Integration Policies and Real Integration
A study of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community in Spain
Author: Zara Nahyma Yusseff V Supervisor: Jonas Ewald Examiner: Heiko Fritz Term: Spring 2020 Subject: Peace and Development Work Level: Master Course code: 4FU42E
Abstract
The research on the integration of immigrants has become important during the last decades and the ways of measuring the integration of immigrants became more specific and specialized. In this study, the integration of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Autonomous Community of Spain was selected, considering that it is one of the most numerous foreign conglomerates and the one that contribute most to the economy of the Valencian Community.
The study aims to investigate whether Moroccan immigrants are integrated into the Valencian Community and what is the role of government integration plans to achieve this integration. This study was divided into two stages, first, an analysis of the plans to know the rights and guarantees of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community and second, a field study where Moroccan immigrants were interviewed to know their level of interaction with the host society.
The study takes the Spencer and Charsley Domain Model, to analyze the integration processes of Moroccan immigrants through different domains, such as social, structural, cultural, civic, or in relation to identity. During fieldwork, interviews were conducted using specific measurement indicators, such as the level of participation in the labor market, access to training and education, the level of social interaction with the community, the change of values or in their lifestyle and the sense of belonging to the host country, among others. Also, the gender and age of the immigrants were considered.
The study concludes that the integration plans have an important role in the integration process by providing an equal opportunity base for immigrants. However, Moroccan immigrants, have weak ties at a cultural and social level with Spain, despite expressing their willingness to stay in Spain.
Keywords: Migration - Integration -Moroccan Immigrants - Spain Immigrants – Measurement indicators - Model of Domains.
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank all professors of the Master in Peace and Development; each class was an imaginary journey through different countries of the world and the challenges that each one of them faces. I especially thank my tutor Jonas Ewald for his trust and for sharing his vast knowledge with me. I also thank my classmates for the wonderful time we have shared, they know that they are always welcome.
I would also like to thank the people and institutions that open their doors and their hearts to me in Spain to make fieldwork possible.
Finally, thanks to my beautiful family, near and far. To my parents and brothers for always believing in me, to my sister for her constant support and affection and most importantly to my great loves Jarod, Adrian and Roman, for their love and because with you everything is possible. Nahyma
3 Acronyms
CEIM Centro de Estudios para la Integración Social y Formación de inmigrantes EESC The European Economic and Social Council ESO Compulsory Basic Education IOM International Organization for Migration LRBR The Regulatory Law of the bases of the Local Regime MPI Migration Policy Institute NGO Non-governmental organizations OPI Permanent Immigration Observatory PECI The Strategic Plan for Citizenship and Integration PEIO The National Equal Opportunity Strategic Plan PNAIN The National Social Inclusion Plan PVICs Valencian Plan for Inclusion and Social Cohesion UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Program
4 Table of content
ACKNOWLEDGMENT ABSTRACT ACRONYMS
CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 6
1.1 BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION 7 1.2 AIM OF THE STUDY AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS 9 1.3 STUDY DELIMITATION 10 1.4 ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS 10
CHAPTER TW0: LITERATURE REVIEW 11
CHAPTER THREE: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 15
3.1 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK : LIBERAL EGALITARIANISM 15 3.2 ANALYTICAL FRAMEWORK: MODEL OF DOMAINS 16 3.3 THE MEASUREMENT OF SOCIAL INTEGRATION 17 3.4 INTEGRATION MODELS 18
CHAPTER FOUR: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 23
4.1 STUDY DESIGN 23 4.2 SCIENTIFIC APPROACH: ABDUCTIVE REASONING 23 4.3 DATA COLLECTION PROCESS 24 4.3.1 SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEWS 25 4.3.2 SAMPLING INTERVIEWS- SNOWBALLING 26 4.4 DATA ANALYSIS 26
CHAPTER FIVE: FINDINGS AND ANALYSIS 27
5.1 CONTEXT 27 5.2 INTEGRATION PLANS IN SPAIN 28 5.3 RIGHTS AND GUARANTEES FOR MOROCCAN IMMIGRANTS 30 5.3.1 INTEGRATION IN THE DOMAINS 31 5.4. WHAT ARE THE CHALLENGES FACED BY MOROCCAN IMMIGRANTS 37 5.4.1 INTEGRATION IN THE DOMAINS 38
CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSIONS 47
REFERENCES APPENDIX
5 Introduction
According to the Report on migration in the world, current estimates are that there are 272 million international migrants globally and the number of refugees is more than 25.9 million people around the world (IOM, 2020). Migrations are often carried out thanks to spontaneous and self-organized social activists and established international organizations for the protection of migrants, work that is rarely recognized despite the challenges involved.
Migration has become an important topic in the world in recent years. Currently, due to different political and social factors in North Africa, mass migration through the Mediterranean Sea has become an increasingly real threat. The arrival of boats full of immigrants trying to reach the Spanish and Italian coasts shows the seriousness of the situation, as well as the violent incursion of African immigrants to the city of Melilla in the last year.
Moving away from the sociological or legal study on the causes of immigration, this study focuses on the integration, the stage after the arrival of immigrants. Taking into account that successful integration can be considered the result of successful integration policy, the study aims to investigate if Moroccans immigrants are integrated into the Valencian Community (Comunidad Valenciana) and what role the integration plans play in achieving this integration. The foregoing considering that the integration plans are the written expression of the migration policy of the country or community. They contain the guidelines and tools that will be used in the integration process through the different domains of integration as structural, social, cultural, civic and political participation and concerning identity.
It is worth noting that the integration of immigrants has gained importance in the academic field in recent years. Concerning Moroccan immigrants, most of the research focuses on the immigration process, places of origin or arrival, and the causes of migration (De Haas, 2005). There are specific studies such as the integration of Moroccans in Belgium (Manso, 2016), the linguistic integration of the Moroccan collective in Spain (Lopez, 2016) or studies about the family living arrangements of Moroccans in Spain (Liu et al., 2019). Nevertheless, there are no studies that investigate whether Moroccans immigrants, who arrive at the Valencian
6 Community, are integrated into the host society in the different domains, or about the role that integration plans play in this regard, even though Moroccan immigrants represent the largest group in the Valencian Community.
According to the National Institute of Statistics (Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, INE), it is estimated that at least 86,000 Moroccans are in the Valencian Community, of which approximately 30,000 are kept off the radar of the authorities due to their irregular condition (INE, 2020) For this reason, it is relevant to study the integration of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community, since the Moroccan community is one of those that have the greatest integration needs, one of the most numerous and the one that contribute the most to Valencian’ society and economy (CEIM, 2016).
The work was divided into two stages. In the first stage, desk research was carried out to obtain a global vision of the processes of integration, the policies, and laws in which the governmental inclusion plans are framed. Also, to establish the rights of Moroccans immigrants in the different spheres in which their lives are carried out within the Valencian Community. The second stage consists of qualitative fieldwork in Spain, between 21th May and 14th August 2019. The fieldwork included semi-structured interviews to Moroccan immigrants of the first and second-generation, as well as to volunteers from organizations working in the field of integration, to obtain a holistic vision about the integration process in their community and to know the perception of this collective about the integration process and plans.
To measure the level of immigrant’s integration it was necessary to use indicators related to specific questions like participation in labor and housing market, social security affiliation, family composition, changing values, or identification with the host country.
1.1 Background and justification The historical migration from Morocco to Spain can be explained because the Spanish and Moroccan coasts are separated by only 14 kilometers; also, the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla sit on the northern Morocco’s Mediterranean coast, which promotes and facilitates immigration to Spain. The migration relationship between North Africa and Europe has been
7 a constant, according to De Haas (2005) in the seventh century following the reconquest of the Iberian Peninsula, large numbers of Arabic-speakers migrated to Spain from present-day Morocco, moreover, the slave trade became a form of forced migration of Morocco’s people at that time. After the colonial era and during World War I and World War II, tens of thousands of Moroccan men were recruited by factories, mines and 40,000 Moroccans were employed in Franco's army, in 1960s labor migration from Morocco to Spain was limited during the Spanish civil war (De Haas, 2005).
Nevertheless, during the 1960s due to the large-scale labor emigration to France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and Germany, Spain became a transit country for Moroccan immigrants to more attractive destinations like Italy and France. Lately, in the 1980s Spain and Italy emerged as important destination countries, the emigration from Morocco increased quickly, going from 1000 immigrants registered in 1968 to 59,000 in 1990 (De Haas, 2005), reaching 746,000 in 2010 (Colectivo Ioé, 2012). At this time, the North African migration to Spain had become a cause of concern and a visa requirement was established for North Africans, since then, the number of Morocco immigrants from North Africa have increased markedly in the European country (see Table 1).
Despite legal requirements to enter the country, statistics show an increase of the Moroccan population officially residing in Spain. In 1982, 26,000 Moroccan immigrants were residing in Spain. Those numbers increased to half a million in 2005. However, the numbers do not consider undocumented immigration. Only in the Valencian Community there are at least 30,000 undocumented immigrants, most of whom come from the Rif and Morocco Oriental (Garcia & Berriane, 2004).
At the same time that Europe was building barriers to prevent the immigration of Africans, Morocco was developing as a transit country for migrants from sub-Saharan Africa to Spain through the Strait of Gibraltar, which has been compared by De Haas with the Rio Grande between the U.S. and Mexico (De Haas, 2010). Nowadays, tens of thousands of Moroccans come into Europe each year, making it the main gateway to Europe for African immigrants (OIM, 2020).
