fHA, xxxv (2004)

MENAGE A TROIS: DAVID PECK TODD, MABEL LOOMIS TODD, AUSTIN DICKINSON, AND THE 1882 TRANSIT OF VENUS

WILLIAM SHEEHAN, Willmar, Minnesota, and ANTHONY MISCH, Lick Observatory

Background to the 1882 Transit The first application of photography to a transit of Venus was eagerly anticipated in advance of the 1874 transit. One hundred and five years had passed since the last such event, and the new technology promised great improvement in the determination of that fundamental astronomical constant, the solar parallax. Yet the 1874 results were not as impressive as hoped, and there was widespread disillusionment with the whole transit-of- Venus triangulation method for working out the solar parallax. Moreover, the availability of other techniques for measuring the parallax - the observation of Mars near opposition, successfully applied by David Gill from Ascension Island in 1877; the observation of asteroids near opposition; timings of phenomena of the satellites of Jupiter combined with laboratory determinations of the speed of light - lessened astronomers' enthusiasm for the forthcoming 1882 transit, compared with that attaching to earlier transits. Nevertheless, expeditions were still planned. For instance, the United States Naval Observatory's Transit of Venus Commission received an $85,000 appropria­ tion from Congress, despite the fact that Simon Newcomb, the leading figure of the Commission, was unenthusiastic. Though a pacesetter in the preparations for the 1874 transit, by 1882 Newcomb had clearly lost the faith, though he signed on for an overseas expedition himself, and in the end observed the transit from a site outside Cape Town, South Africa. The New York Times, calling attention to the 1882 transit's superb visibility from the United States (see Figure 1), questioned whether government funding for these expensive overseas expeditions could still be justified. Indeed, the Times, perhaps the public generally, seems to have confused the transit-of- Venus method of determining the solar parallax with the method applied by Gill in 1877 which relied on measures of Mars near opposition relative to the background stars: It so happens that a transit of Mars [sic] is just about as useful for astronomical purposes as a transit of Venus. After the Government had sent astronomers all over the earth to observe the transit of Venus in 1874, the public was astonished to learn that a transit of Mars was to take place a year or two later. Why, it was asked, had not the astronomers, who insisted that a transit of Venus was an event happening only once a century, mentioned that a transit of Mars was also close at hand? ... It has finally become evident to all thinking people that as long as astrono­ mers can induce Governments to send them to China and Peru the necessity of

0021-8286/04/3502-0123/$5.00 © 2004 Science History Publications Ltd

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S{;~.\'F.Wor TIlE EARTII AT TilE DEGI~~~Gor TlI& TBA.'(srr01' 1882. SUS·\·IEW OF TIlIl F..,nTIl AT TOE EXD Oft TIlE Tn.vxsrr OF 1882.

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FIG. I. Transit visibility in 1882, diagrams from Richard A. Proctor's Transits of Venus (4th edn, London, 1882). Menage aTrois 125

FIG. 2. David Peck Todd. from the Mary Lea Shane archives ofLick Observatory.

observing transits of Venus will never come to an end, and the distance of the sun from the earth will never be definitely settled. I

An Astronomer in the Wings One astronomer who would have jumped at the chance to participate in a transit expedition to China or Peru was Amherst University's David Peck Todd (Figure 2), who in the years leading up to the transit had appeared to be one of the most prom­ ising young astronomers in America. Todd is little remembered today - Thomas Hardy's Swithin St Cleeve, the astronomer in the May/December romance Two on a tower published in the Atlantic Monthly on the eve of the transit of 1882, could have been speaking for him when he said: "My reputation - what is it! Perhaps I shall be dead and forgotten before the next Transit of Venus.,,2 But Todd had once been one of Newcomb's proteges at the U.S. Naval Observatory, and Newcomb had charged him with the task of reducing all the 1874 transit observations to a value for the solar parallax.

