Mothers, Goddesses, and Hippies: Counterculture Women in The

Home , Alternative lifestyle, Diggers (theater), Divine (performer), Lenore Kandel, Peyote, San Francisco Oracle

MOTHERS, GODDESSES, AND HIPPIES: COUNTERCULTURE WOMEN IN THE

AMERICAN WEST (1967-1977)

A University Thesis Presented to the Faculty

California State University, East Bay

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of History (M.A.)

Ivana Kurak

December, 2020

ii MOTHERS, GODDESSES, AND HIPPIES: COUNTERCULTURE WOMEN IN THE

AMERICAN WEST (1967-1977)

By Ivana Kurak

Approved: Date:

Electronic signatures available 12/11/2020

Dr. Linda Ivey

Dr. Benjamin Klein

iii

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank: the California University East Bay History department for providing the knowledge, support, and inspiration to pursue this project. Dr. Benjamin

Klein for his invaluable insight and mentorship from the very beginning of this project.

Dr. Linda Ivey for her kind words and continued encouragement in the most trying times.

The California University East Bay Center for Student Research for funding my trip to

New Mexico so I could visit real communes and meet the woman I was writing about and for and sponsoring my spot at the California State University Research Competition which allowed me to present my work to. I would also like to thank my father for encouraging me to go to college and for listening to all my ideas for this project at least three times. A very special thanks to A. Brooks Moyer for being my life coach and editor.

This work is dedicated in memory of Jason McDaniel who took me on my first trip into the counterculture.

Table of Content

Acknowledgments iv

Defining a Movement 1

Literature Review 5

Chapter One. Leaving Home: The Beginning of a Pilgrimage 12

San Francisco or Bust 16

Exodus to the Country 23

Crescit Eundo: The Growing Counterculture 26

Communities in Taos

Hippies or Gunslingers? 28

Conclusion 30

Chapter Two. Cultural Revolutions on the Communes 31

The Pill, Censorship and American Values 32

No Shoes, No Shirt, No Worries 35

Sex and the Social Order 38

Rejecting the Nuclear Family and Embracing Community 40

The Economics of Sisterhood 43

Voluntary Poverty and Gender Roles: Life in the Beginning 44

Women’s Work; Production and Consumption 47

Transfer of Wealth and Knowledge 51

Conclusion 53

Chapter Three. Motherhood and Family Dynamics 54

Divine Birth and the Power Shift 55

Homebirth 57

Out of the Hospital and into the Wild: Homebirth on the Communes 60

Rejecting the Nuclear Family and Embracing the Tribal Family 63

It’s Ten O’clock, Do You Know Where Your Counterculture Children Are? 68

Alternative Education 71

Conclusion 75

Finding Home: Change in America 76

Endnotes 79

Bibliography 100

Defining a Movement

It must have been a shocking moment for Aunt Rhue as she sat reading Time magazine’s July 7th, 1967 cover story in her New York apartment.[1] The article included several photographs, one of which taken in California showed three young people, two women and a man plus a dog sitting on a hillside. The group sat near a strange platform structure, talking amongst themselves. Of the three youth, one woman was completely naked in the sunshine, and next to her was the teapot that Aunt Rhue had given her 24- year-old niece Pamala (Pam) Jane Read on her wedding day. Later, when Pam would tell this story, she would note that a, "Funny addendum to this is that my parents couldn't brag about their daughter being in Time mag cuz it was such a scandal."[2] Pam was one of the thousands of young women who left their homes in the suburbs and cities of

America to embrace the hippie communes of the 1960s and 70s.

While there are many images of women from this period in the popular imagination: the earth goddesses, the sluts, the free spirits, the pagans, they are cliché facades that hide the reality of the lives of everyday women. My research follows women and their families in what I call the Western Hippie Migration. This journey was from their various hometowns to San Francisco, followed by an exodus to Northern

California's communes, then eventually settling in New Mexico. Throughout this paper, I use colloquialisms that my subjects would have used during this era. Hippie itself is a loaded term. Some consider it an insult; some consider it a title of pride. For this paper, I define a hippie as a participant of the counterculture who rejected mainstream America by deciding to not participate in society as opposed to protesting or trying to change it

from within. The hippies I discuss left or "dropped out" of society. They sought an alternative culture. They came of age, had families, gained their “real-world” experiences living on the land communally with others.

I reference the mainstream as well as straight culture, both represented American societal norms of the time. The hippie's criticism of the mainstream was scrutiny of capitalism, the military-industrial complex, the Vietnam War, a culture they believed over consumed, and underappreciated humanity's value. The hippies also criticized the social norms that their parents seemed to accept, Judeo-Christian ethics, a society highly divided by race and gender, and American intervention on foreign soil. It is difficult to categorize and fit the communal movement into neat boxes easy to define. They prided themselves on being different. Each commune had its rules or lack of rules. Some communes operated in cities, some in tipis, members were often transient, and one could be a part of different communes at the same time. The definition of a commune for the terms of this paper involves members who live on open land, participate in some kind of group living, and share a goal of living in voluntary poverty. They were, and still are, philosophical societies closely connected by a shared ideology.

My research began with these questions: How far away from social norms did the hippies go regarding gender roles? Were women ever freed from these expectations?

What did family life on the communes look like? This research argues that counterculture women were practicing gender equality through social and economic means resulting from communal living. Mainstream society had regulated gender roles to the public sphere and the domestic sphere. Communes represented a third sphere, a new

experimental ground safe from mainstream criticisms and economic pressures. I explore everyday women's lives in the counterculture and the complex roles they created within these new societies. This form of inquiry will help fill the historiographical void that revolves around hippie women living on communes.

In chapter one, Leaving Home: The Beginning of a Pilgrimage, I discuss the push and pull factors that led hippies out of their suburban homes to the city of San Francisco then into the communes of Northern California and New Mexico. This chapter highlights the conflict between American society and hippies from the federal to the local level.

Chapter two, Cultural Revolutions on the Communes, examines the new identities women crafted for themselves once women were released from societal expectations. The

Sexual Revolution in America became the Free Love moment on the communes.

Communal life meant that women had a ready support network that encouraged sexual discussion and exploration. Sexuality had been so long stigmatized that women found psychological release from guilt and shame when able to explore their desires without judgment. Refusal to participate in the American economy meant hippies had to become as self-sustaining as possible. Being dedicated to voluntary poverty released them from an economic situation that made them reliant on men. In this, women took on the central responsibilities of work on the communes finding pride and purpose in their self-reliance.

Chapter three, Motherhood and Family Dynamics looks at how motherhood and family life changed once taken out of the isolated nuclear families typical of the mainstream. Living on communes allowed women to have a hands-on role in their children's birth and emotional development. Many women, such as Pam Read, became

midwives since no hospital was available to go to; natural childbirth became popular with women and men alike. Women spent more time with their children, thus prompting them to consider alternative education that reflected counterculture values.

Literature Review

The youth in the 1960s participated in a vast movement with so many facets that accurately describing them seemed impossible. Pop culture referred to them as hippies, yet this term seemed to lack the true essence of what they were. Not all of them dressed the same, nor did they all share similar political beliefs (many were apolitical), some lived in the cities, some packed up supplies and headed for farms, open spaces of land in order to live closer to nature. Categorizing all of these youth as merely a part of a singular movement with no name could not accurately describe who they were until 1969. The historian Theodore Roszak coined the term counterculture in his book The Making of a

Counter Culture: Reflections on the Technocratic Society and its Youthful Opposition.[3]

Since 1969 scholars have begun to unravel the complexity and various divisions within the counterculture. Scholars are now investigating the counterculture not as a unified movement but as a multifaceted social movement with youth participating in various subcultures within the counterculture's main body.

In 2013 Anthony Ashbolt wrote A Cultural History of the Radical Sixties in the

San Francisco Bay Area.[4] He focused his study of the counterculture specifically on the

San Francisco Bay Area. In this book, Ashbolt argued that political activism is directly linked to the concept of space. Activists took over the spatial landscape of San Francisco in a fight that mirrored the counterculture's attitude towards capitalist materialism.

Ashbolt stated, "Spatial forms within contemporary capitalism possess a definite symbolic power."[5] He referred to cultural radicals as predominately young organizers who were Anglo-Americans and from the upper-middle and upper classes. For Ashbolt,

the Bay Area had a unique history of community organization and activism that began in the 1840s with unions, continued through the 1920s’ longshoreman strikes, then post-

WWI's practicing Bay Area communists. Hippies were a continuation of this legacy of radical thinkers. This began to answer the question of why San Francisco? Why did hippies flock to the Bay Area instead of Nebraska or some other location? Ashbolt argued that this region has exceptionalism in its historical context, "Without the historical framework, embodying a strong tradition of political and cultural radicalism, San

Francisco and even the Bay Area would not have figured so prominently in the

1960s.”[6]

Ashbolt saw the Bay Area as an authentic, anti-establishment movement while the East coast, for example, experienced an alternative cultural movement that was rooted in consumerism. The rights of people to free space reflected the counterculture's fight against materialism and consumer culture. For example, in chapter three, Free Speech,

Free Space highlights how Berkeley students won their rights to free speech only after occupying campus buildings such as Sproul Hall and the campus plaza. Similarly, cultural radicals in San Francisco took over public spaces in an effort to draw attention to their agendas. Authorities were challenged, they wanted calm and order not massive media attention. The youth pointed out that legally it was public property and they were within their rights. In the San Francisco Bay Area radical protesters through their demonstrations forever changed the perception of how public spaces can be used.

A Cultural History of the Radical Sixties in the San Francisco Bay Area was significant in its attempts to thoroughly analyze why the San Francisco Bay Area was so

unique as a gathering place for the counterculture. Roszak and other historians acknowledge the importance of the Bay Area during the 60s and 70s yet fail to investigate why this is so. Ashbolt was persuasive, but his argument has a glaring hole in considering the accounts of women or minorities in Bay Area counterculture.

Timothy Hodgdon published Manhood in the Age of Aquarius: Masculinity in

Two Countercultural Communities, 1965-83, in 2007.[7] Hodgdon's previous research focused on the role of gender in America's social movements. His interest in gender dynamics is reflected in this engaging text, in which he states: "This is not a study of the

‘typical’ hippie man- if ever such a figure existed."[8] Hodgdon looked beyond the cultural stereotypes of the long-haired, shoeless man holding up a peace sign. He sought to understand what he called, "hip-masculinity"[9] by focusing on two Haight-Ashbury counterculture communities the Diggers and the Farmies. The Diggers were a kind of anarchist collective known for their hippie social work, they gave out free supplies to those who needed it, held social events, and distributed prolific informational handbills.

For Hodgdon, they seemed to, "valorized the manliness of the principled outlaw."[10]

The Farmies were followers of the self-appointed guru Stephen Gaskin, who preached finding peace by looking inward and for whom: "Vows of marital fidelity and premarital chastity took on significance as spiritual commitment…"[11]The masculine identity of an individual was not shaped by society but by the collective ideology of each sub-sect, he stated, "I argue, that the Digger's and Farmies' distinctive forms of countercultural manhood emerged in consonance with, and in response to, their respective primary commitments to anarchist or mystical ideology and praxis."[12] Where Ashbolt dealt

primarily with Bay Area history and the importance of the region in collective activism,

Hodgdon focused on the culture beneath youth radicalism, providing readers with a more profound insight into the culture than Ashbot presents.

His most substantial contribution to contemporary scholarship is presenting the complexity within the various hippie factions. Most scholars such as Ashbolt present the youth of Haight-Ashbury i.e. the hippies as one unified body and the politicos of

Berkeley as completely separate entities. The understanding of these divisions can help readers make sense of hippie politics as different communes formed and why eventually many clashed with each other in New Mexico.

Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo offered a contrasting scholarly work to Timothy

Hodgdon’s work about masculinity in the counterculture with her book Daughters of

Aquarius: Women of the Sixties Counterculture.[13] Published in 2009, it is a rare full- length scholarly work that focused exclusively on countercultural women's lives. Lemke-

Santangelo argues that this group has long been ignored, “ [Cultural feminism] undergirded many post-1960’s social movements and lifestyle shifts… Hippie women, as its co-architects, if not the primary architects, have long been ignored and marginalized, relegated to the sidelines of both the counterculture and women’s movements.”[14]

Lemke-Santangelo conducted extensive interviews, which she refers to throughout her book to strip away stereotypes and show how everyday women drove the counterculture by exploring their sexuality, spirituality, and sisterhood. Unlike the previous authors discussed, Lemke-Santangelo devoted a significant portion of her study to examining the

influential cultural impact hippie women made in the 1970s and 1980s. These women began the New Age movement, became activists, and spread second-wave feminism.[15]

Unlike Ashbolt, Lemke-Santangelo emphasized that the hippie movement across

America, showing the effects of this movement were culturally widespread. While the topic is similar to Hodgdon, Daughters of Aquarius’ strength lies in the sampling of various women from though out the counterculture instead of sampling from only two groups as Hodgdon did. By choosing a broad spectrum of subjects, Lemke-Santangelo gives the reader a survey of women’s various roles and identities in the 1960s.

New Mexico experienced a surge of hippie newcomers in the late 1960s, including former commune participant Iris Keltz. In her book Scrapbook of a Taos

Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution (2000)[16] Keltz combined newspaper clippings, interviews, and her recreations of events from living on the New

Buffalo commune in Taos. Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie displays how many people sought an alternative lifestyle in the communes. Like Ashbolt, Keltz believed in regional exceptionalism only for Keltz the magic for hippies was in New Mexico, not the San

Francisco Bay Area. Where Hodgdon began to show how two different hippie groups could be so opposite in their beliefs Keltz’s first-hand accounts, interviews, and newspaper clippings help complete this understanding of how hippies arranged their social orders and utopian societies.

Keltz took a similar direction to Lemke-Santangelo by documenting where some hippies from the communes went after the Cultural Revolution by ending the scrapbook with interviews and articles from the 80s and 90s thus demonstrating their continued

legacy. An article from the Taos News titled New Buffalo Ends an Era describes how one of the last communes (New Buffalo) was sold. The owners stated, "We can't hold up the '60s for everybody".[17] Keltz's portrayal of the hippie counterculture shows that the hippies' spirit endures in drum circles in the deserts and urban gardening in the suburbs.

Commune member Skip Stone notes, "The way of the hippie never died. There have always been hippies from the first time society laid down rules, to Jesus, to Henry David

Thoreau, to John Lennon, to you and me."[18] This book does not draw conclusions; it presents its evidence through interviews and memories of residents. This book is a vital primary source for anyone studying communes in the 1960s.

The political, cultural, and social significance of the 1960s and 1970s has become a popular topic for American historians. In the past 50 years, scholarship has moved away from presenting the hippie women as passive observers in revolutionary times to contributors who left a legacy of lasting change. Anthony Ashbolt demonstrated how the long history of activism in the San Francisco Bay Area made this region ripe for the counterculture, for Timothy Hodgdon by analyzing notions of masculinity in two different hippie groups he demonstrated the various inner politics of two of the subgroups of hippies living in Haight-Ashbury neighborhood. Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo concerned herself with gender relations amongst hippie women and sets up Aquarius' daughters as the ushers of the Second-wave feminism. Iris Keltz provides readers with honest accounts told by the counterculture themselves giving readers a personal insight into hippie life in New Mexico.