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Table 1: Number of registered Moroccans living in selected countries in Europe, including second and third generations
Year France Spain Italy Netherlands Belgium Germany Total 1968 84,000 1,000 NA 13,000 21,000 18,000 137,000 1972 218,000 5,000 NA 28,000 25,000 15,000 291,000 1975 260,000 9,000 NA 33,000 66,000 26,000 394,000 1982 431,000 26,000 1,000 93,000 110,000 43,000 704,000 1990 713.987 133.341 169.285 114.850 295.459 72.631 1.499.553 1998 728,000 200,000 195,000 242,000 155,000 98,000 1.618,000 2005 832.641 521.940 355.367 168.387 174.789 85.965 2.139.089 2010 870.001 763.734 416.832 167.858 178.899 92.677 2.490.001 2015 963.774 699.880 424.080 172.291 208.072 96.565 2.564.662 2017 940.552 706.520 432.718 180.226 92.399 114.938 2.467.353 2019 1.020.162 711.792 450.557 180.879 226.216 105.928 2.695.534
Sources: 1968-1982 from de Haas, 2005 (El Mansouri 1996 (F, NL, B, G 1968 – 1982) https://www.migrationpolicy.org/print/4662#.XMgdYi1t_OR 1990--2019 from Datos Macro https://datosmacro.expansion.com/demografia/migracion/emigracion/marruecos?anio=1990#geo
1.2 Aim of the study and Research Question
The study aims to investigate whether Moroccan immigrants arriving on the Spanish coast of Valencia have been integrated into the Valencian Community and what role integration plans played to achieve it. Likewise, advances in the understanding of the integration process in Spain from the perspective of Moroccan immigrants. For that purpose, the following main question was addressed:
● Are Moroccans Immigrants who arrive in the Valencian Community, integrated into the Society? To solve the main research question, it was necessary to consider the following subsidiary questions: • What are the rights granted by law for Moroccan immigrants in Spain? • What are the guarantees offered in the integration plans for Moroccan immigrants within the Valencian Community? • What are the challenges that Moroccan immigrants face in their integration process in the Valencian Community?
9 These questions were addressed in two steps, first, a desk study about the rights and legal guarantees of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community and, second a fieldwork with Moroccans immigrants were conducted in the Valencian Community in Spain.
1.3 Study Delimitation
It is important to note that integration policies are not uniform in all the autonomous communities of Spain and although the immigrant`s integration is framed in international and national laws, there are different procedures, tools, and models used for the implementation of the policies of integration between different communities. In this sense, this study was limited to the level of integration reached by members of the Moroccan community according to the policies and practices applied in the Valencian Community. This, taking into account that the origin of the immigrant has an impact not only on how integration occurs but also in the immigrant's ability to develop integration strategies that combine the social space of their country of origin and the host country (Gonzalez-Rabago et al., 2014).
1.4 Ethical considerations
During desk work, I tried to collect information from various sources, both official and recognized entities in the field of immigrant integration to avoid partial or subjective information. Once in the fieldwork, given the importance of ethics in social research (Denscombe, 2014), the main consideration was to show respect for the rights of the participants throughout the study. The first step was to review the questionnaires from the interviews with the volunteer staff to assess the relevance of the questions, taking into account their knowledge of Moroccan culture. Subsequently, the interviewers were informed about the voluntary nature of their participation and their right to withdraw or not answer any question according to their own will. Likewise, the purpose of the study and the handling of the information collected was explained, keeping the confidential and anonymous nature of the data throughout the study.
10 Chapter Two: Literature Review
Among the research carried out in the field of immigrants` integration, it has been found studies that explore the concept of integration, focus on theories that establish the difference between integration and assimilation (Favell, 2010). In them, the integration refers to the creation of national institutions that allow the unification of a diverse population in circumstances of growth of national diversity while the assimilation requires the learning and adjustment of the values to the host society, leaving aside the own culture for the new culture that is assimilated (Hipolito-Delgado, 2014). Other authors as Garcia or Spencer focus on integration measurement models and try to show the effectiveness of a theoretical framework based on the conceptualization of integration as a multi-directional process separated by domains which in essence are: structural, social, cultural, civic and political participation and concerning identity (Garcia, 2010; Spencer et al, 2016). It should be noted that the present investigation has been developed under this model, so the subject will be expanded later in the following chapters.
At the theoretical level, several authors go beyond the concept of integration and focus on models of incorporation of immigrants. In this regard, Bertossi and Duyvendak (2012) argue that the models were conceived as traditions, legacies, or national sanctuaries by actors involved in the formulation of policies. In this sense, the integration policies of France as a republican country were considered as a broad model of incorporation of immigrants. The Netherlands and Great Britain are considered multicultural societies and Germany is considered an ethnonational country. Therefore, each country, according to its system of normative values, adopts a model of incorporation of immigrants, which explains, according to the authors, the differences in the integration policies of immigrants between countries in the 21st century (Bertossi & Duyvendaket, 2012). Concerning the immigrant condition, a complete study done by the University of Murcia was found. This study describes the role of immigrants and the integration of Muslim groups in Spain (Jordi Moreras, 2005) In addition, issues such as the situation of irregular immigrants in
11 Spain and the citizenship rights of the immigrant community are addressed. A study that allows seeing the disadvantages of immigrants in Spain not only socially but also legally.
In the field of integration models, González-Rábago (2014) argues that despite the European consensus on integration, the importance of the society of origin and the links of immigrants with it has been neglected. On the other hand, some factors directly influence the integration process, such as politic and ideology (González-Rábago, 2014).
Regarding human rights, the supranational approach to Human Rights and fundamental freedoms establishes a series of standards that must be respected by the countries that host immigrants (Murphy et al, 2017). Also, in studies conducted by the European Council, it is argued that the integration policies of each European member state must be in compliance with the European Convention on Human Rights, and the right to the enjoyment of the respect for private and family life is highlighted within the integration process (Kleinsorge, 2019). Besides, the European Commission beyond framing the minimum of rights that immigrants should enjoy in their process of incorporation into a new society, provides methodological tools based on indicators, which allow measurements of integration levels, to improve their integration policies; such is the case of the human rights indicators for migrants and their families (European Commission, 2013).
Concerning to African immigration in Spain, there are studies published mainly in Spanish. Some seek to facilitate the integration process according to the country of origin (Gozálvez, 2000; Natera, 2017), and others more specific are based on the lack of rights of Moroccan immigrants without a residence permit (Calavita, 2004; Naranjo, 2014). There are also more segmented studies on the social exclusion of irregular African immigrants that demonstrate the lack of guarantees faced by immigrants without residence or work permits in Spain (Gozálvez Pérez, 2000).
In the specific case of the integration of Moroccan immigrants, studies have been found in which the integration of the first and second generation of immigrants is contrasted, in an attempt to understand the integration dynamics of the host country. Among this, the study on
12 the integration difficulties of first, second and third-generation Moroccan immigrants in Belgium (Manso, 2016). Regarding specific studies in Spain, investigations of a specific population of immigrants were found, for example, the integration of Latin American immigrants in Catalonia, in which it is analyzed how the host society manages cultural diversity and if this management leads to socio-cultural integration (Henao-Agudelo et al, 2016).
On the specific topic of Moroccan immigration to Spain, one of the most complete investigations is reflected in the "Atlas de la inmigración Marroqui en España (Atlas of Moroccan immigration in Spain), carried out by a group of researchers from the Autonomous University of Madrid in Spain and the Mohammed University V, Rabat-Agdal in Morocco. It is a historical document on Moroccan migration, regions, policies and the evolution of the Moroccan colony in Spain (García & Berriane, 2004). In this research, surveys were conducted on Moroccan immigrants in the autonomous communities of Madrid, Catalonia and Andalusia, based on integration domains such as housing and working conditions in Spain, access to social benefits, social relations and political participation of the Moroccan conglomerate. Therefore, it is configured as an important document for a comprehensive understanding of Moroccan migration in Spain.
Finally, in the field of measuring the integration of Moroccan immigrants, specific studies have been found that try to measure integration in one of the indicators, for example, the linguistic and cultural integration of this group in the city of Barcelona (Sagaama, 2010) or the time of residence as a factor of integration of Moroccan immigrants in Madrid (Uña et al., 2009). Likewise, in relation to the Community Integration plans, studies have been done on the guarantees offered in a specific variable, for example on the health policies offered to the immigrant population (Nunez, 2010) or the educational policies for immigrants (Lizarrondo, 2009). In the case of the Valencian Community, there are studies that analyze the effectiveness of the Valencian autonomous law in matters of integration of immigrants (Corella, 2009), public policies in matters of integration of unaccompanied minors (Molina, 2012), and of the role performed by AMICS agencies in the integration of immigrants (García-Juan, 2009).
13 In all the studies described, the situation of disadvantage of immigrants compared to Spaniards is shown, which is attributed to the lack of policies in this field or to their poor application. However, no studies were found that addressed the perception of Moroccan immigrants on integration policies, nor studies that combine regional integration plans, integration laws and indicators. Therefore, it was considered interesting and relevant to carry out a study that combined all these elements and the perspective of immigrants within the integration process in the Valencian Community.
14 Chapter Three: Theoretical Framework
3.1 Conceptual Framework: Liberal Egalitarianism
Taking into account that the objective of this work is the integration process of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community and following Zenia Hellgren, this study focuses on a liberal and egalitarian understanding of multi-ethnic society, in which the integration is finally a matter of equal opportunities. Integration occurs when the institutions provide immigrants with opportunities to overcome their disadvantages in the host society and give them real access to the new society in the same conditions as nationals (Hellgren, 2015). Under an egalitarian perspective, this study explores the guarantees that the law offers to immigrants through integration plans and how these plans open integration doors in different domains or spheres such as health, education, housing, job training, learning Spanish and Valencian languages, among others, which allows immigrants to integrate into the Valencian Community on equal terms with the native population.
In this order of ideas, it is necessary to find a definition of integration that converges with the parameters of the chosen theoretical framework, that is not an easy labor. In simpler terms, it is argued that the integration involves the insertion of a group or individual into an existing entity, a society bounded by a nation-state (Favel, 2010). For the International Organization of Migration, integration is defined “as the process of mutual adaptation between the host society and the migrants themselves ” (IOM, 2008). However, in this study, it was considered pertinent to adopt the definition of Zapata-Barrero (2014) who stated that the integration is carried out " allowing them (immigrants) to participate in the host society at the same level as natives". This implies, first of all, that integration can be seen as a two-way process in which the autochthonous majority and the ethnic minorities are expected to adapt to each other and create a new intercultural basis for identification and solidarity and, in the second, it is underlined the existence of an unequal power relationship between immigrants and the ethnic majority (Zapata-Barrero, 2014). In these terms, the host society, its institutional structure, and its reaction to newcomers are much more decisive for the outcome of the integration process than the immigrants themselves (Pasetti, 2014).