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Born in 1855 on a farm at Lake Ridge, on the eastern slope of Cayuga Lake in upstate New York,Todd was a direct descendant, in the sixth generation, of the Puritan divine Jonathan Edwards. When he was ten, the Todds moved to Brooklyn, and began attending Plymouth Church, whose minister was the famous Henry Ward Beecher. Todd was more intrigued by the hand-pumped organ than Beecher's sermons, and from that moment forward "fell in love with organs".3 Years later he would include some of their features in the design of an astronomical instrument. He was mechanically inclined, built his own steam engine as a boy, and received a scholarship to Columbia University where, with a homemade telescope, he timed the eclipses ofthe satellites of Jupiter. As a junior, he transferred to Amherst. After his graduation in 1875 he was recruited to the U.S. Naval Observatory by Newcomb, then Superintendent of the Nautical Almanac office in Washington, D.C. Todd's later life was sometimes full of wistfulness and nostalgia for what might have been. It was about this time that Todd, on a visit to Newark, met young Thomas Alva Edison, who was working by day as a Western Union telegraph operator and by night on electrical experiments in the cellar of his office. Edison tried to lure Todd from astronomy, but without SUCCfiSS. Only much later in life - and then too late - did Todd realize that his real genius had been in mechanical engineering. In addition to Newcomb, Todd's colleagues at the Naval Observatory included Asaph Hall, the son of a clockmaker, who before becoming an astronomer had worked for a time as a schoolteacher in Shalersville, Ohio (not far from Edison's birthplace of Milan). As a staff astronomer at the U.S. Naval Observatory, Hall had led an expedition to photograph the transit of Venus of 1874 from Vladivostok, Russia, at Peter the Great Bay on the Sea of Japan. In August 1877, Hall was using the 26-inch (66-cm) refractor of the Naval Observatory to search for satellites of Mars. He discovered the first, Deimos, on 11 August. (He was on the verge of giving up when he was encouraged by his wife, Angelina, to return to the dome for one last look, and this yielded the satellite.) On 18 August, Hall, Newcomb, and Todd were all there, gathered to confirm the discovery. Todd was the last to the eyepiece. As soon as he looked, he noticed a tiny point of light staring out of the glare of the planet's disk. It was the inner moon, Phobos, which Hall had recorded some nights earlier, but dismissed as a star. Thus Todd merits at least a footnote in the history of this celebrated discovery." At the end of 1877, Todd mounted a little-known, secretive search of trans­ Neptunian space for a planet; he failed to find any. Nor was he successful in spotting "Vulcan", the intra-Mercurial planet then widely believed to exist at the other extreme of the solar system, though he looked for it intently during the 'great' solar eclipse of 29 July 1878. As the sole member ofaone-man expedition to Dallas, Texas, one of the southernmost points along the eclipse's curving track across the western United States, he was foiled by thin clouds in his attempt to detect the planet." His two-months' absence from Washington coincided, incidentally, with a flurry of letter-writing to Mabel Loomis, daughter of an elderly assistant in the Nautical Almanac Office. He had met Mabel in June of the summer in which Hall discovered the moons of Mars.

