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A MORPHOLOGICAL the neighborhood quarter, and their dis• ANALYSIS OF NEIGH• tribution in the settlement. They are also found to be closely related to the settle• BORHOOD STRUCTURE ment structure as defined by the neigh• -TOLES AND THE borhood blocks and the street patterns. RITUAL ARTIFACTS OF Following the morphological analysis, the study then reconstructs four histori• THE KATHMANDU cal phases, and suggests that the devel• VALLEY TOWNS- THE opment ofthe town was regulated by the CASE OF THIMI royal court. Further, through the case study of the three neighborhood units, the paper shows that totes constituted Mohan Pant1 & Funo ShujF basic urban units-a transition level to the town settlement that differed from Abstract the lower level structure of the clan settlement unit. The traditional towns ofthe Kathmandu Valley are ingrained with varying cul• Introduction tural forms of different historical peri• ods. But the paucity of documented lit• In the Kathmandu Valley, besides the erature and the evident difficulties con• three major cities-Kathmandu, Patan ducting archaeological work on the ex• and Bhaktapur, there are 31 small town isting settlements leave significant gaps settlements dotted around the Valley ter• in the knowledge of ancient and medi• rain. Most of these settlements are eval towns of the Valley. This paper, known to have already been settled by 1 through the morphological analysis of the Licchavi period (2"ct -9 h C). The in• neighborhood units, known as toles, and scriptional records of this period at the their ritual artifacts, of one of the Val• same time show the existence of numer• ley towns- Thimi- attempts to dis• ous settlements prior to the beginning cover the different historical layers of of the histori c period. Cultural histori• the settlement. In particular, the study ans unanimously agree that Nepal was finds that the territorial structure of the primarily inhabited and ruled by the tole and its ritual artifacts such as the people known as Kirata before the ad• shrine of Ganesa, which is the symbol vent of Licchavi rule. of a neighborhood locality, and the crossroad spirit, known as chwasa show The present day Newar community is a regular pattern in their location within an amalgamation of numerous ethnic communities that migrated to Nepal dur• ing different periods in ancient times. 1 Researcher, Funo Shuji Laboratory, Depart• But it is thought that among the various ment of Architecture, Faculty of communities of the Valley Newars, the Engineering,Kyoto University. descendants of Kirata make up the ma• jority of the population. According to 2 Associate Professor, Department of some scholars, the Licchavis had an an• Architecture, faculty ofengineerinng, Kyoto cestral link to Kiratas and like Sakyas University were indigenous people who had their

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Buddha. Such a historical background also leads to the understanding of vari• suggests that the settlements of the ous other features of the settlement such Kathmandu Valley have at their early as whether the town developed in a historical layers the embodiment of the spontaneous manner or in a certain indigenous community life, which in the planned framework. It will also point out course of history, evolved into various that the neighborhood unit- tole, of the forms following interactions with immi• Kathmandu Valley is the basic urban unit grating communities in later historical that heralds the beginning of urban com• periods. munity life in the settlement.

At the present stage of research, the pau• The Town of Thimi- Geo• city of documented literature and lim• ited progress on archaeological work graphical Setting leave much a significant gap in the knowledge of both the ancient and me• The town of Thjmi is eight km east of dieval settlements of the Kathmandu the present capital city-- Kathmandu, Valley. The present study attempts to and 4 kms west ofBhaktapur, the medi• throw light on the forms of the traditional eval capital city ofNepal (Fig. 1). Thimi, settlements through the analysis of from the medieval period, was also neighborhood structures of the town of known as 'Madhyapura' probably be• Thimi, one ofthe traditional settlements cause of its central location with The of the Valley. Historical records show Kathmandu and Patan to the west and that the town of Thimi existed before Bhaktapur to the east. Since 1997, the 1350 AD, while other studies suggest that town including other minor settlements the settlement existed long before the around it has been designated as Licchavi period.3 This paper makes a Madhyapura municipality. morphological analysis on the physical forms of the neighborhoods and their It is typical of Valley settlements that ritual artifacts, and finds out different most of the settlements are built on el• historical layers of the town developed evated land ofthe undulating Valley ter• by the end of first half of 19th century. rain, while the lower basins are utilized These settlement layers, relating to for agricultural purposes. Thimi is at one other available data, both historical and of the southern spurs on the plateau morphological, can be framed in south of the Manohara river, and north an evolutionary sequence. The analysis ofHanumante stream (Fig. 2). The spur of Thimi falls away to the east, south and west rising at an elevation of about 30 meters from the lower valley floor. 3 Gopalarajavamsavali, folio 52, p. I 08, A north-south route connects Thimi with Malia and Vajracharya, 1985. a number of other settlements located Gopalarajavamsavali is a chronicle com• farther north and south. posed sometime in the period of 14th cen• tury, and is considered the most reliable medieval document among numerous other The traditional route connecting The chronicles on Nepalese history. Kathmandu and Bhaktapur passes al• most through the central part of the

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settlement thus dividing the town into two was constructed at the northern end of parts, the northern and southern sectors. the town to connect The Kathmandu and The north-south street running almost Bhaktapur, and the area developed as through the middle of the whole settle• the new shopping street ofthe town. The ment is the major street ofthe town with development of the town up to this street temples and other public buildings stud• shows a certain degree of continuity in ded in sidelanes and squares (Fig. 3). the traditional pattern of the settlement Minor lanes branch towards the east and and therefore delimits the area for the west from this spinal street. The topog• present study. As late as 1973, another raphy of the land falling sharply on all traffic line was built in the low land at the three sides of the settlement and the the south of the town, which has been a compact cluster of dwellings define market zone of recent developments. It sharply the town settlement area on the is said that until 1960, there were only plateau against the low lying agricultural few shops in the main north-south street fields around it. of the settlement, which by now is lined with shops on both sides today. Almost at the center of the southern sec• tion of the town, towards the east of the The population of the municipality in main street, there is one of the ritual 1995 was projected to be 38,373 with centers of the town. This center is known that ofthe old town core around 20,000.4 as Layaku (Sanskrit: rajakula-palace The town area consists of numerous or the court of the royalty), which in the neighborhood quarters, and is entirely medieval period served as an adminis• inhabited by Newar's. But as described trative office of the Thimi region. At in the previous section, this community present there exists a court of the Town can be further divided into a number of Goddess within the Layaku. The rest of communities according to their ethnic the Layaku has been rebuilt to house a roots, traditional professions and social secondary school. At the southern end status. Among these communities, the of the town, there is a square where the Shrestha community and Prajapati com• main temple of the Town Goddess is munity make up 85% of the total popu• located. The square is the main ritual lation. Shresthas traditionally work in center of the town. North of Layaku, farming. They are also engaged in there is a large water tank and it is said commerce and hold administrative that the area south ofthe tank is the ear• posts, while Prajapatis specialize in lier part ofthe town ofThimi, and a town pottery making, in addition to their tradi• gate existed at the southwest comer of tional farm work. Thimi exhibits anum• the tank in the main street. At present ber of common features with other there exist three town gates on some of major towns of the Valley such as the major routes leading to the town. topography, compact settlement, dwell-

