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Proseminar in American Politics Fall 2014
GOV 2305: American Politics Field Seminar Fall 2017 Monday 2-4pm Location: Knafel 108 Instructors: Dan Carpenter: Office hours are Wednesdays, 1:15-4:15, CAPS Conference Room [email protected] Jennifer Hochschild: Office hours are Tuesdays, 2-4, CGIS K156 [email protected] The purpose of this course is to introduce doctoral students to the major themes and some of the best scholarship in the political science literature on American Politics. The readings for 2305 typically form the core of students’ subsequent reading lists for major or minor general exams in American politics. Still, there is much in the study of American politics that is not represented here, indeed that political scientists have failed to take up. Along the way, we will want to identify important but neglected questions. What issues should motivate the next generation of research in this field? What theoretical and methodological approaches might be appropriate to studying them? The most important requirement of the course is to read the assigned readings for each week carefully and critically. They will be the focus of our weekly discussions, though we will rarely be able to talk about them all. Nonetheless, please read all of them since your reading of some will affect your reading of others, whether in the current or some other week. More generally, the readings will provide us, as a group, with common terms of reference upon which good discussions will depend. To facilitate discussion, it is important that you write as well as read and think in advance about how the readings address the overall topic for that session. -
Circles and Hemispheres of Integration
Circles and Hemispheres of Integration The Development of a System of Graded European Union Membership Frank Schimmelfennig, ETH Zürich, September 2014 Abstract The study of integration has focused on organizational growth and on the “deepening” and “widening” of regional organizations. By contrast, this paper analyzes organizational differentiation. It conceives of differentiation as a process, in which states either refuse to be integrated or are being refused integration by the core member states but all parties find value in creating in-between grades of membership. A particularly fine-grained system of graded membership has developed in Europe. This paper describes its development and seeks to explain the positioning and movement of states in this system. I argue that the “refusers” and the “refused” are located in different “hemispheres” of integration that cut across the “circles” of membership, and in which membership status is driven by opposite or different factors. The states of the “hemisphere of bad governance” are refused further integration because the core members are concerned about efficiency losses, redistribution, and a dilution of the EU’s democratic identity. By contrast, the states of the “hemisphere of affordable nationalism” refuse further integration because they care strongly about national identity and sovereignty and are wealthy and well-governed enough to resist. A panel analysis of European countries since the early 1990s shows that membership status among the refused countries increases with wealth, democracy, -
2505 Academic Programme
Contents Welcome Welcome messages ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.2 Organizing committees ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.4 ECPR Standing Group on the EU .. …………………………………………………………………………………………………. p.5 The University of Trento ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. p.5 Academic program Schedule of activities …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.6 Jo urnal of Common Market Studies Keynote Lecture ………………………………………………………………….. p.7 Plenary Roundtable ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.7 Other events ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.8 List of Sections …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. p.9 List of Panels by Section ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. p.10 List of Panels by Session time ………………………………………………………………………………………………………. p.47 Practical information Location ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………. p.48 Regist ration ……………………………………………… …………………………………………………………………………………. p.48 Floor plans …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.49 Technology …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.51 Where to eat ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.51 Further information ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.5 2 List of registered participants ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… p.53 1 Welcome Welcome messages Dear Participants, it is my pleasure to welcome you to the University of Trento on the occasion of the 8th Pan-European Conference on the EU organized by the ECPR Standing Group on the European -
With 126 Panels, Nearly 500 Researc