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On a rainy day, when dropping by the office looking to borrow a telescope, he saw her standing there, wearing a blue waterproof. He could not forget the impression. They were married two years later. The Todds' courtship and the passionate early years of their marriage seem to show that at first they had a highly compatible and mutually satisfying relationship. Mabel had grown up in rambling boarding houses in Washington. She was early aware of her personal magnetism and attractiveness to men. A social climber, she was a self-centred extravert - David described her as his "perpetual blue sky"," an extraordinary compliment coming from an astronomer. She was gifted in art and music, and was a lively and entertaining conversationalist who would later become a spellbinding lecturer. Her writings reveal enormous energy and enthusiasm. Her effusive journals record her resolution to experience life always in the upper ranges of the emotional register. For instance, even before she met Todd, she constantly went on about her "intense happiness" and regular "ecstasies". "Oh glorious! Oh delightful! to see dear old ocean again!", reads a typical entry.' The one crisis that occurred before their marriage was when she found out that he was not a "virgin"; it would not be the last time she was disappointed, and eventually she had to admit in herjournal that though "David & I are the pleasantest, the most cordial comrades, and we have very dear & lovely times together, ... I do not think David is what might be called a monogamous animal"." In 1881 David and Mabel moved to Amherst, the little college town nestled between the Pelham and Mount Holyoke ranges. David had accepted a position as professor of astronomy, over Mabel's misgivings ("it seems to me you should hardly dare to give up the Office place entirely", she wrote to himj.? Professionally, David would later regard the move as a mistake: Amherst was still poorly equipped for astronomy, boasting only the small observatory he had used as a student in timing the eclipses of Jupiter's satellites. Mabel, too, was not at first happy with her new situation. She found the town unstimulating, and her impression of the inhabitants, with their strong solemn Cal­ vinism, drab and unappealing. But things improved for her once she got to know the town's most prominent family, the Dickinsons. She was especially drawn to Austin, the leading man ofthe town, a lawyer, a large, solemn-looking man with penetrating sharp eyes, and a fine figure on horseback. At twice Mabel's age, she seems at first to have regarded him as a father figure. He lived in the "Evergreens", next to the Dickinson Homestead where lived his sisters Lavinia and Emily, the reclusive poet - "the rare, mysterious Emily, who listened silently in the dark", 10as Mabel described her. David and Mabel had a house across Dickinson Meadow at the "Dell". In the same year, 1881, Todd finally completed the thankless task, assigned to him years before as Newcomb's assistant to the U.S. Transit Commission, ofreduc­ ing the 1874 transit observations in order to obtain a value of the solar parallax. His 8.883 seconds of arc was as good as any published from those observations. In the meantime, however, Todd had been falling from Newcomb's favour. Despite his involvement with the earlier transit and his obvious qualifications, Todd was passed

Downloaded from jha.sagepub.com at UNIV OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ on October 24, 2016 128 William Sheehan and Anthony Misch over for all eight official U.S. Naval Observatory expeditions to observe the 1882 transit in the United States and South America. With only months to spare, Captain Richard S. Floyd, President of the Trustees of the Lick Observatory, approached Todd about observing the transit from California, where the new observatory was taking shape on the 4,200-ft Mt Hamilton in the Diablo Range southeast of San Francisco. Floyd had for some time been hoping to tempt Newcomb to the still developing site, and had set up on the summit, at New­ comb's recommendation, a horizontal photoheliograph similar to those first adopted by American transit parties in 1874 for the express purpose of photographing the transit. It was a splendid instrument, with a 5-inch (l3-cm) objective lens fashioned by Alvan Clark, though it had arrived on Mt Hamilton with one end missing and with no information about the lens's focal length, which forced Floyd and the observato­ ry's superintendent of construction, Thomas Fraser, hurriedly to take a series of test photographs to determine its value. Inthe end, Newcomb declined the California site in favour of Cape Town, mainly because he was unsure what weather would prevail at Mt Hamilton at that time of the year. With Newcomb opting for Cape Town and the Transit Commission unwilling to fund any other expeditions, it seemed to Floyd that, despite all that he and Fraser had between them done to prepare for the transit, Lick had been left "out in the cold". It was at this stage that Todd's name came up. Generously, Floyd agreed to payout of pocket all the expenses for Todd and the Amherst photographer John L. Lovell to come out to Mt Hamilton for the transit, and Todd accepted. By then, Todd was already aware of the intimacy developing between Mabel and Austin. On one occasion, Austin noted in his diary that he spent an evening with Mabel on the piazza, when "after a while the little man appeared in the darkness. Littleness not preferred".11 Even so, Todd was strangely tolerant - even encouraging - of the relationship, perhaps because it gave him latitude to pursue his own affairs; later he would whistle "Martha" at night whenever he was preparing to enter the house, to give the lovers a chance to regroup. Though he would eventually rue leaving Mabel alone with Austin, he does not seem to have given much thought to the consequences of leaving her in Amherst while he travelled to observe the transit. Mabel would later accompany Todd on globe-trotting eclipse expeditions, including to Angola and Japan, but she declined to accompany him to California. There were more compel­ ling attractions in Amherst - the magnificent colours of autumn, the crickets, and Austin - as told in Polly Longsworth's Austin and Mabel, a detailed account of the celebrated affair. On the day of the transit, Mabel penned a note to Austin, whose wife was becoming suspicious: "May I find a word from you! Things look to me of much the same color as the leaden sky, but I love yoU."12 That afternoon she headed over to the small observatory to try to see the event with some other ladies. The sky was overcast during the transit, but her disappointment was minimal, since she had heard back from Austin, and she replied: "I thought you would be glad to know my sky has changed from leaden clouds to sunshine, even as the day did."13 They headed off to a long walk at dusk together. That was Transit Day at Amherst.

