DOCSLIB.ORG

Gothic Christians in Constantinople: the Arians

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Gothic Christians in Constantinople: the Arians Graeco-Latina Brunensia 26 / 2021 / 1 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2021-1-6 Gothic Christians in Constantinople: The Arians Mirón Jurík (Masaryk University, Brno) Abstract This paper deals with the topic of Christian Goths in Constantinople, who, at the turn of the 4th to the 5th century, played an important role in the history of religious matters in the city. A sig- nificant part of these were of Arian confession, which was forbidden as heresy from the ascen- / ARTICLES ČLÁNKY sion of Theodosius I. Thanks to the Nicene Christian authors who actively fought Arianism, we are able to reconstruct the development of the Arian Gothic community in Constantinople and its most distinguished members. The topic of Nicene Goths in Constantinople will be present- ed in a follow-up paper, to be published in the next issue of Graeco-Latina Brunensia. Keywords Goths; Arians; Gainas; John Chrysostom; Constantinople; Homoians 81 Mirón Jurík Gothic Christians in Constantinople: The Arians The development of the Roman policy in the second half of the 4th and 5th century was (among other things) determined by the growing influence and presence of the Goths on the Roman territory. After 376 when Gothic tribes crossed the Danube and their later victory over Romans in 378 at Hadrianopole, the Goths began to play an important role in the shaping of Roman history. The intensity and extent of military clashes between the specific Gothic groups and the Roman army led to the creation of federate treaties as well as the practice of hiring groups of warriors, which were then relocated to different sites of the Empire. It is only natural that Constantinople as the main, wealthy, powerful, and multicultural city of the Roman East, attracted these barbarians. The influx of Goth- ic people was also determined by their ambitious leaders, who had tried to gain the best possible status, wealth, influence, and contacts in the political centre of the Empire. At the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries, it became evident that Constantinople and its vi- cinity harboured thousands of Goths who, in the eyes of the indigenous inhabitants, rep- ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES ČLÁNKY resented a dangerous minority. It is intriguing that many of these Goths were Christians who built and shaped several Christian communities and confessions at the place. This paper focuses on Arians, a significant part of these Gothic Christians, the development of Arian community, and its relationship with the representatives of the Nicene creed. The Goths and Arians in Constantinople at the end of the 4th and beginning of the 5th century The heretical tenets followed by the so-called “Arian Goths” are called Homoianism in modern research. The main principle was the refutation of the Greek non-biblical ter- minology, especially the word οὐσία, whereas the relationship between Christ and God was formulated as the Son being similar (ὅμοιος) to the Father.1 The origin of the Gothic Arians is related to the Christianizing activity of Wulfila and the mass conversion of the Tervingi Goths in 376.2 We also know that the treaty of 382 (foedus) was made with this group of Goths. At the same time, the sources do not reflect that these Goths were led by any unequivocal leader between years 382‒392. However, the treaty in 382 may have been made between several reiks,3 Theodosius I. (379‒395) and Gratian (375‒383). In this treaty, the Goths were not referred to as clearly defeated, which is apparent from the fact 1 In this paper I use the terms Arian and Homoian as synonyms. For the widely-held and problematic per- ception of everything that can be thought of as the Arian confession, see Hanson (1988: 931 p.); for the developments of the Homoian confession in barbarian context, see Heil (2014). 2 Zeiller (1918: p. 452); Zeiller’s approach is well attested by the analysis of Heather (1986: p. 315), with which I agree; however, there are other concepts of conversion of the Goths to Christianity, see: Thom- pson (1966: pp. 78‒93); Schäferdiek (1979: pp. 90‒97); Rubin (1981: p. 53); Lenski (1995: pp. 85‒86); Bednaříková (2013: p. 79). 3 In this paper I use the term reiks for the old tribal aristocracy, not in the sense of the latin term rex with which it later merges. In the 4th century, the reiks did not mean the thiudans (king) yet. Vulfila used the reiks in his translation for the members of Sanhedrin or for the rich landowners. On the other hand, thiudans meant king in the monarchical sense, e.g. the Christ is called thiudans Iudaie. Wolfram (1975: pp. 16, 297, 304). 