Welcome to the 14th Biennial Conference of the European Union Studies Association in Boston! With 126 panels, nearly 500 researchers and practitioners from over 250 institutions across the world are participating in panels, plenaries and roundtables, making this one of the largest EUSA Conferences. We have a diversity of topics and disciplines represented in the program, along with key plenary sessions, followed by evening receptions open to all participants. Among the highlights of the program is an evening plenary panel on Friday: Neoliberal Policies and their Alternatives, followed by a keynote lecture by Thomas Piketty, Inequality in the Europe- and What the EU Could Do About it. Immediately thereafter, there is a reception hosted by the Journal of Common Market Studies. Two other plenaries will focus on the Future of EU Federalism, and the Future of Transatlantic Relations, the latter featuring Baroness Catherine Ashton (former High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy). A panel and discussion Honoring Lifetime Achievement in European Studies Award Recipient James Caporaso, former Chair of EUSA, will take place on Saturday during the lunch time session. A presentation of EUSA Prize Winners will be held on Thursday Evening, where we will award the Ernst Haas Fellowship, Lifetime Achievement Award, Best Book, Best Dissertation and Best Paper Prizes. This will be followed by a EUSA Reception. There are also a number of interest group business meetings listed in the program that conference participants are welcome to attend. The European Union Studies Association is grateful for a generous conference grant from the Lifelong Learning Programme of the European Commission, and logistical assistance, financial sponsorship and organizational support from the Journal of Common Market Studies, College of Europe, Fulbright Commission, Northeastern University, and the University of Pittsburgh, which supports EUSA on its campus. -
Why European Union Member States Opt out of Integration
The Choice for Differentiated Europe: Why European Union Member States Opt out of Integration Thomas Winzen and Frank Schimmelfennig Center for Comparative and International Studies, ETH Zurich, Switzerland1 Paper prepared for the 14th biennial conference of the European Union Studies Association, 5-7 March 2015, Boston, MA. Abstract Since the early 1990s, European integration has become differentiated integration. Treaty revisions and enlargements have resulted in opt-outs for countries such as Britain or Denmark, and in policy areas such as monetary union. Analysing under what conditions member states make use of the opportunity to opt- out or exclude other countries from European integration, we argue that different explanations apply to treaty and accession negotiations respectively. Threatening to block deeper integration, member states with strong national identities secure differentiations in treaty reform, particularly regarding the integration of core state powers. In enlargement, in turn, old member states fear economic disadvantages and low administrative capacity and, therefore impose differentiation on poor newcomers. A logistic regression analysis of the use of differentiation opportunities by member and candidate countries from Maastricht in 1993 to the Croatian accession in 2013 lends empirical support to these arguments. Introduction2 Since the early 1990s, European integration has become differentiated integration. This period has been characterized by a far-reaching extension of the European Union’s policy scope beyond -
Kelly D. Patterson Department of Political Science Brigham
Kelly D. Patterson Department of Political Science Brigham Young University Provo, Utah 84602 (801) 422-4985 [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. Political Science, Columbia University, 1989 M.A. Political Science, Columbia University, 1985 B.A. Political Science, Brigham Young University, 1982 TEACHING AND RESEARCH INTERESTS American politics, political parties, campaigns and elections, public opinion, quantitative methods, election administration, political theory EMPLOYMENT Professor, Brigham Young University, current Associate Dean, College of Family, Home, and Social Sciences, Brigham Young University, 2012-2017 Director, Center for the Study of Elections and Democracy, Brigham Young University, 2004- 2012 Chair, Department of Political Science, Brigham Young University, 1998-2004 Associate Professor, Brigham Young University, 1997-2007 Assistant Professor, Brigham Young University, 1993-1997 Congressional Fellow, American Political Science Association, 1992-1993 Assistant Professor, Franklin & Marshall College, 1989-1993 Visiting Instructor, Franklin & Marshall College, 1988-1989 BOOKS Political Parties and the Maintenance of Liberal Democracy. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996). JOURNAL ARTICLES AND PUBLICATIONS “The Enduring Effects of State Party Tradition on the Voting Experience.” Election Law Journal 19 (March 2020): 1-20 (with Jay Goodliffe, Paul Herrnson, and Richard Niemi). “Who’s in and Who’s Out: The Politics of Religious Norms.” Politics and Religion 9 (September 2016): 509-536 (with Christopher Karpowitz and J. Quin Monson). “Online Polls and Registration-Based Sampling: A New Method for Pre-Election Polling 22 Political Analysis (Summer 2014): 321-335 (with Michael J. Barber, Christopher B. Mann, and J. Quin Monson). “Exceeding Expectations? Determinants of Satisfaction with the Voting Process in the 2008 U.S. Presidential Election” 75 Journal of Politics (April 2013): 451-463 (with Ryan Claassen, Paul S. -
Central and Eastern Europe in the European Union