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On Mt Hamilton Todd headed west on 10 November, Mabel's birthday. He had been warned by members of Newcomb's Commission that there would be nothing on Mt Hamilton with which to work, and he was advised, sarcastically, to bring a faucet with him, to "put in the bowl for a tank in his Photo Room" .14 But Floyd and Fraser had been ceaseless in their efforts to get everything in readiness for the transit. Later, Fraser would complain that Todd, in his official report, did not do enough to credit Floyd's efforts, but Todd may have been too preoccupied to notice, for as Fraser assisted Todd with the final adjustments of the instruments, he found him "bang crazy with his responsibility"." There was reason for the harried effort: it would be the last chance to photograph a transit of Venus until 8 June 2004. Everything, of course, turned critically on the weather. The attempts to photograph the transit of 1874 had been largely frustrated by poor seeing from many sites, most notably Asaph Hall's at Vladivostok. Clouds were always a possibility whatever the site, and their effects on an astronomer's psyche when they presumed to interfere with an event as rare as a transit or a total eclipse could be devastating. Near the end of his life, Todd confessed to his daughter that what he regretted most was neither his failure to join up with Edison nor Mabel's affair with Austin; it was "three cloudy eclipses of the Sun".16 Even apart from the possibility of clouds, the daytime 'seeing' at Mt Hamilton could not always be counted on at this time of year, so that even with perfect transparency, the results might still be ruined by tremulousness of the image. There were three or four heart-stopping days of cloudy weather at the end of November, but then the sky cleared, and from then through to 7 December there were no clouds, day or night, to interfere with observations. I? The wind came up on the 3rd and 4th as well as on the morning of the 5th, but it subsided about noon on the 5th, and then, Todd noted, "for the next fifty or sixty hours the utmost tranquility prevailed". The Sun came up, a few minutes before 7 a.m. on 6 December, with Venus already on the solar disk. Floyd observed with a 12-inch (30-cm) refractor that had been shipped out to Mt Hamilton a year earlier for the 7 November 1881 transit of Mercury. Todd and Lovell together worked on the photoheliograph, assisted by Cora Floyd and Floretta Fraser, who recorded the times of each observation. Todd had opted for difficult-to-handle but fine-grained gelatin wet-plates, like those used at the 1874 transit, instead of the more convenient, new-fangled dry plates used by the other expeditions, including the official expeditions of the Transit Commission. The results were to bear out his judgement. From his first image, in which the Sun's disk was noticeably flattened and distorted due to its low elevation, to the end of the transit, Todd obtained 147 plates in all, of which 125 were deemed good enough for micrometric measurement. Todd was delighted with the results. He telegraphed Mabel: "Splendid day. Splen­ did success." What he penned in his diary was even more exuberant: "Day as perfect as a June day in New England - sky perfectly cloudless. A day built only for the

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Gods and Mt. Hamilton astronomers.... We saw things as plain as was ever seen with any glass in the world."!" Unfortunately, when he tried to make micrometric meas­ ures off the best plates, he found the images beset with the usual vagaries; instead of being crisp and perfectly well-defined, Venus's silhouette appeared fuzzy around the edges, owing to diffraction produced by the small lens and the inevitable distortions produced by the Earth's atmosphere. Yet for all their obvious shortcomings, the Mt Hamilton plates were "probably" the best obtained anywhere, as proclaimed by the noted Princeton astronomer Charles A. Young. 19 Later Todd himself paid a visit to the U.S. Naval Observatory, from where he reported to Floyd: I have just come from an hour or two with the Government photographs of the Transit of Venus.... [William] Harkness told me, before I had looked at any of them, that [George] Davidson's [obtained in New Zealand] and his were the best of the lot.... After I had seen what I wanted, it didn't seem to please him at all to hear me say that the Lick pictures were a great deal better than Davidson's. They have yet to know what a first class photograph is....zo

