How Russia's Hybrid War Effected Ukraine's Democratic Transition
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1 Hybrid Regimes, the Rule of Law, and External Influence on Domestic Change
9780415451024-Ch01 4/16/08 7:00 PM Page 1 1 Hybrid regimes, the rule of law, and external influence on domestic change Amichai Magen and Leonardo Morlino Introduction At the beginning of the twenty-first century, two sets of phenomena are challenging our understanding of democracy and democratization. First, transition from authoritarian regimes into some form of democracy is no longer understood to constitute the most prevalent or important change in worldwide democratization processes. Second, contemporary processes of domestic political change are unfolding within a radically transformed inter- national environment compared to even two decades ago (Gershman 2005; Whitehead 2004). As the Freedom House organization has been underlining in its reports over the last decade,1 etc. the stable, closed authoritarian regime has become something of a rarity. While in 1974 – the year that heralded the launch of the “third wave” of global democratization with the Portuguese Revolução dos Cravos (Huntington 1991) – the number of democracies on the planet stood at a mere 39, at the end of 2006, out of 193 independent countries, 123 ranked as electoral democracies (Freedom House 2006). Thus, for the first time in human history, democracy had become not only a universal aspiration, but the predominant form of government in the world, and the only form enjoying broad international legitimacy (McFaul 2004; Gershman 2005; Sen 1999). The triumph of democracy, moreover, has (so far at least) proven steadier than many would have expected, with cases of outright breakdowns and reversions to autocracy, and fears of a “reverse wave” to autocracy, largely held at bay (Diamond 2000; 2005). -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
This Is War. You're Part of It.__Slawsky.Pdf
“THIS IS WAR. YOU’RE PART OF IT.” The conflict between mainstream and alternative media before, during, and after Ukraine’s Euromaidan _______________________ Renee Bernadette Slawsky Master’s Candidate for Eurasian, Russian, and East European Studies Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service Georgetown University May 6, 2016 Table of Contents I. Introduction………………………………………………………………2 II. Theory: The mediatization of war………………………………………..3 a. Three phases of mediatization………………………………………...5 b. Third axis: Greater uncertainty in decision-making………..………...8 c. Summary……………………………………………………………...9 III. The media in Ukraine: Before Euromaidan…………………………….10 a. Initial changes in the 1990s………………………………………….10 b. The Orange Revolution……………………………………………...13 c. Mainstream media before Euromaidan……………………………...16 d. Summary.………………………………………………….……..… 22 IV. The media in Ukraine: Euromaidan and the rise of alternative media.…23 a. Role of social media…………………………………………………23 b. Mainstream media during Euromaidan……………………………...25 c. Rise of alternative media…………………………………………….27 V. The media in Ukraine: After Euromaidan, war with Russia……………30 a. Mainstream media on the war in eastern Ukraine……….…………..31 b. More alternative media focused on war in eastern Ukraine….……...34 c. Outside influences and computer-assisted reporting……………..…36 VI. The Ukrainian government and its information………………………...39 VII. Analysis and discussion………………………………………………...43 VIII. For further research……...………………………………………….…..46 IX. Conclusion…………………………………………………………...…48 I. Introduction Slawsky 1 “This is war. You’re part of it.” - Appeal of Ukrainian civil society organization to a group of international journalists Albeit unintentionally, this appeal in February 2014 by a Ukrainian civil society organization to a gathered group of journalists from around the world sums up the interaction between Ukraine’s recent crises and the media. News media no longer stands separate from conflict. -
Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime
Edinburgh Research Explorer Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime Citation for published version: March, L 2009, 'Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition', Slavic Review, vol. 68, no. 3, pp. 504-527. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/25621653> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: Slavic Review Publisher Rights Statement: © March, L. (2009). Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition. Slavic Review, 68(3), 504-527. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition Author(s): Luke March Source: Slavic Review, Vol. 68, No. 3 (Fall, 2009), pp. 504-527 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25621653 . Accessed: 03/02/2014 06:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . -
