MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1963 215

alliance with the big monopolists who wield the private sector of production, and to abandon enormous economic power and are closely con­ India's policy of non-alignment. Indian monopoly nected with many leaders of the ruling party." circles hope to make bigger profits from the new This influence was revealed in the pressure upon gigantic arms programme. The result is that the Nehru Government to dissolve the Kerala India's poverty-stricken masses are being urged State Government which was led by Communists, to tighten their belts for further sacrifices. in the suppression of trade union struggles for Whatever happens in the efforts to settle India's higher wages, and in the opposition to drastic differences with China depends primarily on the land reform, struggle of its people against foreign domination India's reactionary parties and the right-wing and Indian monopoly capital. Only then will the in leading Congress circles have the backing of real voice of the Indian masses exert itself in the United States and British imperialism in the pres­ cause of world peace and friendly relations with sure for reducing the public sector and increasing all countries.

Philosophical Revisionism William Ash

N a very interesting little book, The Philo­ Existentialism sophy of Man,^ Adam Schaff, Professor of It is easy enough to understand why Sartre's IPhilosophy at the University of Warsaw and a French version of Existentialism should be the member of the Central Committee of the Polish specific philosophical guise adopted by certain Working People's Party, applies a Marxist revisionists in Poland. In eastern Europe, where analysis to the ideological ferment which has there were no indigenous bourgeois revolutions, characterised the intellectual life of Poland over middle class intellectuals long tended to look to the last few years. This is an important subject France as the original source of liberal ideas. It for consideration since many propagandists in the is only natural that in the changed circumstances so-called "free world" affect to find in Poland the of today those out of sympathy with the effort brightest prospects for "liberalisation" and the to build socialism should once more borrow assertion of "individual freedom". What they their ideological weapons from the same armoury. really mean, of course, is that the hankering after But there is a more particular reason why Sartre's bourgeois forms of art and philosophy by a sec­ philosophy suits their purpose. Since he has at­ tion of the Polish intelhgentsia encourages the tempted to combine an existentialist account of hope that the advance of socialism itself might be the plight of the individual with a Marxist retarded there or even reversed. account of society and its dynamics, the latter Professor Schaff believes that a failure to pro­ aspect of his thought provides a convenient cover vide an adequate Marxist explanation of mistakes for smuggling in the bourgeois idealism implicit and distortions in the difficult period of laying the in the former. foundations of a socialist society enabled certain In spite of its incorporation of certain Marxist "moralisers" to turn criticisms of the application elements, in spite of its superficial differences of Marxism into an attack on Marxism itself. He from earlier schools of thought, existentialism is also argues that in not developing the full impli­ unquestionably a form of bourgeois idealism. cations of Marxism in respect to individuals and Although Sartre derives a philosophy of anxiety their personal relationships an area of life was and despair from the absolute freedom of the left undefended against the invasion of bourgeois individual on which optimistic philosophies were ideas. "This deficiency is demonstrated by the fact once based, this is not because existentialism is that the Revisionist tendency in our country has any the less bourgeois but only because the bour­ borrowed heavily from Existentialism and has in geoisie itself no longer enjoys an undisturbed fact been sailing under its flag." vista of the continuous progress of humanity un­ der its benign rule. 1 Published by Lawrence and Wishart at 15s.

PRODUCED BY UNZ.ORG ELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED 216 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1963