Reanimating the Transit of1882 Despite having the best photographs taken anywhere, Todd never did reduce the observations to obtain a solar parallax. He and Mabel remained married - involved in a menage atrois, with Austin as the third apex of what must have been an almost Lagrangian triangle! - until Austin's death in 1895. Then they chased eclipses together. In all, Todd went on thirteen eclipse-expeditions, making him one ofthe most prolific eclipse-chasers of his time; many of them, including ambitious expeditions to Japan and Angola, were in the company of Mabel. In pursuit of his passion, he also applied his talents in mechanical engineering to designing devices to eliminate human error from eclipse photography by automatically exposing multiple photo­ graphs during totality. His "pneumatic commutator" borrowed technology from the automatic pump organ to program and control an array of 23 eclipse instruments. On one expedition, to Algeria in 1900, the couple were accompanied by Percival Lowell, who had become celebrated for his observations of the Martian "canals". Years later, Lowell's personal funds enabled Todd to take a newly erected 18-inch refractor from Amherst and a photographic camera ofTodd's design on an expedition to Alianza, Chile in 1907, for the purpose of photographing Mars and, hopefully, some of the supposed canals. That year David and Mabel posed together in front of Observatory House in Amherst. Mabel appears care-worn; David has a rather wild look in his eyes. From this point forward he became increasingly eccentric in his ideas. He planned, in 1909, to take a balloon above the Earth in order to detect Hertzian waves from Mars. Though he was eased into early retirement from Amherst in 1917, he continued to make feverish efforts to contact Mars until he was institutionalized in 1922.21 Itseems, alas, that he suffered from paresis, the end-stage of syphilis. He spent the last years ofhis long life - he died in 1939 - in hospitals and nursing homes, scheming ways

Downloaded from jha.sagepub.com at UNIV OF CALIFORNIA SANTA CRUZ on October 24, 2016 Menage aTrois 131 to achieve "eternal life" , but also horrified at the prospects of the Sun's splitting in two and bringing about the end of the world. Mabel had died in 1932, long after she accomplished the one thing for which she is most fondly remembered today: the task of discovering and beginning the process of preserving from oblivion Emily Dickinson's poems and letters. Meanwhile, Todd's original transit-of- Venus plates were deposited, along with the parts of the photoheliograph needed to establish its constants, in the plate vault at Mt Hamilton, forming, according to The century illustrated monthly magazine, "the first batch of strictly original scientific data stored in the vaults of the Lick Observa­ tory". That two complete copies were made - one for deposit with the Lick Trust in San Francisco, the other returning with Todd to Amherst - is a measure of the importance accorded them at the time.P In the aftermath of the transit, astronomers realized that even with photography the transit-of-Venus method of obtaining the solar parallax remained unsatisfac­ tory. They turned to other methods, Todd's interest in the observations waned, and eventually his plates were forgotten. A reference to them in one of Todd's letters in the Mary Lea Shane archives of the Lick Observatory, discovered 120 years later, led us to search for them. All 147 original plates were still in the vault, and in good condition. Photographic records of the 1882 transit are now scarce and incomplete; the copies of Todd's plates appear to have been lost. To our knowledge, the set on Mount Hamilton is the most complete surviving record of the transit. The discovery of such a complete sequence of images naturally suggested to us the possibility of reanimating the transit by combining them into a motion picture. Something along the same lines may even have occurred to Todd, who could have known of the early experiments in what has come to be called chronophotography - the photography of sequential motion and the forerunner of motion pictures. These had recently begun to be made by, among others, Jules Janssen and Etienne-Jules Marey in France, and Eadweard Muybridge at Leland Stanford's Palo Alto ranch, within sight ofMt Hamilton. Indeed, Janssen had invented his famous Photographic Revolver in order to make a rapid photographic series of the 1874 transit of Venus. By 2003, through the use of digital imaging, assembling Todd's transit images into a moving picture had become an almost trivial undertaking. One difficulty we encountered was the rotation of the Sun's disk that is a natural artifact of the photo­ heliograph. The amount of rotation is predictable (approximately 15° per hour) and derotating the images for the movie would have been straightforward ... but for the absence of any record of the times at which the plates were taken. Ironically, these most critical transit data, three independent records of which were made at the time by separate means," were never published and appear to have been lost. However, we were lucky enough to find two well-separated sunspots from which the rotation of each image could be recovered. The result was a chronophotographic record of the planet strangely flickering as it marches (see Figure 3) across the Sun, the shadow-show of an astronomical event that occurred when Queen Victoria still sat on the throne of Great Britain and Chester