Can Maidan Happen in Belarus? the Ukrainian
Issue 2 (44), 2014 CAN MAIDAN HAPPEN IN BELARUS? Recent events in Ukraine have been a cause of Ukraine. By providing his assessment of Maidan concern to both politicians and the public. During he reviews Lukashenka’s statements on the issues the Maidan revolution and with the start of Rus- in Ukraine. Finally, Melyantsou acknowledges sian aggression, many analysts questioned whether that events in Ukraine could have been a signal something similar could happen in Belarus. This for the Belarusian government to strengthen its Dzianis Melyantsou is Senior issue of Bell attempts to answer this question. own influence in the country to avoid a similar Analyst at the Belarusian Institute scenario here. for Strategic Studies, Minsk. A Lukashenka’s response showed that he will make graduate of History Department every effort to ensure that neither of these things In the second article Andrei Yeliseyeu reviews the at the Mahilou State University, happen here under his rule. However, internal response of the Belarusian public to the Maidan he then studied Political Science economic problems and the fact that Belarus is de- revolution. Comparing various indicators he re- and International Relations at pendent on Russia for solutions to these problems veals that Ukrainians took to the streets for a va- the Institute for International hinder his actions. Even though it is too early to riety of objective reasons. The absence of such rea- Relations and Political Sciences expect Maidan in Belarus, the increasing Russian sons is the main obstacle why such events would in Vilnius (Lithuania), where he influence, which may manifest at any time in more not happen in Minsk. -
Media Ownership Structure in Ukraine: Political Aspect Diana Dutsyk
Media Ownership Structure in Ukraine: Political Aspect Diana Dutsyk, lecturer at the Kyiv Mohyla school of jounalism, chief‐editor of news website Glavred and news magazine Glavred The formation of the media ownership structure in independent Ukraine is diffucult and longlasting process which has not finished yet. This process can be split into several stages that to some extent overlap with presidencies of Leonid Kravchuk, Leonid Kuchma, and Viktor Yushchenko. First, national social and political media will be mentioned. Since that media are the main actors in the mass media sphere during the periods of political activity through their influence on public opinion.The analisys of the media ownership structire in Ukraine is based on the information from open sources. So, the first stage – early 90s of 20th century, the period of Leonid Kravchuk presidency In Soviet times, all Ukrainian (as well as generally Soviet) media were under the control of the state and the Communist Party: the actual founders of print media were different structures of the Communist Party and the Komsomol. And media’s funding went through these structures. Radio and television were fully owned by the state and financed from the state budget (Kulyk, 180). Apart from that, quantity of print media and broadcasters was limited. Therefore, in Soviet Ukraine there were only two TV channels and three radio stations. Quantity of central national newspapers also was insignificant. Some media democratization took place during the Mikhail Gorbachev’s Perestoika. In 1990 there was adopted the law "On press and other media” which proclaimed freedom of speech, prohibited censorship and allowed founding of media not only by the party structures, but also by other organisations, public and private enterprises, and even by separate individuals (Kulyk, 185). -
Ukrainian-Jewish
INSIDE: • Analyses of Ukraine’s presidential election – pages 2, 3 and 4. • Canadian Bandurist Capella has ambitious season – page 13. • Community chronicle: Illinois, Minnesota, Pennsylvania – page 17. THEPublished U by theKRA Ukrainian NationalIN AssociationIAN Inc., a fraternal Wnon-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXVIII No.5 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JANUARY 31, 2010 $1/$2 in Ukraine Yushchenko honors Bandera As runoff nears, election battles erupt with Hero of Ukraine title between Tymoshenko,Yanukovych forces “What was hoped for for decades has finally happened,” Mr. Bandera said after accept- ing the award. “The Ukrainian state has recognized the heroic deeds of Stepan Bandera and the hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian patriots who died for this country. This order is a brave act towards historical justice which affirms the truth and a new era of a Ukraine that we dream of.” As the end of his presiden- tial term approached, ethni- cally conscious Ukrainians pleaded