15 3.2 Analytical Framework: Model of Domains
According to Spenser et al. (2016), integration is recognized as an interrelated and a multidirectional process in all the domains in which the immigrant develops his daily life, such as structural, social, cultural, civic, and political participation and identity. The level of individual integration is measured according to the participation in each domain. For example, in the structural domain, are analyzed the participation in the labor market, the housing conditions and, the education, and training. In the social domain, the social interaction and the relationships and marriage are taken into account. In the cultural domain are relevant the changing in values, attitudes, behavior, and lifestyle. Also, the community life and the attitudes in democratic processes are analyzed in the domain of civic and political participation. Finally, in the domain of identity, it is analyzed whether individuals develop any level of shared identity and sense of belonging to the place, the nation, the community and the people among whom they live (Spencer et al., 2016).
In this study, the Model of Domains is considered useful because it allows an approach to the experiences of integration of immigrants and shows how integration is not only a bidirectional process but a multidirectional one (Snel et al., 2006). With the use of this model, can be determined in which domain the immigrants are more or less incorporated, since the level of integration can be different in each domain, for example, a person can have access to the labor market, but in turn, be socially isolated or vice versa. On the other hand, the model analyzes the spatial and temporal dimensions in which integration processes take place, that is, at local level, where according to Schmidtke (2014) most processes are considered to occur, at national level where national identity is considered, and at the transnational level, where economic and social connections and identification with the country of origin are considered (Schmidtke, 2014). The complete model is represented in figure 1.
Within the framework used to analyze the integration process of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community, integration indicators were incorporated in each of the domains which allowed both the collection and the analysis of data to be managed holistically.
16 Fig. 1 Integration as inter-related, multidirectional, processes across domains
Take from: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1186/s40878-016-0035-x
3.3 The Measurement of Social Integration
Why use Indicators?
Following the definition of the United Nations Development Programme, an indicator is considered as “a device that provides specific information about the status or condition of something (…) a variable used to replace one that is difficult to measure directly” (Landman, 2006). In the field of integration of immigrants, the Council of Europe (1997) considered that to reduce the distance between the dictated norms and the reality in the integration process it was necessary implemented the indicators as a methodological tool to measure and evaluate the dynamics of integration. For this, and to fulfill the objective of this study, it is necessary to use indicators that show the level of integration of immigrants in the different spheres in which thier life unfolds.
Types of Indicators suitable for measuring Social integration
There are different proposals on the types of suitable indicators to measure social integration, in this study the indicators of structure, process, and result (Hunt, 2003) will be followed to measure the integration of Moroccan immigrants. Structural Indicators are based on the idea that the first human right is “the right to have rights” (Arent, 1948). Hence the importance of
17 the immigrant being recognized as a person, a member of a legal and political community (or not). Therefore, the structural indicators point to the legal framework and the existence of institutional mechanisms for the realization of those rights (De Lucas, 2009). Some structural indicators are the right to vote, unionization, and access to nationality, among others.
On the other hand, process indicators measure the success of the decisions adopted to make the integration rules effectiveness and evaluate the progress of the policies or protection of the rights (Hunt, 2003). For example, the quality and/or quantity of the services, aid and training received by immigrants. Finally, outcome indicators reflect the achievements made in the realization of the rights, and the consolidation in the time of the underlying integration processes. Therefore, it is an indicator of slow change that is measured in rates or percentages (Hunt, 2003). For example, the percentage of immigrant participation in working life or the rates of immigrants with academic training.
In this study, an attempt was made to evaluate the integration of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community in the different domains. For this, in addition to the structural process and results indicators, it was considered indicators that allowed to observe the perceptions, feelings, and attitudes of immigrants, such as their sense of belonging to the new country, and their satisfaction in their daily social interaction (See Appendix A).
3.4 Integration Models
Although the use of the word integration in immigration matters dates back to the principles of the republic (Plato, 381 BC), there has not been a consensus about its concept and delimitation. However, its use since ancient times is a sign of the historical interest that countries have had in incorporating new migrants into their communities.
Nowadays Penninx and Martiniello (2006) consider that an immigrant is integrated when he is accepted as part of society and also consider that integration begins with the arrival of the first- generation of immigrant, that have not yet become familiar with the new society and need learn, in many ways to adapt (Penninx & Martiniello, 2006). This definition has two elements to consider. First, the acceptance of integration as a process more than an outcome and second, the reception of the immigrant without any requirements of the receiving society. Besides,
18 encompassing the political-legal, socio-economic, and cultural-religious dimensions since according to the authors, immigrants must become an accepted part of society.
Assimilation Model The assimilation model was the dominant theory in 1920 and 1930 (Castles and Miller, 1998; Gordon, 1964). According to Heisler, this model can be defined as multiple processes that involve several stages. First, mere acculturation, that is, the adoption of the language, religion, and other cultural characteristics and second, structural integration characterized by interaction in primary relationships and the absence of discrimination and prejudice until finally assimilation is reached (Schmitter, 1999). Furthermore, assimilation is considered to be complete when the immigrant abandons the languages, identities and cultural practices of the past and becomes indistinguishable from the majority of the population (Castles, 1999; Bloemraad et al., 2008). The assimilation theory is criticized because it is considered that it attacks the existence of subcultures, which leads immigrants to lose their own identity, promotes a feeling of alienation, and absorbs minorities in the majority culture (Heisler, 1999; Kivisto, 2005; Legrain, 2014). On the other hand, those who support the theory, consider that "supports greater equality, weakens the sources of discrimination, increases individual freedom, and helps to create a more flexible society" (Morawska 2005).
Pluralist Model
Later, in opposition to the phenomenon of assimilation, which is based on the conservation and protection of the identities and cultures of the host country, appears the pluralism that advocates the coexistence of different cultures within the integration process. Regarding American integration, Horace Kallen (1924) said that “people should not have to surrender their culture and traditions to become full participants in American society", and argued that the existence of separate cultures, ethnic groups, religions, and languages, was consistent with democracy and per se, with the integration process (Kallen, 1924).
In the same pluralistic line, Gordon delves into the dimensions in which assimilation is developed, and identifies the cultural, structural, matrimonial, and identity, among others, and reject the structural and cultural pluralism, because it is built on social and ethnic inequalities (Gordon, 1971). Subsequently, numerous empirical studies have discussed the content of Gordon's dimensions, as a way of measuring the integration process. On the other hand, Yinger
19 advances in the study of the assimilationist model, by defining integration as one of the sub- process of structural assimilation (Yinger, 1981). From the pluralistic vision, different models are derived, such as the model of citizenship that highlights obtaining citizenship as a sign that the integration is successful (Li, 2003), since it is considered that granting citizenship rights and entitlements to newcomers, encourage them to become a permanent part of society (Bloemraad et al., 2008).
On the other hand, from a globalized point of view, other concepts are discussed about immigrant integration beyond the state levels such as transnationalism, post-nationalism, and cosmopolitanism. Among them, it is worth highlight transnationalism, which considers that the immigrant can feel attachments and ties with the two cultures, that create links between the two nations (Erdal and Oeppen, 2013, Anghel 2012).
Multicultural Models
Following pluralistic models, multiculturalism appears, arising from the understanding that not all newcomers can be incorporated into the existing national culture (Davidson, 2000). Likewise, it promotes that the concepts of citizenship and multiculturalism are not mutually exclusive and that immigrants can practice their own culture even as citizens in the host country (Consejo Nacional Multicultural, 1999). Despite the fact that multicultural discourse has dominated integration studies in democratic European countries, at present, as a consequence of the terrorist attacks perpetrated in the West, multicultural discourse has been losing strength, since its detractors consider that multiculturalism is partly guilty of such criminal acts (Samani, 2007).
Liberal Egalitarianism
Within the liberal paradigm of individual freedom, equality, freedom of choice, and partnership, have emerged many theories about the integration of immigrants. It is worth highlighting the approach presented by Seyla Benhabib's theory that has less individualistic than other liberal theses and that emphasized the importance of integration seen from the context of human rights and liberal democracy (Benhabib, 2002).
For Benhabib, the Human Rights of immigrants must be recognized, since all those who arrive in a new country should be welcomed and should enjoy the same civic, political, economic and cultural rights that the majority in favor of coexistence between cultural diversity and
20 democratic equality. The author bases her analysis of integration in the right to have rights, this implies that regardless of a person who does not hold the nationality of the country in which they are located it does not mean that they can be deprived of human rights. Benhabib considers that the multicultural society and its politics are linked to the norms of universal respect, equality and reciprocity that should be guiding principles for human interaction (Benhabib, 2002).
In addition, within liberal egalitarianism, it is considered that there is a liberal commitment to the moral equality of people, therefore, the principles of justice and equality should be applied universally (Benhabib, 2004). In contrast, a liberal social position maintains that principles should be applied within borders, while weaker duties should be applied globally, that is, that there should be a minimum level of assistance to meet basic needs and human rights. (Barsdorf, 2012).
Regarding the immigrant integration process, from the liberal ideology of equality it focuses on the understanding that within a multicultural society, the institutions of the country of arrival will provide immigrants with the necessary tools to overcome the limitations of their immigrant status, in terms of language, knowledge of new culture and traditions, training for employment and recognition of qualifications, among others, so that they can integrate into the host society with equal opportunities as nationals (Hellgren, 2015). Therefore, the basic principle of equality must be present throughout the integration process. According to Otonelli, from the perspective of equality of justice, liberalism seeks just institutions that pursue the ideals of good. Thus, the distribution of opportunities and personal freedoms is necessary, however, the rights of immigrants are collected, because the priority is given to the rights of citizens, which does not generate justice (Otonelli, 2016).
Other Perspectives and Models
Segmented Assimilation
Taking into account that the assimilationist model is considered as an instrument used by the majority to pressure the minority to live in their dominated environment (Gómez, 2019), Portes and Zhou (1993), studied the second generation of immigrants and developed a model that explains the situation of the children of second-generation migrants: The segmented
21 assimilation model, under the argument that the incorporation of immigrants occurs in different socioeconomic segments (high or low), and the modes of incorporation are dictated by the State. In this model, the immigrant must assimilate the values and prejudices of the host society and the role of ethnic communities has been taken into account, since the segment in which the immigrant will be located depends on their ethnicity (Portes and Zhou, 1993). Therefore, immigrants with high human capital are integrated into the higher or medium sectors, and in contrast, those with low capital are in the low sector. This position will also cover the children of immigrants (Portes and Zhou, 1993).
Ethno-racial Stratified System Continuing with the study of the second generations, Bohr and Itzigsohn developed the ethno- racial stratified system, which delves into ethnic/racial divisions, and considers that there is a racialization of the class structure and an internal class differentiation within the generations of migrants. In other words, there is an internal class stratification system in each ethnic group, where it has been determined that migrant minorities are in lower positions in the class structure (Bohrt & Itzigsohn, 2015).
