War on Drugs Report

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

War on Drugs Report THE COST AND CONSEQUENCES OF THE WAR ON DRUGS REPORT New York, August 7, 2019 Authors: Alvaro Piaggio, Consultant Email: [email protected] Prachi Vidwans, Research Associate Email: [email protected] Human Rights Foundation Center for Law and Democracy 350 Fifth Avenue, #4202 New York, NY 10118 hrf.org 1 Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 01-11 PART I. AN INTRODUCTION TO PROHIBITION 02 The History of Prohibition 04 The Economics of the Illicit Market 07 Cost and Outcomes of Supply-Centric, Prohibitionist Policies 11 Overview 12-56 PART II. CASE STUDIES 13 COLOMBIA: A PRODUCTION COUNTRY 14 General Information 15 Historical Context and Government Policy 18 Costs for Human Rights and Democracy 18 Violence vs. the right to life 20 Internal displacement of people 22 Impoverishment of the rural poor 22 Increase of sickness and disease 22 Corruption and the rule of law 23 Corruption and electoral integrity 24 Chilling effect on journalists and civil society 25 Conclusion 27 M E X I C O : A TRANSIT COUNTRY 28 General Information 29 Historical Context and Government Policy 31 Costs for Human Rights and Democracy 31 Violence vs. the right to life 33 Disappearances 35 Internal displacement of people 36 Attacks on journalists 38 Attacks on civil society 39 Electoral fraud 39 Corruption and impunity 42 Conclusion 43 THE UNITED STATES: A DESTINATION COUNTRY 44 General Information 46 Historical Context and Government Policy 49 Costs for Human Rights and Democracy 49 Mass Incarceration and Criminalization 49 Discrimination against Black Americans and other marginalized groups 51 Disenfranchisement of Black Americans and other marginalized groups 52 Weakening of due process and judicial discretion 53 Inaccessibility of health care 55 Conclusion 57 CONCLUSION 61 ENDNOTES Executive Summary The “war on drugs” was first declared by established, how the resulting black mar- U.S. President Richard Nixon in 1971, with ket functions, and how its policies have ul- the goal of eradicating what he viewed as timately failed to decrease drug abuse. the growing problem of drug addiction. Since then, it has had dire consequences, Once we have established whether pro- including the exacerbation of human rights hibition policies have created the desired violations and erosion of democratic insti- outcomes, we look at the negative conse- tutions around the world. Yet human rights quences of the policy — the human rights groups largely refrain from discussing consequences — through three case stud- drug policy. ies: Colombia, Mexico, and the United States. These countries were selected because of Hundreds of civil society groups around their positions along the illegal drug supply the world are dedicated to investigating chain. Colombia is a production country the outcomes of the drug war and advo- on the cocaine supply chain because of cating drug policy reform based on their its position in the Andes mountain range, findings. However, drug reform advocates where coca, the plant used to manufacture often comment that international human cocaine, grows. Mexico is a transit country rights organizations have been largely that traffickers pass through on their way absent in these discussions. Human rights to the drugs’ final stop: the United States, a reports generally stick to noting human destination country. Drug prohibition has rights violations in affected states as a taken different forms in each country be- whole, without investigating the viola- cause of their position on the supply chain. tions’ relation to drug policy and drug traf- By examining each country, we hope to un- ficking organizations. derstand how different prohibition policies shape human rights outcomes. Knowing this, the Human Rights Founda- tion initiated its War on Drugs Research The Human Rights Foundation (HRF) is a Project to examine data and existing re- nonpartisan nonprofit organization that search on the global drug war’s costs and promotes and protects human rights glob- consequences in order to understand drug ally, with a focus on closed societies. HRF’s policy from a human rights perspective. focus shapes the scope of this report. The The resulting report is organized in two organization focuses on civil and political parts. The first offers a high-level intro- rights: the rights to free expression, belief, duction to the drug war’s history and eco- assembly, association, press; to liberty and nomics. It explains how prohibition was security of the person; to access informa- tion; to political participation and to vote; in government, and corruption; and a dete- i For more information, and, of course, to life, among others. As rioration of rule of law and electoral com- see https://hrf.org/re- search_posts/political-re- many of these rights constitute the defini- petition. The report’s findings suggest that, gime-map/ tion of liberal democracy, HRF research from a human rights perspective, there pays special attention to the political sys- must be a shift