All these authors provide a greater understanding of the complexity of the hippie legacy in American culture. Unfortunately, there are merely two dedicated works by scholars amid the numerous memoirs that focus on gender roles. Only one, Lemke-

Santangelo’s work, details the experiences of women throughout America. In this study, I focus on women and their families, who followed a specific geographical diaspora. This microanalysis allows for an in-depth look at how larger American society, small-town politics, racial dynamics, and local traditions impacted hippie women. When society allowed women few opportunities to discover and understand themselves communal life provided a reprieve, a chance to experiment with their identities while receiving support through communal networks. By intentionally living a life that critiqued American values, women achieved autonomy and independence through their sexuality, work, family, and spiritual lives. Woven within this examination of domestic life on the communes are debates continue today in America; censorship versus free speech, individualism versus the collective good, consumerism and the economy, stewardship, and who should lead and who should be led.

Chapter One

Leaving Home: The Beginning of a Pilgrimage

In the 1960s, hippie phenomena lured thousands of youth away from their homes in the American suburbs. The mainstream felt like they were losing control; thus, traditional society began to push back, beginning a trend of hippie persecution. This group called the hippies was a new sub-sect of the counterculture; they were predominately white, middle-class youth from the suburbs who rejected mainstream culture in favor of living off the land, Free Love, and open spiritual exploration. This chapter intends to provide background on who these youth were, what they were doing leaving their homes, establish where commune members settled, and examine why there was a continued conflict between hippies and the mainstream.

Hippiedom had become a national sensation that beckoned America’s youth out of the suburbs and universities. Americans across the nation were taking notice that something was changing. Aunt Rhue was aware of this new movement forming in

America, even if she did not understand. It was, after all, a story titled The Hippies:

Philosophy of a Subculture that Aunt Rhue had been reading in July of 1967 when she saw her niece Pam, naked and living on a commune.[19] She may have been listening to the radio and heard Scott McKenzie's new song San Francisco (Be Sure to Wear Flowers in Your Hair), which had been released only a month before in June.[20] McKenzie’s lyrics resonated with young adults everywhere when he sang, "All across the nation, Such a strange vibration, People in motion.”[21] Counterculture youth heard the call for action, for migration, and were curious about what this new movement could offer.

Victoria Miller from New York was just one example. She felt alienated and realized her unhappiness with her current place in life after taking acid and having her first "trip." In April of 1967, she wrote a letter to the San Francisco Oracle. The Oracle was an independent hippie publication that was rooted in San Francisco but had spread by hippies’ hands throughout the country. Victoria began her letter with, "This is a plea for help."[22] Victoria stated that after her first trip, she realized that she felt like she was a prisoner as well as the prison. Victoria was nervous about making the right decision about moving to San Francisco to embrace the Hippie Movement and stated, “I am afraid.

What if it isn’t as it seems…”[23] She expressed her shy nature and fear, “If I would come it would be alone. And I would probably never lift my eyes from the sidewalk…. and how does one make friends or get help if no one can see the plea in your eyes because you are looking down.”[24] Victoria was one of the thousands who were dissatisfied and sought a life away from all they had previously known she asked,

"please, please could someone, would someone take the time to write me and tell me the right things so I won't be afraid to come to San Francisco."[25]

With an air of theater, the editor of The Oracle Allen Cohen replied to Victoria's plea for help with encouragement. This journey, according to Cohen, should be a journey of love and self-discovery: "You must lift your head up from the ground by having faith.

By finding within your own brightness and letting it shine. Let go -- be born again."[26]

Cohen captures this urgent sense to leave and gather with other like-minded youth, felt by the hippies, as he tells Victoria, “There is something happening here (spreading eastward). The thing that is happening I can only call a ‘rebirth of wonder’-- it is the

gathering together in harmony and union of the tribes of beings who have woken up to the nature of being.”[27] There is no way to know if Victoria acted on Cohen's advice, but Victoria was not the only one who felt the need to uproot herself in search of a new life within the counterculture.

All across the nation, youth were on the move. As thousands of kids ran away from home, mainstream society began to perceive the counterculture as a predatory threat to their sons and daughters. Stories in the press reflected these anxieties. In August 1967, the Oakland Tribune ran an article titled, "Hippie Communities Lure Girl Escapists," documenting the increase in runaways steadily rising from the spring to summer months throughout the Bay Area.[28] What worried authorities was a new kind of runaway. Lt.

N. D. Holthus, head of the Contra Costa County juvenile division, remarked, “The old stand-by type of runaway girl probably isn’t running any more than ever. But the hippie runaways are kinds who never before would think of leaving home.”[29] The media also released narratives of runaways becoming victims and drug addicts upon entering San

Francisco. One journalist for the Oakland Tribune, Larry Fields, wrote a colorful story about a supposed runaway named Nancy from Canton, Ohio, and her "pilgrimage" to San

Francisco. He describes the 18 year old as “overweight and over-eager” when she

“waddled into the Haight last July” looking for romantic love.[30] Instead, Nancy finds

LSD and replaces her want of human companionship with drug addiction. This cautionary tale does not have a happy ending, and Fields' reported that Nancy was dependent on drugs, “still living in The Haight more predator than Hippie, hostess to revolving refugee groups of female teeny-boppers, grateful for what she considers her

solution, the chemical solution.”[31] Parents, especially those of the middle class, wondered how they could protect their children from such a fate.

This growing fear marked the fracturing of the American suburban family.

Parents began seeking alternatives to prevent their children from wanting to run away and join the hippies. Experts and advice columnists cautioned parents that they needed to change their habits in order to combat the hippie threat. Dr. David M. Smith, medical director of the Haight-Ashbury Free Clinic, wrote “A Creative Home Can Counter

Hippies Lure” explaining, "The children who come there seem to come from the more rigid families; families that put the clamps on creative outlets."[32] Additionally, Dr.

Smith argues that parents needed to be genuine with their children so that they would not feel like the hippies were their only alternative. This generation was different, "Kids today know all about the atom bomb and Vietnam and race riots. When their parents were their age all they thought about was sports.”[33] Also, Dr. Smith advocated more open communication in families, for parents to talk to their children about drugs, and if they used drugs to take them to a doctor instead of turning them into the police. Perspectives from the mainstream such as Dr. Smith's were rare. The media generally reacted with vitriol towards the counterculture, running condescending headlines such as “The Hippie

Solution: Soap and Water.”[34] This reflected a wide-held belief that the hippie movement was destroying American society.

San Francisco or Bust

Similar to the British Puritans in 1630, the hippies rejected the material comfort of their homes and made for the West Coast in search of a safe space to practice their beliefs: the first stop was San Francisco and the Summer of Love. But San Francisco was not necessarily the Eden it promised to be. With the influx of youth and city resources spread thin, hunger and violence became common, making a safe life impossible for women and their young families. These combined stresses led to hippie families becoming outcasts leaving San Francisco for refuge in the countryside.

Before this exodus began, the utopian promise had lured thousands to the heart of

San Francisco. On January 21-23, 1966 the Trips Festival was held in the

Longshoremen’s Hall in San Francisco the first major psychedelic music event of its kind. Then one year later in January of 1967, hippies held a massive event in Golden

Gate Park called the Human Be-In. The success of these two events demonstrated to hippies that San Francisco was going to become the center of the movement. Word spread rapidly throughout the country and by the Spring of 1967, residents of the Haight-

Ashbury neighborhood (next to Golden Gate Park) prepared for what would be a massive influx of new hippies. Allen Cohen, editor of the Oracle, predicted a “flock of about 300 thousand” people would arrive for the Summer of Love. [35] In what must be one of history’s most successful non-commercial marketing campaigns, thousands of hippies descended upon the city for the Summer of Love in 1967. The hippies brought with them peace and love, but no cash. Hunger became a problem.

The poverty experienced by this subculture, and the associated risks, were topics often brought up in press coverage. The Oakland Tribune interviewed a girl named

"Today" Malone who was described as "the quintessential flower-child" -- “seriously hooked on U-No bars and Twinkies but her usual diet consist[ed] of oatmeal three times a day; its cheap and nutritious.”[36] The local government provided no aid such as food stamps, health services or temporary shelter, thus local hippies tried to help each other with their limited resources.

Among those who tried to help were a San Francisco-based group called the

Diggers. They were an anarchist communal group of hippies who attempted to provide resources such as clothes and food for free to the steadily growing number of counterculture residents in the Haight-Ashbury. They denounced American greed and capitalism while promoting community self-reliance though satirical plays and public demonstrations. The Diggers did not have an official leader -- they believed that having rules and authority figures was in conflict with man's instincts -- although Emmett

Grogan was their principal organizer and de facto leader.[37] Grogan never claimed authority over the group, but as their fame grew, and the media looked to interview him, he famously had every member claim to be Grogan when asked. Reporters interviewed dozens of these so-called “Grogans,” including one woman. The Diggers operated by working on a donation-based system wherein hippies and businesses dropped off goods that they no longer needed then others came and picked up items that they may require.

This group organized a free store on Haight street with the words “Don’t Waste. Give to the Diggers” painted on the window. Digger women went out to markets since they were

more likely to convince merchants to donate blemished fruits and vegetables to their cause. The Diggers were so persuasive and resourceful that a member who had a marine biologist connection in Richmond had a whole whale donated, and everyone ate whale for months.[38] Former Digger David Lee Pratt was a transplant from New York to the

San Francisco counterculture scene. He remembered how impoverished he and his wife were upon arrival, saying, “We used to go to Golden Gate Park on Sunday and watch the

Diggers feed all these people. I admired them very much.”[39] The Diggers fed hundreds of people for free, helping serve the counterculture community.

Outside of the Diggers, local opinions on the hippies’ presence were divided.

While the city’s government consistently rejected proposals to aid the hippie population, some residents who interacted with them liked the hippies and tried to incorporate them into their community. The division in feelings between local governments and residents would be a trope that played out again and again as the hippies attempted to find a permanent home. Frank Kavanaugh, a 14 year resident of the neighborhood and member of the [Haight-Ashbury Neighborhood Council, delivered a plea for aide and resources for the Haight-Ashbury neighborhood in May of 1967.[40] Kavanaugh had welcomed the hippies as new members of the community, referring to how their non-materialistic lifestyle served as a lesson to the straight community. He stated that, "After the shock of initial alarm died down, then the shock of recognition set in. The freaks slowly emerged as people." He continued, "The new community by its rejection of certain middle-class attitudes of comfort, security, position, and property has pointed out to us our exaggerated concern for these material distractions."[41] Kavanaugh saw the

relationships building within the community as a bridge between straight culture and the counterculture and feared this work being undone, “Yet the damage has been done, the sensational publicity has spread its contagion, and D-day approaches. …If the straight community does not turn off its fear and respond to the many needs which will become apparent this summer, then it will only affirm the ugly image of narrow self-concern which had originally been attributed to it by the new community.”[42] Regardless, headlines, such as "Mayor Warns Hippies to Stay Out of Town,” appeared in the San

Francisco Chronicle, demonstrating the city’s defensive mindset.[43] The hippies were

“officially” declared unwelcome in the city.

The counterculture came to San Francisco seeking a peaceful refuge, but the city, despite its progressive reputation, was changing. The Haight-Ashbury neighborhood did not have the resources to handle so many new residents so suddenly. Weed and LSD use gave away to more addictive substances such as meth and heroin. Lack of available housing led to crammed quarters that resulting in unsanitary conditions that appalled health inspectors. An increased police presence led to more raids in hippie homes. It was women who were often the targets of violence, making stable family life impossible in

San Francisco. Walking the streets had become increasingly dangerous, and the hippies in the city took notice and tried to protect their communities through education. They distributed flyers with safety information, some, referred to as street raps, were stapled to telephone poles and glued to walls around the city. The Diggers, the Communication

Company (a pseudonym used by community activist Chester Anderson), and individuals would post these street raps, often promoting hippie safety. Some, however, were more

frivolous and served as a community notification board advertising games of capture the flag in the park, poems about love, and items individuals needed. More commonly they contained serious subject matter about the realities of life in the Haight. These contained information such as if a bad batch of acid was being sold, what a citizen's rights were if they were arrested, as well as advertisements for the Diggers’ "survival schools." These classes aimed to teach incoming hippies to the city how to be street smart, and these street raps highlighted the everyday dangers of living in the city. One such street rap advertised every Tuesday at 8pm a class on "Sex Lore: how to avoid gangbangs, rape,

VD & pregnancy," as well as "how to avoid beatings & starvation, and how to survive without money.”[44]

One street rap by Haight-Ashbury resident Chester Anderson titled Uncle Tim$

Children (uncle Tim refers to ex-Harvard University professor and acid maker Timothy

Leary) acted as both rant and warning about the kind of scene Haight-Ashbury had become. He began his street rap with a story:

Pretty little 16-year-old middle-class chick comes to the Haight to see what it’s all about & gets picked up by a 17-year-old street dealer who spends all day shooting her full of speed again & again, then feeds her 3000 mikes & raffles off her temporarily unemployed body for the biggest Haight Street gang bang since the night before last.[45]

Anderson observed the hippie community decaying due to the commercial interests of those who profited from an influx of hippie youth to the area. Anderson and the Diggers accused the HIP (Haight Street Independent Proprietors, i.e., Haight's businessmen) psychedelic merchants of profiting off the hippies, refusing to give back to the

community, and ignoring problems they helped create. Another street rap stated, “The

HIP Merchants have lured a million children here recklessly & irresponsibly, & now that the children are arriving, more & more every day, the HIP Merchants are maintaining their irresponsibility with an iron-clad firmness.”[46]

By autumn of 1967, the Haight had become more troubled. Newsweek’s cover story in the last week of October reflected this mood aptly titled, “Trouble in

Hippieland,” and portrayed two desolate youth huddled together on its cover.[47] Sexual violence against women created an atmosphere of fear; as Anderson expressed, “Rape is as common as bullshit on Haight Street.”[48] Women, especially naive runaway girls, were targeted in the city. One such gruesome tale horrified San Franciscans in the winter of 1968. Ann Jiminez was a 19-year-old runaway from Washington who was living in

San Francisco when she was beaten and raped in what the papers called a three-hour

"Orgy Death.”[49] The perpetrators accused Jiminez of stealing a pair of black boots, thus inciting the attack. The last time she talked to her mother, Jiminez claimed that the neighborhood was getting “too tough.”[50] As the Haight-Ashbury neighborhood became increasingly violent, women were frequently the victims of violence. Hippies began to discuss leaving for the countryside where they believed they could live peacefully and raise their families safely.

Communes offered an alternative for the urban hippie families that lived in San

Francisco. Stephen Walzer was a photographer and woodcut designer working in San

Francisco in the late 1960s and early 1970s who participated in this debate on where hippies should live. For one of his projects, Walzer worked with Allen Cohen, in

publishing the book Childbirth is Ecstasy.[51] Walzer and Cohen were friends who corresponded between the years 1971-1972 about work and family.[52] Walzer confided in Cohen that while he loved his family, he would leave them if his wife Sara ever made him get a "straight" job. Walzer chronicled his troubles: at home, finding authenticity in his life, and his desire to leave the city for the farm. In his last letter, Walzer states, "For last few weeks there has been too much chaos and deep inability to accept my family, neighbors, destiny with them- the noise of the city + people living around me has put me in touch with my darkness.”[53]

San Francisco, once the glowing promise land of the counterculture, had taken on a different, darker identity. Future commune member Joyce Robinson recalled her neighborhood at the time when she decided to move her family to a commune: "Max and

I lived on Haight Street with our two children, Michael and Rachael. It was before the

Diggers came, and the neighborhood was still quiet. By the time we left, there were cops on every corner and stoned people everywhere."[54]

Pam Read, who had undoubtedly surprised her Aunt Rhue, was working as a topless dancer in San Francisco's North Beach when she first heard about Morningstar, a commune in Sonoma County located an hour away from the city. It was the Diggers who informed her, her husband, and their two kids about a place where "land access is denied to no one." That weekend the Read family decided to hitchhike up to the property for a look. Thus for many, the exodus began. Corruption within the hippie community in the city took a toll on women and their families. Many counterculture participants left the city for a new life of independence and freedom in the communes.