Currently, beyond integration models for immigrants, studies focus on the creation of new models based on the measurement of the effectiveness of integration through different domains such as structural, social, cultural, transnational, identity, training, among others (Spencer et al., 2016), which has been possible through the use of indicators.
Taking into account the aim of this study, it was considered pertinent to adopt the liberal egalitarianism approach, in which it is considered that the equitable distribution of opportunities and personal freedoms is necessary to achieve the real integration of immigrants. Thus, it will be determined whether Moroccan immigrants have real access to the new community and whether integration plans are adequate to help them form part of society under the same conditions as Spaniards.
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Chapter Four: Research Methodology
This chapter outline the methodology used to achieve the goals of this study and present and explain the research design and the methods through which the data was collected and analyzed during the desk and fieldwork stages.
4.1. Study Design The use of the quantitative method using abductive reasoning was considered appropriate for achieving the objectives of the study, since it tries to measure the levels of integration of Moroccan immigrants in different domains. In the case of Moroccan immigrants, the quantification was carried out through the use of structural, process, and result indicators. These indicators made it possible to reduce the distance between the norms dictated by the laws and development plans, and the reality experienced by Moroccan immigrants in their integration process. Besides, the indicators made it possible to identify the domains in which immigrants showed a higher level of integration according to the Spencer & Charsley (2016) Model, which worked as an analytical framework for this study.
4.2 Scientific Approach: Abductive Reasoning According to Bryman (2012) “The crucial step in abduction is that having described and understood the world from his or her participants’ perspectives, the researcher must come to a social scientific account of the social world as seen from those perspectives." This must be achieved without losing contact with the world seen by their interviewees, since abduction relies on theoretical explanation and understanding of the participants' worldviews (Byrman, 2012). In order to determine the levels of integration of Moroccan immigrants in the different areas of their lives, it was necessary to explore the reality that these immigrants face through their lenses. This was accomplished by exploring their sense of acceptance in the new community, their expectations as foreigners, and their sense of belonging to Spain and Morocco. Once the information was collected, it was analyzed and coded according to the chosen analytical framework with the objective that the results of the study obeyed a scientific
23 explanation, for which the abductive reasoning and the quantitative approach were considered adequate.
4.3 Data Collection Process
Both primary and secondary sources were used in the collection of data, which strengthens the credibility of this research. According to Saunders et al. (2012), primary data comes directly from first-hand sources such as interviews, surveys, experiments, focus groups, and observation. Secondary data is collected from existing sources such as books, magazines, and other publications (Saunders et al., 2012). In the present study, the primary data were obtained from semi-structured interviews with Moroccan immigrants and members of NGOs working with immigrants, while the secondary data were collected through internet searches on official websites of the European Union, the government of Spain, and the Valencian community of Spain.
To gain a holistic insight into the integration of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community, during the desk study were analyzed documents about national and local immigration plans and policies in Spain and the Valencian Community between 2008 and 2019. Furthermore, a brief analysis of the European guidelines on immigration and its influence on integration plans in Spain and within the Valencian Community was done. This allows to know the rights of Moroccan immigrants, since the positive recognition of their rights is considered the first step of its integration. In this regard, consultation of secondary literature from humanitarian organizations was conducted. Additionally, a review of laws in which the governmental integration plans were framed and the rights that immigrants have was done.
4.3.1 Semi-structured Interviews
In the present study, semi-structured interviews were selected, in which the interviewer can vary the sequence of the questions, also, the answers are a little broader than those found in a structured interview which allows the interviewer some freedom to ask more questions related to the answers obtained if it is considered relevant (Byrman, 2012). The field study consisted of 26 interviews: 22 to Moroccan immigrants and four interviews to members of various social organizations. Two types of initial interview forms were designed; one for the immigrants, the interviews included a list of semi-structured questions with semi-open questions about
24 inclusion in the labor market, level of participation in social and cultural life, sense of belonging to the host country, and links with the country of origin, among others. The other type of interview was for the members of organizations, this interview was based on his or her opinion about the level of integration that Moroccan immigrants have reached in each one of the domains, and the possibility that this group of immigrants has to enjoy the rights that the law and the integration plans grant them. Moreover, given that I am a volunteer at the Red Cross, I was able to collect data from direct observation during daily activities developed by immigrants, such as teaching of the Spanish language, legal advice, or basic vocational courses in this organization.
4.3.2 Sampling Interviews – Snowballing
Snowball is a technique that can be used successfully when the researcher does not have easy access to the interviewees from the beginning, it is only necessary to contact a small group of relevant people for the investigation and this sample will contact other participants (Byrman, 2012). Because I did not have direct contact with the Moroccan community in Spain, it was a challenge to find a heterogeneous number of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian community to carry out the present investigation. Therefore, it was considered appropriate to use the Snowball method. Once the first contact was established with some members of organizations that work with Moroccan immigrants and two immigrants who own small businesses within the community, interview with other members of the community was possible given that the previous interviewees suggested other people within the community to be interviewed. To establish the first contact with Moroccan immigrants two organizations that work with immigrants were selected, The Red Cross and Caritas. Both organizations have worked in the field of integration of immigrants, from the welcoming stage to the incorporation into the host society, going through class, advice for job search and the offer of training courses, among others. Moreover, they are non-governmental organizations that have recognition and acceptance by the general population, and they have the confidence of immigrants. The fieldwork study was carried out in the Valencian Community to obtain more information on the level of integration of Moroccan immigrants, and on the difficulties that they face to “be part” of the Spain society.
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4.4 Data Analysis
The information related to the documentary study, that is, the positive study of the Spanish laws and integration plans, was analyzed in the first part of the investigation before traveling to Spain. This allowed me to focus on coding the information gathered through interviews at the same time it was being collected. For its analysis, a coding schedule was used to reduce the information in units of meaning, which was based on the Model of Domains by Spencer & Charsley (2016). The coding schedule included personal data of the interviewees (age, sex, marital status, place of birth), date of arrival in the country, family information (number of children and their age), and relevant observations in each of the different integration domains studied. The above taking into account that coding is a crucial stage that allows the data to be decomposed into units of meaning that provide a description (Bryman, 2012). Once the information was coded, an analysis was carried out to determine the individual and group levels of integration in each indicator.
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Chapter Five: Findings and Analysis
Since the objective of this study was to establish whether Moroccan immigrants arriving in the Valencian Community are integrated into society, in this chapter I try to show to what extent the integration plans and law provide Moroccan immigrants with tools to overcome the limitations inherent to their immigration status. In addition, it will be analyzed whether they are at the same level of equal opportunities as other citizens in the Valencian Community, since from the liberal egalitarianism perspective that frames this research, the equitable distribution of opportunities is necessary to achieve real integration. Finally, through the interviews, it is shown the reality that Moroccan immigrants face in their integration process and the real scope of the integration achieved in the different areas of their lives, since, as has been said, integration is a multidirectional process that must be observed holistically.
The presentation of the findings corresponds mainly to the domains used to measure integration: structural, social, cultural, identity, civic and political, and transnational relations. Furthermore, the findings have been divided into three main parts. First, the description of the Spanish context and the integration plans at the various levels of governance were carried out. Subsequently, the guarantees offered to immigrants in each of the domains by the integration plans were described, and finally, the results of the interviews with Moroccan immigrants and their perception of integration in each of the domains were presented.
5.1 Context
Spain is a country characterized by a high level of political-administrative decentralization. The territory is divided into 17 comunidades autónomas (autonomous communities) and two ciudades autónomas (autonomous cities). All of them have a great diversity in the economic, political, cultural, and social levels and the presence of different mosaic migrations (Rodriguez, 2008). The geographical location of the Valencian Community can be seen in the following map of Spain:
27 Valencian Community – Spain
Take from: Ontheworldmap.com
In migration matters, the government of Spain maintains legal competence over migration policies, such as nationalization, immigration, emigration, foreigners, and asylum rights. However, in terms of social policies in the areas of education, health, culture, accommodation, and employment, the competence corresponds to the autonomous communities according to the National Constitution (Constitución Española, 1978).
In this order of ideas, the responsibility for drawing the main lines of the immigrant integration plans rests with the autonomous Communities. Based on the regional plan, each municipality issues its integration plan and activities at the local level to make the integration of immigrants possible. The National Institute of Statistics, states that the number of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community in 2020, represents 13.4% of the population. It should be noted that Moroccans are one of the largest groups of immigrants in the community, most of whom come from the Atlas and Yebala Region (INE, 2020).
5.2 Integration Plans in Spain
The Spanish integration plans are framed within the EU Integration Framework in which the integration of immigrants is considered as "a dynamic and two-way process of mutual accommodation of all immigrants and residents of the EU Member States" (Carrera & Faure, 2011).
28 Furthermore, the Spanish plans consider the main indicators approved by the Laeken European Council, in which integration actions have been determined in twelve priority areas, six horizontally: reception, employment and economic promotion, education, health, social services and inclusion, mobility and development. The other six in transversal areas: coexistence, equal treatment, childhood, youth and family, gender, participation, and civic education (Huddleston et al., 2013).
Furthermore, in the Spanish context, in which the principle of multilevel governance is applied, it is easy to find various actors who intervene in the integration process. On the one hand, there is the Spanish government or the state (national level), the autonomous communities (regional level), and the municipalities (local level) and, on the other hand, there is civil society, represented mainly by non-governmental organizations. (NGO), migrant associations, trade unions, and academics, which guarantee the harmonization and functioning of the entire system (Zuppiroli 2014).
At the state level, according to immigration law, the state is responsible for outlining the objectives of the integration of immigrants and promoting their economic, social, cultural, and political participation. This is carried out in accordance with the law on the rights and civil liberties of foreigners, through training, knowledge, respect for traditional values, respect for human rights, and equality (Government of Spain, 2000). Under these principles, and with a strong influence from European immigration policy, different national plans for social inclusion have been issued from the ministries of the central administration. Those National plans are the basis for strategic integration plans, among which the following should be highlighted:
The National Action Plan for Social Inclusion (Plan Nacional de Acción para la Inclusión Social; PNAIN) 2013-2016, aligned with the European platform in the fight against poverty and social exclusion. The plan focuses on vulnerable populations and the need to intervene with specific strategies on access to the labor market, accommodation, public and private services, social and cultural relations, and political participation (Ministerio de Sanidad, Servicios Sociales e Igualdad, 2013).