from international drug tems of countries in which human rights policies that focus on criminalization and violations take place. In this report, this supply reduction, to ones that have human means that we have taken special care to rights and health at their core. understand how the drug war interacts with and affects a country’s democratic health. Colombia, Mexico, and the United States are all categorized as democratic countries under HRF’s Political Regime Re- search Project,i which categorizes all coun- tries in the world into regime types using a methodology adapted from the one present- ed in Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way in Competitive Authoritarianism.1 It is well established that prohibition has failed to reduce consumption and abuse. But prohibition is not just ineffective; it’s harmful. This report shows how prohibi- tion’s policies have directly caused severe human rights violations in affected coun- tries, especially by undermining civil and political rights to such a degree that these policies constitute a threat to democracy. Supply-centric policies have had grave con- sequences for individuals, communities, and the health of democratic institutions, including high rates of violence, disappear- ances, kidnappings, and incarceration; impacts on local communities and minority populations; state instability, lack of trust PART I. AN INTRODUCTION TO PROHIBITION THE HISTORY OF PROHIBITION Concerns with drug abuse have a long my, President Nixon reasoned, was so history, and prohibition — the banning pervasive that the United States would of drug production, sale, possession, be required to “wage a new, all-out of- and use — has been a popular policy fensive” across the world to defeat it.45 response from the start. This kind of language was greatly influ- ential in establishing the war on drugs In 1810, the Qing Dynasty in China as a global struggle focused on elimi- passed the first narcotics law in the nating substance abuse. In fact, global world, banning opium mud and enforc- policy surrounding drugs has predomi- ing the death penalty for traffickers nantly been shaped by the United States’ and dealers as addiction began to rise.2 advocacy for an “absolutist prohibition Despite the restrictions, following the approach,”6 and while prohibition is a Opium Wars between Qing Dynasty matter of international law, the global and the British Empire, opium and co- drug war is widely considered a U.S.-led caine addiction and abuse continued campaign. to rise. By the start of the 20th century, influential American leaders, including The resultant international treaties U.S. Opium Commissioner Hamilton codified prohibition as the unified Wright, appointed in 1908, had begun global drug policy, limiting describing drugs as a “curse” and moral the legal use of drugs to threat that must be removed entirely scientific use and medical from society. Following U.S. leadership, treatment. After more than in 1909, world powers convened in 100 years of international Shanghai for the Opium Commission, prohibition policy, the which aimed to find a collective way drug market is alive and to eliminate “drug abuse” once and for well, though underground. all.3 This initial meeting, along with the The rhetoric calling for the Paris Convention in 1931, established elimination of drugs from the modern framework of narcotics society has not been trans- control, which was finally formalized lated into successful policy. in a series of documents and treaties Given this, many have from the 1960s onwards: the U.N. Single argued that the complete U.S. President Richard Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961, removal of drugs from society is simply Nixon (Photo from the the 1972 Protocol, the 1971 Convention unachievable. Nevertheless, this goal United States Library on Psychotropic Substances, and, fi- has shaped policy discussions: The of Congress) nally, the United Nations Convention sessions that produced the 1998 U.N. Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs Convention on drugs was convened un- and Psychotropic Substances of 1998. der the optimistic slogan, “a drug-free world, we can do it!”7 The term “war on drugs” was coined in 1971, by U.S. President Richard Nixon Similarly, though the treaties establish during an historic press conference a global mission (ending global drug where he identified “drug abuse” as consumption and abuse) with a general “public enemy number one.” This ene- policy guideline (prohibition), they did 2 not establish processes to coordinate ef- addicts, health services to drug users, ii For more informa- tion, see Francisco forts across nations. The guidelines es- or improve the socio-economic condi- Thoumi’s remarks at tablished by U.N. treaties give countries tions that lead to drug abuse. the 2018 Oslo Freedom a degree of freedom in battle drug use Forum: https://hrf. and trade within their borders, and as Many production and transit coun- org/research/war-on- a result, the strategies and harshness of tries have historically been low- to drugs.