In the early period the main shops of the 4 Thimi, 1990. town were along the route connecting Bhaktapur and Kathmandu. But in 1853, a new road for horse drawn carriages

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ings ofthree or more stories built in con• suffix in the name of certain particular tiguity, and streets punctuated by com• localities until the present day, totes be• munity squares with temples and other gan to be common as neighborhood units public structures. of the town settlement from the early medieval period. The Neighborhood quarter• Tole, and the Town By the medieval period, tales are fre• quently referred to in the hierarchical structure of the town settlement. The The neighborhood quarters known as documents ofthe period make reference totes are one of the important social and to toponyms relevant in the spatial or• spatial structuring units in the towns of ganization of the settlements, such as the Kathmandu Valley. Early historical desha, tole, nani and chhen. This is a records indicate that tales were pre• nested hierarchic organization of a ceded by gwala. This is evident from settlement with desha at the highest the Licchavi period records that men• level. Desha indicates the area of the tion numerous settlement localities with town defined by certain boundary lim• the suffix 'gwala ',while making no ref• 1 its. Chhen, at the lowest level stands for erences to tales. Later, by the 10 h cen• the dwelling itself, while nani is an area tury tole or, alternatively 'sthana' (lo• of a dwelling cluster the inhabitants of cality), is used either in conjunction with which are, in general, members of the gwala, or omitted.5 Gwala appears to same clan. A group of such nanis then be of ancient origin and is not Sanskrit. makes up a neighborhood quarter-the The term is probably of Kirata deriva• tole (Newari:twaJ-1 Thus, in the hierar• tion. We do not know what the gwala chy of the spatial structure, tole consti• and tole included in their territory at tutes a unit higher than the clan settle• those times. But gwala was one of the ment unit-nani. Toles are also the most local administrative unit known from commonly known place names in the Licchavi records and so was the tole in towns of the Kathmandu Valley the early medieval period. The inscrip• tion of the Golmadhi tole in Bhaktapur dated 1642 , which mentions a chief of 7 The toponyms desha, tole, nani and chhen the tole- twala-pramukha, in connec• do not appear in Licchavi inscriptions. Toles tion with the establishment of a Ganes a and chhen become current by the early me• shrine, suggests that tole continued to dieval period while nani appears later in the be an administrative unit of the town documents of this period. Inscriptions of 1 until the late Malla period (1200-1768).6 Thimi, from the 16 h century onwards, begin While gwala continues to be in use as a to use Madhyapura in place ofThimi desha. All settlements of The Kathmandu Valley were given a Sanskrit name, which began to be standard in official documents while the s Joshi, H. R., 1996, pp. 1-3; See also Kolver original name continued to be in popular use. and Shakya, 1985, pp. 107 -11l. See Kolver and Sakya, 1985, for medieval 6 Department of Archaeology, n. d. palm leaf documents, and Bhumisambandhi tamsuk tadpatra, issues of Abhi/ekh, 3-1 0.

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from the early medieval period (9'h-12'h of history. Before we proceed to the C).8 In Thimi, the available palm leaf analysis of the structure of tole, it is, records, which date from the beginning however, important to define and delimit of the lS'h century, already show the the concept of tole in the context of The existence of a number of tales in the Kathmandu Valley towns as there are town. In these documents where the ad• neither legal nor recognizable physical dress of the vendor and the buyer is boundaries that may uniformly delineate noted, tole comes next to Themi desha, the territories of tales in the settlement. that is, the town ofThimi. Tole-Definition Unlike the nani, which develops within private dwelling plots, the territory of In the Kathmandu Valley, although the the tole includes public spaces of the tole is a common toponym and socio• settlement and artifacts built by the com• spatial unit of the settlement, there are munity of the tole which are also uti• difficulties in making precise statements lized by the residents of other localities. on what elements constitute a tole or It is in the realm of the tole that an indi• what its boundaries are. In the town of vidual makes donation out of his per• Thimi , there are 2llocalities, which are sonal property for the benefit of the gen• known as tales. Several inscriptional eral public with a desire to earn religious records of the town that mention tole• merit. Inscriptions placed in these struc• pancha-samucchaya (representatives of tures record the donor's will and guide• the tole community) show that tales also lines for their maintenance, giving the served as formal units in local adminis• donor a place in posterity for future gen• tration. The size of these tales, however, erations. The history ofthe town and the despairingly varies, with some of the community are thus first written in the tales having fewer than 10 households community structures of tales. while others had more than one hundred. Shrines of Ganesa, which are one of the As will be seen later, the tales ofThimi most ubiquitous features oftal es, are not are localities inhabited by communities present in some of the localities which of diverse origin. There are certain pat• are also called tales. Community arti• terns in the composition of the commu• facts such as rest houses, known as pati, nity with respect to the location of tales are all too common within and outside in the town. The patterns of the layout the town settlements to be taken as the of tales and the community structures symbol of the tole. Social organizations indicate the manner in which the physi• binding all the residents into one single cal and social plan of the settlement was unit also do not exist in Shrestha com• laid out, or evolved during the course munities of Thimi. The complexity of delineating the tole territory arises partly from the process of the development of s Joshi, H. R., Op. Cit. Some of the early in• the settlement, which, in the case of stances are- Yanwalottara-tole(9 20), Thimi, spans more than a millennium. Koshalatole( 1066) in The Kathmandu, and However, a workable definition of the Nogola-tole ( 1091) in Patan tole needs to be established to identify