Exodus to the Country

It was on the communes that hippies sought refuge to practice their beliefs and raise families freely. Morningstar Farm in Sonoma County was one of the first large scale communes to which hippies flocked, having been established as an alternative living community for those wanting to escape the city. Morningstar co-founders Lou Gottlieb and Ramon Sender met during the Tripps festival in January, 1966.[55] The Tripps festival was a three-day music event organized by Ken Kesey, Stewart Brand, Bill

Graham, Ramon Sender, and the Merry Pranksters that featured the Grateful Dead, light shows, dancing, strobe lights, and acid spiked kool-aid.[56] During the festival, the two men got to talking, “about community and living in the country,” when Gottlieb remembered that he owned 32 acres in Sonoma county.[57] Shortly after, Ramon and a group of people moved up to “the farm." Word had gotten around, by March of 1966,

Gottlieb received a phone call, "from the Diggers asking if they could send a group up to tend the orchards and plant a garden."[58] Thus Pam Read and her family ended up at

Morningstar.

Despite their peaceful intentions, the residents of Morningstar faced harassment from the authorities much like in the city they had just fled. Owner of the land Lou

Gottlieb was issued thousands of dollars in fines for running an "organized camp."[59]

Much like the beliefs of America's indigenous people, Gottlieb thoroughly believed that humans did not have the right to claim land for themselves. Gottlieb deeded the 32 acres on which Morningstar stood to God, in order to thwart the county authorities, creating a

media sensation.[60] When confronted by the court, Gottlieb stated," We belong to the earth, not the earth to us. Who can own the earth? If someone comes on my land, I don't have to kick them off. It's my right."[61] While Gottlieb fought legal battles, police raids by the Santa Rosa Police Department were becoming more frequent.[62] The police continued to fine Gottlieb and barred residents from living on the property. Once arrested, commune members were legally not allowed to remain on the property with their families. Police action was a turning point for Pam Read when the police conducted a raid early on the morning of February 23rd. The next morning The Press Democrat ran a story titled Woman Hippie Fights Deputies.[63] The police had raided Morningstar in the early hours of the morning. They busted into Pam’s house and arrested her husband,

Larry. Naked on the floor, watching the cops arrest her husband, something snapped inside of Pam, and she kicked at the cops. Pam remembered that night and the fear she felt for her family:

The ride to Santa Rosa was a nightmare. With handcuffs on I couldn't comfort my little boy. He hadn't cried the whole time — just looked at the scene in wide-eyed bewilderment. But in the car ride he could see how upset his mama was and he finally started to fret. Really think, though, that I would have been a much better sport if I hadn't been so pregnant.[64]

After her arrest, Pam Read insisted on a trial to defend herself. Since she was pregnant, the judge had refused to sentence her until after the baby was born. Worried about having her children taken away from her, Pam and her husband left Morningstar for the remote canyons of neighboring commune Wheeler's Ranch. Nevertheless, this would not be the end of the harassment for the hippies. Bulldozers drove through Wheeler's Ranch on

court orders, destroying the hippies' self-made homes.[65] The hippies, it seemed, had no place in Northern California. Everywhere they sought refuge, authorities continued to follow. Families were the worst off, as their parents needed freedom from imprisonment and their children required stability. In August, Pam received a letter from her friend

Cindy who was a part of a group of Morningstar members that had gone to New Mexico.

Cindy talked of open skies and open minds out in the desert. With the violence in the city and government persecution in the countryside the Read family like many other families decided to leave. The hippies would not find the peace they sought in Northern California and soon became outlaws, forced to seek refuge deeper into the American Southwest.

Crescit Eundo: The Growing Counterculture Communities in Taos

New Mexico's motto is the Latin phrase Crescit Eundo, or "it grows as it goes," a phrase aptly fitting when describing counterculture growth in New Mexico. Fleeing persecution in Northern California, the hippies traveled to Taos, New Mexico, a small town about 90 miles north of Santa Fe. Taos had been known as a small artist community whose history went back to the Spanish conquistadores. In Taos and the surrounding areas, hippies began to establish new communes based on a variety of beliefs. Word of mouth spread the news of new communities forming out in the desert, and these peace- seeking outlaws began to move.

Many hippies who arrived in the Taos area were the same hippies who had previously lived in communes in California. The faction that broke off from Morningstar in Sonoma County founded a new Morningstar, dubbed Morningstar East that was among dozens of other communes, including some of their Bay Area neighbors. Commune member David Lee Pratt recalled the events that led him to Morningstar East. He was at a party when he had this feeling of "separateness" and he somehow sensed that the future of the movement was not in California. After hearing from a Digger friend about New

Mexico, he took his wife and moved. Slowly more people from California moved in with him and his family in a one-room adobe.

The Diggers who had first told Pam Read about Morningstar in California eventually told the hippie community about the new opportunities for the counterculture to practice their lifestyle in New Mexico. Half of the Diggers stayed in New Mexico,

while the rest returned to San Francisco and continued to ferry in new arrivals while taking in new recruits. David Hoffman, a Seattle native, and commune transplant was living near Taos in a town called El Rito when the diggers arrived. Impressed by the

Diggers’ philosophy, which seemed "correct and made sense" with Hoffman's worldviews, he joined them.[66] The Diggers in New Mexico had two locations as their base of operations, a house near town, and a remote house that would act as a farm. This was the beginning of the "alternative digger civilization.”[67] Hoffman volunteered to live at the digger farm in the country with 20 others. The locals called this commune "dog patch" because the hippies appeared to be dressed in rags and had "an incurable soft spot for dogs."[68] Locals would regularly drive out to the commune border and drop off unwanted puppies, and soon the dogs outnumbered the people. However, New Mexico was different from California; its winter’s extreme, and Hoffman found himself living on the farm that winter with only five other people, including a woman and her child. The early years in Taos were an experimental time for communes. Some lasted a few months, some for years. They were adjusting to new people, a different climate, yet one thing remained the same: aggressive attitudes towards the counterculture by the local government.

Hippies or Gunslingers?

Similar to the outrage displayed in California, civic leaders in Taos were angered with the migration of hippies to the area. Taos Chamber of Commerce manager Natalie

Cherry Baca stated, “The way this art community figures it, the hippies left San

Francisco’s Haight-Ashbury because of too many tourists. Here it is the other way around.”[69] Hatred continued to be stirred up against the hippies by town officials.

Taos' summer fiesta, one of the most significant public events of the year, was almost canceled by upset business leaders who cited that hippies would bring the "three Ds: drugs, dirt, and disease."[70] This opposition primarily stemmed from cultural dynamics in the region. Taos had a long history of colonial occupation, first with Spain, then the

American government. Before the hippies arrived, the population in Taos was made up of

86 percent Hispanic, 7 percent “Anglo” and 7 percent Pueblo Indian.[71] Upon arrival, the hippies showed little interest in participating or learning about the existing social structures. They mostly ignored the white population, venerated the Native American population, and angered the Chicano population.

Anti-hippie violence in Taos resulted in beatings, rapes, and acts of arson. The

Taos News ran headlines such as “Vandalism, fights erupt… Hippies Attacked.”[72]

Rocks were thrown at known hippie establishments; people picked fights with the hippies and hippie communes were often the targets of these attacks. One observer was quoted,

“Maybe things will settle down when the hippies catch on that somebody doesn’t like them.”[73] Much of the violence was due to a cultural clash in this rural area. The

predominately Catholic Hispanics perceived the hippies as disrespectful, pagan, privileged white kids only interested in land grabbing. Hippies showed no interest in local culture, and they did not learn Spanish. Most importantly strict Catholic parents feared hippies would bring drugs with them and influence their children. As one writer of the local newsletter, El Grito Del Norte, addressed to the hippies: "you reject your middle- class Anglo society and its values, you are still seen here as Gringos-Anglos. Think about the 120-year-old struggle by the Chicanos and the even older struggle by the Indians to get back millions of acres of land stolen from them by Anglo ranchers with their Anglo lawyer buddies."[74] Life in town was becoming unbearable; as Pratt stated, “It was difficult to go to the store and get food because every time we went out we were in danger of being shot. It became a life-threatening situation.”[75] When 1217.3 miles away from San Francisco the hippies still clashed with townspeople, they realized they needed to distance themselves even further out into the countryside. In the case of

Morningstar East, bomb threats led men, pregnant women, and children to flee in the nighttime to 800 acres owned by a rich hippie named Michael Duncan in order to avoid detection. After fleeing town the former members California’s Morningstar commune founded Morningstar East that night on top of a mesa under the desert sky. Slowly more hippies moved out of town spreading out on the mesas above the Rio Grande and into the foothills building small enclaves of the counterculture. Increased stable living conditions resulted in long-term communities with their own food production thus women settled in and established growing families.

Conclusion

With time and space, violence decreased and the Taos community fell into a rhythm that included the hippies as part of the community. First, the hippies moved out onto the mesa further from town, which limited interaction when violence was prevalent.

As communes progressed, members involved themselves in the benefit of the community, started schools and clinics, and participated in the economy by shopping, trading, and working with Taos residents. Hippies engrained themselves so much as a part of the scene that residents in the summer of 1974 were able to enjoy a volleyball tournament between various communes and locals.[76]

For hippies, this had been a pilgrimage from their various hometowns in America to the city of San Francisco, followed by an exodus to the communes of Northern

California, and finally to the Southwestern communes in New Mexico where many still reside. The following chapters will examine the combined factors that allowed women to create healthier communities and take on new identities within the communes.

Chapter Two Cultural Revolutions on the Communes

As tales of the hippie lifestyle filtered into the mainstream, parents began to fear for their daughters and sons. Hippie women were portrayed in two juxtaposing clichés; on one hand, they were seen as predators, but on the other hand, they were often portrayed as willing, naïve, victims of the counterculture, seduced by long-haired men and psychedelic drugs. Hippie women were considered by the mainstream to have no morals or regard for common decency.

Once on the communes away from urban influences, how did the Free Love movement affect women? Did these stereotypes change for women? American women were confronted with unanswered questions about sexual desires, their bodies, and expectations in their relationships. Had life in the mainstream had resulted in women having an internalized inferiority complex? Communal life physically removed women from American society, placing them outside of its judgment and reach. The Sexual

Revolution encouraged women to explore their agency. Communal life allowed women to break away from restrictive mainstream conventions regarding gender norms. The support structure of the communal group replaced the isolated nuclear family, resulting in women letting go of societally influenced anxiety and further developing their minds and identities. Dropping out of American society meant hippies participated in alternative economic systems that valued, self-reliance, trade, and sharing communal property.

Women’s work on the communes broke notions of American femininity.

The Pill, Censorship, and American Values

In the spring of 1960, the American Food and Drug Administration approved oral contraception, or "the pill," for marketing.[77] From the outset, the pill was radical and controversial—For the first time in history, women could have sex and not get pregnant with almost 100% effectiveness. A new age of sexual exploration resulted in the Sexual

Revolution, thanks to the pill. Women in both the mainstream and counterculture sought access. Despite livings miles from towns in the wilderness, without vehicles, hippie women prioritized getting access to the pill. They hitchhiked or grabbed rides into town.[78] As one commune member proclaimed, "Bearing children is, of course, our choice, thanks to birth control. Most women participating on Open Land experience orgasms instead of labor pains.”[79] This attitude shocked many Americans. The use of birth control led to a national debate about women's autonomy over their bodies. Second- wave feminists argued that women's rights and reproductive issues were integrally tied, and Americans were engaged in an often-vicious debate about women's positions in society.[80]

Historian Elaine Tyler May argued that women on contraception represented a challenge to gender norms, "[men] found the power and autonomy it gave to women threatening to their masculine egos.”[81] While many in the mainstream held onto its masculine anxiety over the pill, hippie women embraced the freedom offered by the

Sexual Revolution, earning them the nickname the love generation. These free-spirited youths did not consider physical repercussions from sexual actions. Hippies, like the rest of the population, did acquire sexually transmitted infections but as one commune

member noted that this was before the AIDS scare, and they lived "mostly without STD- related consequences.”[82] In the 1960s, the issue of women's reproductive rights and censorship around free speech ignited national debates.

A California Supreme Court case originating from the San Francisco lower courts demonstrated the clash of the sex-positive hippies and the cloistered, mainstream attitude surrounding the Free Love movement. In 1966 an eight-page book of poetry by Lenore

Kandel titled The Love Book shocked the nation. City Lights Books in San Francisco defiantly sold copies of the work. City officials arrested two of the book store's employees for knowingly selling "erotic" work. Headlines such as “Clerk Seized In S.F.

Smut Crackdown” appeared in the newspapers. [83] The San Francisco mayor at the time

John F. Shelly stated, “I certainly wouldn’t want my kids to read it” and denounced it as hardcore pornography.[84] Warren French called the case the city's "last highly publicized case of attempted censorship.”[85] Despite the firm ban of the book, Lenore

Kandel stood in front of 20,000 to 30,000 hippies at the Human Be-In at Golden Gate

Park and read out loud from her famous poem, To Fuck with Love Phase I:

to fuck with love to change the temper of the air pressing two strangers into one osmotic angel beyond the skin (grows in my hands like a tree) miracle out of the burning bush I understand the lingam ladies bruising their softest flesh In unassuageable worship (like a tree) he moves from me and to me then plunging (big grand most terrible) into and all of me

can help but shriek YES YES YES this is it this is what I wanted this beautiful he explodes volcano tipped inside me my veins drip sperm my GOD the worship that is to fuck![86]

The public criticized the poem; however, for hippies, this work celebrated the merging of spiritual sensuality and the celebration of sex. This sex-positive attitude was the base of the Free Love movement, and the counterculture determined that mainstream attitudes had to change. In October of 1966, married couple Eugene and Christine Pera were arrested for kissing in public, which was illegal at the time. In protest, neighborhood hippies gathered on the day of their court hearing for their "right to make love."[87] The

Sexual Revolution began with the widespread use of birth control, and a controversy over censorship and free speech.

No Shoes, No Shirt, No Worries

Countercultural women first used fashion as a way to rebel against mainstream expectations. Fashion was a reconstruction of societal norms, which meant status, branding, and fitting into a standard image of American femininity. Hippie women set themselves apart by defying many beauty standards of their mother’s generation: the restrictive undergarments, such as girdles and stockings; the time-consuming beauty rituals of quaffed hair and perfect makeup; instead choosing loose-fitting dresses with no undergarments or jeans that showed their legs and allowed for movement; unkempt, natural hair and no makeup.[88] Hippies viewed American government as a controlling and oppressive force. Censorship was enforced at all levels. In particular, San Francisco had the infamous 650.5 ordinance that meant the police could arrest you for dressing

“indecent” which ranged from being a man and dressing too feminine or being a woman and wearing the newest fad of jeans that zipped up the front as opposed to the back.[89]

The counterculture helped get 650.5 off the books through its anti-fashions that they displayed publically.[90] There was so much home-made fashion and new styles exhibited by the hippies that judges got tired of sentencing them for their unique styles.