Recommended publications
  • Just As the Priests Have Their Wives”: Priests and Concubines in England, 1375-1549
    “JUST AS THE PRIESTS HAVE THEIR WIVES”: PRIESTS AND CONCUBINES IN ENGLAND, 1375-1549 Janelle Werner A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2009 Approved by: Advisor: Professor Judith M. Bennett Reader: Professor Stanley Chojnacki Reader: Professor Barbara J. Harris Reader: Cynthia B. Herrup Reader: Brett Whalen © 2009 Janelle Werner ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT JANELLE WERNER: “Just As the Priests Have Their Wives”: Priests and Concubines in England, 1375-1549 (Under the direction of Judith M. Bennett) This project – the first in-depth analysis of clerical concubinage in medieval England – examines cultural perceptions of clerical sexual misbehavior as well as the lived experiences of priests, concubines, and their children. Although much has been written on the imposition of priestly celibacy during the Gregorian Reform and on its rejection during the Reformation, the history of clerical concubinage between these two watersheds has remained largely unstudied. My analysis is based primarily on archival records from Hereford, a diocese in the West Midlands that incorporated both English- and Welsh-speaking parishes and combines the quantitative analysis of documentary evidence with a close reading of pastoral and popular literature. Drawing on an episcopal visitation from 1397, the act books of the consistory court, and bishops’ registers, I argue that clerical concubinage occurred as frequently in England as elsewhere in late medieval Europe and that priests and their concubines were, to some extent, socially and culturally accepted in late medieval England.
    [Show full text]
  • Organized Crime and Terrorist Activity in Mexico, 1999-2002
    ORGANIZED CRIME AND TERRORIST ACTIVITY IN MEXICO, 1999-2002 A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the United States Government February 2003 Researcher: Ramón J. Miró Project Manager: Glenn E. Curtis Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 20540−4840 Tel: 202−707−3900 Fax: 202−707−3920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://loc.gov/rr/frd/ Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Criminal and Terrorist Activity in Mexico PREFACE This study is based on open source research into the scope of organized crime and terrorist activity in the Republic of Mexico during the period 1999 to 2002, and the extent of cooperation and possible overlap between criminal and terrorist activity in that country. The analyst examined those organized crime syndicates that direct their criminal activities at the United States, namely Mexican narcotics trafficking and human smuggling networks, as well as a range of smaller organizations that specialize in trans-border crime. The presence in Mexico of transnational criminal organizations, such as Russian and Asian organized crime, was also examined. In order to assess the extent of terrorist activity in Mexico, several of the country’s domestic guerrilla groups, as well as foreign terrorist organizations believed to have a presence in Mexico, are described. The report extensively cites from Spanish-language print media sources that contain coverage of criminal and terrorist organizations and their activities in Mexico.
    [Show full text]
  • War on the Mexican Drug Cartels
    THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics National Security Student Policy Group THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics 2 National Security Student Policy Group Institute of Politics ABOUT THE INSTITUTE OF POLITICS NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY GROUP The Institute of Politics is a non-profit organization located in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. It is a living memorial to President John F. Kennedy, and its mission is to unite and engage students, particularly undergraduates, with academics, politicians, activists, and policymakers on a non-partisan basis and to stimulate and nurture their interest in public service and leadership. The Institute strives to promote greater understanding and cooperation between the academic world and the world of politics and public affairs. Led by a Director, Senior Advisory Board, Student Advisory Committee, and staff, the Institute provides wide-ranging opportunities for both Harvard students and the general public.