82 Mirón Jurík Gothic Christians in Constantinople: The Arians that according to the treaty they were not scattered to the different cities and locations of the Roman Empire, as it had been usual for the settling of defeated barbarians before. On the contrary, every subgroup (φῡλή, kuni) with its own leader was assigned a terri- tory, which was a very important factor in the preservation of their tribal and Gothic identity.4 This identity could be supported by the relative freedom in religious matters.5 Although the Goths became the subjects of the Empire, the laws against the Arians were valid only for the citizens of the State. The federate treaty provided them with an auton- omous position thanks to which they did not have to be bound by the legal regulations issued at the imperial court.6 Theodosius was forced to grant them this extraordinary freedom by the unfavourable political circumstances. In 378, during the battle of Had- rianopole, the Goths destroyed a great part of Roman army in the eastern part of the Empire. Paradoxically, such a loss of forces was later to be replaced by the members of the victorious part, i.e. the Goths themselves. Even if Theodosius was able to completely defeat the Goths, the time and expense of such an enterprise would have put a great / ARTICLES ČLÁNKY load on the Empire. Therefore, the ideal solution for the Romans was to treat Goths as allies rather than enemies. This opportunity presented itself during the turbulent and escalating situation at the Danube border. The benefits of this solution were proven by the events that followed, including the usurpations of the Magnus Maximus and Eugen- ius, who were defeated thanks to the barbarian troops. A part of these Homoian Goths led by the reiks probably settled in Constantinople and its vicinity. Barbarian leaders were also frequently present at the embassies and banquets of the imperial court, with the pomp and richness naturally attracting other members of their community.7 One of these banquets was supposed to have happened in the context of the preparations for the military campaign against Eugenius.8 At the same time, Theodosius used to begin his campaigns with the whole army from Constantinople.9 As part of fulfilling their mili- tary duties, the army, which the Goths provided for the Empire, had to be concentrated 4 Heather (1991: pp. 173‒175, 191) in the context of the treaty of 382: Themistius did not mention only one leading person of the Goths, he speaks about multiple leaders. Them. Or. 16. 209d‒210a; the conciliation with Goths in 382 is also described by stressed compassion of Theodosius I. in the Synesius work De regno, Heather (1988: pp. 155‒156); for an outline of the treaty, see Wolfram (1988: pp. 133‒134). 5 Arians and other heretics were repressed and expelled from the churches inside the city wall CTh. 16.5.6; regarding the tolerant religious practice towards the barbarians, this could have been mentioned in the second canon of Constantinopolitan council: Eclesiam autem Dei in barbaricus gentibus constitutas gubernari convenit iuxta consuetudinem, quae est patribus instituta. Alberigo et al. (1962: pp. 27‒28), the interpretation of this canon is questionable and it can signify the aspect of the organization of the barbarian churches, not the freedom of the keeping of their theological-heretical position. R. Mathisen believes that a barbar- ian bishop was not the bishop of the city, but the bishop of gentes, which can be regarded an anomaly in the organization of the churches in this respect. Mathisen (1997: p. 668): the truth is that sources until the reign of Justinian I. do not reflect any intervention of the State to suppress the Arianism of barbarians who were the subjects of the Empire. 6 See Heather (1996: p. 137). 7 Eunap. fr. 59. 8 Heather (1991: p. 186). 9 Sozom. HE. 7.24.; before he leaves Constantinople for the campaign against Eugenius, the text mentions that the greater part of his army was made up of the barbarians from the Danube region. 83 Mirón Jurík Gothic Christians in Constantinople: The Arians near Constantinople. The sources also mention ambitious barbaric individuals who were attracted to the wealth of the imperial court and enrolled themselves to the ranks of scholae Palatinae. Another part of barbarians, especially the young generation, settled as hostages in many cities of Asia Minor. This group of hostages acted as a guarantee that the federate treaty of 376, which allowed all the Gothic tribes enter the Roman territory, would be respected. During the crisis that took place later, these hostages were massa- cred by commander Julius.10 Although the source states that all of them fell victim, it is probably not true. In the following years, we can still see the presence of Goths in the cities of Asia Minor, which indicates that not only could some Goths be kept alive, but also other Goths were brought in to re-settle these areas.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Story of the Byzantine Empire
    THE STO RY O F T HE NATIO NS L LU T T E E R VO L . I z M o I S A . P , R D , T H E E AR L I E R VO L UM E S A R E f I N E F R E E B P o AS A . SO T H STO R Y O G E C . y r . I . HARR R F R E B TH U ILM A N T HE STO Y O O M . y A R R G EW B P f A K O S E R F T HE S . o S . M T HE ST O Y O J y r . J . H R B Z N R O F DE . A R A coz I T HE ST O Y C HA L A . y . — R F E R N . B S B ING O U L THE ST O Y O G MA Y y . AR G D F N W B P f H B YE S E N o . H . O T HE ST O R Y O O R A Y . y r N E n E B . E . a d S SA H T HE ST O R Y O F SP A I . y U N AL N B P R of. A . VAM B Y T HE STO R Y O F H U GA R Y . y r E ST R O F E B P of L E TH E O Y C A RT H A G .