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tales and their boundaries to make mention other deities as tole-devata. We meaningful analysis of social and spatial are not certain of the form of the tole structures. and its community structures in the Licchavi period. But the settlement of There are numerous kinds of commu• Thimi by the late Malia period exhibits nity artifacts frequently used by the resi• such a relationship between the shrine dents built in a neighborhood locality. of Ganesa and the tole. Further, in the Most frequent structures include annual festival of Town Goddess, it is temples dedicated to various deities, a the float of Ganesa rather than of other fountain or a well, rest houses and dance deities that represents the tales ofThimi platform. These artifacts are organized in the procession of floats that goes around one or more squares where the round the town settlement. Therefore, shrine of Ganesa, located in one of the in our study, we wi ll take the shrine of squares, among all the community arti• Ganesa as the identity of a tole, and its facts, might be considered as central to clientele to define the tole territory (Fig. the residents of the locality. The local• 4, Fig. 5) ity, which has its own Ganesa shrine lo• cated in its community square, is always Types of Tole classified as a tole. Localities which are called tales but do not have their sepa• As mentioned earlier, tales are made up rate shrine of Ganesa belong to the cli• of numerous nanis, and are inhabited by entele of the Ganesa that is located in diverse communities, which are indi• the neighboring locality. cated by their ancestral sites, traditional social status and occupation. In Thimi, Compared to other shrines. The shrine two types of tales may be identified ac• of Ganesa is of special importance to cording to the constitution of the com• the neighborhood community. It must munity structure. These are the tales of be visited in all the important ritual cer• homogenous communities, and of mixed emonies, while there are no such obli• communities. The distribution of the gations to shrines of other deities. There• communities in the town shows that in fore, there may not be other shrines in a general, the town is structured into sec• tole local ity, but the temple of Ganesa tors according to the profession and eth• is customarily present as the symbol of nic roots of the communities. The tole, the tole. Further, in a tole, there may be on the other hand, usually includes parts several shrines dedicated to one deity, of two or more such sectors, and thus, while there will be only one shrine of is not nested within such a community Ganesa that belongs to the tole commu• sector in the spatial hierarchy. Unlike nity in common. other forms of community such as the nani and dewali, which are structures In medieval inscriptional records, closely related to clan and ancestral tra• Ganesa has been mentioned as tole• ditions, the community of a tole is more devata-the deity of the tole, or as a geographical entity defined only by the sthana-Ganesa- the Ganesa of the lo• location. However it is characteristic that cality. No records have been found that certain communities are concentrated in

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a particular type of neighborhood area. to analyze their relationship in the struc• For instance, Vajracharyas- the Bud• ture of the settlement. The first two dhist priests, are distributed in all the toles toles- Dathu and Shiva are at the south• along the main street while other com• em sector, and belong to central and the munities with a marginal population, and peripheral type respectively. The third• belonging to the lower ladder ofthe tra• Kumha-nani tole is at the northern sec• ditional social hierarchy, are concen• tor where the majority of the residents trated at certain locations which are usu• are Prajapatis. ally on the periphery of the settlement. Dathu Tole Shrines of Ganesa may also be consid• ered in the classification of tole types. Dathu belongs to the central type of tole In Thimi, two types oftoles may be iden• (Fig. 6a). Dathu, which means middle, tified according to the locations of the is one of the generic names of neigh• shrine of Ganesa. The first type has borhood areas of The Kathmandu Val• shrines located at the main north south ley towns. The existence of this top• street of the town, while the shrines in onym therefore suggests neighboring the second type are located at the pe• toles on both sides. Usually, since the riphery of the settlement. The squares settlements were built upon a tableland of the shrines at the periphery are lo• with gentle declivity towards the river cated at a point where the paths from basin, the upper part and the lower part the surrounding fields enter the settle• are called Thatu and Kothu . In the palm ment, and then lead to the main street leaf records ofThimi, Thantho tole and by a lane. Further, these squares are con• Kotho tole are mentioned by 1420. The nected by a circular route that surrounds division of the old core into the upper the settlement. The location of all the and the lower is still found in one of the Ganesa shrines ofThimi fits within this traditional rituals related to cattle farm• scheme of street structure of the settle• ing. The line of division is the lane run• ment. The two types of toles, thus, may ning east-west south of the layaku. It be called as the central type and the pe• appears that the division of the settle• ripheral type according to the location ment into Thatu and Kothu is one of the of their respective shrines of Ganesa. earliest forms in the organizational di• The tole of the central type includes the vision of the settlement. At present, quarters at both sides of the main street there are no locali ties known by these with dwelling clusters at both sides of names. There are, however, two nanis the lane that branches from the main in front of each other separated by the street leading to the tole of the periph• lane that divides the Thatu and Kothu eral type in its territory. The two types sections of the settlement. By the begin• of toles are contiguous and not divided ning of the 16'h century, the areas be• by the main streets or lanes. In the fol• longing to Thatu and Kothu are already lowing sections we will take three rep• known by the names Inaya-lacchi tole, resentative instances (Ref. Fig. 5) to Dathu tole and Thaniswa tole. The up• make further detail studies on the physi• per part of Kothu, north of Dathu, and cal and social structure of the tole, and which probably was the proper Kothu