Summer of Love exhibit curator Jill D’Alessandro noted, "People wanted things that were handmade and individual. It wasn't a rejection of American society, it was a rejection of what was currently going on in America."[91] Hippie women wanted clothes they could move in, unique clothes that set them apart from the mainstream's blind conformity to the beauty standards of the time. Far away from stores, women designed and made their own clothes. Jeanne Rose was a single hippie mother who stated, “I

remember being very conscious of how things felt, of how the things around me looked, of the trees around me, I realized how important it was for me to have natural things, to create things consciously.”[92] Taking control of something as small as fashion was a big step for women to feel empowered through individual expression.

The communes released women from societal expectations, and in turn, their confidence grew. Women sought to embody the freedom their communities represented.

Public nudity in the mainstream represented promiscuity, on the communes nudity resulted in a robust newfound sense of female empowerment by encouraging body acceptance. Morningstar co-founder Lou Gottlieb would laugh and call Pam Read and her fellow Digger Cindy “militant nudists” because of their dedication to being naked.[93] Furthermore, nudity on the communes created a shared bond among members, thus breaking down existing social conventions about looks. As one commune member shared, “We had all kinds of bodies, of all colors and sizes, and we had grown used to these basic differences without embarrassment. That was important for people who had been raised to regard their bodies with shame.”[94]

The option of nudity on the communes became a psychological way to combat anxiety over body expectations. In her memoir, Lost and Found: My Life in a Group

Marriage Commune, Margaret Hollenbach recalls a group conversation with a new commune member named Stanley. Stanley, since adolescence, had felt stress and insecurity about his perceived inadequate penis size.[95] During this conversation,

Hollenbach herself quietly agreed with him being reminded of the self-consciousness she felt about her breast size. Fellow commune members suggested the two try going around

in the nude, which at first horrified them. One communal leader made the case, "Sure. Go around naked for a while. See how it feels. It can't be any worse than the way you feel already. Give it a try.”[96] Being in a communal setting had encouraged Stanley and

Hollenbach to confront their insecurities; through this supportive experience, they eventually learned to work through their body issues, feeling liberated in the end.

Communal women began by shrugging off influences and anxieties from the mainstream through their fashion choices. Nudity represented a way women overcame vulnerabilities and self-doubts about their bodies, resulting in greater self-confidence.

Sex and the Social Order

Relationships in communes were experimental, allowing women to further explore their sexuality and assert their power. A shared ideology united each commune, which included its own views regarding sexual practices. Despite every community having it’s own subset of norms, the communal movement shared as a whole the spirit of

Free Love and practiced a non-judgmental attitude regarding sex. This positivity impacted women, who often bore the brunt of society’s judgment, encouraging them to embrace their sexuality. One commune member noted, "There is no social pressure to work, be a housewife, or get married. People smilingly accept relationships that once labeled a woman a ‘slut.’”[97] However, each commune was unique regarding norms surrounding sex, or more fittingly, the development of alternative norms surrounding sex.

Some communes developed around specific sexual practices. One notable influencer was Stephen Gaskin, a counterculture teacher whose classes in San Francisco attracted hundreds of students. Gaskin’s students believed in a monogamous relationship model that involved one man and one woman in a partnership.[98] In contrast to this model was the polyamorist Taos-based commune, referred to as The Family. The Family followed group marriage, which was defined by the principle that "each man and woman was committed to all other members, and all adults were equally responsible for the children.”[99] More commonly, communes such as Morningstar, Wheeler’s Ranch, and

New Buffalo hosted people with a variety of practices. Monogamy, open relationships, polyamory—it was up to the individual. Women could follow whatever sexual practice they wanted. They could remain monogamous, experiment with Free Love, or live alone.

For instance, Pam Read and her husband, “By mutual agreement… had an open marriage before the idea was generally bandied about as a bold new experiment. Morningstar people were refreshingly open about the matter. There were much more judgmental vibes about food on the set in those days than there were about sex.”[100]

This easy-going attitude around sex allowed women to have more autonomy over their bodies. A variety of sexual practices in the communes meant multiple opportunities for women to explore their sexuality. Women developed their own identities on the communes by experimenting with different kinds of relationships. Marimée Moffet noted that eventually, "Sex was so often a sort of full-body handshake for me in my ‘Free Love’ period, an introduction to what might follow if we, the participants, and the rest of the universe were willing."[101]

Rejecting the Nuclear Family and Embracing Community

Communal living provided women with an automatic community and support system. Those who joined communes had left their own families to live with a group that shared their beliefs. The traditional model of the American family had left a feeling of emptiness. As one woman recalled, “Part of what happens in a tribal society-that is what drew me in the first place to the commune, the support system. People can talk about doing their own thing but it’s impossible. People were made to share and interact. The commune replaced the support system we had rejected.”[102]

The search for a different kind of acceptance and family brought together these youths. When Margaret Hollenbach joined The Family in spring of 1970, she mirrored this desire for love and stability that many youths felt: “Group marriage, with its suggestion of abundant sex, wasn’t what attracted me to the commune; it was the idea of living among fifty people my own age and the hope that some of them might love me.”[103] Love and connection were shared values, while relationship drama was seen as detrimental to the group’s health. For hippies, three tenants resulted in an emotionally healthy commune: First, that sex should be pleasurable to all partners; second, consent and honesty were vital; and third, that commune members would emotionally support other members to achieve peace within the group. For the commune to thrive, emotional connections were a priority regarding sensual discourse. All participants were expected to be honest, and consent was required to maintain peace on the communes. Early communes learned first hand how dishonesty could ruin a group. In the case of

Wheeler's Ranch, emotional distress was a significant factor in the disintegration of this

Californian commune. Their patriarchal figure Bill Wheeler and his matriarchal counterpart, Gwen, were a cohesive front during the legal and emotional conflicts that affected the commune. Members came to the couple for advice, and together they strove to keep the commune an open space that allowed anyone to live there. Ultimately, Bill's lack of honesty about his extramarital affairs ruined their marriage and led to the disintegration of the community. Wheeler's Ranch members would later recall the tension felt across the whole commune, how friends felt the need to take sides of the argument until Gwen and her daughter left. Looking back at the end of his marriage, Wheeler regretted his lack of honesty.[104] Circumstances like this caused communes to fail making open dialogue an integral part of what kept the communes running as smoothly as they did.

Emotional support equaled collective strength; many communes quickly realized this and encouraged open dialogue about sex to ensure that all members were respected.

This idea of self-awareness, in conjunction with concern for the group, led to innovative communication techniques, such as a third person liaison tactic, demonstrated by the

Kaliflower commune. In response to readers asking how best to spare feelings and encourage communication regarding sex, Kaliflower (their self-published zine of the same name) suggested involving a third-person. This meant having a third non-party act as a liaison: "This messenger also acts as an advisor to both parties to calm fears, alleviate jealousies, and make denials less embarrassing so that everyone can feel that they are sharing the love."[105] For women, communes were a supportive and safe space to work out any anxiety about sex the retained from the mainstream. An open dialogue

about sex encouraged women to feel safe within these communities through communal love and encouragement. [106] Sensuality on the communes was much less sensationalized than depicted by the mainstream. One member of Wheeler’s Ranch noted that, "Tremendous sex myths have been connected with the Ridge and with the communal movement in general. But I could not believe there was any more sexual activity at the Ridge than anywhere else. It was just that we tried to be more honest and up-front about it than our parents.”[107] Across the spectrum of communal experiences, hippie women challenged the heteronormative standards of the 1950s and promoted a society where women had autonomy over their bodies through honesty and consent.

The Economics of Sisterhood

An anti-capitalist agenda informed hippie perspectives in the 60s and 70s. Hippies viewed America’s obsession with materialism as counterproductive to living an authentic life. For hippies, dropping out meant rejecting the economic norms of the time. As one hippie stated, “The pay to live-work to pay syndrome whose backbone is the convention of the alienated, separate, disassociated patriarch family (backed by state and church patriarchate authority) can be passed through and transcended by holding all things in common in communal or village or tribal groups either religiously or culturally.”[108]

Dropping out of American society meant hippies participated in alternative economic systems that valued, self-reliance, trade, and sharing communal property. Women’s work on the communes broke notions of American femininity by taking themselves out of the mainstream and living off the land. Women were in a new environment where their work mattered. In mainstream society, men were expected to go to work and earn money to provide for the family. This created a power imbalance in which women relied on men.

On communes, men and women had to work for the social order to survive, which resulted in a more egalitarian community. Women’s participation in this informal economy ultimately resulted in a power shift. Jobs were not dictated by gender, allowing for women to explore roles that were traditionally male dominated. As they experienced these new identities, women developed strong bonds with each other and joined together in producing income through cottage industries. This sisterhood encouraged sharing knowledge with other women about how to become self-sufficient on the communes.

Life on the communes resulted in women becoming self-reliant and empowered.

Voluntary Poverty and Gender Roles: Life in the Beginning

Taking a vow of voluntary poverty allowed for hippies to consume little and produce enough to survive without participating in society. Initially, communes had a difficult time getting established, since members often had few survival skills and little idea how to build a home or farm. The media during the 60s and 70s portrayed the hippies as lazy dropouts of society, but hippies who lived off of the land were the opposite. Living off of the land meant that hippies lived like pioneers, learning as they went along. In order to survive, they had to work physically labor-intensive jobs. A “trip” was a hippies’ mentality and lifestyle or the life journey they were on. Living and working on the land was important for the commune members in the case of Morningstar a national paper wrote about this. Time magazine praised the hippies at Morningstar for their work ethic stating: “Work Trip. The newfound trip of work and responsibility reflected in the Morningstar experiment is perhaps the most hopeful development in the hippie philosophy to date. Other hippie tribes are becoming aware of the work trip as well.”[109] The hippies will were willing to work hard: they built houses, farmed, ranched, made their own clothes, and lived off the land with little money. Since less went around hippies tended to share more with each other and act in the community’s best interest.

Initially when hippies moved to the communes, their social structure mirrored the mainstream in terms of gender dynamics. Men claimed the leadership roles of owners and spiritual leaders while women were regulated to the domestic sphere. In California,

Gottlieb and Wheeler were both wealthy, white men who dominated the key social and

public roles within commune culture. Gottlieb’s role was described by one of their first residents at Morningstar a woman named Rain as, “Lou was there because he was the image of the patriarch, which kind of solved that problem. If we were all a family, then he could be the daddy and we were all happy to have him in that position.”[110] A commune member, known only as Ben, remembered Gottlieb’s portrayal of the commune’s patriarch: "Lou seemed such a larger-than-life figure, such a raconteur, but somehow separate from everyone else. He maintained a sort of eminence, like those members of royalty who went out and did archaeological digs at the turn of the century.

After supper he'd show up in a white shirt and pants to smoke some dope and give religious instruction.”[111] Gottlieb thrived in his role as patriarch. Then Morningstar co- founder’s Gottlieb and Sender took on the important spiritual leadership of the commune.

Sender was convinced that, “many people would come to Morningstar for

Enlightenment” and his role there was to lead these people.[112] Gottlieb stated that,

"Ramon was the first spiritual aspirant I ever lived with. We began to be co-aspirants, sharing experiences in the investigation of consciousness."[113] Despite referring to the

Devine Mother and Lady Mary, women were never elevated to the same status of spiritual leaders and looked to men for spiritual guidance. Spirituality remained firmly in the control of men. The commune’s practice of religious control by males was similar to

Christian patriarchs in American society. Gottlieb was frequently mentioned in the press solidifying his public persona outside the commune. The Press Democrat ran a series of articles with titles such as “Gottlieb Signs Complaints,” “Gottlieb’s Vision Of A New

Society,” “Gottlieb’s Day in Court; God Loses.”[114] While men had public roles outside

the commune as well as status within the commune women at first tended to remain within the domestic realm.

Women’s Work; Production and Consumption

Women’s countercultural counterparts in the New Left criticized hippie women for playing into traditional gender roles. The New Left was a faction of the counterculture movement. They were political, associated with free speech and civil rights; they were ushers of Second-wave feminism. These gender critical women looked at hippie women with disdain for following traditional gender roles. Journalist Joan Didion was appalled by the women’s trip, she asked, “How it is possible for people to be the unconscious instruments of values they would strenuously reject on a conscious level?”[115] Hippie women took care of the children, cooked food, and rarely left the communes. It seemed like they were living the same lives as suburban housewives. In fact, communal women lives were more similar to American women’s lives during World War II. Then, women were needed in the workforce to replace men who had gone off to war, they worked traditionally male jobs that required physical strength such as factory work. Brides during the war worked these paying jobs in addition, they handled the family’s finances, planted victory gardens to ensure their families had fresh food, raised children, and made clothes.

This was not far off from the reality of hippie women on communes.

Women first began shifting power by tackling the major responsibilities of the communes, and the chief responsibility was making sure people were fed. Since they lived in voluntary poverty, this meant acquiring food for as cheap as possible or growing their own. Early hippies did not know how to farm to survive, and it was hard to live without money, so they would supplement their income and provide food for the

commune by pooling their food stamps from the government. Local communities accused the hippies of abusing the food stamp programs. The Taos news on February 19, 1970 ran a headline “Do Hippies Love Us For Our Food Stamps?”[116] Food stamps tended to be more convoluted on the communes due to the amount of travelers that passed through.

Sometimes hippies claimed food stamps in several counties.[117] Stable communes were able to use their food stamps in a way that did not overtax the system by organizing and reporting accurate numbers of users. This was one of the earliest ways that women changed the structure of gender dynamics on the communes. Since men occasionally worked odd jobs, they couldn’t rely on a stable source of income. Food stamps for many new communes allowed them a way to eat and have the time to plant seeds that would start their own agriculture. Women with children were the primary recipients of food stamps. Men tended to be more transient within the hippie communities thus it was more difficult to produce the proper proof needed for paperwork for the government.

Additionally it was women who were responsible for providing and keeping track of this income. One woman, Carol of New Buffalo, regularly kept track of and planned how to feed 100 people on $500 worth of food stamps.[118] Controlling the food stamps was one way women grew into positions of financial responsibility and became community leaders.

Securing food was the first of the economic contributions that made women essential to communal survival. Food production was the most important job on the commune, and women tended to be in charge of this keeping the communes stable.

Women also grew the food for the commune. The gardens women made were the only

source of vegetables for the residents unless individuals traded or earned enough money to buy them on their own. On the communes gender did not dictate what “jobs” you were supposed to do. In fact, no one had a job. People contributed what they could depending on what skills they brought with them to the commune. Specific jobs were not mandatory, people only needed to commit to certain tasks for as long as they felt like it.

This resulted in the members doing what they were best at. When they grew tired of one task they could do something else before becoming burnt out. For women this meant they could try a variety of new roles to see what inspired them best. Pam Read noted, “I planted radishes and Swiss chard and turnips and mustard greens, then corn and beans and tomatoes and squash. Everything grew from day to day like those time-exposure nature videos you see on PBS. Later an older dude who always wore clothes and a straw hat came and took over the garden. That was a relief to me because it was huge by then.”[119]

Not being ascribed to traditional gender norms, women had greater freedom to explore their own power and identity. These identities were a complex blending of experimentation and rebellion as unique as the woman herself. On New Buffalo, for example, lived a woman named Kathleen who did not like cooking or being inside.

Instead, she was often seen galloping, half-naked on her white horse across the mesas.

She loved hunting and would come back to the commune and skin the prairie dogs and rabbits with her knife while chatting with the other women by the fireside. She loved the goats, and also took over their care when the previous caregiver stepped down.[120] This is not to say that every woman deviated from traditional women’s roles -- many women

did choose to follow traditional gender roles when it came to work. The difference for women living on the communes was their right to choose what they did and how they wanted to define themselves. It was hard physical work, but women were inspired by the freedoms and friendships communal living granted them. As one of the founding members of New Buffalo stated, “I didn’t know I could work that hard. I enjoyed those traditional roles more than I thought I would, but there was also the freedom to not cook everyday. A great sisterhood grew among the women who lived there, a lifetime bond.