    [Show full text]
  • Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXVI
    Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXVI Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXVI By J. den Boeft, J.W. Drijvers, D. den Hengst and H.C. Teitler LEIDEN • BOSTON 2008 This book is printed on acid-free paper. A Cataloging-in-Publication record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN: 978 90 04 16212 9 Copyright 2008 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in aretrievalsystem,ortransmittedinanyformorbyanymeans,electronic,mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands CONTENTS Preface ................................. vii Introduction ........................... ix A noteonchronology ................. xv Legenda ................................ xxvii Commentary on Chapter 1 ........... 1 Commentary on Chapter 2 ........... 37 Commentary on Chapter 3 ........... 59 Commentary on Chapter 4 ........... 75 Commentary on Chapter 5 ........... 93 Commentary on Chapter 6 ........... 125 Commentary on Chapter 7
    [Show full text]
  • Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman
    Emperors and Generals in the Fourth Century Doug Lee Roman emperors had always been conscious of the political power of the military establishment. In his well-known assessment of the secrets of Augustus’ success, Tacitus observed that he had “won over the soldiers with gifts”,1 while Septimius Severus is famously reported to have advised his sons to “be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, and despise the rest”.2 Since both men had gained power after fiercely contested periods of civil war, it is hardly surprising that they were mindful of the importance of conciliating this particular constituency. Emperors’ awareness of this can only have been intensified by the prolonged and repeated incidence of civil war during the mid third century, as well as by emperors themselves increasingly coming from military backgrounds during this period. At the same time, the sheer frequency with which armies were able to make and unmake emperors in the mid third century must have served to reinforce soldiers’ sense of their potential to influence the empire’s affairs and extract concessions from emperors. The stage was thus set for a fourth century in which the stakes were high in relations between emperors and the military, with a distinct risk that, if those relations were not handled judiciously, the empire might fragment, as it almost did in the 260s and 270s. 1 Tac. Ann. 1.2. 2 Cass. Dio 76.15.2. Just as emperors of earlier centuries had taken care to conciliate the rank and file by various means,3 so too fourth-century emperors deployed a range of measures designed to win and retain the loyalties of the soldiery.