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at the initial division, is now included of the second type have part ofthe dwell• within Inaya-lacchi tole. Thaniswa tole ing clusters at the north. It can be seen is now known as Maru tole, named later that the traditional territory ofDathu tole after the mandapa built in one of the is the quarters lying south of the lane. squares of the tole. According to the tradition of ancestral The first record of the settlement in rites, the quarters of Dathu tole are in• Dathu area is dated 1420. It mentions a habited by four communities (known as house known as pasa-chhen that be• dewali communities) with the predomi• longed to a Mulami- the headman. But nant community residing at the eastern the nani in which the house belongs is sector. One of the nani of the eastern entered from the lane that does not be• quarter bordering the main street be• long within the territory of Dathu tole. longs to Vajracharyas and is entered However, by 1515, we find record men• from the lane at the south belonging to tioning the locality of Dathu tole itself. Maru tole. The presence of Its present territory is defined by only Vajracharyas and various dewali com• one lane. Sandwiched between Maru munities makes Dathu a heterogeneous tole at the south and lnaya tole at the tole in its constitution. north, its expansion was limited and thus has the minimum territory that a tole of The central community square ofDathu the central type may have. The lane is on the main street where the lanes leads to a town gate to the west, which meet (Fig. 6b ). The Ganesa shrine of is one of the major entry points to the Dathu tole is located in this square at settlement. To the east the lane winds the northern boundary of the tole. The its way and leads to the farmlands at the area immediately north of the shrine lower basin east of the town settlement. belongs to Inaya-lacchi tole. No inscrip• It is one of the important characteristic tion or other records are found to indi• of the lanes of Thimi that lanes do not cate the period of the foundation of the traverse straight-through when leading shrine. The position of Dathu Ganesa outside the settlement but are blocked at the end of the sequence of floats of by dwellings, known as hapa-chhen, tole-Ganesas following the float of the making the lanes turn their way before Town Goddess, suggests that it was en• meeting the circuit path surrounding the shrined later than Ganesas of the neigh• settlement. boring totes of Patasi-kwa, Maru, and Inaya-lacchi. It thus appears that Raja• Dathu tole has eight nan is, which, ac• Ganesa and Thasama were in existence cording to their evolutionary sequence, prior to Dathu Ganesa, which indicates can be classified into the first and the the tole to have been inhabited later than second type and is without the third type, the area ofMaru tole to the south. Thus which belongs to the latest historical it is probable that at the beginning Thatu layer in the development of the town. and Kothu tole with layaku as the cen• A II ofthe Nan is ofthe first type is entir ed, ter, and Thaniswa(Maru) tole at the except the one that from the main street, southern end existed as two settlement are at the south of the lane. The nanis clusters which were joined by the settle-

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ment in Dathu tole at later period. Thus Street. One is in front ofDathu Ganesa, the shrine of Ganesa in the early peri• one is to the east ofdabali, and one is to ods of the development of the town was the east ofDathu-lacchi (1795). The pati a concept related to clusters of settle• of Dathu-lacchi10 is for making offer• ment separated by some distance rather ings during the festival dedicated to the than that of each tole settlement devel• Town Goddess. Because ofits minimum oped in contiguity to the existing ones. size, Dathu tole, compared to other totes The localities which developed later in of the central type, has minimum num• contiguity at the boundary zones of the ber of religious structures the found in a original settlement core often belonged tole locality. to the votary of its shrine. Such a rela• tionship ofboundary localities with the Siva Tole original core area divides the category of tales into primary and secondary Siva tole, lying at the eastern quarter of types. In earlier times, Kothu was sec• layaku, is a tole of the peripheral type ondary to Thatu both of which belonged (Fig. 7a). The territory of the tole is de• to Raja-Ganesa. Likewise, Kwalankhu fined by a lane, which is one ofthe main is a secondary tole while Maru is pri• access links connecting the main street mary in Thasama Ganesa circle. In this with the agricultural fields to the east. respect Dathu belongs to the category The community square of the tole is of primary tole. located at the entrance to the settlement. The circuit path running at the periph• In Dathu tole, there are two other ery ofthe settlement passes through this shrines- one dedicated to Nasa-dyo square connecting Siva with other tales (Sanskrit-Nrityanatha, the god of at the periphery. dance) in Nasa-nani and the other to Krisna in Dathu-lacchi. Nasa-dyo is one particular form of Ganesa and the shrine of Dathu is one of the most popular in 9 In Balakumari Square, at the southern end Thimi. At the central square of Dathu of the town, there is one pillar• tole in the main street there is a dabali• Haridharma- stambha erected in 1950 the dance platform, with a pati, dedi• (2007 VS) dedicated to Krisna in addition cated to Nrityanatha, located at the to a shrine of 190 I ( 1958 YS). Haridharma• south ofthe platform. The pati was built stambhas of this period, such as that ofThimi in 1832 by a resident of a nani at the are to be found in a number of other settle• ments of the Valley. The resurgence of the east of the main street. The shrine of cult during this period is also reflected by Krisna appears to be a late structure built frequency use of 'krishna' in the personal at.a time ofhis cult's resurgence in the names of individuals born in this period. middle of the 20'h century.9 10 The house itself is mentioned as Other artifacts of community use are the Dathurachhen in the inscription. patis (Newari: phale, phalacha). These Dathurachhen is the contraction of Dathu• are built in the ground floors of the Ia cchi-chhen, i. e., the house in the square houses of individuals facing the Main ofDathu.

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The main settlement clusters of the tole ther if we take into consideration the are at the south of the lane. There are oral tradition of the local residents that four nanis of the first type, among which there existed an early settlement at the three nanis are at the southern quarter. eastern belt below the town plateau, and The area of the tole extends through the the location of the layaku in the town, circuit route to the east leading to the the Siva Square provided the main link water tank-Duipokhari at the north. between the settlement around the Most of the dwellings in this part of the layaku and the settlements below. In this tole belong to that type which developed respect, Siva Square, although belong• later than the nanis at the south. At ing to a peripheral tole, was one impor• present, this part has a major concen• tant node of the town settlement. tration of Manandhars who are one of the major communities of the tole and Besides the temple of Ganesa, other whose traditional occupation is in the important artifacts built in the square are oil business. In earlier times there was the dance platform dedicated to Siva in an oil press in a square of the lane, north 1666, a fountain with an inscription of layaku, that belonged to the dated 1715 (NS 835), and two commu• Manandhars. The oral tradition of the nity rest houses. The fountain has two locality holds Ganesa of the tole as the Buddhist caityas probably donated by deity enshrined by Manandhars. The Manandhars- a Buddhist community. considerable number of Manandhar There is also one caitya in the square, families residing behind the layaku also and a community house in front of the suggests their early settlement in this Ganesa temple at the south donated by locality. Besides Shrestha and one resident ofthe Shrestha community. Manandhars, residents ofother commu• The square of Siva tole is thus a center nities are also to be found at the south• basically furnished with the typical com• em peripheral area of the tole. munity facilities of a tole locality.