Even when I stood for hours in front of the wringer washing machine, it never seemed like drudgery.”[121] The communal living system spread the work out, had a built in emotional support system, and allowed women to do what they were good at, instead of doing what they were supposed to do simply because they were women. All these factors led to a new kind of gender equality and self-defined independence for women.

Transfer of Wealth and Knowledge

Women’s interpersonal friendships on the communes provided a support network for women emotionally and encouraged them to be as self-sufficient as possible. The longer a commune existed, the more organized the women became. Small cottage industries sprang up as women worked to bring in extra income. Many communes started small, craft businesses in addition to farming to help supplement income. Arthur

Kopecky wrote regular journal entries during his time living on New Buffalo. He mentioned New Buffalo set up a leather and candle craft shop and receiving about $400 worth of orders in the month of November 1971.[122] Women baked pies to buy kerosene[123], at Lama they made prayer flags, made adobe bricks for housing[124] and participated in an off the grid economy based on self-sufficiency.

To further promote this do-it-yourself empowerment lifestyle, women came together to create DIY hippie lifestyle manuals. Alicia Bay Laurel wrote most of her bestseller,

Living on the Earth, at Wheeler’s Ranch in Northern California. Living on the Earth contained information about everything from, “celebrations, storm warnings, formulas, recipes, rumors, & country dances.” This description, however, downplays many of the practical lessons the book taught: how to deliver a baby, how to make a basic house structure, when to plant certain crops, and how to make simple clothes. There were nineteen pages of clothing designs geared towards women living the communal life. All the designs were environmentally friendly, used free or easy to acquire materials, allowed movement for the wearer, and expressed individuality. The designs varied in style and practicality, and she also included how to make sandals, robes, pants, embroidered blouse

and moccasins.[125] In the counterculture this kind of trade network of knowledge became common as an effort to help promote self-reliance and communal lifestyles. Self- reliance and individualism became the norm for women on the communes.

Conclusion

For the hippies, the nuclear family was constrictive and a disappointment. There were ridged rules regarding sex and relationships. The silence surrounding sex in traditional family structures often led to confusion regarding everything related to it, and as a result, women felt alone. Life on the communes was different. It separated women from the sphere of influence of traditional American societal expectations. By living by the values of the Free Love movement, hippie women were changed by their sexual experiences. Women were exposed to new views regarding sexual orientation, celibacy, marriage, and premarital sex. They lived in a sex-positive environment that included them in an open dialogue about sexuality. Women were expected to enjoy sex and could do so in a setting that encouraged honesty and provided them with an emotional support system that combatted sex-related fears and low self-esteem.

Hippie women were labeled earth goddesses, but they were not ephemeral spirits who passed over the land—they were pioneers who drove their hands into the dirt, they choose to embrace voluntary poverty, and they learned to survive in nature without the commodities they had been accustomed to growing up in the suburbs. Hippie women found an alternative to consumer-based society in favor of becoming independent and self-sufficient on the open land. Not being expected to follow conventional gender norms, women had greater freedom to explore their own power and identity. The “back-to-the- land” movement and its communal living fostered equality between the sexes as women, for the first time, were able to practice new gender roles.

Chapter Three

Motherhood and Family Dynamics

One of the many stereotypes to arise out of the hippie movement was that of the

“divine mother”. Popular media portrayed hippie mothers as serene Madonna-like figures. Within the hippie subculture itself mothers achieved a goddess-like identity.

Counterculture participants often referenced Devi the Hindu Mother Goddess in their art about motherhood. Devi, who used her female power called “Shakti which animates the matter of the cosmos”, is represented in multiple roles, as consort and mother. But Devi, according to art historians, also has both “benign and horrific forms; she both creates and destroys.”[126] How can both descriptions contain truth, the peaceful mother and the powerful goddess? In other words, what happened to women and their families when they decided to operate outside of the construct of the nuclear family?

Away from the suburbs, motherhood became a different sort of transformative experience for women. Birth was seen as the ultimate fulfillment of womanhood and changed the power dynamic for women on the communes. Birth was brought by the hippies into the public sphere and celebrated. Communes acted as an extended family of sorts, which allowed women to raise their children out of a traditional family path. As a result of the community structure of the communes, motherhood changed. Hippie women had new freedoms to explore different family dynamics and this mindset extended to child-rearing and education in the new counterculture utopias. Furthermore, it gave women greater independence in their daily lives. Communal life enabled women more support and direct involvement in their children's lives and education.

Divine Birth and the Power Shift

The reverence around pregnancy and birth shifted the power dynamic for women on the communes. Childbirth became a new woman-focused event experienced by men and the community as a whole. Having children outside of the hospital resulted in women needing to take care of one another, and many women became self-taught midwives.

During the 1960s and 70s the women’s movement and medical professionals were at odds with each other in regards to homebirths. In 1967, 97% of births happened in the hospitals.[127] Then in the 70s HMO insurance plans were introduced in America; as the number of insurance holders rose, doctors made more money per hour working in a hospital than they did in private clinics.[128] Proponents of women’s equality saw this as a greedy system that took advantage of women’s heath. In response to studies about the long-term effects of anesthesia on children, lack of pre and post-natal care the women’s movement argued that women’s health should be de-medicalized. No states formally made out-of-hospital-births illegal but major medical associations such as the American

College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) discouraged the practice.

Additionally, the American College of Nurse-Midwives issued a statement in 1973 that,

“The preferred site for childbirth, because of the distinct advantage to the physical welfare of the mother and infant, is the hospital.”[129] But outside of the system, in the communes, the homebirth movement accelerated. In 1975 the wife of commune founder

Stephan Gaskin published Spiritual Midwifery, encouraging women to deinstitutionalize their childbirth. The concept further gained popularity in hippie circles.[130]

This theme of spiritual infused birth practices transformed male viewpoints and social conventions. For men, birth became demystified and as a general rule at unlike their male counterparts in the mainstream, men became deeply involved in the birthing process. When Morningstar member Ramon Sender reflected on this period, he noted that, "Natural childbirth was very popular, with the men assisting. Fathers tended to be more involved."[131] This new view of birth changed the power dynamic between the sexes, through the acts of birth and mothering women were able to access power in a traditionally male-dominated power construct. As mentioned previously, hippies exalted indigenous cultures, and they mirrored the view of O'odham elder Camillus Lopez

Tohono, "In O'odham culture, women don't necessarily go looking for power, for strength, because they have so much strength already. They have a womb where babies are made. That's a lot of power."[132] As men became involved, this image of pregnant woman-as-goddess was pushed further.

Notably, a woman who was pregnant found herself with an elevated status in the community as a woman's fertility was entwined with her spirituality. In essence, the mother became a spiritual being incarnate through the ability to create life. The merging of womanhood and the divine as reflected in images of Eastern goddesses was a prevalent theme in hippie discourse. Devi, from the Hindu tradition, was often invoked. In the mainstream, birth was considered too graphic or rooted in pain that men had to be sheltered from it. In the counterculture, men noticed and wanted to celebrate this aspect of a woman’s power.

Homebirth

Among hippies, the discourse regarding home birth tended to result in a newfound respect for women and a new focus that resulted in extra support for the mothers. For example, before moving to a commune, photographer Stephan Waltzer, began a book project with friend Allen Cohen and his pregnant wife, Laurie. In 1971 they published

Childbirth is Ecstasy.[133] This book documented the birth of the Cohen’s son, River, as well as poetry written about other communal births. Walzter's book reinforced the belief that women had a cosmic connection to the universe, a view adopted by many commune members. This perception was illustrated literally on the cover of the book, which depicts the Hindu Goddess Kali giving birth to the universe, showing the link between divine energy and a woman's body.[134] Many male commune members were exploring alternative religious practices. Men saw themselves as connected to something divine.

The spiritual power that was associated with a woman’s ability to give birth helped secure a hippie woman's social standing -- they were seen as a connection to the spiritual nature of the universe.

Furthermore, Cohen addressed the need for families to mentally and spiritually prepare for the birth of a child instead of facing the event with anxiety. Cohen stated his view that, "Childbirth is the doorway into bodily life, and it has been surrounded by taboo and fear for thousands of years, and western Judeo-Christian culture has especially consigned women and the birth process to disapproval and distrust."[135] During this time, the hippie vision of birth was not only a solely spiritual experience, it was a rebellion against American cultural stigmas and the institution of hospitals.

For the hippies, birth became a community event, a celebration of womanhood that bonded the community. Birthing day parties became the norm. During these parties, beer and grass were brought over, pots of food were cooked for hours on end, poetry was read, and belly dancers swayed to the moans of labor pains. For the commune members, support for the about-to-be mother was a communal effort. Midwife Iris Keltz recalled one such birthing day party, "Eyewitness reports and hand-carried joints reached me in the kitchen. ‘Melissa’s massaging Sadie’s crotch with olive oil so she won’t tear, and

Ivory is doing a belly dance to help with contractions. Everyone else is standing around giving her good energy.’”[136] Women benefited from the hippie practice of physical and emotional support provided by the community.

The publication of Childbirth is Ecstasy and the large following it amassed in the counterculture was significant for women and their families for three reasons. This book fought the taboo surrounding birth, making it a shared, positive event for the couple and community. Secondly, it invited men to be a part of the process, smashing the stigma that men who were involved were weak or emotional. One birth demonstrated how the husband took the role of the caregiver during the birth of his partner. As a caregiver, the father had been, "…preparing for months to be part of every act: every day exercising and breathing together – now in one mind purposed to be in com-union for this new being’s long journey down a few inches of birth canal.”[137] The appeal for the intimacy of the couple during birth and the emphasis on community attracted a following among hippie women who experienced their physical and emotional needs supported. Third, this

book acted as a guide for the ever-growing numbers of women who wanted to have home births, including many women with no medical training and even those who wanted to give birth out on the land on the communes.

Out of the Hospital and into the Wild: Homebirth on Communes

Homebirth achieved widespread popularity across the communes. Living on the land meant women could reconnect with a way of life that had been lost during the advancement of Western medicine and industrialization. One woman passionately stated,

"Taking control of our lives was important to us. Herbal remedies and midwives were rediscovered as healthy and viable alternatives to 'buying into' the medical establishment.

‘Old way, good way’ was one of our mantras."[138]

Aside from shocking mainstream women who had learned that sterile hospital rooms and painkillers were essential for a safe delivery, this mentality also alarmed many in the medical field. Efforts were made to warn hippie women about the dangers of homebirth. For example, the hippie community in Taos often went to the Taos Free

Clinic, where Dr. Virginia Bush of the clinic wrote an op-ed in the hippie directed

Fountain of Light paper warning the hippies about the dangers of homebirth. She, as a woman, understood the wanting of a meaningful birth, but, "As a physician, it scares me shitless."[139] Medical professionals like Dr. Bush believed that hippie women ignored the potential complications of having a home birth. However, since the birth was a community event, there was someone present to fetch a doctor or drive the mother to the hospital if it seemed there were complications.[140]

Nevertheless, the concern dictated by Dr. Bush and others had seemed logical to some. Most of these hippie youth were runaways or college dropouts without medical training, and most had never seen a live birth before. How did one prevent pregnant women from becoming anemic? What was too much blood? Who on the commune

would recognize the symptoms of a baby not receiving enough oxygen during birth?

What was a hippie to do?

It was in New Mexico that Pam Read realized something important: the commune needed a midwife. She reasoned that since she had all three of her children at home and,

“had read Lamaze and Grantly Dick Reed, it was assumed that I would be a good person to have around when babies were born at home. But aside from reading up on the subject, I had had no formal training in midwifery or obstetrics.”[141] Through experience and reading, Pam would go on to deliver 43 babies over two decades. The birth was one aspect of the female-centered support system that was created by women on the communes out of necessity to help them and their families thrive. While men routinely attended the birth and emotionally supported the mother, evidence of men becoming midwives is absent.

Moreover, at home, births meant independence from mainstream interference into their countercultural ways for women. Many doctors during this time refused to treat hippies, and when they did, it was often with disdain. With so many natural births happening, women began to educate and circulate more detailed knowledge about birth.

More practical advice spread, for instance, about sanitation (as opposed to what chants to chant) during the birth. The popularity of home births amongst commune members was reflected in Alicia Bay Laurel’s Living on the Earth.[142] In comparison to Childbirth is

Ecstasy, Laurel is less mystical and more instructional about materials needed and women's care during and after the birth. Laurel suggests to leave the amniotic fluid coating on the baby for health, demonstrates how to cut an umbilical cord, tends to see

castor oil as a remedy for any problem during the birth, and appetizingly suggests that mothers should, if possible, “eat some of the placenta."[143] Laurel and Pam Read were just two examples of the prevalence of midwives on the communes. The progression from the mystic ritual around birth to the practicality implied in Living on the Earth mirrors the transition of communal women who had begun to learn and rely upon themselves. Women created support networks for themselves, relying less on men and more on their communal sisters to support a trend that would continue to play a crucial role in the family dynamics on the communes.

Rejecting the Nuclear Family & Embracing the Tribal Family

For those who felt the nuclear family had failed them, a new kind of family was a significant draw to the communes. They experimented by returning to a dynamic that more resembled a village rather than a single-family unit. Many kinds of people in all kinds of different situations arrived on the commune living as one, big, different kind of family.

At first, it was mostly younger couples who arrived on the communes. Romantic couples would pair up then re-pair often. In the Free Love era, it was considered uncool to put demands or ties on others. In many instances, men would wander between jobs and communes. Some would leave suddenly only to reappear months later maybe with another woman or move right back in with his previous lover and child, that is unless she had moved on. Children would stay with the mothers in these cases.[144] Since many women shared this experience of fathers having irregular schedules, this resulted in women bonding together to help with raising their children.

Single mothers were another group of women who formed a communal sisterhood. Unwed mothers were associated with promiscuity and generally shunned in mainstream society, but on the communes, single-parent families benefited; they found an affordable place to live with community support as well. For single hippie mothers who could not find a job or apartment in the city, the communes offered an alternative place to get on their feet.[145] In the communes, women were able to create identities that were not framed by traditional gender norms, including norms that dictated that every woman must have a husband in order to survive. One woman who lived on

Wheeler's Ridge, a Morningstar graduate known only as Trudy, was described as “Tall, somber and beautiful,” embodied this freedom.[146] Trudy built her own house, and every day for a month, people would see her carrying lumber. Trudy was all smiles when her house was completed. On the commune, Trudy was free to be single. One commune member Gwen noted, “When she first arrived, she shared the dilemma of many single women who wanted to live on the Ridge. They found they could not manage it without sharing the heavy physical work with a man, and thereby running the risk of an unwanted or unhappy personal relationship. Trudy's example was followed by other sisters who wished to have their own households."[147] Many women supported each other on communes to make this kind of village lifestyle feel like a family.

However, it was not just women who benefitted from a communal structure.

Although young people overwhelmingly outnumbered older people, Timothy Miller notes that some communal family structures even helped young people with caring for their ailing elderly parents.[148] Arthur Kopecky's mother visited Taos for a few weeks to spend time with her son, bought all the commune members ice cream, and by the end of the year, she ended up moving to Taos to be closer to her son, embracing his new way of life.[149]

While the communes maintained this welcoming atmosphere, they were also providing a place for experimentation. The mainstream had strict social norms that could profoundly affect one's life. Families were expected to be mother, father, and their children with extended family living somewhere else, the coupling between different races was illegal, women were expected to be married before they became old maids.