    [Show full text]
  • The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Vol. 6 [1776]
    The Online Library of Liberty A Project Of Liberty Fund, Inc. Edward Gibbon, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 6 [1776] The Online Library Of Liberty This E-Book (PDF format) is published by Liberty Fund, Inc., a private, non-profit, educational foundation established in 1960 to encourage study of the ideal of a society of free and responsible individuals. 2010 was the 50th anniversary year of the founding of Liberty Fund. It is part of the Online Library of Liberty web site http://oll.libertyfund.org, which was established in 2004 in order to further the educational goals of Liberty Fund, Inc. To find out more about the author or title, to use the site's powerful search engine, to see other titles in other formats (HTML, facsimile PDF), or to make use of the hundreds of essays, educational aids, and study guides, please visit the OLL web site. This title is also part of the Portable Library of Liberty DVD which contains over 1,000 books and quotes about liberty and power, and is available free of charge upon request. The cuneiform inscription that appears in the logo and serves as a design element in all Liberty Fund books and web sites is the earliest-known written appearance of the word “freedom” (amagi), or “liberty.” It is taken from a clay document written about 2300 B.C. in the Sumerian city-state of Lagash, in present day Iraq. To find out more about Liberty Fund, Inc., or the Online Library of Liberty Project, please contact the Director at [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • 6 X 10 Long.P65
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-84633-2 - Rome’s Gothic Wars: From the Third Century to Alaric Michael Kulikowski Index More information Index iii Ablabius, 54 Ariaric, 84–85 Abrittus, 18, 28 Ariminum. See Rimini Adrianople: battle of, 139–143; curia of, Arinthaeus, 117 135–136; siege of, 146 Arius, 107–108 Ad Salices, battle of, 137 Armenia, 129, 137, 167, 168 Aequitius, 143 Arminius, 47 Africa, grain supply of, 6, 168, 175–176 army, Roman: as basis of imperial power, 26; Alamanni,59, 81, 105;origins of,39–40, 67, 71 barbarians in, 35–37, 82, 156; Goths in, 79, Alanoviamuth, 49 82, 103, 106, 156–157; losses of, at Alans, 124–128, 171, 183 Adrianople, 150 Alaric: 1–11, 157–177, 183–184; and Attalus, 9, Arpulas, 121 174–176; and Eutropius, 166–168; and Arrian, 125 Rufinus, 165; death of, 180; early career of, Ascholius, 118 161–162; first revolt of, 164–166; demands Asia Minor: Goths killed in, 146–147, 154; of, 1–2, 165, 172–174; followers, 1–2, 4–5, 6, Gothic revolt in, 168–169 157, 165 Athanaric, 101; ancestry of, 85; death of, 155; Alatheus, 126–127, 131–132, 152;at defeated by Huns, 126–128, 131–132; Adrianople, 141–142 persecutes Christians, 117–118, 120–122; Alavivus, 128–130, 132–133 Roman wars of, 116–118 Aleksandrovka, 92 Atharidus, 120 Alexander Severus, 28 Athaulf, 10, 158, 175, 177, 180–182 alphabet, Gothic, 110 Athens, 19 Amal dynasty, 50, 53, 161 Attalus, Priscus, 9, 174–176, 182–183 Ambrose of Milan, 160 Attica, 19 Ammianus Marcellinus, 103–105; Res Gestae Attila, 157 of, 104–105; on Adrianople, 140–141, 144, Augustae, 31 146–147; on Huns, 124–125 Augustine, 178–179 Antioch, 117, 129 Augustus, 22, 40 Antonine Constitution, 25, 34 Aurelian (emperor), 8, 20–21, 29–30 Antoninus Pius, 23 Aurelian (praetorian prefect), 169 Apamea, 19 Aureolus, 20, 29 Aquitaine, 158, 183 Aurelius Victor, 30 Arabs, 146 Auxentius, 107 Arbogast, 151, 162–163 Auxonius, 115 Arcadius, 163, 165, 172 archaeology.