This work has been published by the European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies. © European University Institute 2018 Editorial matter and selection © Michał Matlak, Frank Schimmelfennig, Tomasz P. Woźniakowski, 2018 Chapters © authors individually 2018 doi:10.2870/675963 ISBN:978-92-9084-707-6 QM-06-18-198-EN-N This text may be downloaded only for personal research purposes. Any additional reproduction for other purposes, whether in hard copies or electronically, requires the consent of the author(s), editor(s). If cited or quoted, reference should be made to the full name of the author(s), editor(s), the title, the year and the publisher Views expressed in this publication reflect the opinion of individual authors and not those of the European University Institute. Artwork: ©Shutterstock: patrice6000 The European Commission supports the EUI through the European Union budget. This publication reflects the views only of the author(s), and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. EUROPEANIZATION REVISITED: CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE IN THE EUROPEAN UNION Editors: Michał Matlak, Frank Schimmelfennig and Tomasz P. Woźniakowski In memoriam Nicky Owtram TABLE OF CONTENTS Biographies 1 Acknowledgments 4 Foreword 5 Europeanization Revisited: An Introduction Tomasz P. Woźniakowski, Frank Schimmelfennig and Michał Matlak 6 The Europeanization of Eastern Europe: the External Incentives Model Revisited Frank Schimmelfennig and Ulrich Sedelmeier 19 New -
European Integration (Theory) in Times of Crisis a Comparison of the Euro and Schengen Crises
European Integration (Theory) in Times of Crisis A comparison of the Euro and Schengen crises Frank Schimmelfennig, ETH Zürich, [email protected] Abstract The European Union has gone through major crises of its two flagship projects of the 1990s: the Euro and Schengen. Both crises had structurally similar causes and beginnings: exogenous shocks exposed the functional shortcomings of both integration projects and produced sharp distributional conflict among governments as well as an unprecedented politicization of European integration in member state societies. Yet they have resulted in significantly different outcomes: whereas the Euro crisis has brought about a major deepening of integration, the Schengen crisis has not. I put forward a neofunctionalist explanation of these different outcomes, which emphasizes variation in transnational interdependence and supranational capacity across the two policy areas. Acknowledgments For comments on previous versions of the paper, I thank audiences at an ACCESS EUROPE seminar at VU Amsterdam, the 2017 annual conference of the Swiss Political Science Association in St. Gallen, the 2017 EUSA Convention in Miami, and the Euro-CEFG workshop at the University of Rotterdam. Special thanks to Klaus Armingeon, Ben Crum, Madeleine Hosli, Matthias Mattijs, Thomas Spijkerboer, and Jonathan Zeitlin. Introduction The European Union (EU) has come to operate in crisis mode permanently. When the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force in December 2009, the EU finally appeared to have achieved institutional consolidation after the failure of the Constitutional Treaty. Around the same time, however, the mounting Greek balance-of-payment problem signaled the start of the Euro crisis. As soon as “Grexit” was averted in dramatic negotiations in July 2015, the migration flow across the Aegean Sea spiraled out of control, triggering a crisis of the Schengen regime of free movement across internal EU borders. -
DONALD TRUMP and the TRANSFORMATION of AMERICAN POLITICS Sebastião C
A HOUSE DIVIDED: DONALD TRUMP AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF AMERICAN POLITICS Sebastião C. Velasco e Cruz1 Taking as its methodological principle the requirement to articulate long-term trends and conjunctural determinants as key to the analysis of political change, this article reviews the literature on political polarization in American society and reconstructs the ascension process of the conservative movement, as essential elements for the interpretation of the Trump phenomenon. It shows, however, that the latter is only understandable by integrating into the analysis the impact of the 2008 financial crisis, the election of Barack Obama - the first black president in US history - and the consequent outbreak of the Tea Party, a reactionary movement that had a strong destabilizing effect on the Republican Party, paving the way for the New York tycoon’s overwhelming rush. Keywords: Donald Trump; polarization; Republican Party; conservative movement. UMA CASA DIVIDIDA: DONALD TRUMP E A TRANSFORMAÇÃO DA POLÍTICA AMERICANA Tomando a exigência de articular tendências de longo prazo e determinantes conjunturais como princípio de método-chave para a análise da mudança política, este artigo passa em revista a literatura sobre a polarização política na sociedade americana e reconstitui o processo de ascensão do movimento conservador, como elementos essenciais à interpretação do fenômeno Trump. Mostra, entretanto, que o mesmo só se torna compreensível ao se integrar na análise o impacto da crise financeira de 2008, a eleição de Barack Obama – primeiro presidente negro na história dos Estados Unidos – e a consequente eclosão do Tea Party, movimento reacionário que teve forte efeito desestabilizador sobre o Partido Republicano, abrindo o caminho nele para a arrancada avassaladora do magnata nova-iorquino. -
Politics Is National: the Rise of Negative Partisanship and the Nationalization of U.S