Siva tole in earlier times was known as Kumha-na11i Tole Bankha-chhen tole. An inscription at Mahadeva temple in the square dated Kumha-nani is at the northern sector of 1441 mentions the deity as the vener• Thimi and is the quarter ofthe Prajapati able Siva of Bankha (Fig. 7b). The community (Fig. 8a). It is located in a temple was erected on the already ex• lane that runs along the edge of a table• isting shrine of Tri-Bhairava. The in• land towards the west of the main street. scription is also the earliest one of the The lane still has the remains of a town Malia period inscriptions recorded so far gate at the west leading to the old route in Thimi and is the first inscription to to The Kathmandu. Although the tole's have mentioned the place as ' Themi• shrine of Ganesa is not located in the desha '. The building of the two-story main street, other features characterize temple dedicated to Siva in this tole is the locality as a tole of the central type. the earliest on record to be found in The tole is made up of five nanis be• Thimi indicating that the area was of longing to type II, and one group of major importance in the settlement. Fur- dwelling clusters of type III along the

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main street All the residents of the the hay to be used during the firing pro• nanis at the west are Prajapatis of cess is stacked on the second floor. Some various agnatic clans. Brahma-nani, of the houses have separate structures which is at the east of the Main Street known as nau-pau to keep stocks oftheir derives its name from the priest inhabit• fired and baked pottery, and haystacks ants who are Brahmans. The cluster on the backyard. The open courts on along the main street also mainly belongs other occasions are used by individual to Prajapatis with several houses be• families. There exists a tradition of di• longing to the Buddhist priest commu• viding the open space of the court with nity of Vajracharyas. each family having the right to use the space at its front, and which is also spe• It can be seen from the figure that the cifically mentioned in the documents of main settlement area of all nanis is at the property division and inheritance of the north of the lane of the tole with a the dwelling. southward orientation. Although the east- west street through Hattimahankal In the square where the lane of the tole is a social and spatial divide between meets the main street, in addition to the northern and southern sector of the patis, there are two other community town, the orientation of nanis and the structures--one caitya and a community pattern of development expansion of house (Fig. 8b). The inscription of the tales at the northern sector with respect caitya placed at the west face of the to their lane is symmetrically the same plinth is dated 1583, and is the earliest as is found in the totes at the southern dated structure to refer to the Prajapati sector. What makes the totes of the community ofthe northern sector.'' This Prajapati area distinct from the tales of caitya, known as Kuti-chiba, located in the Shrestha communities is the form of front ofYachin bahal, probably the ear• the open spaces of the nanis and the liest Buddhist monastery of Thimi, be• presence of certain communities and longs to the group of7 major caityas of ritual facilities, which are not usually Thimi located in the main street, and is found in Shrestha communities. The a landmark at the entrance to the north• dwellings of all nanis of Kumha-nani em part of the town. The square is also tole are arranged along wider lanes and the station where the Ganesas of north• spacious courts. These open courts are em sectors halt for one night after they known as lacchi, including that section complete the visit of their totes during of the main street which belongs to the festival ofthe Town Goddess. Caitya Kumha-nani tole locality. The lacchi of is one of the characteristic religious ar• nanis primarily serve as the production tifacts present in the localities of Bud• spaces for the communities of the re• dhist communities. Additional minor spective nani quarters. These spaces are caityas are built as meritorious deeds utilized for the sun baking of pottery and by the residents in the street, lanes and setting up temporary kilns where the courts of the nani localities. The struc- baked pottery is fired. The potter's wheel and the clay stock is on the ground floor of each individual dwelling while 11 Manju Yajracharya, handnotes on the events ofThimi

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ture at the northwest comer of the Kuti• Morphology of The Tole Struc• chiba is the community house ofthe tole ture called the chapal. is now converted It Ganesa shrine and Territory of into a three story dwelling structureY the Tole The shrine of Ganesa of this tole is at the entrance of Kumha-nani (Fig. 8c). The analysis of the settlement clusters An additional chapallocated in this area of Ganesa shrines shows that the loca• is now used as a private dwelling in a tion of the shrine with respect to the tole manner similar to that of Kuti-chiba territory is one of the important aspects Square. Another particular feature of related to the manner ofthe development the Prajapati locality is the shrine of of the settlement. It highlights certain Viswakarma, the patron deity ofartisans. features ofthe development oftotes and In most of the localities of Prajapati, consequently of the street structure of there are, in general, no separate temples the town. It is found that all the Ganesa dedicated to this deity. The shrine is on shrines of both the central and periph• the ground floor of certain individual eral types of totes are not located in the dwellings. In Kumha-nani tole, there are central area of the tole but at the bound• four shrines of Viswakarma, and all are ary where the area of the tole has its located within Kumha-nani itself. One entrance or exit. The location of the of them has a separate shrine, and the shrine of Ganesa at the boundary of the majority of the residents of the tole be• settlement appears to be an established long to its votary. The absence of classical arrangement as suggested by Viswakarma in other nanis and the lo• Nepal Mahatmya (The Glory of 13 cation of the shrine of Ganes a indicate Nepal). The Mahatmya, considered 1 that Kumha-nani is the oldest quarter of to be a work of the l6 h century, de• the tole. The location of the temple of scribes the sacred route during the Ganesa at the lane interior from the main pilgrim's visit to the sacred shrines of street,and the fact that its whose vota• Nepal thus: "May he climb the moun• ries include Vajracharyas and Bramhans tain called Bhujangasaila at beautiful show that Ganesa is equally worshipped Guhadvara. May he worship Ganesa by all communities irrespective ofloca• at the entrance, who has been located tion and the patron community who en• at the border of the holy land (ksetra• shrined it. sima)." At present a number of the shrines appear to be located in the cen• tral area of their respective toles. It is 12 According to the present owner of the because of the expansion of the settle• dwelling, until 1965, the building was a two• ment in the boundary zones in later his• story structure and used by a Kusle family. torical periods. For instance, Thasama The dwelling was donated by the ancestor Ganesa of Maru and Raj-Ganesa of of the present owner for the use of the com• Inaya-lacchi are now located at the munity, which gave them the 'right' to re• central part of their respective claim it for their private use. 13 Nepal Mahatmya, 29-37, Acharya, J. (tr.), 1992,p.274.

