages that follow, however, I shall limit my thoughts to the Pentecostal category. Pentecostalism is a religious movement with a relatively long historic tra - dition (beginning of the twentieth century), but with an enormous geo- graphical extent (present in most parts of the world). It has an exceptionally strong ability to dialogue and to adapt to local cultures/groups and, consequently, is extremely heterogeneous. Therefore, according to Simon Cole- man in 2007, Pentecostalism has no universal identity in terms of core essences or roots. And an identity does not rest on common theological or liturgical core-essences, but rather on antagonistic local constellations. 32 For this reason, we cannot use the term Pentecostal in the singular sense. Let us draw upon one type of Pentecostal diversity by examining ethical and moral perspectives on sexual matters. There are churches/denominations that are extremely fundamentalist and puritanical, espousing very strict control of the body and sexuality, and their followers are against abortion and homo- phobic. Then there are those “inclusive churches,” in which pastors and members are homosexuals.

30Ana Cristina Martes, New Immigrants, New Land: A Study of Brazilians in Massachusetts (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011). 31Sandro Amadeu Cerveira, “Protestantismo Tupiniquim, modernidade e democracia: limites e tensões da(s) identidade(s) evangélica(s) no Brasil contemporâneo,” Revista de Estudos da Religião 8 (2008): 47. 32Simon Coleman, The Anthropology of Global Pentecostalism and Evangelicalism (New York: New York University Press, 2017), 14-16. D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 21

However, in spite of such enormous diversity, Pentecostal people do present some identity specificities. It is not possible here to list them all, since they are not all consensual. Nevertheless, by drawing on the work of Martin Norbert Dreher, Mathew Guest, and Sandro Amadeu Cerveira,33 as well as my own ethnographic data from research carried out on evangelicals in the diaspora, in particular in the United States and in numerous European countries, it is possible to posit a number of important character- istics or attributes that are particular to evangelicals. These include:

. Theological, doctrinal and liturgical freedom: they are free to do their own reading, interpretation and application of the Bible in their daily lives.

. Divisive: in contrast to the Catholic Church, the evangelical universe is very fragmented; that is, there is no central authority/institutional/ organizational unit.

. Unitary: group loyalty is based on the community of believers; from an anthropological point of view, it means that they constitute an “evangelical tribe.”

. Conversionist: even though they are strong proselytizers, the process of conversion is always individual. As holders of “religious truth,” based on the Bible, their vocation is to spread the teachings of Jesus Christ and bring salvation to all sinners: that is, to those people who are not yet converted.

. Charitable: they practice personal piety and sympathize with the suffering of others, especially with their ‘evangelical family, “brother”/“sister.”

. Devoted: they fully participate in the life of the congregation and give public testimonials of their faith.

. Temperance: they are moderate, balanced, and parsimonious in their attitudes.

. Coherent: they practice what they say and preach; their daily life bears witness to this consistency.

. Dutiful: they are obedient to and respectful of the hierarchy within

33Martin Norberto Dreher, A Igreja Latino-Americana no Contexto Mundial (São Leopoldo: Sinodal, 1999); Mathew Guest, Evangelical Identity and Contemporary Culture (Eugene/Ore- gon: Wipf & Stock, 2008); Cerveira, “Protestantismo Tupiniquim, modernidade e democracia.” 22 D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 church.

. Leisure (free time) is strongly discouraged - the believer must be hardworking and frugal (save money).

. Having money is not a sin: they follow the theology of prosperity, with a strong emphasis on improving economic opportunities and conditions.

. Education: they display strong valourization of educational achievement, as a best practice for improving life and social mobility.

. There is a whole range of activities that are considered frivolous and mundane and which the churches/denominations are opposed to, such as Carnival, movies, dancing, and parties.

. Following Matthew 15:18, they do not tell lies, since a “believer does not lie”: they also do not utter profanity (obscenity – “dirty words”) and do not enter into intrigue.

. Hygiene and wellness: they practice good hygiene, are well dressed and stress good physical health. For this reason, the believer does not drink, smoke and, most importantly, does not use drugs.

. They condemn non-evangelical people because of their immoral life and vices. The evangelical people want to transform and save outside people, through evangelization and conversion to Jesus.

