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Introduction Notes Introduction 1. ‘The Rescuer’, 61. ‘The Rescuer’ is in the British Library Manuscript Collection, Ashley 4787. 2. Arthur Waugh, ‘London Letter’, Critic, xxvi (11 May 1895), 349; reprinted in Norman Sherry, Conrad: the Critical Heritage (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), 50–1; hereafter cited as CH. Compare Edward Garnett’s manifesto for The Overseas Library: ‘Mr Kipling arrived and discovered modern India to the English imagination’. 3. Arthur Waugh, ‘Reticence in Literature’, The Yellow Book, vol. I, 1894, 212. 4. Almayer’s Folly was published by Fisher Unwin on 29 April 1895. 5. Unsigned review, Spectator (19 October 1895), 530; unsigned review, Nation, lxi (17 October 1895), 278; reprinted CH, 61, CH, 60. 6. Unsigned review, Scotsman (29 April 1895), 3; unsigned review, Athenaeum, 3526 (25 May 1895), 671; unsigned review, Literary News, xvi (September 1895), 268–9; reprinted in CH, 48, CH, 52, CH, 59. Frank Swettenham (1850–1946) arrived in Singapore in 1871 and, after a career as Collector and Resident in various parts of peninsular Malaya, was Resident General (1896–1901) and subsequently High Commissioner (1901–1904) of the Federation of Malay States. He was also the author of many books about Malaysia. 7. Joseph Conrad, ‘A Glance at Two Books’, Last Essays, 197. The essay was written in 1904, but was first printed in T.P.’s and Cassell’s Weekly (1 August 1925). 8. It is a perhaps unconscious attempt to suggest the innocence of European colonisers in this process that leads to the irresistibility of progress being represented by the Hindu Juggernaut. The gendering of the Malay as male is part of that presumption of the male as normative that Rosi Braidotti (among others) has discussed. 9. D. J. M. Tate, Rajah Brooke’s Borneo (Hong Kong: John Nicholson, 1988). Tate concentrates on the reporting of Brooke’s activities in the Illustrated London News. A fuller account of Borneo’s annexation for the popular imag- ination would also have to consider the representation of Borneo in both educational and adventure books for children. That ‘enslaver of youth’, F. S. Marryat, had published his Borneo and the Indian Archipelago in 1848 (‘Tales of the Sea’, NLL, 53). More relevantly, James Greenwood had published The Adventures of Reuben Davidger; Seventeen Years and Four Months Captive Among the Dyaks of Borneo (London: S. O. Beeton, 1865). Greenwood’s captivity narrative (with its self-conscious glance back at Robinson Crusoe) epitomises the kind of novel Conrad does not write, as its narrative successively works through the popular tropes about Borneo: pirates (Chapter 4); headhunters (Chapter 5); orangutan (Chapter 5). 190 Notes 191 10. Conrad had professional contacts with the ILN. In June 1898, Clement Shorter, the editor, agreed to serialise ‘The Rescuer’, but dropped this plan in February 1900. Gordan suggests that Conrad’s problems writing ‘The Rescuer’ might have arisen from the attempt to write more of an adventure story. Certainly the novel involves pirates, captivity, and Lingard’s rescue of kidnapped Europeans. In June 1914, Conrad’s article ‘Protection of Ocean Liners’ was published in the ILN. 11. The Malaysia of headhunters and orangutan is less relevant to Conrad. This work will focus rather on ‘pirates’ and Sir James Brooke. 12. Unfortunately, the account failed to conceal that what had taken place was a massacre rather than a battle: the ‘pirate’ fleet had been taken by surprise and annihilated. The report led to public meetings in London; questions in the Houses of Parliament; and eventually an official Inquiry. 13. There might have been other factors involved in Burns’s death. Spenser St. John describes Burns as ‘a disreputable adventurer’; he also notes the accu- sation that Brooke had ‘bribed the pirates to murder Mr Burns’ (The Life of Sir James Brooke [Edinburgh: William Blackwood, 1879], 239). 14. The attitude taken here to the ‘insurrection’ against Brooke’s predecessors is very different to that taken the previous month in the account of the Chinese ‘insurrection’ against Brooke. ‘The Insurrection at Sarawak’ (ILN, 2 May 1857) reproduced Brooke’s ‘thrilling account’ of the incident from a letter ‘written to a friend’. That this letter had already been printed in The Times suggests an acute sense of the importance of news management on the part of Brooke and/or his supporters. 