What would happen if these conventions were challenged? The communal structure demystified stigmas and proved successful in creating a supportive family unit despite circumstances.

Initially, single people or couples first settled on the communes, but it soon became apparent that communal life benefited young families by creating a supportive group who shared responsibilities. It was in these new structures a mix of old and new, that Pam Read recalls, “Mostly, women took care of the little kids and fathers were around for the older kids.”[150]

It was the hippie families who benefited most from living in a non-traditional society. Parents were near instead of going off to work, and women had more time to pursue their interests. Arguably, the family model of the 1950s and 60s America had weakened community ties and left women isolated in their expected role of stay at home mother. On the communes a mother had something she wanted to do or wanted a break from the stress of watching children, she had readily available, trustworthy babysitters within the community. When asked about how mothers spent their time on the communes, Pam Read recalled how the woman had more free time because they could leave their kids with each other.[151] Additionally, one communal member recalled,

"Those who live together on Open Land feel a familiar bond. Babies are brought up relating to many people as their mommies and daddies. Sometimes, when a group of parents and babies have gathered and a baby cries, I see the nearest mother reaching out to comfort and suckle it, whether the baby is biologically her own or not.”[152]

These deep bonds created on the communes meant that women felt they could trust the community they lived in with their children. Sometimes it was casual asking a friend to keep an eye out on a child for an afternoon. Sometimes it was more planned. In one instance at New Buffalo in Taos, Kopecky recalled a time when one adult volunteered to take all the kids to see Planet of the Apes so the parents could go to a party.[153] Some larger communes such as Morningstar and Wheeler's Ranch even had a kind of daycare system, which was ongoing. In the case of Wheeler's Ranch, children would be brought to the bakery to play while parents went away and did their own thing.

Adults always showed up to watch the kids, and there was no schedule for drop off, it was all-spontaneous. This kind of arrangement was a practical childcare situation that would not have been possible without the willingness of the hippie community. One commune member stated, “In the Great Society, non-biological parents usually have little or nothing to do with children unless they are getting paid for their time. The harmony of

Open Land puts non-biological parents into the flow of parenthood. The world needs more of this consciousness!"[154] The communes brought women together in an environment of love, survival, loss, and in these conditions, a new sisterhood formed. For women, this time on the communes was one of creativity. Instead of being confined to the home, women experimented with living an alternative inspired lifestyle. They practiced yoga, learned about herbs for healing, tried hallucinogenics, and were inspired by nature. In some ways, it felt that finally away from the structure of the nuclear family, women were allowed to think. Many women engaged in discourse about a countercultural utopian dream.

The freedom of a support structure outside of the immediate family also allowed women more time to explore their identities and beliefs. Pam Read was one the first women to bring her child to Morningstar, soon other women and families arrived. Pam

Read remembered the first day the second family Bea and her husband Willie B. arrived with two horses and a young son, "Willie B. would lead one of the horses around the meadow with two little boys on it — one white and one black — talk about visions of utopia!”[155] Women continued to communicate and live in a manner that allowed them to be mothers as well as explore their own interests outside of their relationships or family. By merging the two became identities, women controlled the narrative of their own lives for the first time. Bea and Pam became fast friends who spoke of all counterculture concerns. This friendship demonstrated the bonding women began to experience on the communes. Pam noted that "Beatrice was into theorizing, and we had some long and lively discussions about ideas of utopia and child raising, and relationships and how it's not cool to rip off other people's energy and how it IS cool to contribute to the exponential increase of community energy — stuff like that."[156] These conversations were commonplace among women at Morningstar. Freedom to practice any peaceful lifestyle was encouraged by all members of the commune. As women gained autonomy and confidence in their new identities, they began to debate how these utopias that they were building should work. They knew they were creating something new, and they wanted their children to be different.

It is Ten O'clock, Do You Know Where Your Counterculture Children Are?

Breaking away from the norms of their childhoods, hippie parents sought to instill

a different value system in their kids. They wanted their children to be creative, empathic,

self-reliant, communicators. While sexual values and motherhood changed for women

living on the communes, much of family life stayed the same. Hippie families mirrored

the same familial traditions as their counterparts in the mainstream yet outside the

constraints of material culture. Families tried to maintain this kind of normalcy contrary

to outside misconceptions. Women created homes that, in many ways, replicated the

better parts of the mainstream, regular meals, holiday celebrations, toys, but had to do it

with almost no income. It was important for hippie families to show their children that

they could be happy living off the land, that they did not need to live a consumerist

lifestyle. Living on the Earth had a section describing how to make stuffed dolls using

cloth, beans, sand, and string.[157] Another design calls for toothpicks and peanut shells

to make animals.[158] Raising children on open land demanded creativity from hippie

moms. Communes encouraged art and creative thought in women. There were no pre-

made cards or Jell-O molds for these moms. Pam Read recalled a family Christmas she

spent on the commune when her daughter Psyche was a baby, and her son Siddhartha was

three. Her husband had found a horse skull and from it modeled a hobby horse using yarn

and leather. Pam wanted her son to be educated and wrote his first books for that

Christmas celebration,"— one was an ABC book that rhymed ("A" is for apple, and

awkward and acre; "B" is for baby and bubbles and baker — in that vein — with colored

pictures — and the number book put numbers together up to ten with five, six, seven- pointed stars — and of course, the eight-pointed Morningstar. I had a lot of fun with these).”[159]

In so many ways, children's lives on the communes mirrored their mainstream counterparts, but communal children had much more freedom. One journal entry from

Kopecky highlights how crazy the children on New Buffalo could be: “The kids! Noise and so much energy-zam, zam, zam all day. They’ve got a sand pile, wagon, swings, and the run of 100 acres. The mothers keep a very close watch on them.”[160] Even through the seeming craziness children were happy. They had plenty of playmates and large areas to roam around. Researchers John and Susan Wolf brought their two children in tow and traveled to several communes in the early 70s. They intended to analyze the structure and dynamics of unconventional families living on the communes. Eventually they published their book The Children of the Counterculture.[161] In their introduction they stated, “While we began the book with the suspicion that a hippie child is a wild child, we ended up believing that well-behaved children are the most radical alternative to American society. The farther away from regular families and cities and careers that we get, the less obnoxious and self-centered the kids get.”[162] Overall, children living on the communes had a positive experience.

Nevertheless, many in the mainstream worried about potential negative consequences of growing up without discipline and guidance. There were recorded instances of hippie children using drugs. It was common for adults to supervise drug experiences involving children, but it was even more common for children to experiment

with drugs on their own. Morgan Haynes, who lived in a teepee then a goat shed in a rural commune in New Mexico with his mother and brother. In his twenties he recalled mild concern if his brain was effected from doing drugs at such a young age. He surprisingly expressed more displeasure not having adult guidance around sex, wishing for a sex education class or anything:

Going through puberty at the Learning Center was tough. I had all this knowledge but then came all these weird feelings and sprouting pubic hairs and all these naked people. They were so wrapped up in themselves they didn't notice what the kids were going through. Stomping straw naked in the mud pits in not necessarily sexual unless you're a pubescent boy.[163]

Lifestyle freedom changed family dynamics on the communes negotiating the power relationship between men and women, giving women more autonomy as they created an extended family; women relied on each other and raised their children. This freedom to explore new ways of living extended to child-rearing and what pedagogy would be like in the new counterculture utopias.

Alternative Education

Removed from traditional homes, hippie women spent a greater deal of time being around their children as opposed to their mainstream counterparts. As the counterculture grew in numbers and more couples had children, it became apparent that there was a need for schooling for their children. Rather than take their children to public school, these institutions they believed furthered the capitalist agenda so hippies began to create their own schools. These schools reflected hippie values, including land preservation, communication, art, expression, and sustainability; essentially, this started the alternative education movement. It was hippie women who led the way through leadership and teaching on the communes by starting these institutions.

Beginning in 1968 was one of the first free hippie schools in San Francisco was a hippie school called the Shire school (Named after the Shire in J.R.R. Tolkien’s Lord of the Rings). As hippies became increasingly interested in ecology and the exodus to the countryside began, the Shire school reflected these changes in the movement. The Shire school, aside from its field trips to protests, decided to develop opportunities for camping and going out into nature. In 1971 land was donated and the Hearthshire school opened in the countryside. This was an offshoot from the Shire School in the city, and the new school emphasized stewardship over the land and taught survival classes.[164] In time

Hearthshire had obtained a full-time group of 20 people who lived in a barn on the property for around nine years. Eventually, Hearthshire became a legally constituted

California educational non-profit.

Schools in California were rare, as opposed to in New Mexico. In New Mexico, the communes became more organized, and communes tended to last longer than in

California. These factors led to more alternative institutions instilled with hippie values starting. This pioneering spirit was demonstrated with the Taos Learning Center or TLC.

Iris Keltz notes that it began as a dream; a notion of what education would look like in their society. Their vision meant, "teaching would be relevant -- learning how to build shelters, grow food, tan hides, make tipis and survive in the wilderness -- but this wouldn't stop us from studying ancient civilizations, literature, science, and mathematics."[165] Dozens of community members volunteered their time with the intent of creating a unique school that sponsored a state-approved curriculum. The school's fees were on a sliding scale, and in traditional hippie norms, the teachers were offered goods instead of pay. Teachers loved the flexibility of creating their own rules and would adjust their curriculum to the needs facing the community. For example, teachers and mothers at the TLC noticed that kids were coming to school stoned. Faced with this problem, they decided to develop a parent-approved drug safety curriculum.

One teacher described how, "for several weeks-with supervision and in a safe environment-the kids were offered a different drug; mushrooms, peyote, LSD and marijuana. The students were required to write a research report before and after the experience."[166] The TLC grew with community support, but ultimately, questions over the school's objectives turned the TLC into an apprenticeship institution.[167] New

Buffalo was another example of a commune that recognized the need for a children's space, and the commune constructed a part-time school part-time child's only space.[168]

The most famous and long-running of the Taos schools was DaNahazli (Navajo for spring will come again).[169] The school was a joint effort between two women,

Barbara Durkee and Natalie Goldberg residents of the Lama Foundation.[170] Durkee

(later known as Asha von Brieson) was co-founder and one of the spiritual leaders of

Lama. Durkee encouraged Goldberg to explore her spiritual path. Goldberg practiced Zen

Buddhism and incorporated her Zen meditation into her writing practice and taught this to the students. After teaching at DaNahazli she outlined this strategy to help other writers in her book Writing Down the Bones: Feeling the Writer Within.[171] Together the women created a school that reflected hippie values and had a curriculum that put emphasis on ecology and the arts. The school passed onto the Lama Foundation. Lama then pulled out, leaving the institution to be run by volunteer hippie parents.

Iris Keltz, who had been an elementary school teacher in New York, was asked to help at DaNahazli. During her job interview Asha, the principal told her, "I believe in healthy nervous systems. Other than that, I don't know a damn thing about running a school. Are you certified and do you know how to build adobe walls?"[172] That summer Keltz and her fellow teachers built the school from donated adobe bricks

(donated by the Lama commune) and designed the curriculum. Hearing about the school's plans for children, parents at the other hippie communes helped out by volunteering to work on the building such as Art Kopecky and some others from New Buffalo and

Morningstar.[173] These schools rarely were able to stick to their original curriculum.

Teachers focused on more hands-on and practical for the needs of a hippie child. As one teacher stated, "By mid-year, I realized that the students were never going to learn how to

tell time in increments of hours, minutes, seconds. Cosmic time was far more relevant, and everyone knew their birth sign, what sign of the zodiac the sun was traveling through and the influences of the next full moon."[174] The trajectory of the DaNahazli School mirrored that of many hippies' schools. An altruistic idea started them, but slowly, lack of commitment from the adults resulted in the schools being turned over to the state.

DaNahazli became a part of the Taos public school system.

Living on the communes naturally allowed for families to spend more time together, looking for an alternative to mainstream education, women invested in creating a school system that reflected their hippie values. Many hippie women homeschooled their children or let their children learn from life experiences on the communes. In

California, the need for alternative education arose, but in New Mexico, it blossomed as older and more established communes directed the beginning of new schools. Ultimately, the personal energy required to keep these schools waned as hippie mothers moved onto other endeavors. However, the ripples of this movement can be seen in the alternative education movement that still exists in America today.

Conclusion

The reality of these women’s lives were more complex than the mainstream could fathom. They maintained lives that mirrored those on the outside world in many ways; they formed families, mothers cared for their children, educated their children.

Nevertheless, hippie communes supported women in a way the mainstream did not. Birth became a way of combatting toxic masculinity as men participated and felt no shame in recognizing women as having an essential role on the communes. Many women, such as

Pam Read, become midwives since there was no hospital to go to and natural childbirth became popular with women and men. Women spent more time with their children, thus prompting them to create their own alternative education systems. By rejecting the nuclear family and forming their own women's bond they brought strength to the entire community. Multiple people helped with the children allowing for women to have more time to explore and create. There was a full acceptance of alternative family dynamics; single mothers, for example, were not shunned for their lack of husbands. In many cases, women collectively, women raised their children together. This sisterhood was a vital support structure for these women as they lived off the land and away from resources and family. Women discovered independence away from a systematically gendered social structure leading the future generations to think more independently.

Finding Home: Change in America

My research began with the question: what was it like for counterculture women and families like as they migrated from place to place in search of a permanent home?

There are few scholarly works that dedicate themselves to the experiences of women specifically. The year 2017 marked the 50th anniversary of the summer of love which sparked interest in the legacy of the counterculture. Many scholars revisited this subject, yet Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo and Timothy Hodgdon remain the only authors of works that provide in-depth analysis of gender specifically.

Research shows that these women led complicated lives. They embraced multiple identities as mothers, pioneers, outlaws, and activists who created homes for their families however they could. I approached this social history through the lens of gender.

On one level I analyzed how women were affected by biases in public opinion and policy; legal battles over censorship, negative stereotypes associated with hippie women, police raids in Santa Rosa, and violence against hippies in Taos. On a micro level I examined women’s lives on the communes, how voluntary poverty and changing social structures led to women’s agency. On the communes family life did not change but the women themselves did. What was crucial was the freedom they found outside of the critical eye of American society. On the communes women achieved agency outside of the gendered norms crafted by dominant mainstream culture.

In 1966 singer Nina Simone visited the Morningstar commune and remarked on the absence of black people.[215] One year later, a street rap appeared on the streets of the Haight-Ashbury neighborhood of San Francisco. On the poster was a picture and the

words, "WHO ARE THESE MEN?" The photo depicted was of four African American youth holding up signs that stated, "profit motives" and "stop killing black kids.”[216]

Who were these youth? Furthermore, who was the person (or people) that was drawing attention to their cause? There was an apparent disconnect between African Americans and white counterculture youth who kept them in separate social spheres during the

1960s. During this research, biracial relationships appeared, but there exist very few accounts of multiracial family life amid the commune movement. Further research is needed to understand why such a seemingly inclusive movement excluded African

Americans and how race issues related to commune residents. Additionally, the children of the communes are now adults. Some memoirs about growing up on communes exist.

But in order to understand the long lasting impact of communal families, there needs to be a study of the educational and psychological development of these children.