In general, individuals who follow Pentecostalism happen to live under poor economic conditions. They are also associated with a group characterized as unqualified, disadvantaged, performing socially lower forms of la- bour, and stigmatized (in the Goffman sense).34 Can this be the profile of the evangelical who decides to emigrate? According to my ethnographic studies and experiences among Brazilians in the diaspora the answer is af- firmative. Final Considerations In 1982, Bryan Wilson posited that religion is a decisive element to understand social life, institutional practices, daily experiences, and the processes of social change at different levels, whether these be local, national, or

34Erving Goffman, Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1963). D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 23 transnational.35 In the context of migration, it is essential to re-establish a sense of belonging; and religion plays a very important role in the process of maintaining the ethnic, cultural, linguistic, and religious identities of immigrant groups. Indeed, religion becomes even more significant in the unfa- vourable circumstances of immigrant diaspora context: in addition to spiritual support, it adds positive value, more social integration, and a strong sense of worth; it contributes to the maintenance of identity and develops pragmatic solidarity activities, such as housing, employment, education, and health. Religious institutions become places/meeting points where immigrants can meet people from the same home country and other immigrants in similar (generally bad) economic and social conditions. Places of worship places also host social and celebratory events, thereby facilitating further social interaction. Considering the huge impact that globalization (communication, transport and information networks) provokes on the mobility of people mobility and in migration, a sociological perspective on transnationalism is increasingly relevant to better understand the situation of immigrants in the host societies, in particular their identity (re)contruction and (re)configuration process. In 2005, Steven Vertovec noted that “to be transnational means to belong to two or more societies at the same time.” 36 Peggy Levitt, in turn, has added that, in the transnational context, “Individuals sustain multiple identities and loyalties and create culture using elements from a variety of settings.”37 These notions of belonging are sociologically relevant because transnationalism, which implies across national political borders, create significant connections between immigrants and host societies, provoking significant identities changes.

35Bryan Wilson, Religion in Sociological Perspective (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1982). 36Steven Vertovec, “The Political Importance of Diasporas,” University of Oxford: Centre on Migration, Policy and Society; Working Paper 13 (2005): 3-4. 37Peggy Levitt, “Between God, Ethnicity, and Country: An Approach to the Study of Transnational Religion,” Paper presented at the Workshop on “Transnational Migration: Comparative Perspectives,” June 30–July 1, 2001, Princeton University, 3; Peggy Levitt & Nadya Jaworskym, “Transnational Migration Studies: Past Developments and Future Trends,” Annual Review of Sociology 33 (2007): 29-156. I would like to express my thanks to Peggy Levitt for suggesting a better understanding the transnationalism, specifically appli- ed to the situation of Brazilian immigrants in the diaspora (USA, Europe), during our 2010 stimulating conversations at Harvard University. 24 D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25

Along with the phenomenon of globalization, vigorous transcontinental migratory waves cause significant ethnic, social, cultural, religious, and identity changes in contemporary societies. The principal consequence of this migration process is that contemporary societies change faster and become more diverse, particularly with respect to ethnic, cultural and religious char - acteristics. The transcontinental migration process was (and still is) extremely important in the creation, expansion, dispersion and globalization of traditional religions: but it also spawns, in particularly, new religious movements. And the proliferation of new religious movements is occurring especially within Protestant Neo-Pentecostalism. Therefore, the set of circumstances of this sociological approach on identity(ies) is the context of a globalized system. This system, socially unequal, involves people (migrants and refugees) moving from poorer landscapes to richer countries. Moreover, they also travel predominantly in a South-North direction, reflecting a reverse geography-cartography particular to the peri- od of European expansion (15th century) that over time imposed upon Brazilians (their) Christianity, as well as their Catholic and Protestant identities. At the beginning of the twentieth century, in a predominantly Protest- ant United States of America, there arose a new religious movement, Pente- costalism, that embraces the excluded of society: blacks, Hispanics, immigrants and poor people (categories almost always associated with this phenomenon). This religious revival—that defends the rebirth (the term for this significant change is “born-again”) of the individual into a new spiritual- ity and new way of life—quickly expanded into Brazil, provoking a rapid process of pentecostalization of Brazilian society. As a result, Brazil, although still largely a Catholic society—but with a continually decreasing rate—(re) built a new cultural and religious identity, which is now signific - antly and strongly evangelical. Brazilians have come to play a significant role in the huge and complex transcontinental migratory flows, especially directed towards the United States and Europe. Many of them, already evangelicals before migrating, follow missionaries and Pentecostal churches to give spiritual and social support to their compatriots abroad. It is in such diasporic contexts, involving contact with the other(s) and with new realities, where a constant and intense process of (re) negotiation and cultural (re) configuration occurs, that D. RODRIGUES, PORTUGUESE STUDIES REVIEW 27 (1) (2019) 11-25 25

Brazilian immigrants (re) build, or shall I say, reformulate their new dual identity: “ethnic and religious.” In short, in the context of diaspora, they are “Brazilian-evangelicals.”