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community territory. But the oral history lane while leaving the other side open or and other analytical studies indicate that less built. This is also true for the totes there were town gates near the Ganesa ofthe peripheral type as well. As shown shrines of both of these toles. For in• in Fig. 5 the totes at the south of the stance, one of the houses to the west of layaku extend more towards the south• the main street near the shrine of Raj• em side of the lane while the toles at Ganesa was in former times known as the north have their territories extended 'the house beside the gate '. 14 The towards the northern side of the lane of northern part of lnaya-lacchi and the the tole. housing clusters around Balakumari Square are settlements developed later. The regularity in the shape and layout of plots of nan is and the pattern oflanes The two types of totes-central and pe• is most apparent in the earliest core of ripheral- and the location of their re• the town south of Raja-Ganesa and spective Ganesa shrines are related to north of Thasama Ganesa. In this area, the initial street structures and nodes of the blocks ofthe quarters ofthe tole were the town plateau-such as the Main divided by lines running north-south into Street, the access routes to the low ly• plots of nanis with their depth possibly ing farmlands and the topography of the extending the width of the block The land. The north-south Main Street runs development pattern of the plot ofa nani at the ridge of the town plateau and is was from its interior part towards the the main axis that links the settlements lane or the street. The area of the nani and agricultural fields ofthe region. This further back was less developed. This street and the routes branching east and pattern of development of the nani clus• west from it and leading to the surround• ters should have influenced the totes ing fields form the primary network of present shapes. The boundaries ofa tole street and lanes ofthe settlement. Within appear to be in a state of flux with the this basic frame, the nodes of the tole buying and selling of the unbuilt parts settlement clusters developed. of the nani plots to residents of the neighboring totes. Instances from our We have seen that the territory of the inquiry of Dathu tole and Chode tole toles of the central type includes at least show that if a part of the plot belonging one lane on each side that branches from to a nani of a tole was sold and its ac• the main street. The dwelling clusters cess was from a lane belonging to the or the nanis that are entranced from neighboring tole, the part ofthe plot thus these Janes then form the territory ofthe sold then belongs to the new tole. Con• tole. It can be seen from the Ganesa sequently, the dwellings at the less de• c<;>mmunity clusters that the territory of veloped side of the lane of the tole are a tole is developed on one side of the often found to have been built later com• pared to the more developed side.

14 Conversations with Avayendraman Joshi, The symmetry and regularity in the form a descendent of the house alternately known of development of the tole territory pre• as ' Yarnbuka-chhen '. Yarnbuka-chhen is also suppose a certain pattern ofland alloca• found in the palm leaf document dated 1575. tion for the settlers at the initial stage of

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town development. Accordingly, it also at the earliest of the layers of suggests that the east-west lanes that Kathmandu Valley settlements. In the branch off from the main street existed town ofThimi, chwasa, in a majority of before the beginning of the settlement the instances, are located at the south• of the tole or nani. It thus appears that em comer where the lane meets the main the authority of the layaku was deter• street. Some of the chwasas in the old minant in laying the pattern oflanes and core of Thimi are also located in lanes thereby the structure of tales that devel• where there does not exist a crossing oped later. lane at present. But, as shown in the fig• ure, these chwasas lie within close prox• Chwasa and The Crossroads imity of a straight line, and it is prob• able that there existed a north-south The quarter block bounded by the street route between the main street and the and the lanes is also a ritual unit within circuit route to the east in earlier times. the tole area in the settlement structure. The route could also have been simply This structure is symbolized by a ritual a boundary track between the plots of artifact known as the chwasa (Fig. 9). the quarter blocks which became oblit• The chwasa (Sanskrit-chatuspatha) is erated either due to the merger of the a place of crossroad spirit, usually rep• plots or due to some other adjustments resented by an aniconic stone boulder made later, such as the enclosure of the with no emblem inscribed. 15 Its origins dwelling compounds. However, there is are archaic and therefore are to be found a tradition of making a hole called a nasa-pwa, which is a small elongated 15 Ritual offerings are made in chwasa to pro• triangular opening in the wall built later pitiate the spirits who otherwise bring harm on the previously existing path of the to the inhabitants. In one ceremony, known drain or access routes. 16 The nasa-pwa as bahu-biyegu, bali offerings made to matrikas, the mother goddesses and 16 Nasa-pwas are built in the ground floor Bhairava are placed in the chwasa. This walls of the dwellings, exterior homestead shows a certain parallel to the description walls, and in any walls that are built closing of Mrichhakatika, an ancient drama, where the earlier access routes. As the access route Carudatta asks his friend Maitreya to go to may not have been straight entirely, the nasa• chatuspatha to offer pinda bali to matrikas pwas are not always in one straight line. But (Cf. Kosambhi, 1960). Similarly, Satapatha the series of nasa-pwas fall within close Br. (2.6.2.9) invites Rudra (the fiery aspect proximity of one straight line, thus defining of Siva) to a crossroads sacrifice: " gra• continuous access routes that existed in pre• ciously accept it together with thy sister vious times. When there is a door or a win• Ambika". It is not surprising therefore that dow falling in the line, it substitutes for the a Sivalinga is enshrined in one of the chwasa nasa-pwa. The triangular shape of the nasa• of I naco tole of Bhaktapur. Catuspatha pwa, made by chiseling the rectangular niketana and catuspatha rata are among bricks, is distinct from other kinds of holes. many matrikas mentioned in Mb• Gradually, the functions of nasa-pwa are Salyaparva. The local name chwasa-ajima being forgotten, and there are instances that recalls this same tradition. An excellent read• do not leave the earlier nasa-pwas or other ing on the prehistoric traditions of cross• openings when new walls are built. Nasa• road spirtis is Kosambhi, D., 1960. pwa is also built in the wall that fronts the main door of a temple or a shrine. 53