    [Show full text]
  • The Geographers of the Early Byzantine Period
    European Journal of Science and Theology, December 2012, Vol.8, No.4, 23-40 _______________________________________________________________________ THE GEOGRAPHERS OF THE EARLY BYZANTINE PERIOD Vassilios Manimanis 1, Efstratios Theodosiou1 and Milan S. Dimitrijevic2* 1 National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, School of Physics, Department of Astrophysics, Astronomy and Mechanics, Panepistimiopolis, Zografos 15784, Athens, Greece 2 Astronomical Observatory, Volgina 7, 11160 Belgrade, Serbia (Received 8 January 2012) Abstract In Byzantine empire the knowledge of Geography was considered necessary for locating the Holy Land and for setting the boundaries of the dioceses. Essentially, Geography was studied by monks in the monasteries; the perception of the Earth by Byzantine geographers – especially by the monk Cosmas Indicopleustes – was to a large extent imaginary and influenced by the Scriptures and religious ideas. Here are considered geographers of the early Byzantine period: Éthicus Istriote, Marcian of Heracleia, Caesarius, Palladius of Helenopolis, Agathodaemon, Christodorus, Hierocles the Grammarian, Procopius of Caesarea, Corippus the African, Stephen of Byzantium, Nonnosus, Priscianus the Grammaticus, Marcellinus the Illyrian and John of Gaza. Keywords: Byzantium, Geography, Byzantines geographers, Natural Sciences 1. Introduction During the early Byzantine period the knowledge of Geography was considered necessary for locating the Holy Land and for setting the boundaries of the dioceses. Thus, starting with the work of
    [Show full text]
  • Calendar of Roman Events
    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.
    [Show full text]
  • Synesius' Egyptian Sources , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:1 (1987:Spring) P.103
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works Faculty Publications 11-3-2004 The Wolf and the Lion: Synesius’ Egyptian Sources Jacqueline Long Loyola University Chicago, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/classicalstudies_facpubs Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Long, J. “The Wolf and the Lion: Synesius’ Egyptian Sources.” Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 28, no. 1 (November 3, 2004): 103–15. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classical Studies: Faculty Publications and Other Works by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License. © GRBS, 2004. LONG, JACQUELINE, The Wolfand the Lion: Synesius' Egyptian Sources , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:1 (1987:Spring) p.103 The Wolf and the Lion: Synesius' Egyptian Sources Jacqueline Long NE OF THE FEW established facts of Synesius' early career is that O he pursued the higher education available at Alexandria. The lifelong friendships he formed there suggest the importance this period always retained for him. Less attractively, perhaps, so does the intellectual smugness displayed in collegiate sniffs at rival Athens (Ep. 56[54].136) or in apt interpolations ofthe classics he read aloud to friends (Dion 62A-D ).1 It is no surprise that, as Cyrene's ambassador to the court of Arcadius,2 Synesius sought an intellectual approach to his city's practical advantage.
    [Show full text]
  • Harttimo 1.Pdf
    Beyond the River, under the Eye of Rome Ethnographic Landscapes, Imperial Frontiers, and the Shaping of a Danubian Borderland by Timothy Campbell Hart A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Greek and Roman History) in the University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Professor David S. Potter, Co-Chair Professor Emeritus Raymond H. Van Dam, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Ian David Fielding Professor Christopher John Ratté © Timothy Campbell Hart [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-8640-131X For my family ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Developing and writing a dissertation can, at times, seem like a solo battle, but in my case, at least, this was far from the truth. I could not have completed this project without the advice and support of many individuals, most crucially, my dissertation co-chairs David S. Potter, and Raymond Van Dam. Ray saw some glimmer of potential in me and worked to foster it from the moment I arrived at Michigan. I am truly thankful for his support throughout the years and constant advice on both academic and institutional matters. In particular, our conversations about demographics and the movement of people in the ancient world were crucial to the genesis of this project. Throughout the writing process, Ray’s firm encouragement towards clarity of argument and style, while not always what I wanted to hear, have done much to make this a stronger dissertation. David Potter has provided me with a lofty academic model towards which to strive. I admire the breadth and depth of his scholarship; working and teaching with him have shown me much worth emulating.