The very fact that in different social contexts whose very attitudes are social products. Profes­ the doctrine of the sovereign individual will can sor Schaff believes that Marxists, while possessed result in such different attitudes toward life prac­ of the necessary dialectic for explaining the tically amounts to a refutation of any idea that nature of man-in-society, have paid insufficient the individual "is the independent creator of his attention to individual hopes and fears and have own destiny". The class character of existential­ thus allowed various forms of religion to win ism is further demonstrated by the nature of assent for their absolutist answers to certain those to whom it appeals—certainly not the human questions. Existentialism itself, even when toiling masses of Venezuela or Vietnam or professing to be atheistic, is just such a religion. France itself. It is an earnest of Marxism's pro­ Instead of postulating a god who has given man mise of a classless society that it speaks a lan­ freedom of choice in order to condemn him for guage simple enough to be grasped immediately his action in a world he is not responsible for, by the exploited millions who are the agents Sartre makes man himself his own judge in through struggle of social change and yet sophis­ respect to the use of his freedom of choice in a ticated enough to convince, if so far only par­ situation he does not control. Hence the self- tially, as urbane, though good-hearted, a bour­ loathing and despair which is not unlike the pes­ geois intellectual as Sartre. simism found in the writings of monks. But although existentialism cannot solve the The Individual and Society questions it raises. Professor Schaff argues that And yet it is not logically possible to combine the questions themselves must be considered— such disparate elements as existentialism and "questions of personal responsibility for one's Marxism in one synthetic philosophy. The basic actions, including political action in situations in­ existentialist contention that "existence is prior volving conflicts between opposing moral stand­ to essence" has entirely different consequences ards; questions also of the individual's place and from the Marxist thesis that "the social existence role in the world, which may be expressed of men determines their consciousness". The loosely as the meaning of life." Considering such abstract principle of the priority of existence over problems in a Marxist way involves deriving essence simply means, as developed by Sartre, from the general principles of historical material­ that the individual in isolation determines his own ism such propositions of socialist humanism, as: being by the free exercise of choice. In so far as "the specific understanding of the individual as his being involves relations with others, he creates a social product—as a product of the totality those very relationships by the way he chooses of social relations; the specific understanding of to act from an original voluntarism. This, of the relation of the individual to society on the course, is merely a social application of solipsism, basis of a materialist conception of social de- the philosophical cul-de-sac in which bourgeois development; and the recognition that ideals can idealism always finally fetches up. be realised only under given social conditions, What looks like a concession on Sartre's part without which recognition they degenerate into in admitting that only Marxism can account for Utopias. . . . The socialist humanist is persuaded that he can find personal happiness only through the dynamics of a society in movement proves the happiness of society." to be meaningless as long as he maintains as the starting point of his philosophy the "free indi­ vidual". Not only is "freedom" an empty term Socialist Humanism in respect to an individual conceived to begin But this socialist humanism must be clearly with as completely detached from social in­ distinguished by its concrete and militant nature fluences, but also no multiplication of such from moralistic humanism: abstract individuals would ever add up to a con­ "Socialist humanism is concerned with the crete society. From his existentialist account realisation of humanist aims under the concrete of the individual there is no logical way for conditions of modern society divided by class Sartre to advance to the realm of those actual struggles. It hence demands not only love for social events of which he is prepared to accept the people, but hatred of their enemies. ... In a Marxist analysis. real life we are confronted, not with man in general, but with people who defend definite Marxism, however, which does not philosophise interests and are correspondingly motivated and about man in the abstract but deals with specific organised. In real life the exploiters and oppres­ men as they have developed in this or that actual sors are bound to oppose with all their strength form of social organisation, is equipped to draw the realisation of the humanist ideal, and to try scientific conclusions about society and also to to put an end to the ideology which advocates provide a reasonable account of individuals it. . . . To be a humanist does not mean to love

PRODUCED BY UNZ.ORG ELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1963 217

people in general, to advocate abstract pacifism, matic thought is vitiated by extreme philosophical to reject all physical struggle. To be a humanist egoism which is simply a reflection of the prac­ today, when the realisation of humanist ideals tical selfishness characterising life in the atomised is no longer a Utopia, is to be a fighter. And he conditions of bourgeois society. who fights well must hate well." Ahenation is the point of contact between these And "just as the demand for absolute love is philosophers whom disillusionment with capital­ a mockery in conditions of struggle, so is the ism has given a negative outlook and Marxists as demand for absolute freedom. As long as there critics of capitalist society. In his earher writings are enemies of freedom, as long as they can fight Marx himself developed at some length the philo­ effectively, so long will it be necessary to strive sophical implications of alienation; but in his to limit their freedom." Because, as Professor more mature work, as Professor Schaff reminds Schaff explains: "the freedom of one class is us, he made little use of the term. The reason restricted or even destroyed by the freedom of for this is that in bourgeois society all men are another, and so they have different conceptions more or less alienated—the proletariat in their of freedom." As has already been noted, bour­ work and the bourgeois intellectuals in their geois philosophy in general takes as its point of thought; and therefore the concept of alienation departure the freedom of the individual, laying tends to blur the issue of class conflict. The great stress on its liberal ideal of the "free man". appropriation of surplus value, which makes But in practice this ideal proves to be the de­ quite clear who exploits whom, is the vital fact fence, as libertarian, of all social measures which about bourgeois society; and all the secondary insure the continuing rule of the bourgeoisie and effects of a social system based on exchange rela­ the suppression, as attacks on liberty, of any tionships can be considered under the general measures which would establish the freedom of descriptive term "commodity fetishism". This a class opposed to that rule. Arguments about more concrete analysis enables Marx not only to freedom in class-divided societies are thus be­ explain the social phenomenon of ahenation but devilled by the fact that the term actually has an to show precisely how it can be eliminated, by entirely different content, depending on which the successful struggle of the proletariat to end side is using it. In one case it means freedom to exploitation which involves the end of class dis­ exploit: in the other, freedom from exploitation. tinction. It is not surprising that bourgeois socio­ logists are prepared to find the writings of the Alienation young Marx stimulating and useful while reject­ While it is usually a simple matter for Marxists ing most of his later work. to point out the class interest barely concealed by the liberal phraseology employed by spokesmen The State of the bourgeoisie in the period when they were Sociahsm is not built in a day nor do attitudes still confident, the ideological situation is more and ways of thinking conditioned by centuries of confusing today. On the one hand, the chal­ class division disappear the moment the economic lenge to capitalism has brought about a bour­ basis of class has been altered. In the early stages geois crisis of faith in its own right and capacity of laying the foundation of socialist society there to rule which is reflected in an ever shriller in­ are temporary periods of confusion resulting sistence that nothing has changed and business from false starts and wrong turnings which may will go on as usual. On the other, the demorahsa- superficially resemble the confusion of a bour­ tion of bourgeois society has resulted in a dis­ geois society in a state of decay—just as a man enchantment with "liberalism" by certain phil­ cUmbing a slope and one slithering down it will osophers who have nothing constructive to put in at one point have the same view of the surround­ its place. Alienated from the society in which they ing country-side. It is this superficial resemblance find themselves, these philosophers can only take which has enabled the corrupted ideology of the alienation itself as the human condition. Loneli­ West to make its appeal to certain intellectuals ness and despair are man's portion and there is in Poland. The remedy for this tendency of some nothing much he can do about it. The freedom artists and intellectuals to look over their shoulders of the individual, which for those who continue to the West for inspiration does not lie in the to support the capitalist system is a licence to imposition of a rigid censorship but in the con­ enjoy privileges at the expense of others, has tinued development of socialist relationships and, become for those who no longer believe in capi­ particularly, the abolition of the antithesis be­ talism, but believe in nothing else either, the tween mental and manual labour in which such right to be miserable on their own—but miserable deviations from Marxism are rooted. in relative comfort of course. In both cases syste­ But at the same time, of course, as Professor