29 The National Strategic Plan for Equal Opportunities (Plan Estratégico de Igualdad de Oportunidades; PEIO) 2014-2016, which addresses interventions aimed at eliminating discrimination, violence, and exclusion of women in relevant areas of social life, including nationals of third countries (Ministerio de Sanidad, Servicios Sociales e Igualdad, 2013). This plan was complemented with the Plan against Gender Violence in the Migrant Population 2009-2012, which sought to address the problem of gender violence, according to the specific circumstances of immigrants (Ministerio de Igualdad, 2009).
Furthermore, different instruments with the purpose of coordinating, implementing, and monitoring migration policies were created, as the Sectoral Conference on Immigration, with the aim of reinforcing intergovernmental cooperation between the state, the regions, and local authorities. The Forum for the Social Integration of Migrants was created as a national body for advice, information, and evaluation of integration, with the presence of civil society such as social organizations, migrants, refugees, and academics, among others (Ministerio de Sanidad, Servicios Sociales e Igualdad, 2007).
Additionally, to achieve greater social cohesion, Spain grants the right of registration in the national registry of inhabitants to all habitual residents of Spanish regardless of their legal situation in Spain, since the City Council is not responsible for the control on the legality or illegality of the residence in the Spanish territory (Gobierno de España, Ley Organica 1/2014). It should be noted that once registered, immigrants have access to health care under the same conditions as Spanish citizens.
On the other hand, at the community level, social cohesion, education, and health care are the direct competence of the autonomous communities based on national guidelines. Therefore, the autonomous communities are responsible for issuing and applying the regional integration plans within their territory. Hence the importance of studying in more detail the autonomous integration plans of the Valencian Community in this study.
5.3 Rights and guarantees for Moroccan immigrants
In the Valencian Community, the rights of immigrants are included in national legislation, and in the integration plans issued by the regional or local government. Therefore, to find out if
30 immigrants are granted basic rights, according to the liberal egalitarianism perspective, it is necessary to understand the role played by local and community authorities in relation to integration. At the regional level, the Valencian Community is responsible for social assistance issues.
Therefore, Valencian immigration plans focus on social cohesion and on obtaining the real integration of immigrants. For this reason, the figure of intercultural mediation is promoted, in which a third party accompanies immigrants on their way from arrival to the new country to their active participation in the social fabric and thus overcome the situations generated by the lack of knowledge of institutions or the new culture (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014).
Besides, through the plans, integration agents have been implemented to build a new common framework for coexistence and integration within which the Office of Attention to the Migrant PANGEA should be highlighted, created to promote the interculturality and the participation of all entities and local institutions. In the construction of a solidary, tolerant, and integrated society. This is achieved by linking the private sector in integration activities, through corporate social responsibility and corporate volunteering (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014).
In addition, other integration agents were structured around the idea of social cohesion and reception, such as the Valencian Immigration Observatory, the Immigration Service Center, the Commission for Monitoring the Prevention of Discrimination, Racism and Xenophobia, the Valencian Office of Solidarity, and forums for the prevention of discrimination, xenophobia, and racism (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014).
5.3.1 Integration in the Domains
Structural Domain
In the structural field, taking into account the liberal egalitarianism approach, the study focused on the guarantees and rights that the law and the integration plans recognize for immigrants, which facilitates their integration in different areas. In this case, as indicators such as the participation of Moroccan immigrants in the labor market, access to education and training, health care, social benefits and housing were taken into account.
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Participation in the labor market In terms of labor incursion, the law that regulates integration in the Valencian Community considered that every immigrant with residence authorization has the right to the professional training necessary to facilitate their labor insertion under the same conditions as the Spanish (Gobierno de España, Ley 15 de 2008). For this, it has been established institutions aimed to facilitate the labor insertion of immigrants with training, orientation, and counseling programs for access to the labor system, such as the Migrant Services Offices PANGEA and the Host Schools. In addition, are contemplated measures of coordinated action between public and private entities that intervene in employment, in order to facilitate the incorporation of immigrants into the labor market, the recognition of foreign qualifications, and job reorientation (Gobierno de España, Ley 15 de 2008).
Social security In terms of Social Security, the Valencian government is responsible for providing access to health for its population. Currently, the health service is a right of all the inhabitants of the community, since it is considered a fundamental right (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014). In addition, in the functions of integration agencies, advice on access to the health system for immigrants was established by Law 8 of 2015. Likewise, the community integration plan contemplates the specific training of health professionals in intercultural mediation, mainly social workers, which are trained to intervene in case of lack of protection or conflicts with immigrants (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014). In the case of Moroccan immigrants, Spain and the Kingdom of Morocco have signed a bilateral agreement on social security so that Moroccan citizens, regardless of their administrative situation, have access to health services, and other rights such as free time for maternity, disability pension, old-age pensions and protection against occupational accidents and diseases (Gobierno de España, 1979).
Education and Training In accordance with the law 15 of 2008, the Valencian Community guarantees access to minors’ immigrants to basic and free education in the same conditions as all Spanish children. Besides, guarantees are offered to attend to the exceptional circumstances of minor’s immigrant, according to each special situation, whether social or cultural. It also establishes that education is compulsory and universal for all minors, regardless of their residence permit.
32 In terms of adult education, the Valencian Community provides immigrants with the means to communicate by learning the official languages of the Community, Spanish and Valencian. It also gives them access to adult training centers for courses (Ley 15 de 2008, cap. 4 art. 18). According to the Ministry of Education (2017), the number of immigrant students in non- university education has increased in the last two decades by more than 30,000, of which 17,000 are Moroccan students (Ministerio de Educación, 2017).
Within the Integration Plans, the importance of providing support and advice information to immigrants in the educational field is highlighted, since it is considered that if immigrants know their options, they will be able to join the labor market (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014). In this sense, the Host Schools (Escuelas de Acogida) have been created, which consist of a voluntary program on the values and norms of democratic coexistence, the rights and duties of the people, the political structure of the country and classes are taught in the official languages of the Community, Spanish and Valencian. In addition, immigrants receive practical information on immigration, work and housing, among others (Generalitat Valenciana, 2017).
Regarding schooling, the integration plan seeks to mediate within the classrooms by monitoring and preventing truancy and supporting actions that promote integration, such as workshops, awareness dynamics, and schools for parents that include the entire family.
Housing In the phase of the initial settlement, the immigrants could have access to housing resources. Besides, it was found that according to the Autonomy Law, there is no minimum income destined to housing assistance for immigrants, but they can benefit from the Social Inclusion Guaranteed Income, provided for vulnerable populations. To have access to the Guarantee Income, it is necessary to be registered and have remained enrolled in the social security system for at least one year and have had a home independent from their family of origin (Generalitat Valenciana, Decreto 60/2018). To provide immigrants to access decent housing, the Law 15 of 2008 establishes a series of measures such as the promotion of low-cost rentals and the rehabilitation of homes, among others (Ley 15, 2008, Cap.4 art 36-37). In addition, the current integration plan highlights the importance of informing immigrants about the procedures to obtain resources in the area of housing and contemplates that it is necessary to carry out coordination work between the government, social services, and civil society, to promote
33 access to the housing so that immigrants and their descendants live in non-deficient housing and have a home (Generalitat Valenciana, 2017).
Social Domain
In order to promote the social relations of immigrants among themselves and with the host society, within the Community Integration Plans, three integration agents based on social cohesion were implemented. The first, which was already mentioned, is intercultural mediation and diversity management. The second are the Host Schools where immigrants have access to social spaces and share with other immigrants and Spaniards. And, the third is the creation of the Office for the integration and prevention of racism and xenophobia, with the function of guaranteeing equal treatment of immigrants and comprehensive care in cases of discrimination, taking into account the egalitarian perspective (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014). The three programs promote social integration. In addition, it provides financial support for the creation of meeting spaces between immigrants and projects for the social integration of the Spanish population in the neighborhoods (Gobierno de España, 2014). According to the integration plans, integration is a two-way process to be shared by natives and immigrants, for this reason, it is committed to the realization of campaigns that show immigration as something positive and beneficial, in order to obtain social acceptance (Gobierno de España, 2014).
Culture Domain
With the aim of creating conditions of equality between immigrants and nationals, the creation of a Cultural Mediator is the fundamental element of the integration plans in the cultural domain. This implies the existence of a third party who is qualified to understand the challenges of multiculturalism. The role of the Mediator is to overcome the problems caused by situations of disconnection of communications, conflicts of values or interests, and to build a common framework of coexistence (Gobierno de España, 2014). Likewise, social, and cultural participation is promoted through volunteer mechanisms and the creation of spaces for reflection on cultural diversity, through the development of cultural activities by PANGEA Agencies (Gobierno de España, 2008).
34 In cultural matters, the Integration Plans presuppose cultural integration as a result of the actions carried out by agents in the reception, integration and social cohesion stage. For this reason, integration at the cultural level is located throughout the actions and programs, such as the promotion of associations and volunteering, language courses, and social activities for the knowledge of Spanish culture, among others (Plan 2008, 2014). In addition, Host Schools try to provide personal autonomy to new citizens so that they can succeed in their citizenship through the teaching of Spanish society and the Valencian Community (Gobierno de España, 2008).
Identity Domain
In Spain, the rights and guarantees that Moroccan immigrants offer with respect to identity, take into account the liberal egalitarianism perspective in which this study is framed, and follow the perspective of multiculturalism. In other words, it is based on the need to support the right of the immigrant population to interact within the host society and maintaining their own cultural identity. This is recognized as a challenge, because a balance must be achieved between the immigrants' original cultural identities and the sense of belonging to the new society, accepting the core values and existing institutions of the host country (Generalitat Valenciana, 2014).
Identity as a domain is not present directly in the Valencian plans, but identification with the new culture must be achieved through the different activities that are promoted within the plans. For example, the participation of immigrants in associations or Host Schools, where the migrant population can share and enrich the Spanish population with their own culture and traditions and acquire contributions from Spanish and Valencian traditions and culture. As a result, immigrants are expected to develop a certain level of shared identity with Spain and especially with the Valencian Community, and feel part of this community (Generalitat Valenciana, 2017).