    [Show full text]
  • The FARC and Colombia's Illegal Drug Trade
    LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM © JOHN VIZCANO/Reuters The FARC and Colombia’s Illegal Drug Trade By John Otis November 2014 Introduction In 2014, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Latin America’s oldest and largest guerrilla army known as the FARC, marked the 50th anniversary of the start of its war against the Colombian government. More than 220,000 people have been killed1 and more than five million people uprooted2 from their homes in the conflict, which is the last remaining guerrilla war in the Western Hemisphere. However, this grim, half-century milestone coincides with peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC that began in Havana, Cuba, in November 2012. The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.3 So far, the two sides have reached agreements on three of the five points on the negotiating agenda, including an accord to resolve an issue that helps explain why the conflict has lasted so long: The FARC’s deep involvement in the taxation, production, and trafficking of illegal drugs. On May 16, 2014, the government and the FARC signed an agreement stating that under the terms of a final peace treaty, the two sides would work in tandem to eradicate coca, the plant used to make cocaine, and to combat cocaine trafficking in areas under guerrilla control. The FARC “has promised to effectively contribute, in diverse and practical ways, to a definitive solution to the problem of illegal drugs,” Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos said in a televised speech the day the accord was signed.4 “The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.” A month later, Santos secured more time to bring the peace talks to a successful conclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Violence and Growth in the Mexican Drug War ∗
    Violence and Growth in the Mexican Drug War ∗ Jesús Gorrín y José Morales-Arilla z Bernardo Ricca § December 30, 2019 Abstract This paper documents how violence resulting from the Mexican Drug War hindered local economic growth by affecting production. Focusing on exports allows us to control for demand factors, and hence measure effects on local supply. We compare exports of the same product to the same country of destination, but produced in municipalities with different exposure to violence after a close electoral outcome. Municipalities exogenously exposed to the Drug War experienced a 45% decrease in 3-year export growth. The effects concentrate on larger exporters, along with exports of more complex, capital-intensive, and skill-intensive products. Keywords: Exports, Violence, Mexico, Regression Discontinuity. JEL Classification: H56, D72, F16, N76 ∗First Draft: November 27, 2017. We are grateful to Ghazala Azmat, Vicente Cuñat, Melissa Dell, Daniel Ferreira, Juanita Gonzalez-Uribe, Ricardo Hausmann, Dirk Jenter, Tom Kirchmaier, Horacio Larreguy, Nathan Nunn, Daniel Paravisini, Cláudia Custódio, Vikrant Vig, seminar participants at LSE Finance, Warwick Macro and International Workshop, the Growth Lab Seminar at Harvard’s CID, the Development Seminar at Harvard Economics, the Political Economy of Development Seminar at Harvard’s Government Department, and the LACEA/LAMES conference for helpful comments. yCorresponding author. Warwick Business School. Address: Office 2.010, Gibbet Hill Road, Coventry, CV4 7AL, UK. Phone: +44 7584 028586. Email: [email protected]. zHarvard University. Address: Harvard Kennedy School, 79 JFK Street, Cambridge, MA, 02138. Phone: +1 617 6209896. Email: [email protected]. §Insper. Address: Rua Quatá 300, São Paulo - SP, Brazil, 04546-042.
    [Show full text]
  • The Rise of Controversial Content in Film
    The Climb of Controversial Film Content by Ashley Haygood Submitted to the Department of Communication Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts in Communication at Liberty University May 2007 Film Content ii Abstract This study looks at the change in controversial content in films during the 20th century. Original films made prior to 1968 and their remakes produced after were compared in the content areas of profanity, nudity, sexual content, alcohol and drug use, and violence. The advent of television, post-war effects and a proposed “Hollywood elite” are discussed as possible causes for the increase in controversial content. Commentary from industry professionals on the change in content is presented, along with an overview of American culture and the history of the film industry. Key words: film content, controversial content, film history, Hollywood, film industry, film remakes i. Film Content iii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my family for their unwavering support during the last three years. Without their help and encouragement, I would not have made it through this program. I would also like to thank the professors of the Communications Department from whom I have learned skills and information that I will take with me into a life-long career in communications. Lastly, I would like to thank my wonderful Thesis committee, especially Dr. Kelly who has shown me great patience during this process. I have only grown as a scholar from this experience. ii. Film Content iv Table of Contents ii. Abstract iii. Acknowledgements I. Introduction ……………………………………………………………………1 II. Review of the Literature……………………………………………………….8 a.
    [Show full text]
  • What Do the War on Drugs and Welfare Reform Have in Common?