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openings are supposed to provide unob• settlement blocks defined by crossing of structed flow of the spirits that used to routes, which could be boundary paths travel through the routes that previously of the homestead plots to the crossings existed. Observations and inquiries of of lanes and the main street, and finally residents have shown that there existed to the main junction of the locality, such an access route, as shown by the which is a tole. What is relevant here in dotted line in Fig. 10 between the main this topological development ofchwasa street and the circuit route at the east. is that the locations of chwasas help to identify the obliterated paths that existed The pattern ofthe distribution ofchwasa in the settlement in its early period, and and the spatial unit related to it has its then the main streets in the areas of the own sequence of evolution. According later settlements. Our analysis of the to their pattern of distribution, the whole developmental phases of the town settle• town of Thimi can be grouped into a ment from the study of tole types and number of sectors. At the same time, the other features such as community sec• distribution shows close correspondence tors related to common ancestral shrines with the development of the types of and clan clusters of nanis shows that the nanis. At the eastern sector in the old above changes in the topological pattern core of the town where there are nanis of chwasa coincides exactly with the of the first type, chwasas are to be found phases of spatial development of the within each lane in addition to those town. which are at each comer of the street block. In the western sector of this cen• Thus the analysis of the structure and tral core, there is only one chwasa to a types of totes, the locations of the block and no chwasas in the lane. In the shrines of Ganesas with respect to the areas with nanis of the second type, tole territory and the chwasas in the which are to be found at the northern crossings of the streets and lanes leads part of the southern sector of the town, to a schematic plan of the street patterns, chwasas are not installed in each lane layout of toles and four development crossing, but several quarter blocks phases ofThimi as shown in Fig. 10. share one chwasa in common, includ• ing those blocks that lie on either side Conclusion of the main north-south street, which are clearly different chwasa units at the The manner of territorial organization southern part. At the eastern part of the of the toles in Thimi suggests that the northern sector, where most of the layout and development of settlements settlement clusters belong to the latest were regulated and the institution of type, the number of chwasa is even less such control could be no other than the with, for instance, the secondary toles• layaku itself. Relevant to this conclu• Pacho, Garcha, Gungachiba, each hav• sion is the feature that the town, both in ing only one chwasa in common. It ap• its physical layout of the toles and the pears that the idea of a relatively inde• manner of distribution of ritual arti• pendent ritual unit of the settlement de• facts- Ganesa and chwasa, shows no fined by chwasa changed gradually from other axis and center but the main north-

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south street and the layaku. The distri• central type appear to be a development bution patterns of chwasa and the over time. shrines of Ganesa are important features that may be examined to discover the It should be noted that there is no other different historical layers of the ancient socio-spatial settlement unit in the con• and medieval settlements of the stitution of the town higher and lower Kathmandu Valley. In particular, since than tole related to the daily commu• the origin of the chwasa is archaic, and nity and public life of the inhabitants. its ritual unit smaller, it helps to find out The ritual structure of Mandalika, which the individual layers of the settlement encompasses a number of toles, is mani• in finer scales. fested only on certain occasions. 17 Nani-the lower level unit belonging to Historical records mentioning toles by the tole territory, is the clan settlement the 1O'h century in cities like Patan sug• unit, and its development history be• gest that the settlement could have been longs to the private realm. It is only the planned in divisions of totes. However, territory of the tole that belongs to the the division of the territory defined by diverse communities of a locality. Raja-Ganesa into Thatu and Kothu tole as shown by the medieval records of Most of the toles of Thimi are hetero• Thimi indicates that totes, at the begin• geneous in their community composi• ning, were divisions within a settlement tion. The diversity in the community area not entirely commensurate with the structure and the presence of the shrine territory ofthe shrine of Ganesa. Rather of Ganesa, a non-partisan deity, which a Ganesa shrine belonged to a settlement is independent of any social , religious cluster that was spatially separate from and occupational divisions, as the sym• other nearby settlement clusters. The bol of the tole make the tole a socially deity was more properly known as open structure of the settlement. All the sthana-Ganesa, as indicated by the community facilities in the street, lanes original name of the Ganesa of Maru (sthanesvara Inaya > Thasva !naya• ie; Ganesa, the god of the locality) and 17 A division known as 'chhu' is occasion• the record of Ganesa of Chapacho, than ally mentioned in medieval documents. tole-Ganesa. The concept of tole• Kolver and Sakya ( 1987) suggest that 'chhu' Ganesa establishes the tole as an orga• might be a district that included several totes nizational unit of the town. Further, the of the town. Thimi is also said to have been divided into Tachhu, Wachhu, Nachhu, differences that exist between the east• Yema, Kwako, lnaya, and Bhudah-khet dis• em sector and the western sector of the tricts. These divisions were for the purpose o!d core of the town in the pattern of of tax collection. No community facility or distribution of chwasa indicate the pos• ritual artifact is known to belong in common sibility of later development ofth e west• to totes of such chhu. Thus, it appears that em sector compared to the sector at the 'chhu' was not the physical and community east of the main street. Therefore, the unit of settlement but an administrative di• toles that span both the eastern sector vision, which constantly did change bound• and the western sector classified as the aries, and disappeared following the new administration.