Civic and Political Participation Taking into account that civil participation is defined as the participation of immigrants in public affairs through NGOs, associations, unions, societies, or informal networks, and
35 political participation is the popular participation through formal democratic structures such as local authorities and political parties (Network of Integration Focal Points, 2007). It can be said that in the Valencian Community the representation of immigrants is accepted in the instruments of citizen participation at individually and collective levels. In addition, the participation of immigrants in voluntary organizations is promoted and has been established campaigns to show the values and advantages of citizen participation (Ley 15 of 2008 cap. 4 art.18). Regarding participation in civil organizations, the right of association is recognized in the National Constitution (art, 22) and is regulated by Organic Law 1 of 2002, which dictates that the registration of foreign Associations will be done under the same conditions as the other national associations without additional requirements. (Constitución Española, 1978).
At the national level, Moroccan participation in the civic and political dimension is limited, even though the existence of networks between Morocco and Spain. However, in the case of the Valencian Community was found several Moroccan immigrant associations registered such Al Amal Community (The Hope), Essalam, Assadaka, Alforat and Moroccan of Albaida which were created essentially to aimed at meeting the priority needs of Moroccan immigrants, provide information and advice, dialogue with administrations, awareness, social integration, and intercultural mediation (Moreta, 2019).
In the field of political participation, it was found that there are no equal rights between immigrants and Spaniards, since most foreigners with residence cards in Spain are excluded from voting. Only nationals of countries that have signed a reciprocity agreement with Spain can access the voting. Thus, given that there is no such agreement with the Moroccan government, the Moroccan population that do not have citizenship, cannot vote in elections, despite being one of the majority foreign ethnicities in Spain and within the Valencian Community.
From the liberal egalitarianism perspective in which this study is framed, it could be said that, at a structural level, the law and the integration plans aim to equalize the opportunities offered to immigrants, and give them access to all basic rights individual and social under the same conditions as Spaniards in most domains, except for the right to vote contemplated within the domain of political participation; In the field of the labor market, has been established institutions and agencies aimed to facilitate the labor insertion of immigrants into the labor
36 market. Regarding social security, the Valencian Community provides free access to health care for all the inhabitants of the Community as a fundamental right. Also, contemplates the training of health professionals in intercultural mediation to facilitate the access of the immigrants. Furthermore, the Community guarantees access to minors` immigrants to education in the same conditions as nationals and, training centers for courses for adults in order to facilitate their integration and increase the chance of finding work on equal conditions. Regarding Housing there are no special considerations focus on immigrant population but the immigrants are in the group of vulnerability, and after a year of legal residence, they can obtain the guaranteed income under the same conditions as nationals once the immigrant has registered as an inhabitant, he can access different help for housing or its improvement.
At the social and cultural level, in order to promote social relations and cultural exchange between Spanish and Moroccan society, have been created meeting spaces between the two cultures in which immigrants can obtain information from the host country and at the same time, and at the same time, they can create social networks that allow their social and cultural integration. Regarding civic and political participation, the immigrants have the right to associate with immigrant organizations and to participate in civic organizations, but they have no access to vote under the same conditions as nationals, regardless of the years, they have lived in Spain. Finally, through agencies as the Host Schools and PANGEA, Moroccan immigrants have access to government programs that promote cultural and identity integration.
5.4 What are the challenges faced by Moroccans Immigrants
Interviewees Profile
In order to know the reality that Moroccan immigrants face in their integration process in the Valencian Community, 26 interviews were conducted: 12 with first-generation Moroccan immigrants, 10 with second-generation Moroccan immigrants, and four interviews with members of organizations working in the field of integration of immigrants. From the 26, only five female immigrants were interviewed, perhaps due to the data collection method used (snowball) and the location of the interviews (parks, courses, businesses, and public places) in which the presence of men was more common than women. In contrast, three of the four
37 members of the organization interviewed were women, who worked in the legal or social area of immigrant integration. As for the women interviewed, the age of arrival in Spain is generally higher than that of men and their length of stay is an average eight years, two of the women interviewed were born in Spain, while the other two moved to Spain due to marriage to a Moroccan immigrant with whom they are still married. Only one of the interviewees traveled alone from Nador through the Mediterranean Sea.
5.4.1 Integration in the Domains
The interviews were designed around the five domains, with specific questions on each indicator (See appendix B: Initial Interview Questionnaire - Personal Data and General Information). The Moroccan immigrants interviewed came from the former Spanish protectorates. At the date of the interviews, less than a third of those interviewed did not have a residence permit or were awaiting renewal. The interviews were conducted in Spanish, the language that most of the participants speak fluently, and I translated since Spanish is my native language. In addition, participants chose to remain anonymous, so fictitious names were used in the results report.
Structural Integration
In order to study the level of integration in the structural domain, that is, in terms of the opportunities that the government has provided to Moroccan immigrants for their integration, I make questions that explored the experiences of the interviewees regarding access to the labor market, registration and access to social security, participation in education and training programs, their housing and their political participation not only now but also since their arrival in Spain.
Participation in the labor market According to the information collected, it was found that the average age of arrival of the Moroccan men in Spain was 20 to 25 years and 80% of the interviewed have remained in the country for a period of between 15 and 18 years. Only ten percent of those interviewed were
38 unemployed, including unpaid work at home. The rest of them were salaried or had their own business in the informal sales sector. At the time of their arrival, most of them had no work experience, or their experience was limited to agricultural production, therefore they were engaged in fruit collection (mainly oranges) or construction work. Most of them have been working in the same field in which they started, but three of the interviewees changed to a more qualified job, that represented higher incomes. Regarding social mobility, three cases were found: Jarod (42 years old) from Yebala, who started working in construction and temporary fruit harvesting and now runs a small family business selling second-hand clothes. By his part, Abdul (38 years old) and Aziz (34 years old) from Nador, arrived with employment contracts as farmers and after ten years they obtained driver's licenses as truckers. Now they work transporting goods across Europe. Although the monthly income is higher, Abdul considers that work has its complications "It is a difficult job when you have a family, I earn more money, but I can only see my wife and my little son, for 10 days every two months, at least with the fruit picking I only worked seasonally” (Abdul).
Regarding the work done by women, those who belong to the first-generation affirm that they have worked taking care of the elderly or as cleaners in family homes, and although none has had multiple jobs, they are also in charge of domestic work in their homes. For their part, second-generation interviewees agree that they want to have better jobs than their parents, and for this, they want to study. One of the interviews, Zeneth (19 years old), affirms that her religious condition is a barrier to getting a job, "It is difficult for a Muslim woman to get a good job, even if you have studied because once the interviewers see you in the hijab (headscarf), they prefer not to hire you” (Zeneth). Although she clarifies that in general neither she nor her friends have been discriminated.
Social security According to National Laws, social care is the responsibility of the autonomous community. In the Valencian Community, within the social integration plan, access to health and social assistance is guaranteed. In this regard, all people interviewed stated that they are registered in the municipal census and they have health care. However, the immigrants without a residence permit affirm that they do not use medical services for fear of being reported or persecuted. In
39 this sense, the members of the organizations interviewed stated that many Moroccan immigrants do not have access to social services due to lack of information.
In regard to the Spanish language, in several interviews, the language barrier was detected as an impediment to the reception of the health service, especially for newcomers, since, on the one hand, they have not always a person to accompany them to medical appointments as a translator, and on the other hand, they do not feel comfortable talking about their health in front of friends, relatives or their children, "I went to the doctor the first time because I had abdominal pain, but I did not answer many questions because I felt ashamed, not only with the doctor who was a man but also with the person who accompanied me. From there, I decided not set foot in a hospital until I can speak for myself” (Zara, 31 years old).
Concerning the bilateral health care agreements between Morocco and Spain, respondents said that it is easier to register with the health service like other immigrants since the process for the Certificate of Non-export of the right to health from Morocco is difficult and delayed. Regarding Social Security, the volunteers interviewed consider that the health services are good, but the lack of information is a barrier since, due to the lack of knowledge of the registration process, many immigrants are excluded from health care.
Education and training In respect of the level of studies of the first-generation interviewees, it was found that more men than women had completed studies, on average, 2 to 1 in primary and secondary education. However, none of the interviewees had third-level studies. In contrast, in the second- generation, all the interviewees had completed the Compulsory Basic Education (Educación Secundaria Obligatoria, ESO), and a third of them continued towards tertiary education, leaning more towards professional education than university studies because they want to get a job, "I need to work as soon as possible to be able to help my parents and my siblings. Also, I do not have money to pay for college, which is expensive, and also time consuming” (Zamira, 18 years old).
40 Regarding training and education in Spain, all interviewees have successfully participated in language courses offered by the city council or non-governmental organizations. They speak Spanish because they recognize it as a necessary language for their performance in society. Among those who have received training, courses related to construction, housing for the elderly (for women), and gardening stand out. As for the Host Schools that are taught in PANGEA and organizations like the Red Cross and Caritas, immigrants think they are especially useful. Among Moroccan immigrants, there is recognition of these courses, and their existence is communicated to newcomers as an opportunity, "Everyone knows that if you want to do well in Spain (with documents), you have to take the courses...The problem is that the police also know where you go to take the courses and they wait for you near the exit, if you do not have residence papers, they will arrest you and send you back to Morocco” (Caleb, 30 years old). Concerning the understanding of the language, through the interviews, it was detected good use of Spanish. In general, they have learned the language quickly because it is essential, "If you do not talk, do not work and if you do not work you do not earn money to pay the bills and food” (Mohammed, 42 years old).
However, 80% of the first-generation interviewees did not speak Valencian (the autochthonal language), because they considered that it is not necessary. Men generally only use Spanish because it is quite common for them to travel to different regions to look for work. In contrast, all the immigrants of the second-generation speak Spanish, Valencian, and their mother language. For women, learning the language is important not only to get a job, but as a symbol of independence, as they express it, "You need to speak Spanish to live every day, to buy things or take a bus. I needed to know Spanish to understand my children and their teachers because they often speak Spanish” (Sohath, 33 years old). "I learned because I got tired of depending on everyone all the time”(Zaida, 31years old). "I wanted to do my own things, stop being like a child” (Shadia, 28 years old).