Do man’s visions last? Do man’s illusions? Take things as they come All things pass. [217]

The decline of the physical presence of the communes began in the mid-1970s around

America. What happened to the hippie population that moved to the Taos area? Most people like David Hoffman moved on to another adventure in another part of the country. Despite the communes breaking up, hippies stayed on in New Mexico. Today all throughout the state are many original participants from that era including Pam

Read, original hippies who never left. Many others moved from New Mexico, received an education then moved back to the area including Iris Keltz. Some communes (or as they have rebranded themselves “intentional living communities”) still exist. Llama has become the Llama foundation, and is still an active community with people living

communally year round. The original buildings still stand, worshipers come to visit the grave of Murshid “Sufi Sam” Lewis or to celebrate Shabbat, community silence, native

American prayers, Japanese tea ceremonies, and many other world faith events.[218]

Taos is now famous for its skiing and traces of Spanish heritage but, everywhere one looks there are elements of the counterculture, stores that sell healing stones, hand- stitched clothing, Tibetan food, pipes, community gardens, Birkenstocks and crocs on many a foot.

When reflecting on the legacy of counterculture women, actor and counter-culture member Peter Coyote stated, “There is no place in America today where women have not assumed powers and authorities once denied to their mothers, including gaining legal traction for equal compensation for the same work as men and the creation of institutions to protect them from domestic violence.”[219] The hippie legacy of the commune movement is all around us today. America continues to change due to the groundwork laid by the hippies, there has been a return to organic/whole foods, home births continue to increase, environmental conservation protests receive national attention, and there is a national movement to legalize marijuana. Anti-capitalist sentiment and suspicions of

Wall Street are a part of our national dialogue on a regular basis. Perhaps these trademarks of the countercultural movement with its hippie architects will one day take over the American mainstream as our new normal.

Endnotes

[1] For photo see, http://laurelrose.com/AFRAME3.HTM

[2] Pam Hanna. “Infinite Points of Time: Morningstar Chronicles, Part 1,” edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives. Date Accessed August 29, 2020. https://www.diggers.org/most/mstar_chron1.htm

[3] Theodore Roszak. The Making of a Counter Culture: Reflections on the

Technocratic Society and its Youthful Opposition (New York: Anchor Books, 1969) xii.

[4] Anthony Ashbolt. A Cultural History of the Radical Sixties in the San Francisco

Bay Area (London: Pickering & Chatto Limited, 2013).

[5] Ashbolt, A Cultural History, 49.

[6] Ashbolt, A Cultural History, 30.

[7] Timothy, Hodgdon. Manhood in the Age of Aquarius: Masculinity in Two

Countercultural Communities, 1965-83. (New York: Columbia University Press,

2007).

[8] Hodgdon, Manhood in the Age of Aquarius, Chapter One, paragraph 30-36.

[9] Hodgdon, Manhood in the Age of Aquarius, Chapter One, paragraph 63-71.

[10] Hodgdon, Manhood in the Age of Aquarius, Chapter One, paragraph 72-77.

[11] Hodgdon, Manhood in the Age of Aquarius, Chapter One, paragraph 283-291.

[12] Hodgdon, Manhood in the Age of Aquarius, Chapter One, paragraph 283-29

[13] Gretchen Lemke-Santangelo. Daughters of Aquarius: Women of the

Sixties Counterculture, (Lincoln: University Press of Kansas, 2009).

[14] Lemke-Santangelo, Daughters of Aquarius, 181.

[15] Lemke-Santangelo, Daughters of Aquarius, 158.

[16] Iris, Keltz. Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a

Cultural Revolution. (El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000).

[17] Staci Matlock, “New Buffalo Ends an Era,” The Taos News, 229. In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris

Keltz, (El Paso, Cinco Puntos Press: 2000) 230.

[18] Iris Keltz, “The Last Solstice Celebration, New Buffalo, '79,” In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. (El Paso:

Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 222.

[19] Unknown Author, “The Hippies: Philosophy of a Subculture” Time, July 7,

1967 cover story.

[20] Scott McKenzie, “San Francisco (Be Sure to Wear Flowers in Your Hair)”

May 1967, Track 1 on The Voice of Scott McKenzie, Ode Records, Vinyl.

[21] Scott McKenzie, “San Francisco (Be Sure to Wear Flowers in Your Hair)”

May 1967, Track 1 on The Voice of Scott McKenzie, Ode Records, Vinyl.

[22] Letter, Victoria Miller to Allen Cohen, April 1967, box 1, folder 5,

Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public Library, San Francisco CA.

[23] Ibid.

[24] Ibid.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Response Letter, Allen Cohen to Victoria Miller, April 11, 1967, box 1, folder

5, Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public Library, San Francisco, CA.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Unknown Author, “Hippie Communities Lure Girl Escapists” Oakland Tribune,

August 13, 1967. Hayward Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland

Tribune.

[29] Ibid.

[30] Larry Fields, Unknown Title, Oakland Tribune, November 29, 1967,

Hayward Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland Tribune.

[31] Ibid.

[32] Jan Silverman, “A Creative Home Can Counter Hippies Lure” Oakland Tribune,

(Oakland, CA.) October 16, 1967. Hayward Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland Tribune.

[33] Ibid.

[34] Unknown Author, “The Hippie Solution: Soap and Water” Oakland Tribune,

April 10, 1969, Hayward Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland

Tribune.

[35] Response Letter, Allen Cohen to Victoria Miller, April 11, 1967, box 1, folder

5, Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public Library.

[36] Unknown Author, "Daisy-Chain Gang" Oakland Tribune, October 4, 1969,

Hayward Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland Tribune.

[37] "Free Store," The New Yorker, October 14, 1967, 49. The Digger

Archives. http://www.diggers.org/free_store1.htm

[38] Gary Snyder. Interview by Jack Loeffler. Personal Interview. Freeman

House. September 13, 2007.

[39] David Lee Pratt, “The Founding of Morningstar Commune,” Scrapbook of a

Taos Hippie, 81.

[40] Frank Kavanaugh "A Personal Position Paper on the Future of Haight-Ashbury" to the Univ. of California Health Center, SF. May 13, 1967, box 1, folder 5, Hippie

Collection, San Francisco Public Library.

[41] Ibid.

[42] Ibid.

[43] Unknown Author, "Mayor Warns Hippies to Stay Out of Town," San Francisco

Chronicle, March 24, 1967, box 1, folder 6, Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public

Library.

[44] Street Rap, "Survival School" The Communication Company, 1967, 19 box 1, folder 7, Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public Library.

[45] Chester Anderson, Printed by the communication company a member of the underground press syndicate posted in multiple copies on the street, April 16,

1967 "Uncle Tim'$ Children," box 1, folder 7, Hippie Collection, San Francisco

Public Library.

[46] Ibid.

[47] Unknown Author, “Trouble in Hippieland,” Newsweek. October 30, 1967, Cover.

[48] Ibid.

[49] Unknown Author, “11 Under Arrest In Orgy Death” Oakland Tribune. October

4, 1968, Hayward Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland

Tribune.

[50] Ibid.

[51] Allen Cohen and Stephen Walzer, Childbirth Is Ecstasy (San Francisco,

Aquarius Publishing Co. 1971).

[52] Steve Walzer to Allen Cohen, 1971-1972, Letters (6x), correspondence between box 1, folder 1, Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public Library.

[53] Ibid.

[54] Joyce Robinson, "Founding Settler of New Buffalo," Scrapbook, 39.

[55] Adam Hirschfelder, “The Trips Festival Explained,“ January 14, 2016.

California Historical Society, Accessed July 10, 2020. https://experiments.californiahistoricalsociety.org/what-was-the-trips-festival/

[56] Frank Mastropolo, “50 Years Ago: Grateful Dead and Big Brother & the Holding

Company Begin the Haight-Ashbury Era at the Trips Festival,” January 31, 2016.

Ultimate Classic Rock, Accessed August 29, 2020. https://ultimateclassicrock.com/trips- festival/

[57] Unohoo, Coyote, Rick, and the Mighty Avengers. “A Fast Run Through Part I,”

The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness First Edition, First Edition,

(Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973) 25.

[58] Ibid.

[59] Unohoo, Coyote, Rick, and the Mighty Avengers. “A Costly Ruling for

Gottlieb’s Hippie Ranch,” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness

First Edition, (Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973) 39.

[60] Unohoo, Coyote, Rick, and the Mighty Avengers, “A Costly Ruling for

Gottlieb’s Hippie Ranch,” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness

First Edition, (Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973) 39.

[61] Iris Keltz. Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a

Cultural Revolution. (El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 81.

[62] Unohoo, Coyote, Rick, and the Mighty Avengers, “11 Hippies Are Found

Guilty, Eight Freed” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness First

Edition, (Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973) 94.

[63] Unohoo, Coyote, Rick, and the Mighty Avengers. “Woman Hippie Fights

Deputies,” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness First Edition,

(Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973) 98.

[64] Pam Hanna, “Infinite Points of Time: Morningstar Chronicles, Part 1,” The

Digger Archives. Date Accessed August 29, 2020. https://www.diggers.org/most/mstar_chron1.htm

[65] Unohoo, Coyote, Rick, and the Mighty Avengers. “Open Land Manifesto,” The

Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness First Edition, (Occidental:

Friends of Morningstar, 1973) 153.

[66] David Hoffman. Interview with author. Personal Interview. Santa Rosa, Ca.

April 2016.

[67] Ibid.

[68] Ibid.

[69] Robert M. Knight, “Hippies Hurting Tourist Trade in Taos, N.M” Oakland

Tribune. October 4th, 1968, Hayward Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the

Oakland Tribune.

[70] Sylvia Rodríquez. “Countercultural Taos: A Memoir”, In Voices in the

Counterculture in the American Southwest, ed. Jack Loeffler, Meredith Davidson,

(Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2017) 111.

[71] Sylvia Rodríquez. “Countercultural Taos: A Memoir,” In Voices in the

Counterculture in the American Southwest, ed. Jack Loeffler, Meredith Davidson,

(Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2017) 109.

[72] Iris, Keltz. Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a

Cultural Revolution. (El Paso, Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 81.

[73] Ibid

[74] Iris Keltz, “La Raza and Newcomers”, Fountain of Light (reprinted from El Grito

Del Norte) Iris Keltz, 54.

[75] Iris, Keltz. Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a

Cultural Revolution. (El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000).82.

[76] Arthur Kopecky, New Buffalo, 204.

[77] Elaine Tyler May, America, and the Pill: A History of Promise, Peril, and Liberation (New York: Basic Books, 2011), xi.

[78] Interview by author. Telephone interview. Santa Rosa, May 3, 2017.

[79] Near. “Afterword,” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open Door

California Communes, The Digger Archives, accessed October 10, 2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_after.html

[80] For more information on Second-wave Feminism, see: The Second Sex by

Simone de Beauvoir (1949), The Feminine Mystique by Betty Friedan (1963), Sexual

Politics by Kate Millett (1970), The Female Eunuch by Germaine Greer (1970)

Against Our Will: Men. Women and Rape by Susan Brownmiller (1975) Collins,

Patricia Hill. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of

Empowerment by Patricia Hill Collins (2009).

[81] May, America, and the Pill, 6.

[82] Iris Keltz, Interviewed by author. Telephone interview. Santa Rosa, May 3, 2017.

[83] Unknown Author, "Clerk Seized In S.F. Smut Crackdown." Oakland Tribune,

November 18, 1966. Hayward Area Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland Tribune.

[84] ‘Love Book’ Condemned By Shelly”, Oakland Tribune, November 26,

1966. Hayward Area Historical Society, HAHS Collection, Gift of the Oakland

Tribune.

[85] Ken Hunt, “Lenore Kandel: Beat poet whose 'The Love Book' fell victim to one of San Francisco's longest ever court cases," The Independent. December 11, 2009. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/obituaries/lenore-kandel-beat-poet-whose-the- love- book-fell-victim-to-one-of-san-franciscos-longest-ever-court-1837947.html

[86] Lenore Kandel, “The Love Book” from S.F. Hippie collection pamphlet, n.d., box

1, folder 5, Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public Library.

[87] In the spirit of activism, hippies gathered on the steps of the Hall of Justice in San

Francisco for a public Kiss-In. "Kiss-In” The Communication Company, October

1966. 19 box 1, folder 7, Hippie Collection, San Francisco Public Library.

[88] Jill D’Alessandro, “The Summer of Love Experience: Art, Fashion, and Rock

& Roll.” Exhibit. San Francisco de Young museum. April 8, 2017-August 20, 2017.

[89] Suzan Cooke. Interview with Susan Stryker and Joanne Meyerowitz. January

10, 1998.19. Gay and Lesbian Historical Society of Northern California, http://revolution.berkeley.edu/assets/Suzy-Cooke-Interview-full.pdf

[90] Ibid.

[91] Tony Bravo. “The Summer of Love Fashionista,” San Francisco Chronicle, April

9, 2017. https://www.sfchronicle.com/style/article/Style-Files-Jeanne-Rose-and-the-

Summer-of-11052561.php

[92] Ibid.

[93] Pam Hanna. “Infinite Points of Time: Morningstar Chronicles, Part 1,” The

Digger Archives. Date Accessed August 29, 2020. https://www.diggers.org/most/mstar_chron1.htm

[94] Timothy Miller, The 60s Communes: Hippies and Beyond. (New York:

Syracuse University Press, 1999) 199.

[95] Margaret Hollenbach, Lost and Found: My Life in a Group Marriage

Commune, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2004).

[96] Hollenbach, Lost and Found 53.

[97] Near, "Afterword." Home Free Home: A History of Two Open Door

California Communes, The Digger Archive, http://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_after.html. [98]Timothy Miller, The 60s

Communes: Hippies and Beyond. (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1999).

119.

[99] Hollenbach, Lost and Found, 8.

[100] Pam Hanna, Hanna, Pam. “Infinite Points of Time: Morningstar Chronicles,

Part 1,” The Digger Archives. Date Accessed August 29, 2020. https://www.diggers.org/most/mstar_chron1.htm

[101] Merimée Moffitt, Free Love, Free Fall: Scenes from the West Coast Sixties

(Albuquerque: ABQ Press, 2016) 231.

[102] Joyce Robinson, “Founding Settler of New Mexico”, Scrapbook, 44.

[103] Hollenbach, Lost and Found, 1.

[104] Bill Wheeler. “Relationships and Sol Ray’s Birth," Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-Door California Communes, The Digger Archives. Accessed October 10,

2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_20.html

[105] Unknown Author. “Ritual Magic," Kaliflower. Vol. 3, No. 3, May 20, 1971.

The Digger Archives, Accessed October 10, 2019. http://www.diggers.org/kaliflower/volume_3.htm

[106] Unknown Author. “Virgin’s Liberation Front," Kaliflower. Vol. 3, No. 11, July

15, 1971. The Digger Archives, (Accessed October 11, 2019) http://www.diggers.org/kaliflower/volume_3.htm

[107] Bill Wheeler, “Relationships and Sol Ray’s Birth," Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-Door California Communes, The Digger Archives. (Accessed October

10, 2019) https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_20.html

[108] Allen Cohen and Stephen Walzer, Childbirth is Ecstasy, (San Francisco:

Aquarius Publishing Company, 1971) 75.

[109] Unknown Author, “The Hippies: Philosophy of a Subculture” Time, July 7th,

1967 cover story.

[110] Rain, “First Arrivals” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-Door

California Communes The Digger Archives. Accessed October 10, 2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_02.html

[111] Ben, “First Arrivals” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-Door

California Communes The Digger Archives. Accessed October 10, 2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_02.html

[112] Ramon Sender, “First Arrivals” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-

Door California Communes The Digger Archives. Accessed October 10, 2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_02.html

[113] Lou Gottlieb, “First Arrivals” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-

Door California Communes The Digger Archives. Accessed October 10, 2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_02.html

[114] Unohoo, Coyote, Rick, and the Mighty Avengers, “Gottlieb Signs

Complaints”, “Gottlieb’s Vision Of New Society”, “Gottlieb’s Day in Court; God

Loses”. The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness First Edition, First

Edition, (Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973). 72, 73, 169.