    The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare Volume 41 Issue 1 March Article 2 2014 Pathologies of the Poor: What do the War on Drugs and Welfare Reform Have in Common? Kalynn Amundson University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, [email protected] Anna M. Zajicek University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Valerie H. Hunt University of Arkansas, Fayetteville Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw Part of the Public Policy Commons, Social Policy Commons, and the Social Work Commons Recommended Citation Amundson, Kalynn; Zajicek, Anna M.; and Hunt, Valerie H. (2014) "Pathologies of the Poor: What do the War on Drugs and Welfare Reform Have in Common?," The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare: Vol. 41 : Iss. 1 , Article 2. Available at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/jssw/vol41/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you by the Western Michigan University School of Social Work. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Pathologies of the Poor: What do the War on Drugs and Welfare Reform Have in Common? KALYNN AMUNDSON Public Policy Ph D Program University of Arkansas, Fayetteville ANNA M. ZAJICEK Department of Sociology University of Arkansas, Fayetteville VALERIE H. HUNT Public Policy Ph D Program University of Arkansas, Fayetteville The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconcilia- tion Act of 1996 (PRWORA) authorized drug testing of welfare recipients as a criterion for assistance eligibility. This raises the question of a possible confluence of War on Drugs and Welfare Reform policies, as indicated by continuity in policymakers’ rheto- ric. We examine federal-level policymakers’ debates surrounding the authorization of drug testing welfare recipients.
    [Show full text]
  • Balloon Effects in Coca Crops in the Andean Region (1990-2009)
    Balloon effects in coca crops in the Andean region (1990-2009) Los efectos globo en los cultivos de coca en la región andina (1990-2009) Os efeitos globo no cultivo de coca na região andina (1990-2009) Leonardo Raffo López Javier Andrés Castro Alexander Díaz España Research article Date of reception: 25 June 2015 Date of approval: 9 December 2015 https://doi.org/10.19053/22565779.3426 Abstract The aim of this article is to statistically examine the presence of balloon effects affecting coca crops in the geographical territory corresponding to the main producer countries of the Andean region (Colombia, Peru and Bolivia) during the period 1990-2009. The empirical methodology is focused on the specification and estimation of a model of simultaneous equations using the SUR method, which allows for the explanation of the behaviour of the hectares cultivated with coca plants based on a set of determinants. We conclude that there is empirical evidence supporting the presence of balloon effects in the Andean region during the period of inquiry. Keywords: balloon effect, structural equations, illicit crops, SUR model, war on drugs. This article is the product of a research project on the topic of drug trafficking, developed in the context of several research projects which had the support of the Faculty of Social Science and Economics of Universidad del Valle and the vice rector of research of that same university. Master’s degree in Economics, full time professor in the Department of Economics of the Universidad del Valle. Cali, Colombia. Postal address: Calle 13 No 100-00, Universidad del Valle, Sede Meléndez, edificio 387, oficina 2017.
    [Show full text]
  • War on Drugs": Free the P.O.W.S
    California Western Law Review Volume 55 Number 1 Article 8 12-20-2018 The Sobering Failure of America's "War on Drugs": Free the P.O.W.s Meagan K. Nettles Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.cwsl.edu/cwlr Recommended Citation Nettles, Meagan K. (2018) "The Sobering Failure of America's "War on Drugs": Free the P.O.W.s," California Western Law Review: Vol. 55 : No. 1 , Article 8. Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.cwsl.edu/cwlr/vol55/iss1/8 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by CWSL Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in California Western Law Review by an authorized editor of CWSL Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nettles: The Sobering Failure of America's "War on Drugs": Free the P.O.W FINAL Nettles camera ready (Do Not Delete) 1/8/2019 10:26 AM COMMENTS THE SOBERING FAILURE OF AMERICA’S “WAR ON DRUGS”: FREE THE P.O.W.S TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................... 276 I. THE EVOLUTION OF SENTENCING POLICY IN THE UNITED STATES ................................................................................... 282 A. The Development of Indeterminate Sentencing and the Rehabilitative Model ......................................................... 282 B. The Shift to Determinative Sentencing with a Punitive Purpose ............................................................................. 284 C. The Ebb and Flow of Mandatory Minimum Sentencing Policy and the War on Drugs............................................ 286 D. Tension Between Judicial, Congressional, and the Commission’s Power to Determine Drug Crime Sentencing ......................................................................... 289 E. How Punitive Are Mandatory Minimum Sentences? ......... 292 F. Second Class Citizens: The Continued Oppression of Collateral Consequences .................................................. 294 II.