Finally, about the knowledge of the host country and the laws, a discrepancy was found between the approach of the Plans in the Valencian Community and the expectations of the interviewees. Immigrants have no knowledge about how institutions work and what rights and benefits they have, "Before I arrived at Spain I thought that I had to pay for everything, but
41 when I came I realized that many things were free. So, if you can go to a gardening course or get vaccinated for free, you don't ask if there is another option, you just take it (Alal, 50 years old).
On the other hand, immigrants do not have legal advice to facilitate the processing of their permanent residence, "We help each other with what we know because it is not easy to pay a lawyer, but without one, sometimes we do things wrong. For example, I did not register in the municipality when I arrived because I did not have papers, so I worked for four years in the dark, and now I have to wait more years to get the residence permit, while my friends who did the registration as soon as they arrived already have their residence permit" (Hadid, 35 years old). In addition, the interviewees agreed that they would like to have a more institutionalized language education since the courses in which they participate are generally taught by volunteers who "... Despite their good intentions, do not know how to teach because they do not understand the problems that we as immigrants have with the language" (Ramdhar, 32 years old). In this sense, the members of organizations argue that the biggest problem they face is the lack of real resources to hire people specialized in different areas. Since much of the integration strategy in the Valencian Community is based on the voluntary work of organizations, unions, or associations. The government does not provide them with a real budget, but on the contrary, has gradually dismantled, courses reducing or canceling the budget for immigration benefits.
Housing Most of the immigrants interviewed live in single-family houses with access to all basic public services. The houses are in neighborhoods with a high percentage of immigrants because rents are cheaper, they met their friends often, and they obtain products from their country. No cases of residential or geographic mobility were found within the interviewees, some of them moved to larger homes in the same building or street, However, a small percentage of interviewees preferred not to answer the questions about housing.
None of the interviewees received government subsidies to pay their rent or knew of the existence of subsidies to improve the condition of their home. In this regard, one of the interviewees said "We did not come to ask for money, we came to work and earned our own
42 money. If I were so poor here that I had to ask for money, I would prefer to return to my country where I can work and earn my own money even if it is not enough" (Hassan, 42 years old). Concerning the condition of the houses, in general, the interviewees declared that these were good houses, although they had some problems such as leaks or low humidity, especially in winter, because the houses have not been maintained for many years.
Social Integration
Concerning family conformation, most of the interviewees (18) are living with their families in Spain (husband/wife-children), most women had ties with their partner before reaching the country. As for men, all of them are married to Moroccan women too. They went to Morocco to find their partner after living in Spain. Only one case was found in which a woman, Shadia travels alone from her country, "I came alone to avoid mistreatment of my family in Nador, I arrived ill in Spain and here they helped me with everything, now I am studying to care for the elderly” (Shadia, 28 years old). Almost all the immigrants interviewed agree that Spain is a good place for their families to be, and for their children to make friends and make their own lives. In contrast, one of them said that he preferred to keep his family in his home country, "Here is not a good place for children, they do what they want, parents do not exist. There is no respect for older people, there are no values, In Morocco, they are better", said Ahmad, a man of 29 years old with four children living in Morocco, the oldest is 8 years old.
Furthermore, interviews show that the average number of children per household is three, who attend different extra-class activities such as soccer schools, music, or language courses. Parents also have contact with Spanish people during their children's activities, their daily life, and at work. However, when asked about the nationality of the people they frequent in their free time, the first-generation interviewees agreed that their friends are people from the same Moroccan nationality, with whom they feel most comfortable. In contrast, second-generation interviewees have friends from different nationalities, giving priority to those from their parents' country of origin and Spanish. In general, their best friends were in the school, the neighborhood, or to a lesser extent, within his relatives.
43 Cultural Integration
The men interviewed stated that they are not interested in taking part in any cultural or religious organization, however, the women interviewed showed a higher degree of participation in organizations. All of them were linked within a civil or religious organization, not only for their religious practices but also to carry out typical activities of their culture and celebrate the festivals of their country, which are generally linked to religious rites, "It is like having a little piece of Morocco here, in this land, a place where they support us when we feel alone" (Fatima, 31 years old).
Regarding the celebration of the Spanish holidays, all the immigrants interviewed stated that they attended and celebrated important Spanish dates such as Christmas and New Year. The first-generation because their children follow these traditions and they like it, and the second- generation because the celebrations are also considered part of their own culture.
Identity
In general terms, the interviewees expressed their willingness to remain in Spain, a country that they consider their “home”, and are satisfied living in this community. They consider their city within the Valencian Community as a good place to live, "Here we have the right to free health and school, everything is fine, it is a safe and quiet place" (Omar). “Spain has good people, here if you work more, you can earn good money. You have everything you need, and the reality is that you don't need much to be happy", said Feisal (48 years old) while smiling.
All Moroccans of the first-generation identified themselves as Moroccans and considered their children to be Spanish by being born and grew up in the Spanish culture. At the same time, second-generation immigrants state that they feel rooted both in their parents' country and in Spain.
Regarding which language is spoken with friends and which language at home, first and the second-generation agree that they speak the mother tongue at home (Arabic or Berber). However, with their friends, the first-generation speaks in their native language, or if it is necessary, in Spanish, while the second-generation speaks in Valencian, showing greater linguistic integration at the local level by the immigrants of the second-generation.
44 Islamophobia and racism
On the issue of racism and islamophobia, more than half of the migrants interviewed said they did not feel discriminated against due to their ethnicity. However, they were reluctant to express their religious ties within the first part of the interview. Later they claimed to be not very practicing Muslims, and finally explained that it was very difficult to talk about it, "Thanks to Trump everybody thinks that, all of us, the followers of Islam are terrorists and look at us with distrust, that's why it's better to say nothing" (Samir, 22).
In this sense, during the interviews with the volunteers, it was expressed that there is a small population that shows a certain lack of acceptance against the Moroccans and Arabs, “They are contemptuously called Moors, and are considered by some to be negative and invasive elements in the Spain culture. Unfortunately, the immigrants notice it and depending on the sensitivity of each person, it can profoundly affect their integration process, said Gloria, a social worker who is part of the immigrant integration group in an NGO.
Adrian, another member of the organizations, interviewed, affirmed that racism has increased with the increase in power of the far-right party VOX, which has led to isolated cases of discrimination in schools, which have been handled and resolved effectively by local authorities, “The good thing is that now immigrants and we can also report cases of discrimination not only to special entities but also within forums and spaces for participation that have been opened so that immigrants and organizations can express themselves and help the change”(Adrian, International Humanitarian Organization Officer). When the immigrants were asked if they felt unsafe or discriminated due to their culture or religion, all respondents said that they felt safe within the society and did not feel pressured to put aside their culture or traditions or adopt a new identity to be recognized.
Civil and Political Participation
Regarding civil and political participation, all interviewees that had the right to vote said that since they acquired their right to vote, they have always participated in the elections, especially to prevent right-wing policies from advancing. However, none of them was registered as a militant of any political party.
Concerning civil participation in organizations, all the interviewees stated that they had attended courses in an organization throughout their lives in Spain, and two of them carried out
45 volunteer work in NGOs. Regarding cultural or sports associations, the first-generation interviewees affirm that they are linked to several of them, where their children carry out activities, but they acknowledge that they do not play an active role within organizations.
Finally, relating to the Associations of Moroccan Immigrants, none of the immigrants are registered with them, but all of them have a positive opinion of the work carried out by the associations. One of them said, "it is a place where we can go and ask for help in our language, they understand and advise us. They also help poor people there in my country and it is a good thing, I have collaborated sometimes" (Caleb).
Transnational Relations
Regarding links with the country of origin, the first-generation interviews have parents, siblings, and relatives in Morocco. At least 80% visit their country of origin for an average of 3-5 weeks every two years. "I go whenever I can, although we are a little closer it is expensive to travel with the whole family, because if I want to go, my wife also wants to see her family, and also I have to travel with my children. Sometimes we prefer to stay here and send the money because in Morocco, they have more needs" (Jarod).
As for the investments made in Morocco, most of them have no interest in having assets in their country of origin, but all the first-generation interviewees send remittances to Morocco for their parents or siblings every three or four months. When the interviewees were questioned about their desire to return to live in Morocco, they expressed their willingness to visit Morocco only for holidays and to stay in Spain for the rest of their lives, although they acknowledge being strongly linked to their country of origin.
Following the same line, the second-generation of interviews was questioned about the place with which they felt rooted, 60% of the interviewees identified Morocco and the rest identified Morocco + Spain, showing a greater feeling for the country of origin of their parents than for Spain. In the same domain, no difference was found between identification with the Valencian Community or Spain.
Finally, the interviewees were asked about what they considered should be improved from the State and the Autonomous Community to favor integration. The respondents considered that
46 the integration plans and programs work well and do not find something that they would like to change today. On the other hand, all immigrants expressed concern about illegal Moroccan immigrants, who should be helped more because they are exploited and persecuted. However, all interviewees agreed that once the immigrant has the residence permit, everything works well.
From the interviews, it can be extracted that although the plans and programs apply an equal approach to rights, in practice Moroccan immigrants do not have access to many of these rights due to lack of information, deficiencies in language teaching and, lack of translators in the social sphere or in health services. For this reason, it is difficult for them to enjoy all rights on equal terms with the native population.
47
Chapter Six: Conclusions
In order to investigate whether Moroccan immigrants who arrived in the Valencian Community are integrated into the Society, specific indicators were used to measure their level of integration in the different spheres or domains of their life. According to the results obtained from the data collected, it was concluded that the integration of Moroccan immigrants is different in each of the domains studied.
It is necessary to clarify that the number of interviews carried out in the fieldwork is not representative of the total population of Moroccan immigrants living in the Valencian Community, however, the answers obtained were quite homogeneous despite the differences in age and gender. Concerning the structural domain, that is, of the rights that the state provides to immigrants, the generalization is considered valid, taking into account that autonomous laws and programs have been analyzed. However, it is necessary to take into account that in each one of the municipalities, a different budget is allocated and more or fewer programs and aid are implemented for immigrants, so the assessments of the services received may vary from one municipality to another.