[115] Joan Didion, Slouching Towards Bethlehem, (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1968) 113.

[116] Keltz, “Do Hippies Love Us For Our Food Stamps?” reprinted from The Taos

News, February 19, 1970. 72. In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the

Heart of a Cultural Revolution. (El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 72.

[117] Keltz, “Food Stamps”, reprinted from Fountain of Light, April 12th, 1970. 73. In

Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. (El

Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 73.

[118] Kopecky, New Buffalo, 83.

[119] Pam Hanna, “Infinite Points of Time: Morningstar Chronicles, Part 1,” edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives. Date Accessed August 29, 2020. https://www.diggers.org/most/mstar_chron1.htm

[120] Iris Keltz, “Close Encounters with New Buffalo,” edited by Iris Keltz. In

Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution.

(El Paso, Cinco Puntos Press: 2000) 50.

[121] Joyce Robinson, Robinson, Joyce. Edited by Iris Keltz. “Founding Settler of

New Buffalo," Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural

Revolution. (El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 43.

[122] Kopecky New Buffalo, 26.

[123] Ibid.

[124] Elana, “Adobe House,” Country Women, No 9. January 1974: 4-6. (PDF)

[125] Laurel, Alicia Bay. Living on the Earth. (Layton: Gibbs Smith Publisher, 1970) 73.

[126] Fred S. Kleiner (eds,) Christin J. Mamiya (eds), Richard G. Tansey (eds), “Paths to Enlightenment: The Ancient Art of South and Southeast Asia.” Gardner’s Art

Through the Ages 11th edition, 161-178. (Belmont: Thomson Wadsworth, 2001) 793.

[127] Richard Wentz and Dorothy Wentz, Wentz, Richard and Dorothy Wentz. Lying-

In: A History of Childbirth in America. London: Yale University Press, 1990.

[128] Ibid.

[129] Adrian E. Feldhusen. “The History of Midwifery and Childbirth in America: A

Timeline” Midwifery Today, 2000. Online article. Accessed August 28, 2020. https://midwiferytoday.com/web-article/history-midwifery-childbirth-america-timeline/

[130] Ina May Gaskin. Spiritual Midwifery, (Summertown: Book Publishing

Company, 1975).

[131] Sender, Ramon. Interview by Author. Email Interview, Santa Rosa, CA.

February 22, 2018.

[132] Jack Loeffler, “Indian Tales.” In Voices of the Counterculture in the

Southwest, edited by Meredith Davidson and Jack Loeffler, (Santa Fe: Museum of

New Mexico Press, 2017) 157.

[133] Allen Cohen, Stephen Walzer, Childbirth is Ecstasy, (San Francisco:

Aquarius Publishing Company, 1971).

[134] Cohen, Walzer, Childbirth is Ecstasy, cover image.

[135] Cohen, Walzer, Childbirth is Ecstasy, 72.

[136] Keltz, “Birthing Day Party,” In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El Paso, Cinco Puntos Press:

2000)180.

[137] Allen Cohen and Steve Walzer, Childbirth is Ecstasy,12.

[138] Iris Keltz, “Birthing Day Party,” In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. Edited by Iris Keltz (El Paso, Cinco Puntos

Press: 2000) 183.

[139] Virginia Bush, “Childbirth: Some Questions,” reprinted from Fountain of Light, In

Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El Paso, Cinco Puntos Press: 2000) 184.

[140] Kopecky, New Buffalo, 218.

[141] Pam Hanna, “The Joy of Home Birth,” unpublished memoir. Accessed 5/17/18.

[142] Alicia Bay Laurel. Living on the Earth. (Layton: Gibbs Smith Publisher, 1970)

[143] Alicia Bay Laurel. Living on the Earth. (Layton: Gibbs Smith Publisher, 1970) 64.

[144] Lemke-Santangelo, Daughters of Aquarius, 146.

[145] Pam Hanna, Interview by author. Email Interview. Santa Rosa, CA. March

2016- June 2016.

[146] Gwen Wheeler, “Baby Raspberry Arrives and Parents Visit,” Chapter

Sixteen, Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-Door California Communes, edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives. Accessed October 10, 2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_16.html

[147] Ibid.

[148] Miller, The 60s, 156.

[149] Kopecky, New Buffalo, 63.

[150] Pam Hanna, Interview by author. Email Interview. Santa Rosa, CA. March

2016- June 2016.

[151] Ibid.

[152] Near. “Afterword,” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open Door California

Communes, edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives, accessed October 10,

2019, wwwdiggers.org/homefree/hfh_after.html

[153] Kopecky, New Buffalo, 272.

[154] Near. “Afterword,” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open Door California

Communes, edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives, accessed October 10,

2019, wwwdiggers.org/homefree/hfh_after.html

[155] Pam Hanna, “Infinite Points of Time: Morningstar Chronicles, Part 1,” edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives. Date Accessed August 29, 2020. https://www.diggers.org/most/mstar_chron1.htm

[156] Ibid.

[157] Laurel, Living on the Earth, 100.

[158] Laurel, Living on the Earth, 101.

[159] Pam Hanna, “Infinite Points of Time: Morningstar Chronicles, Part II (New

Mexico),” edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives. Date Accessed August

29, 2020. https://www.diggers.org/most/mstar_chron2.htm

[160] Kopecky, New Buffalo, 159.

[161] John Rothchild and Susan Wolf, Children of the Counterculture, (N.Y.:

Doubleday 1976).

[162] Miller, the 60s, 185.

[163] Morgan Haynes. “TLC and the Counterculture: A Kid’s Perspective,” In

Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El Paso, Cinco Puntos Press: 2000) 70.

[164] Jasmine, “Hearthshire School,” Hearthshire Community and Hearth School,

The Digger Archives. Edited by Ramon Sender. http://www.diggers.org/hearth.html

[165] Iris Keltz. “TLC Better Known as Taos Learning Center,” In Scrapbook of a

Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris

Keltz, (El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 82.

[166] Keltz, “TLC Better Known as Taos Learning Center,” In Scrapbook of a

Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris

Keltz, El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000. Scrapbook, 63.

[167] Keltz, “TLC Better Known as Taos Learning Center,” In Scrapbook of a

Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris

Keltz, El Paso: Cinco Puntos Press, 2000. Scrapbook, 69.

[168] Kopecky, New Buffalo, 209.

[169] Natalie Goldberg. Interview by Jenny Attiyeh, “Zen and the Art of Writing,”

September 23, 2007. https://thoughtcast.org/natalie-goldberg/

[170] Natalie Goldberg. Interview by Jenny Attiyeh, “Zen and the Art of Writing,”

September 23, 2007. https://thoughtcast.org/natalie-goldberg/

[171] Natalie Goldberg. Writing Down the Bones: Freeing the Writer Within.

(Boulder: Shambhala Publications, Inc. 1986).

[172] Iris Keltz, “DaNahazli: Returning Spring,” In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie:

Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El Paso:

Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 190.

[173] Kopecky, New Buffalo, 209.

[174] Iris Keltz, “DaNahazli: Returning Spring,” In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie:

Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El Paso:

Cinco Puntos Press, 2000) 191.

[175] Irwin Klein: Bride and groom Mary Mitchell Gordon and Robbie Gordon at

Arroyo Hondo; photo courtesy the Irwin B. Klein Estate, In Irwin Klein & the New

Settlers: Photographs of Counterculture in New Mexico. Edited by Benjamin Klein.

(Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2016).

[176] John H. Fenton. “OUSTED EDUCATOR REBUTS HARVARD; Denies He

Broke Pledge in Testing Drugs on Students,” (New York Times May 29, 1963) 13.

[177] Ram Dass. BE HERE NOW, (San Cristobal: Lama Foundation, 1971) 8.

[178] Ram Dass. BE HERE NOW, (San Cristobal: Lama Foundation, 1971).

[179] Stephen Kinzer. Interview by Terry Gross, “The CIA's Secret Quest For

Mind Control: Torture, LSD And A 'Poisoner In Chief,'” September 9, 2019.

Fresh Air, National Public Radio. https://www.npr.org/2019/09/09/758989641/the-cias-secret-quest-for-mind- control- torture-lsd-and-a-poisoner-in-chief

[180] Unknown Author. "The LSD Conference” Lifelong Learning: University of

California Extension, Berkeley. June 13-18, 1966, Pamphlet, Hippie Collection,

San Francisco Public Library.

[181] John Lennon, and Paul McCartney, “Lucy in the Sky with Diamonds,” Sgt.

Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band, May 26, 1967, Sony/ATV Music Publishing

LLC.

[182] Jack Loeffler. “Headed in the Wind.” In Voices of the Counterculture in the

Southwest, edited by Meredith Davidson and Jack Loeffler, (Santa Fe: Museum of

New Mexico Press, 2017) 17.

[183] Yvonne Bond, “Yvonne Bond’s Tale,” in Voices of the Counterculture in the

Southwest, ed. Jack Loeffler and Meredith Davidson (Santa Fe: Museum of New

Mexico Press, 2017) 47.

[184] Yvonne Bond, “Yvonne Bond’s Tale,” In Voices of the Counterculture in the

Southwest, ed. Jack Loeffler and Meredith Davidson (Santa Fe: Museum of New

Mexico Press, 2017), 37.

[185] John James Collins, “A Descriptive Introduction to the Taos Peyote Ceremony,”

Ethnology, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Oct, 1968) 427-449.

[186] Kopecky, New Buffalo,161.

[187] For more information about the establishing of this Taos art colony, see

Intimate Memories: The Autobiography of Mabel Dodge Luhan by Mabel Dodge

Luhan.

[188] Lorelei Brown, Seth Brown and Jennifer Sihvonen, “The Silversmiths at the

Mabel Dodge Luhan House,” edited by Iris Keltz, 161-169. In Scrapbook of a Taos

Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. (El Paso: Cinco Puntos

Press, 2000) 161.

[189] Lorelei Brown, Seth Brown and Jennifer Sihvonen, “The Silversmiths at the

Mabel Dodge Luhan House,” edited by Iris Keltz, 161-169. In Scrapbook of a Taos

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[190] Kopecky, New Buffalo,172.

[191] Rina Swentzell, “In the Center and the Edge at Once.” In Voices of the

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(Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2017) 146.

[192] John James Collins, “A Descriptive Introduction to the Taos Peyote Ceremony”.

Ethnology, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Oct., 1968), 427-449.

[193] Iris Keltz, “The Peyote Church,” In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El Paso: Cinco Puntos

Press, 2000) 106.

[194] John James Collins, “A Descriptive Introduction to the Taos Peyote Ceremony”.

Ethnology, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Oct., 1968) 434.

[195] John James Collins, “A Descriptive Introduction to the Taos Peyote Ceremony,”

Ethnology, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Oct., 1968) 427-449.

[196] Iris Keltz, “Close Encounters with New Buffalo,” In Scrapbook of a Taos

Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El

Paso, Cinco Puntos Press: 2000) 52.

[197] Jack Loeffler, “Headed into the Wind”, Voices of the Counterculture in the

Southwest ed. Jack Loeffler and Meredith Davidson (Santa Fe: Museum of New

Mexico Press, 2017), 20.

[198] Barbara Durkee, “Mama Lama.” In Scrapbook of a Taos Hippie: Tribal Tales from the Heart of a Cultural Revolution. edited by Iris Keltz, (El Paso: Cinco Puntos

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[199] Lisa Law, “Flashing on the Counterculture.” edited by Jack Loeffler and Meredith

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[200] Pam Hanna, Interview by author. Email Interview. Santa Rosa, CA. March 2016-

June 2016.

[201] Karen Cohen. Interview by author. Phone Interview. Santa Rosa, Ca. April

8, 2016.

[202] Troy Johnson, “We Hold the Rock,” Alcatraz Island, National Park Service,

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[203] Ibid.

[204] Bryan, John. “Buffy on Hippies—‘They’ll Never be Indians,’” Berkeley Barb,

Issue 26, 98 (June 30-July 6 1967): 10. The Berkeley Barb Archives, Date Accessed

August 28, 2020. http://www.berkeleybarb.net/archives.html

[205] Sherry L. Smith, Hippies, Indians, and the Fight for Red Power, (New

York: Oxford University Press 2012).

[206] Sherry L. Smith, Hippies, Indians, and the Fight, 49.

[207] Yvonne Bond. Interview by Jack Loeffler. Transcript. New Mexico, July 15,

2014 Part One.

[208] Jack Loeffler, “Headed into the Wind,” in Voices of the Counterculture in the

Southwest, ed. Jack Loeffler and Meredith Davidson (Santa Fe: Museum of New

Mexico Press, 2017), 25.

[209] Jack Loeffler, “Headed into the Wind,” in Voices of the Counterculture in the

Southwest, ed. Jack Loeffler and Meredith Davidson (Santa Fe: Museum of New

Mexico Press, 2017), 25-26.

[210] Hurwitt, Robert “Peter Berg, Activist and Diggers Co-Founder, Dies,” San

Francisco Chronicle. November 30, 2011. https://www.sfgate.com/bayarea/article/Peter- Berg-activist-and-Diggers-co-founder- dies-

2335313.php#:~:text=Peter%20Berg%2C%20a%20key%20figure,He%20was%2073.

[211] Taylor, Bron. “Bioregionalism: An Ethics of Loyalty to Place,” Landscape

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[212] Lisa Law, “Flashing on the Counterculture.” edited by Jack Loeffler and Meredith

Davidson, In Voices of the Counterculture in the Southwest. (Santa Fe: Museum of New

Mexico Press, 2017) 76.

[213] Savage, Melissa. Interview by Jack Loeffler. Personal Interview, New

Mexico. June 11, 2015.

[214] Taylor Bron. "Earthen Spirituality or Cultural Genocide?: Radical

Environmentalism's Appropriation of Native American Spirituality." Religion

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[215] Gina, “First Arrivals” Home Free Home: A History of Two Open-Door

California Communes, edited by Ramon Sender. The Digger Archives. Accessed

October 10, 2019. https://www.diggers.org/homefree/hfh_02.html

[216] Unknown Author, “WHO ARE THESE MEN?” Street Rap. The

Communication Company, 1967, 19 box 1, folder 7, Hippie Collection, San Francisco

Public Library.

[217] Billy Preston, “All Things (Must) Pass,” Encouraging Words, September 11,

1970 London: Trident Studios.

[218] Unknown Author. “History of Lama Foundation,” Lama Foundation, Accessed

September 1, 2020. https://www.lamafoundation.org/about-lama-foundation/history- of- lama-foundation

[219] Peter Coyote, “We Know What to Do with Desire,” edited by Jack Loeffler and

Meredith Meredith Davidson, In Voices of the Counterculture in the Southwest. Santa

Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 2017) 54.

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_ _ _. “A Costly Ruling for Gottlieb’s Hippie Ranch,” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness., First Edition, Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973.

_ _ _. “A Fast Run Through Part I” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness. First Edition, Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973.

_ _ _. “Gottlieb Signs Complaints,” “Gottlieb’s Vision Of New Society,” “Gottlieb’s Day in Court; God Loses,” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness. First Edition, Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973.

_ _ _. “Open Land Manifesto,” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness. First Edition, Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973.

_ _ _. “Woman Hippie Fights Deputies,” The Morningstar Scrapbook:’N The Pursuit of Happiness. First Edition, Occidental: Friends of Morningstar, 1973.

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