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FIG. 3. Frames from Todd's series of 147 photographs of the 1882 transit of Venus.

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A. Arthur was President of the United States - the record of an event that has been seen by no one now living until this year. We can only imagine what David Peck Todd would have made of this movie, a man futuristic enough to imagine contacting Martians by radio. He would have been ecstatic. But it would have made a more subdued impression on the reclusive poet Emily Dickinson, who did not venture to the Amherst observatory with Mabel but at most strayed to the window and opened the drape that long-ago December day when, perhaps, she wrote the characteristically Dickinsonian lines: But were it told to me, to-day, That I might have the sky For mine, I tell you that my heart Would split, for size of me. So, safer, guess, with just my soul Upon the window-pane Where other creatures put their eyes Incautious of the sun."

REFERENCES I. New York Times. 8 December 1882. 2. Thomas Hardy. Two on a tower (Oxford. 1993). 192. 3. Polly Longsworth, Austin and Mabel: The Amherst affair and love letters ofAustin Dickinson and Mabel Loomis Todd (Amherst. 1999),39. 4. David Todd, "Professor Todd's own story of the Mars Expedition", The cosmopolitan, January 1908, 343-51. 5. Richard Baum and William Sheehan. In search ofplanet Vulcan: The ghost ill Newton's clockwork universe (New York, 1997). 6. Longsworth, Austill and Mabel (ref. 3), 44. 7. Peter Gay, Education ofthe senses: The bourgeois experience. Victoria to Freud (New York, 1984), 78. 8. Longsworth, Austill and Mabel (ref. 3), 49 n. 9. Ibid.. 5. 10. Ibid.. 64. I 1. 6 September 1882. ibid.. 63. 12. 6 December 1882, a.m., ibid., 137. 13. 6 December 1882, p.m.. ibid., 137. 14. Helen Wright, James Lick's monument: The saga ofCaptain Richard Floyd and the building ofthe Lick Observatory (Cambridge, 1987), 102. IS. Ibid., 101. 16. Richard B. Sewall, preface to Longsworth, Austill and Mabel (ref. 3), p. xiii. 17. David Peck Todd, "On the observations of the transit of Venus, 1882, December 5-6, made at the Lick Observatory, Mount Hamilton, California", Monthly notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, xliii (1883), 273-6. 18. Wright,op. cit. (ref. 14), 101. 19. David Peck Todd to Captain Richard Floyd, 15 March 1883, Mary Lea Shane archives of the Lick Observatory.

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20. David Peck Todd to Captain Richard Floyd, 5 April 1883, Mary Lea Shane archives of the Lick Observatory. 21. Steven J. Dick, The biological universe (Cambridge, 1996),406-8. 22. David Peck Todd, "Observations of the transit of Venus, 1882", Publications ofthe Lick Observatory, i (1887), 50-54. 23. Ibid., 53. 24. Emily Dickinson, "Before I got my eye put out", in Oscar Williams (ed.), A pocket book ofmodern verse (New York, 1959), 80.

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