To concretize the results obtained in this study, the questions that motivated the investigation were answered according to the findings made, beginning with the subsidiary questions and ending with the general one:
What are the rights granted by law for Moroccan immigrants in Spain?, and What are the guarantees offered in the integration plans for Moroccan immigrants within the Valencian Community? Based on the liberal egalitarianism perspective in which this study is framed, it could be said that, the plans and programs provide for immigrants the same rights as for their nationals, except the right to vote. Also, within the integration plans, learning courses were created as a
48 tool that allows immigrants to have access to different spheres of integration such as labor market, social and cultural development, among others. Once Moroccan immigrants are on the municipal register, regardless of their residence permit, they have the right to education, health care, and the protection of their fundamental freedoms. Furthermore, within the Valencian integration plans, specific institutions have been created that Moroccan immigrants can access if they feel that their fundamental rights are no protected.
In legal terms, in the Valencian Community, the rights of Moroccan immigrants are framed in the European law and the Human Rights perspective. The Moroccan immigrants with the residence permit had the same level of access that the Spanish people to the labor market, housing, the social security system, with exception of the political participation in which they have no right to vote in all the elections. Nevertheless, despite the Valencian Community has greater guarantees as universal health and school for all the immigrants, the immigrants who have not the residence permit were in disadvantage in some fields, as education and training, housing, labor, social security system, and civic and political participation, a point at which it would be worth deepening in future research.
What are the challenges that Moroccan immigrants face in their integration process in the Valencian Community?
Once Moroccan immigrants arrive in Spain, specifically the Valencian Community, they face various challenges in their incorporation into the new society in each of the different domains studied:
One of the challenges that Moroccan immigrants face in their integration process is obtaining information about the rights and guarantees that they enjoy as immigrants. This is due in part to the lack of centralized information about training courses, access to employment, registration procedures necessary to access their health and education rights, and legal advice on immigration matters, among others. Given that within the plans several institutions and organizations provide different services.
49 Another major challenge for Moroccan immigrants is the language barrier, which creates a wall between them and the host society. Although many immigrants have networks of friends or family who accompany and help them, not being able to speak Spanish creates in immigrants a general feeling of powerlessness and disability; especially regarding normal routines like going to the doctor, shopping, or talking to their children's teachers.
In this sense, for adults, integration plans include several courses, but these are generally taught by volunteers in organizations, which makes the quality of the training received not adequate. It is important to point out that, although everyone has the right to assist to courses taught in social organizations, its use is not very widespread, since immigrants in an irregular state fear being found by the authorities and deported to Morocco. This means that these rights cannot be enjoyed in practice.
On the other side, due to the Spanish government has taken the multicultural approach in terms of integration of immigrants, Morocco immigrants follow their cultural traditions and religious rites without obstacles, they know the work carried out by the Immigrant Associations and other cultural and social organizations and they use them if necessary. In addition, they celebrate the traditions of their own culture and at the same time, they have successfully adopted celebrations of the Spanish and Valencian culture. Regarding ties with the country of origin, all interviewees visit Morocco every two years on average, and maintain strong ties with their families, relatives, and in general with their country of origin.
Concerning the chosen theory, it can be said that although liberal egalitarianism perspective seeks to recognize the rights of all the inhabitants of a territory, in practice its implementation is not an easy task. In the case of Moroccan immigrants in Spain, the laws of the Valencian Community and the integration plans grant immigrants equal access to basic rights. However, there is no adequate budget for carrying out social and cultural integration activities. For this reason, immigrants take refuge in groups belonging to the same nationality and are not integrated at these levels, which also causes a lack of identity with Spain.
50 Are Moroccans Immigrants who arrive in the Valencian Community, integrated into the Society? The integration of Moroccan immigrants in the Valencian Community occurs at distinct levels according to the domain studied. The information collected showed a high degree of integration in the structural domain; Moroccan immigrants are linked to institutions such as the labor market, education, and training, or social security and recognize the social structure of the Valencian Community and welcome it, for example, they send their children to school and participate in parent associations or clubs.
In contrast to the structural level, the first-generation immigrants showed a low level of integration in the other domains; All of them have lived in immigrant neighborhoods, since their arrival in Spain in general in the Moroccan sector. Furthermore, they are related to other immigrants, from their own country, and none of them consider that they have Spanish friends. Furthermore, all marriages are endemic (among Moroccans), even though their emotional relationships began after the arrival of male immigrants to Spain, and their participation with the host country is limited to work time or other obligations. Nonetheless, the second- generation, showed higher level of integration than their parents, since they are related to both Moroccan and Spanish people and culture. In contrast, none of the interviewees considered Spain as their country of origin in the first instance, which shows the coexistence of the two cultures, even for generations born in Spanish territory.
Moroccan immigrants are integrated into Valencian society at various levels according to the integration domain studied. Given the results found, it can be said that there is a high degree of integration at the structural level, an intermediate degree of integration at the cultural level, but at the same time, Moroccan immigrants show strong ties to their country of origin and manage a low level of integration in the social and identity domains, it should be noted that the results vary in the second-generation, who manage a greater degree of integration in Spanish society.
In sum, considering that integration is a holistic process of mutual adaptation in which immigrant minorities and the native majority are expected to create a new intercultural basis for identification and solidarity within a relationship of equal opportunities. It can be said that
51 Moroccans Immigrants who arrive in the Valencian Community are not totally integrated into the Society since, the information collected showed that, there is a high level of integration of Moroccans in the structural domain, but the Integration at the social, cultural, identity, civic and political level is still in its infancy. It should be noted that the second-generation of immigrants showed a higher degree of integration at all levels, which is considered an advance in terms of multicultural integration and an indication of greater integration in future generations.
Finally, In the field of this study, it remains to be investigated the real situation of Moroccan immigrants without a residence permit, and the rights that they can enjoy compared to other immigrants in the Valencian Community .
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61 Appendix
Appendix A. Indicators of Immigrant Integration.
INDICADORES DE INTEGRACION DE INMIGRANTES Domains Categories Indicators Labour Market Participation • The number of unemployed • Distribution by field of activity • Number of people with their own business • Weekly work hours for identical work Social Security Total beneficiaries of the Social Security System • The percentage of children of immigrants receiving the subsidy • Total interviewees registered in Social Security (health). • Number of people who have work permits. • Sectors in which they work (services, agricultural, construction, etc. Structural Education and training • Acquisition of the Spanish language by immigrants • Learning of the Valencian language • Learning of the Spanish language by their children • Level of scholarship of the interviewees • Level of scholarship of their children Housing • Residential segregation of immigrants • Percentage of immigrants living in standard homes • Percentage of immigrants residing in homes with all basic facilities (toilet, bathroom, running water, electricity) • Percentage of immigrants with own house Social • The proportion of mixed marriages
• Family size
Family and social composition • Language used in social relations
• Circle of friendships / ethnic composition of peer groups among immigrants Cultural Changing values, attitudes, behaviour and lifestyle • Participation in cultural events, celebration of Spain cultural celebrations • Value systems • Celebration of Spain Cultural celebrations Identity Shared Identity • Feel safe, accepted and not threatened in the host society and sense of • Knowledge of the history, language, culture and habits of the host society. Belonging • Participation in cultural events, celebration of Spain cultural celebrations Civic In Community life, • Participation in political parties and and Democratic •Participation in elections (Voting Behaviour) Political Process • Political mobilization (informal / formal) Participation • Participation in Civil Organizations
• Time intervals in which they visit the country
Transnational Links with the • Existence of family or relatives Relations Country of Origen • Economic investments madethe manifestation of the desire
to return
Own creation
62
Appendix B : Initial Interview Questionnaire - Personal Data and General Information
LINNE UNIVERSITET MASTER PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT 2019
Initial Interview Questionnaire - Personal Data and General Information This information is part of the Research project on the Integration of Moroccan immigrants in different cities of the Valencian Community. All information will be used for academic purposes only and the answers provided will be kept completely confidential. Questionnaire number _____ Personal information Date Sex F___ M____ Place of origin: Profession: Educational level: Marital Status: Single ___ Married___ Separated ___ Other Nationality of your partner Do they live together permanently? How many members of your family do you live with in Spain? Are there other relatives who do not live with you? (Who?) (Where are they)
Immigration Arrival year ______What was the main reason you left your home country? possible answers: Earn more money _____ Get together with family or friends _____ Live in safer conditions (not just financial) ____ Give children a better future _____ Be (politically) free____ Get health care ____ To study _____ Others (specify) ______Why did you choose Spain and not another European country? (several possible answers: I expected to find a job more easily ____ I expected to earn more than in other places ___
63 To be closer to your country of origin ____ To be closer to your acquaintances, friends or relatives ____ For better healthcare _____ For knowledge of the language ____ Other reason? Why this city?
Relationship with your country of origin How often, on average, do you return to your home country? Do you plan to return to live in your country of origin? Invest or send money there? Are you planning for your relatives to come to live in Spain?
Occupation -Working Information Employee____ Self Employed ____ Student _____ Homemaker ____Pensioner____ Others Specify: Do you have a paid job of any kind? Work hours How did I find this job? How long have you kept that same job? Past work experience What kind of work have you done in the past? In her country? In Spain?
Family and Friends Composition Do you have children? How many? ______which age) Who cares for them? They go to school. The friends you hang out with in your spare time, when you are not working, are Only Spanish ____ Only non-Spanish _____ (nationality) Others? Do you share time with Spanish people? where or when (in what activities) Friends____ Spanish Neighbors of the house______, Parents of children's classmates_____, Colleagues from work______Other (specify)
Cultural Integration How often do you use the Spanish language?
64 At home______workfree time______Do you participate in an association or Ngo as a volunteer? Do you celebrate or participate in Spanish activities? (Christmas, national and religious holidays, etc.) Do you celebrate the holidays of your country? _____ if yes, How? What do you like most about Spanish culture? Do you feel welcome in this city? ______Why? Do you see yourself as a member of a group that is subject to discrimination in Spain? If yes: What kind of discrimination? In what sense? What are the signs? (events - e.g. about work, etc.) What do you think is the cause of this discrimination? (random answer order) Race or skin color ___ Nationality / ethnic group ____ Religion Language ____ Age ____ Sex ____ Sexual Orientation ____ Other (specify ...)
Migratory Status In relation to the residence permit, what is your position? How long have you been allowed? I have a residence permit _____ To stay _____ I am waiting renewal_____ I still do not have permission _____ Other answer (specify ...) ------Interviewer Assessment Questionnaire Number _____ Interview date: __ / __ / ____ City ______1. Assessment 0 to 10 in the level of understanding of the interviewee's questions (from the linguistic point of view): 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 2. Assessment 0 to 10 on the veracity of the information provided: 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Additional Information that is considered relevant:
______
65