    [Show full text]
  • Propaganda in Mexico's Drug War (2012)
    PROPAGANDA IN MEXICO’S DRUG WAR America Y. Guevara Master of Science in Intelligence and National Security Studies INSS 5390 December 10, 2012 1 Propaganda has an extensive history of invisibly infiltrating society through influence and manipulation in order to satisfy the originator’s intent. It has the potential long-term power to alter values, beliefs, behavior, and group norms by presenting a biased ideology and reinforcing this idea through repetition: over time discrediting all other incongruent ideologies. The originator uses this form of biased communication to influence the target audience through emotion. Propaganda is neutrally defined as a systematic form of purposeful persuasion that attempts to influence the emotions, attitudes, opinions, and actions of specified target audiences for ideological, political or commercial purposes through the controlled transmission of one-sided messages (which may or may not be factual) via mass and direct media channels.1 The most used mediums of propaganda are leaflets, television, and posters. Historical uses of propaganda have influenced political or religious schemas. The trend has recently shifted to include the use of propaganda for the benefit of criminal agendas. Mexico is the prime example of this phenomenon. Criminal drug trafficking entities have felt the need to incite societal change to suit their self-interest by using the tool of propaganda. In this study, drug cartel propaganda is defined as any deliberate Mexican drug cartel act meant to influence or manipulate the general public, rivaling drug cartels and Mexican government. Background Since December 11, 2006, Mexico has suffered an internal war, between quarreling cartels disputing territorial strongholds claiming the lives of approximately between 50,000 and 100,000 people, death estimates depending on source.2 The massive display of violence has strongly been attributed to President Felipe Calderon’s aggressive drug cartel dismantling policies and operatives.
    [Show full text]
  • Asia, International Drug Trafficking, and Us-China Counternarcotics
    THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES ASIA, INTERNATIONAL DRUG TRAFFICKING, AND U.S.-CHINA COUNTERNARCOTICS COOPERATION Zhang Yong-an Associate Professor and Associate Dean, College of Liberal Arts; and Executive Director, David F. Musto Center for Drug Policy Studies Shanghai University February 2012 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington D.C. 20036-2188 Tel: (202)797-6000 Fax: (202)797-2485 http://www.brookings.edu 1. Introduction The end of the Cold War may have heralded an end to certain tensions, but among other unforeseen effects it also precipitated a significant increase in the flow of illegal drugs across traditional national boundaries. International travel has become easier in an increasingly borderless world, and―although international drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) have never respected national boundaries―newly globalized markets for drug production and exportation, along with changing patterns of consumption in some societies, have had an enormous impact on drug trafficking. In short, the global market for illicit drugs, and the capacity of providers to deliver to this market, is expanding inexorably around the world. What was once called “the American disease”1 has become a global one. 2 The international community first took an interest in the Asian drug trade at the beginning of the 20th century. The Shanghai Opium Commission in 1909 was the first attempt at regulating drug trade in the region, as countries including the United States, Great Britain, China, Japan, and Russia convened to discuss the growing trafficking of opium. Since then, numerous measures have been adopted by individual countries and collectively to curb the illegal drug trade.
    [Show full text]
  • Baylor University High School Model United Nations Fall 2010 Conference
    Baylor University High School Model United Nations Fall 2010 Conference United Nations Security Council Background & Preparation Guide Dear Delegate, Welcome to the 2010 Baylor University Model United Nations High School Conference. The Baylor Model United Nations team is looking forward to working with you. We hope that your session at Baylor will be memorable and productive. Model United Nations provides gifted students with the unique opportunity to tackle current issues of global importance while improving their own individual speaking, writing, and networking skills. Moreover, Model United Nations opens students’ minds to other nationalities, governments, and cultures beyond their individual worldviews. Model United Nations also serves to motivate students toward professions in the international sphere, including business, journalism, public affairs, politics, and humanitarian causes. With regards to this conference, the authors decided that the Security Council delegates should discuss two current issues of the utmost global importance: Israel and Hezbollah in the Lebanon War, and the threat of the Mexican Drug Cartels. The two topics are issues affecting all aspects of international affairs, including international security, global economics, and humanitarian concerns. Both issues require that delegates first find solutions to the regional crises and second, implement the proper measures to ensure that unrest does not return. These conflicts may seem worlds away from the typical high school student, but Model United Nations delegates should understand that these are real issues affecting real people. In order to properly address these issues, a prepared delegate should take the introductory material supplied in this guide and research further and deeper into its specific application.
    [Show full text]