with the president to bestow the honor upon Bandera, recognizing the Offi cial Website of Ukraine’s President nation won’t likely have a president in the next five to 10 President Viktor Yushchenko presents the Hero of Dmytro Korabliov/UNIAN Ukraine order to Stepan Bandera, grandson of the years with the political will to Police on January 25 confront national deputies from the Party of Regions who nationalist leader Stepan Bandera. take the controversial step. Deputies of the Ternopil were guarding the Ukrayina Polygraphic Plant, where election ballots are printed. City Council, as well as the Lviv and Ivano- by Zenon Zawada by Zenon Zawada key appellate court to search its comput- Frankivsk oblast councils, made such Kyiv Press Bureau ers the next day. -
In Ukraine, Media Under Pressure
Kuzio: In Ukraine, Media Under Pressure May 26, 2010 By Taras Kuzio Ukraine is the only country in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) to be designated “free” by Freedom House since 2005, primarily because of two critical factors: generally free and fair elections and the presence of a liberal media environment. The gains in media pluralism in Ukraine do not reflect a long- standing phenomenon; these gains were made during former President Viktor Yuschenko’s administration, which led to a lively media environment in the country. This was in marked contrast to the media environment in the country during the last years of the administration of Yuschenko’s predecessor, Leonid Kuchma, when journalists and media organizations faced pressures to censor news reporting. Thus, it is of interest to observers of Ukrainian politics that, since Viktor Yanukovych’s election as President on February 7, 2010, several developments in the first 100 days of the new administration are increasing fears that media independence and media freedoms, especially for television journalists, are once again under threat in Ukraine. Pressure on the media has been primarily directed at television media. Reporters from two prominent television stations, 1+1 and STB, have penned open letters in which they stated they have been pressured to not cover specific stories, and they have been generally subjected to greater censorship since the new administration took office. They complained that certain topics, such as the 1933 famine in Ukraine, are no longer deemed appropriate for coverage, and criticism of the government and government figures is controlled. Reporters Without Borders (RWB), the European Federation of Journalists (EFJ), and the European Union have all voiced concern over these growing restrictions. -
The Ukrainian Weekly, 2016
INSIDE: “A UKRAINIAN SUMMER” – a special 24-page pullout section. THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal W non-profit associationEEKLY Vol. LXXXIV No. 18 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 1, 2016 $2.00 The Ukrainian Museum in New York 30th anniversary celebrates its 40th anniversary of the Chornobyl disaster Ukraine this year marks the 30th anni- and that the country was “still a long versary of the Chornobyl nuclear disaster way” from overcoming the tragedy. – the world’s worst civilian nuclear acci- The Embassy of Ukraine in the United dent. States provided the following informa- Sirens were sounded in the early tion on the Chornobyl disaster. morning hours on April 26 in Ukraine to On April 26, 1986, reactor No. 4 of the mark 30 years since the moment that the Chornobyl nuclear power plant, located first explosion blew the roof off the build- about 100 kilometers north of Kyiv, ing housing a reactor at the Chornobyl exploded. The Chornobyl tragedy nuclear power plant, sending a cloud of remains the world’s worst accident at a radioactive material high into the air, nuclear power plant due to the number drifting into Russia and Belarus and of its victims and the scale of its effects. It across northern Europe. will take many more years and huge President Petro Poroshenko attended resources to finally overcome the effects a ceremony on April 26 at the Chornobyl of the Chornobyl disaster. plant, which today is located in the mid- Due to a fire at the fourth reactor, dle of an uninhabitable “exclusion zone.” about 60 tons of radioactive substances Mr. -
25 Li 993 Ju Ocil.0G442