All Politics is National: The Rise of Negative Partisanship and the Nationalization of U.S. House and Senate Elections in the 21st Century Alan Abramowitz Emory University Steven Webster Emory University Abstract One of the most important developments affecting electoral competition in the United States in the 21st century has been the increasing partisanship of the American electorate. However, the standard party identification scale does not adequately reflect the growing intensity of voters’ partisan preferences. Using data from the American National Election Studies cumulative file, we show that since 1992 and especially since 2008, partisan identities have become increasingly associated with racial, cultural and ideological divisions in American society. As a result, growing proportions of strong, weak and leaning party identifiers have come to perceive important differences between the parties and to hold extremely negative opinions of the opposing party. This has led to sharp increases in party loyalty and straight ticket voting across all categories of party identification and to growing consistency between the results of presidential elections and the results of House and Senate elections. Increasing nationalization of congressional elections has important implications for party performance, democratic representation and governance. Prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois, April 16-19, 2015 In the 21st century, the United States has entered a new age of partisanship. Sharp party divisions now characterize all of our major political institutions. In Congress, the ideological divide between Democrats and Republicans in both the House and Senate is now larger than at any time in the past century (Ansolabehere, Snyder, and Stewart 2001; Bafumi and Herron 2010; Mann and Ornstein 2013; Kraushaar 2014). -
I TOWARD a GRAMMAR of the BLOGOSPHERE: RHETORIC and ATTENTION in the NETWORKED IMAGINARY by Damien Smith Pfister B.A., Universit
TOWARD A GRAMMAR OF THE BLOGOSPHERE: RHETORIC AND ATTENTION IN THE NETWORKED IMAGINARY by Damien Smith Pfister B.A., University of Alabama, 2000 M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 2004 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2009i UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH School of Arts and Sciences This dissertation was presented by Damien Smith Pfister It was defended on January 16, 2009 and approved by Dr. Gregory Crowley, Coro Center for Civic Leadership Dr. John Lyne, Professor, Department of Communication Dr. Barbara Warnick, Professor, Department of Communication Dissertation Advisor: Gordon R. Mitchell, Associate Professor, Department of Communication ii Copyright © by Damien Smith Pfister 2009 iii TOWARD A GRAMMAR OF THE BLOGOSPHERE: RHETORIC AND ATTENTION IN THE NETWORKED IMAGINARY Damien Smith Pfister, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2009 This dissertation explores the rhetorical imaginary of internetworked societies by examining three cases where actors in the blogosphere shaped public deliberation. In each case, I analyze a trope that emerged organically as bloggers theorized their own rhetorical interventions, and argue that these tropes signal shifts in how citizens of networked societies imagine their relations. The first case study, on the blogosphere’s reaction to Trent Lott’s 2002 toast to Strom Thurmond, examines how bloggers “flooded the zone” by relentlessly interpreting the event and finding evidence that eventually turned the tide of public opinion against Lott. Flooding the zone signifies the inventional possibilities of blogging through the production of copious public argument. The second case study, focusing on the 2003 blogging of the Salam Pax, an English- speaking Iraqi living in Iraq on the precipice of war, develops the idea of “ambient intimacy” which is produced through the affective economy of blogging. -
Independents: the Marginal Members of an Electoral Coalition 3
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY ON CONTEMPORARY AMERicAN POLITicS Independents: The Marginal Members of an Electoral Coalition Currently, the party balance in the United States is nearly even, roughly one-third Democratic, one-third Republican, and one-third independent, taking turnout into account. This means that to win a majority a party normally must capture at least as large a share Hoover Institution Hoover of independents as the other party. Thus, independents constitute the marginal members of an electoral majority. We do not know nearly as much about this critical group of voters as many pundits think. The electoral movements of this poorly understood category underlie the unstable majorities of our time. MORRIS P. FIORINA Series No. 6 “We will never have a time again, in my opinion, in this country when you are going to have a polarization of only Democrats versus Republicans . you are going to have the Independents controlling basically the balance of power.”—Richard M. Nixon “There are more independents than ever before. That means nothing.”—Aaron Blake In recent elections partisans have voted for the presidential candidates of their parties at rates exceeding 90 percent.1 These figures lead many commentators to jump to the conclusion that the country is evenly divided into two deeply opposed partisan camps. But, as shown in the third essay in this series, party sorting in the general public remains far from perfect. Consider an analogy from the religious realm. Probably 90 percent of se lf-identified Catholics who attend church services attend Catholic services rather than those of other denominations, just as 90 percent of partisans who turn out cast their votes for the party with which they identify.