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and squares of a tole, although gener• Plann. Env., AIJ, 503, Jan, pp. 15 1- ally built, used and maintained by the 156. residents of the tole, are open to all the Gutschow, N., 1981. The Kathmandu: "His communities of the town. The building torical development, Spatial Struc• of the main square of the tole along the ture, Social and Ritual Topogra• phy", Khumbu Himal, 13/3. main streets and at the entry points to Holle, A., Toffin, G., and Rima!, K. P. , 1993. the town settlement essentially makes "The thirty two Maharjan Tols of the community life of the tole public and The Kathmandu City". in G. Toffi n, opens all the streets, lanes, squares and ed., The Anthropology ofN epal: the facilities of a tole to public use. No From Tradition to Modernity. gates are known to have been built to The Kathmandu, French Cultural enclose the tole territory ofThimi from Centre. the neighboring areas in the town. The Joshi, Hari Ram, 1996. Rolamba, Journal of artifacts oftales are what make the com• Joshi Research Institute, Vol. 16, munity structures of the town. Some of No. 1, Lalitpur. Kolver, B. and Shakya, Hemaraj, 1985. Palm the urban structures which belong to a Leaf Documents from Rudravarna larger community than to a tole territory Mahavihara, Wissenschaftsverlag, such as ancestral shrines, shrines of Sankt Augustin. Astamatrika-a set ofeight mother god• Kosambhi, D. D., 1960. "At the Crossroads: desses, and water tanks, are either lo• Mother Goddess Cult-Sites in An cated at the periphery of the settlement cient India", part I and II, Journal or belong to that part of the history at of Royal Asiatic Society, April, pp. the beginning of settlement, and are 17-34,0ct.l35-144. unique. Thus do not grow in number Malia, Kamal Prakash. 1981. Linguistic with the growth of the town. Thus, the Archaeology of Nepal Valley: A prliminary report, Kailash, vol. VII, tole is that unit of the town which is re• 1-2: pp 5-23. lated to the daily community life of the Malia, Kamal Prakash and Vajracharya residents, and which also gives the Dhanavajra, The Gopalrajvam• settlement ofThimi an urban character. savali. Nepal Research Centre Pub lications, No. 9, Franz Steiner References Verlag Wiesbaden GmBH, 1985. Nepali, Gopal Singh., The Newars. Madhab La! Maharjan, Himalayan Book Acharya, Jaya Raj, 1992. The Nepal sellers, The Kathmandu, reprint Mahatmya ofSkandhapurana. 1988 (1st edition, 1965). Department of Archaeology, n. d. Pant, Mohan and Funo, Shuji., 1998. "Spa Bhaktapursilalekha suchi (An In• tial Structure of a Buddhist Mon ventory of the Stone Inscriptions of astery Quarter of the city ofPatan, Bhaktapur), The Kathmandu. The Kathmandu Valley" . J. Archit. Dyos, H. J., ed., 1968. The Study of Urban Plann. and Environ. Eng. AIJ. No. History. London. 51 3, Nov, pp. 183-189. Funo, Shuji, 1998. "Ritual Facilities and - - 200 I. "Analysis of Settlement Clus Community Organization of ters and The Development of The Cakranegara City, Lombok, Indo Town ofThimi, T he Kathmandu nesia: Spatial Structure of Valley" . J. Archit. Plann. and Cakranegara, Part II", J. Archit.and Environ. Eng. AIJ. No. 543, May,

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pp. 177-185 Thimi, 1990. Municipality and Legal Frame Rajbamshi, S., ed., 1984. Bhumisambandhi work, The Kathmandu. tamsuk- tadapatra (Palm leaf land Tiwari, S. R., 1995. Patterns ofSettlements deed documents) part 2. Depart in The Kathmandu Valley in An ment of Archaeology, HMG of cient Period. PhD dissertation sub Nepal, (2041 VS). mitted to Tribhuvan University, --1987. "Bhumisambandhi kehi subsequently published as ' An - AitihasikTamsuk Tadpatra "(Some cient Settlements of The palm leafland deed documents), Kathmandu VaHey', Centre for Abhilekh, Vol. 5, (2044 VS). Nepal and Asian Studies, Slater, T. R., ed., 1990. The Built Form of Tribhuvan University, 200 I. Western Cities. Leicester Univer• sity Press, Leicester.

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Fig. 1. Kathmandu Valley

Fig. 2. The Region ofThimi

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Fig. 3. The town ofThimi

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.///:======·=-·:.

,,:==,:=· /

- Pati ~ Temple and Shrine 0 Shrine of Ganesa

Fig. 4. Community clusters of Ganesa shrine.

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=--'·

~ ~ · ' ~~. . ~ 1'r···· \ • l:J ·~ • .I ', ' >'---/ ~' · ~~~:' =~;~~~ ~"- ... ' ..,. .· •',, ,•, / ,, . ,, . ,, . /

Fig. 5. Structure o fTole Neighbourhoods.

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MARUTOI..E Fig. 6a

LEGEND • Pati + Chwasa • • • • • • Tole Boundary • Kshetrapala E Dwell ings D Rubbles of the pre~x i stin g dwe11ings • Temple ofGanesa --- Nani Boundary I. Temple of Ganes.a; 2. Dathu phale; 3. Dalan with dwellings in Note: The shaded areas represent individual nanis or dwelling clusters the upper floors; 4. Pati; 5. Extant plinths of early pati structures; ''ith one common kshetrapala (the protecting deity of the nani). 6. Dabali

Fig. 6. Oathu Tole. 6a: The territory of Dathu Tole; 6b: Oathu Square.

" -e. ,..----· --~ " ~=l O Me J '~ ''"-' ' =·---,.-..-- ·--·: :::::::.·.- , ::':: -'?

I \ \

Fig. 7a .LEGEND + Chwasa - Pati Kshett<'lpala •- " • • • Tole Boundal)• [J] Dwellings D Rubbles of the pre-e.xisting dwellings • Temple of Ganesa -- Nani Boundary A. Temple of Ganesa B. Temple of Mahadeva (Trilinga Bhairava) <;. Shivalinga D. Caitya E. Amoghapasa Lokesvara F. Stele G. Stone Fountam H. Caitya 0 25 SO M f1i\ bl t:::I:I:J:t! ==::::!1 IJY 1. 2. Pati with dwellings in the upper floors; 3. Mahadeva pati; 4,5. Pati

Fig. 7. Siva Tole. 7a: The territory of Siva Tole: 7b: Siva Square.

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LEGEND + Cbwasa • Ksherrapala • Temple of Ganesa - Pati ~ Temple and Shrine

• • • • • • Tole Boundary ------Secondary tole Boundary -- Nani Boundary

Fig. 8a

Fig. 8b Fig. 8c [ '. ~I Dwellings

A. Kuti chiba; B. Chapa!( community house); A. Temple of Ganesa; B. Shrine of Viswakruma; C. Chapa-chhen I. Lachhi phalaca(pati); 2. Jugi phalacha(pati). (community house); I. Pati: 2. Ganesa bhajan pati; 3. Extant plinth of pre-existing pati.

Fig. 8. Kumha-nani Tole. 8a: The territorY of Kumha-nani Tole; - 8b. Kuti-chiba Square; 8c: Kumh·a-nani Square.

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/ /

/ '. '

LEGEND Chwasa - -Primary Tole boundary -- Secondary Tole boundary

® 50 100

Fig. 9. Distribution of Chwasa--the crossroad spirits.

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/ \ I \ \ r

·.

Fig. I 0. Schematic Plan of Street Pattern and The Structure of Toles. The color shades represent the development phrases as show by distribution pattern of crossroad spirits--chwasa.

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