RFE/RI. INC. DAILY Man, , BROADCAST tR'',1-1 vr ANALYSES 993 ju ociL.0G442. 25 Li RADIO FREE EUROPE RADIO LIBERTY RADIO LIBERTY DAILY BROADCAST ANALYSIS [Asterisk (*) in the margin indicates coverage of lead story(ies) on today's Recommended List] 410 Russian Daily Broadcast Analysis for Friday, 2 July 1993 BAD Russian Staff The broadcast day commenced at 1000 hours. 10 -minute newscasts are aired every hour on the hour except during LIBERTY LIVE broadcasts, when they are incorporated into the show. 1000-1100 LIBERTY LIVE (Moderator, Makhlis) 1. Azerbaijan (Akhundova, Baku 2:30). Surat Husseinov is now the new leader of Azerbaijan. RL's correspondent in Baku discussed his rapid move to reorganize the government and advance his own political agenda, with finding a solution to the military conflict over Karabakh as the number -one issue on his list. 2. The Russian Government (Volkov, Moscow 2:30). The Russian parliament is scheduled to recess for summer vacation on July 15. However, a lot of work remains unfinished, including consideration of a new law on the media. The BD analyzed some of the reasons for the present impasse. 3. Russian Politics. A report filed from Moscow (Kulistikov, 2) said that Vice -President Rutskoy's current official trip to Voronezh and Novosibirsk was made to show that he is acting on his own behalf and does not represent the government in Moscow. 2 2 July 1993 4. A Review of the Russian Press was presented by RL's Moscow bureau (Trukhan, 2:30). 5. Student Meetings in St. Petersburg were reported (Rezunkov, 1:30) to have ended with a threat to strike unless their demands for university reforms are addressed. -
Ukrainian Media Landscape - 2017
29 UKRAINIAN MEDIA LANDSCAPE - 2017 OLEKSII MATSUKA SERHII TOMILENKO OLEKSII POHORELOV OLES HOIAN ANDRII YURYCHKO TETIANA LEBEDIEVA VITALII MOROZ UKRAINIAN MEDIA LANDSCAPE -2017 Konrad Adenauer Foundation, The Academy of Ukrainian Press. (2017). Ukrainian media land- scape -2017. Analytical report. Ivanov V.F. (Ed.). Kyiv. Ukrainian media landscape -2017 is analytical report dwelling on the development dynamics of Ukrainian media outlets for the period of 2016-2017, a survey of Ukraine's media institutions and market. Prominent experts in the field became the authors of publication. Published with the support of Konrad Adenauer Foundation. Responsibility for the information set out in this report lies entirely with the authors. Cover Photo: GETTY © П редставництво Ф о н д у К о н р а д а а д е н а у е р а в у К р а ї н і , 2 0 1 7 Ф о н д К о н р а д а а д е н а у е р а в у л . а К а д е м і К а Б о г о м о л ь ц я , 5 , о Ф . 1 0 1 0 2 4 , К и ї в w w w . k a s . d e / u k r a i n e o f f i c e . u k r a i n e @ k a s . d e 2 CONTENTS FOREWORD (GABRIELE BAUMANN) ............................................................................ 4 EDITOR’s noTE (VALERIY IVANOV) ........................................................................... 6 SECTION 1. MEDIA COVERAGE AT THE TIME OF WAR IN UKRAINE ................................ 8 UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM IN THE POST-TRUTH ERA (OLEKSII MATSUKA) ....................................................... -
HYBRID REGIMES in MODERN TIMES: Between Democracy and Autocracy
HYBRID REGIMES IN MODERN TIMES: Between Democracy and Autocracy Dr. Inna Melnykovska Assistant Professor Department of Political Science Central European University Email: [email protected] MA Programme in Political Science (1 year and 2 years) Doctoral School of Political Science, International Relations and Public Policy Core course Comparative Politics and Political Economy Tracks Winter semester 2020 (4 credits, 8 ECTS credits) Class meetings: XXX Office hours: XXX Introduction to the issue Hybrid regimes that alloy democratic rules with authoritarian governance are the most widespread political systems in the world at the beginning of the 21st century. Conventional accounts describe them as defective democracies or competitive authoritarian regimes. Alternative views point to the genuine features and functions of these regimes that cannot be reduced to those of half-democracies or half-autocracies. In fact, hybrid regimes are puzzling in several ways: (1) their establishment and sustainability have been unexpected either by the school of democratization/transitology or by the school of (new) authoritarianism; (2) neither democratic institutions (e.g. elections) nor autocratic institutions (e.g. dominant parties) function in a conventional way there; and (3) contrary to the expectations of stability, hybrid regimes have demonstrated a variety of (within-type) dynamics. Topics and regional focus In this course, we will seek to unpack the category of hybrid regimes and explore the following questions: What are the origins of hybrid regimes? What are the specifics of their institutional functionality in comparison with democracies and/or autocracies? What determines their durability and dynamic nature? We will review the major research approaches that analyze the political regimes in the ‘grey zone’ between democracy and autocracy and further link these approaches to the broader literature on statehood, economic development and social order.