15. It is no surprise that Brooke features in W. H. Davenport Adams, ‘In Perils Oft’: Romantic Biographies Illustrative of the Romantic Life (London: John Hogg, 1885), which makes much of Brooke ‘“putting down” head-hunting’ and trying to ‘extirpate the Dyak pirates’ (308). It does, however, note that, in deciding to help the Raja Muda Hassim, Brooke was acting as a ‘soldier of fortune’ (303), fighting for the side that would pay him best. 16. Henry Keppel, The Expedition to Borneo of H.M.S. Dido for the suppression of piracy (London: Chapman & Hall, 1846), 2 vols; hereafter cited as EB. Rodney Mundy, Narrative of Events in Borneo and Celebes (London: John Murray, 1848), 2 vols; hereafter cited as NEBC. Brooke’s precursor here was Captain James Cook. See Rod Edmond, Representing the South Pacific: Colonial Discourse from Cook to Gauguin (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); hereafter cited as RSP. Edmond discusses the mythologising of Cook through the production and circulation of official and unofficial nar- ratives of his voyages, and, in particular, through the production and circu- lation of prints and etchings of his death. 17. In the same way, stories of Cook’s arrival in Hawaii emphasised how he was received as a god. Edmond notes ‘the long history of a myth of white gods that has served European interests’ (RSP, 58): whether the Haiwaiians regarded Cook as a god is contested, but there was certainly a need in Europe for ‘a godly Cook’ (RSP, 40). Edmond interrogates this narrative and also draws attention to the way in which it forms the basis for the evangelical counter-narrative, in which Cook’s death is not a martyrdom but rather punishment for his allowing himself to be worshipped as a god (RSP, 28). 192 Notes 18. The review of Tales of Unrest in the Academy (14 January 1899) can thus be seen to make an interesting slip. It describes Conrad as ‘one of the notable literary colonists,’ and then adds ‘He has annexed the Malay Peninsula for us’ (CH, 110). Conrad’s tales are set in the archipelago not the peninsula, but the peninsula was, indeed, the focus of British colonial interest. 19. CL2, 129–30. 20. Lloyd Fernando, ‘Conrad’s Eastern Expatriates’, reprinted in Keith Carabine (ed.), Joseph Conrad: Critical Assessments (Helm Information, 1992), II, 51–70; 52, 52–3. 21. Hugh Clifford, ‘The Genius of Mr. Joseph Conrad’, North American Review, 178 (June 1904), 842–52. 22. Joseph Conrad, Youth, and two other stories, 27. 23. The term ‘arrival scene’ is taken from Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London: Routledge, 1992), 78; hereafter cited in the text as Pratt. Pratt describes ‘arrival scenes’ as ‘potent sites for framing relations of contact and setting the terms of its representation’ (Pratt, 78). See also M. L. Pratt, ‘Field Work in Common Places’ in James Clifford and George Marcus (eds), Writing Culture (Berkeley: California University Press, 1987). 24. As GoGwilt suggests, the ship’s name and origin (‘Judea. London’) suc- cinctly marks this disjunctive cultural origin: the construction of ‘Western’ identity is based on this suppressed ‘East’/’West’ split (IW, 23). 25. Pratt quotes a comparable moment from Mungo Park’s Travels in the Interior of Africa (Edinburgh: Adam & Charles Black, 1860), 104–5: ‘I was sur- rounded by so great a crowd as made it necessary for me to satisfy their curiosity by sitting still’ (Pratt, 80). Pratt describes Park’s narrative as marked by ‘the desire to achieve reciprocity’ (Pratt, 80). Park, of course, was one of the explorers Conrad praises in ‘Geography and Some Explorers’. His recognition of African agency and critical self-questioning is perhaps one of the models for Conrad’s colonial fiction. 26. See Douglas Kerr, ‘Crowds, Colonialism and Lord Jim’, The Conradian, 18.2 (Autumn, 1994), 49–64, which notes how the western imagination of the orient is marked by a sense of its enormous populations. Kerr comments on this passage from ‘Youth’: ‘The Asian crowd is an essential part of the first impressions of all travellers who have set out to see the east and find their gaze returned’ (51). 27. As GoGwilt points out, young Marlow’s enthusiasm for the exotic names ‘Bangkok’, ‘Java’, and ‘Singapore’ homogenises politically distinct locations: ‘The difference between Java, the central island of the Dutch East Indies, and Bangkok, capital of Siam, marks a difference between the most highly organised system of colonial rule and exploitation … and virtually the only nation in the region to sustain its independence from European colonial aggression’ (IW, 21). Singapore, of course, is ‘the seat of British hegemony in Southeast Asia’ (IW, 21). By supplying these names Conrad marks an his- torical and political context which remains invisible to the youthful Marlow. 28. Conrad had visited the region briefly in 1885: in April 1885, he had signed on as second mate on the Tilkhurst (bound for Singapore and arriving there in September). Notes 193 29. G. J. Resink, ‘The Eastern Archipelago Under Joseph Conrad’s Western Eyes’, Indonesia’s History Between the Myths (The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1968), 307–87; 308. Hans van Marle had noted that Conrad could have read the books of Wallace, McNair, Multatuli, and books by and about James Brooke, in the library of the Raffles Museum, Singapore, during his visits of 1883 and 1887.
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