    [Show full text]
  • John Chrysostom and the Mission to the Goths: Rhetorical and Ethical Perspectives
    Page 1 of 10 Original Research John Chrysostom and the mission to the Goths: Rhetorical and ethical perspectives Author: This study examines the role of John Chrysostom as bishop-missionary to the Goths in 1 Chris L. de Wet Constantinople. After Theodosius declared Nicene orthodoxy to be the only valid and Affiliation: legal faith, a potent programme to establish orthodoxy in Constantinople had begun, with 1Department of New bishops like Gregory Nazianzen and Nectarius promoting the cause. During and shortly after Testament and Early Christian Chrysostom’s arrival in Constantinople, most of the Arians were Goths, and Chrysostom Studies, University of South became personally involved in their affairs. In the light of this, the study specifically looks Africa, South Africa at how Chrysostom constructs and negotiates barbarian identity, with special emphasis on Correspondence to: the rhetorical and ethical dimensions of his involvement; with emphasis on the trajectories Chris de Wet provided by Foucault and De Certeau for understanding rhetoric, ethics and identity. It is specially asked whether Chrysostom could escape the classical Graeco-Roman habitus of Email: [email protected] barbarism and the normativity of the free, male Roman body. Postal address: PO Box 17585, Randhart, A forgotten memory of stone in Istanbul Alberton 1457, South Africa Orhan Pamuk writes the following in his prolific yet pensive Istanbul (2004): Dates: The city into which I was born was poorer, shabbier, and more isolated than it had ever been before Received: 09 Jan. 2012 in its two-thousand-year history. For me, it has always been a city of ruins and of end-of-empire Accepted: 06 Feb.
    [Show full text]
  • John Chrysostom and the Mission to the Goths: Rhetorical and Ethical Perspectives
    Page 1 of 10 Original Research John Chrysostom and the mission to the Goths: Rhetorical and ethical perspectives Author: This study examines the role of John Chrysostom as bishop-missionary to the Goths in 1 Chris L. de Wet Constantinople. After Theodosius declared Nicene orthodoxy to be the only valid and Affiliation: legal faith, a potent programme to establish orthodoxy in Constantinople had begun, with 1Department of New bishops like Gregory Nazianzen and Nectarius promoting the cause. During and shortly after Testament and Early Christian Chrysostom’s arrival in Constantinople, most of the Arians were Goths, and Chrysostom Studies, University of South became personally involved in their affairs. In the light of this, the study specifically looks Africa, South Africa at how Chrysostom constructs and negotiates barbarian identity, with special emphasis on Correspondence to: the rhetorical and ethical dimensions of his involvement; with emphasis on the trajectories Chris de Wet provided by Foucault and De Certeau for understanding rhetoric, ethics and identity. It is specially asked whether Chrysostom could escape the classical Graeco-Roman habitus of Email: [email protected] barbarism and the normativity of the free, male Roman body. Postal address: PO Box 17585, Randhart, A forgotten memory of stone in Istanbul Alberton 1457, South Africa Orhan Pamuk writes the following in his prolific yet pensive Istanbul (2004): Dates: The city into which I was born was poorer, shabbier, and more isolated than it had ever been before Received: 09 Jan. 2012 in its two-thousand-year history. For me, it has always been a city of ruins and of end-of-empire Accepted: 06 Feb.
    [Show full text]
  • 6.1-Chrysostom, Eutropius, and Gainas (395-400) Copyright 2019 Glen L
    6.1-Chrysostom, Eutropius, and Gainas (395-400) Copyright 2019 Glen L. Thompson This document is provided for personal and educational use. It may not be used for commercial purposes without the permission of the copyright holder. Last updated 6/19/19 Socrates Sozomen Theodoret Introduction to Book VI 6.0.1 We performed the commission which you gave to us, O holy man of God, Theodore, in the five previous books. In these we have related the history of the Church since Constantine to the best of our ability. 6.0.2 Notice, however, that we have been by no means diligent in style; for we thought that if we had paid too much attention to the elegance of our writing, we might have missed the purpose. 6.0.3 But even if our purpose could still have been accomplished, we completely avoided that power of choice which ancient historians seem to have used so liberally, by which they imagined themselves free to inflate or suppress matters of fact. 6.0.4 Moreover, refined writing would by no means be helpful to the masses and illiterate men, who are intent merely on knowing the facts and not on admiring beautiful words. 6.0.5 Therefore, in order to make my books profitable to both classes of readers—to the learned on the one hand, because no elaborate language could compel them to rank it with the grandiose eloquence of the writers of antiquity, and to the unlearned on the other, because they could not understand the facts if they are obscured by a flashy display of words—we have purposely adopted a style cleared of all attempts at magnificence, but at the same time understandable and obvious.
    [Show full text]