PRODUCED BY UNZ.ORG ELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED 218 MARXISM TODAY, JULY 1963

Schaff uncompromisingly states, there can be no remembered that if too much liberalism is a mis­ question of permitting people to exploit these take for which we may pay dearly, the price of temporary difficulties by advocating any political checking the progress of democratisation of retreat from Marxist-Leninist principles. "Those social life is equally heavy." who demanded 'institutional guarantees' for Philosophical revisionism is always the ideolo­ socialism in our country, betraying thereby their gical reflection of class-compromise or, even, desire for the parliamentary system to be intro­ class-collaboration. It is the result of defeatism duced, were deeply mistaken." Such people, he on the part of those who are overawed by the argues, conveniently forget the role of the state apparent strength of the class enemy and are and its institutions in the conflict between classes thus led to play down the necessity of class over different conceptions of freedom. "The state struggle. is always a class instrument. Its function is to But overestimating the strength of the class guard and serve those conceptions of freedom enemy really means underestimating the power of which follow from the interest of the dominant the people—the combined force of the millions class." This is proved by the way "the bour­ who suffer from class depredation. As Professor geoisie sweeps parliament itself, together with all Schaft' concludes his book: the institutional guarantees, off the map, even in countries of old parliamentary tradition, as soon "One may object to socialism in its entirety, as it appears that this form of rule no longer one may stubbornly deny its humanism; but the ensures its domination." What revisionists either hungry and exploited will sooner or later come to understand that hunger will finally cease m consciously or unconsciously choose to ignore this world of potential abundance only when in questions of freedom is "the dialectical rela­ the system of exploitation is abolished. . . . tionship of democracy and dictatorship as the What enthuses fighters against enslavement are expression of the conflicts latent in our social the real perspectives of liberation and the structure. Marxism holds that full democracy attractiveness of its examples. For the peoples can be attained only by means of a dictatorship of Asia, Africa and Latin America the teachers exercised against the enemies of democracy, and and models will continue to be the Soviet Union regards the dictatorship of the proletariat as a and People's China, and certainly not Portugal, higher form of democracy in comparison with Belgium, Great Britain or the United States of America." bourgeois democracy." Professor Schaff justifies the continued use of a name emphasising the It is in the "real perspectives of liberation" and dictatorial and not the democratic side of a new the prospect of true freedom for the great mass socialist state on historical grounds. "The Com­ of people when imperiahsm has been smashed munist movement wanted sharply to distinguish that Professor Schaff shows up the dishonest pre­ its own from the bourgeois-liberal and social- tensions of bourgeois philosophy with all its talk democratic conceptions of the state. The termi­ about the liberty of the individual. As a Marxist nology came into use in controversies concerning he subjects the ideas of bourgeois apologists to the nature of the class struggle under capitalism the test of concreteness to discover the class and of the socialist revolution." interests behind their abstractions and the ideas Of course once a socialist revolution has been of revisionists to the test of mihtancy to prove consohdated, it is important that ever broader the insincerity of their professed desire for social masses of people should be drawn into direct change. Concreteness in thought and militancy in participation in deciding public questions; and the action of class struggle are shown throughout Professor Schaff is critical of over-caution in this this little book to be the touchstones of true matter by those in leading positions. "It must be Marxism-Leninism.

PRODUCED BY UNZ.ORG ELECTRONIC REPRODUCTION PROHIBITED